then rose to move an address in answer to the Speech from the throne, which the House had just heard read. He began by observing, that it was not his original intention to apologies to the House for the duty he had upon this occasion undertaken. It was one connected with the most flattering public considerations, and introduced on the proudest day that any member of that House had had the opportunity of ever witnessing. Since, however, he had determined on accepting the honour of making the present motion, he was more forcibly struck with its importance than at first sight he had been, and, consequently, more impressed with his own inability to do justice to so glorious a theme. The session now happily opened with the assurance of a lasting peace—a peace not alone for Europe, but for the whole civilized world. He sincerely regretted that his royal highness the Prince Regent was prevented, by indisposition, from making this pleasing communication in person to parliament, and receiving in return from his people those heartfelt congratulations which such tidings would elicit from those whose invincible spirit and perseverance had attained so glorious a result. It was also a matter of regret that the continuance of his Majesty's indisposition rendered it impossible for him to participate, as he would otherwise deeply have done, in the universal joy of the present times.

But he would pass to the more pleasing subject of congratulating the House on the blessings of peace. This was a sound which had long become a stranger to their ears, and when the documents connected with it were laid before them, if they were—as he was persuaded they would be—of a nature to add to the character and honour of the country, then the terms in the Address with which he should conclude, would not be found to have overrated the great advantages obtained by the nation from this measure. The House would permit him to call to its recollection, that for the last two years the great object of the councils, not only of this country, but of Europe, was peace and peace alone. This was only to be obtained by the renunciation, on the part of France, of that unjust frenzy for conquest) which for the last twenty years had spread desolation over Europe. It was in this spirit of sincere pacification that the Allies first entered the conquered capital of France; their only security for the attainment of this desirable object was, to remove from the throne of that empire that man, who was no less the scourge of his own country, than of the rest of Europe. It was true, and also to be regretted, that the Allies had not then availed themselves of the facilities which their means afforded, of removing the works of art, which were the spoils of other countries. But their policy was more than liberal upon that occasion; they met France on an equality of terms; they left her a greater extent of country than she possessed before she sent from her bosom that fire which had nearly consumed Europe. Even the national rival ship of this country sought no more than what was strictly and honourably right, and limited its views to the forbear.; ante of the allied powers.

Such was the feeling which pervaded the Congress assembled at Vienna to heal those grievances, and to repair that disorganization which France had wantonly caused, and yet she was herself summoned to take part and to co-operate in those important deliberations. The potentates there met in good faith, to restore to each country the undisturbed enjoyment of its proper possessions. They were not long employed in this generous and pacific work, when the disturber of the world burst from his retirement—not captivity. He appeared again in France, and re-entered Paris with a sort of military ovation, triumphing, in fact, over the apathy of the people, and haughtily showing to indignant Europe the sad spectacle of an unprincipled army, whose insatiate lust for conquest was still in full action. The people of England, of Europe, saw this proceeding; they felt it as became men of honest minds, and cordially united in the common cause. They used their best exertions to put down the military system that re-appeared in France, and adopted the manly, energetic, and eloquent sentiments of a right hon. gentleman, not now in his place (Mr. Gratin), who had spent a long and honourable public life in endeavoring to establish peace abroad, and to conciliate contending opinions at home. In adopting such a rule of conduct, they acted wisely; and thanks to Almighty God, who vouchsafed to crown it with success on the plains of Waterloo! It was that sort of contest, in which the genius of good and evil struggled for pre-eminence. The one party animated by honour, the other led on by despair. The conflict was, doubtless, dreadful; and, perhaps, there was only one man, and but the troops of one nation, who were capable of achieving such a victory. The duke of Wellington, upon that occasion, added an unfading wreath to his laurelled brow, and surpassed all his former glories in the splendor of his last action—(Loud cries of Hear, hear!) Seldom, if ever was there a battle attended by such important advantages. It replaced the king of France upon his throne, and restored peace to Europe. It drove Buonaparté to a second abdication. He disappeared; and even then, although his abode was unknown, and no man could assure himself that the chieftain might not again burst from his retreat and convulse the world—even then this victory was declared matchless in its value. But what did it not become, when the object of our hostility alone appeared, not indeed with war and terror in his train, but as a prisoner begging admission into that country which had ever been his deadliest enemy? To a generous mind, fallen grandeur was always a painful sight, and one could not refrain from moralising at seeing Buonaparté seeking an asylum in that nation, to the annihilation of whose interest he had invariably directed his worst hostility, and at the same time pronouncing her "the most constant and most generous of his enemies." The course pursued by his Majesty's ministers upon that interesting occasion, was a fit object of praise—their bitter enemy was in their hands, and they treated him with all the kindness of which his situation was susceptible; they did not, indeed, forget the public safety, nor overlook the proper caution, which made it true policy to guard against the revival of any hope, either in their prisoner or his adherents, of again having the power to disturb the repose of Europe.

Such was the course of events soon after Parliament had last separated. The principal object in which Europe was then engaged was the restoration of the Bourbon family, and the completion of such arrangements as were likely to ensure the general tranquility. The honourable baronet then called the attention of the House to that part of his Royal Highness's Speech which referred to the precautionary measures adopted by this country on the continent, in conjunction with her Allies; some circumstances connected with which were, he thought, fit subjects of congratulation. The person now on the throne of France, was one whom we had yet no reason to suspect of bad faith, and whose character at least afforded us a prospect (though, God knew the experience of the past ought to repress all sanguine expectations!) of something like a lasting peace. It was, however, desirable to have more solid security than individual disposition, and at the same time not to require more than was strictly necessary. Experience showed the necessity of leaving no loose power in France and of retaining in our own hands a sufficiency to repel any attempt at re-action. It was also essential that the cause of justice should not be forgotten. In this view the restitution of the pictures and statues which had been rifled from the nations of Europe, in direct violation of the practice of modern war, was become a duty. Those trophies were to disappear, which we had not the courage to take from a haughty soldiery at the first occupation of Paris. This was due to the Allies, but more especially to France herself, who was thereby prevented from having before her eyes the fruits of her conquests and unjust aggression. When the papers connected with this restitution were laid before Parliament, the country would have reason to applaud the firmness of the British negotiator. It was extremely natural for the veteran leader of the Prussian armies to have said, on his arrival in Paris—"Those works are now mine—no matter what were your claims or titles to their possession—the right of conquest has made them change masters, and they no longer are identified with your property." But what was the conduct of the British Government on that occasion? Its representative, in his intermediation, maintained on the part of his country a high-minded disinterestedness. He became the honest advocate of the weak and friendless. Of all the wondrous works of art that formed the plunder, and any of which would have been a splendid ornament for a nation like this, not one was stipulated for England—a hint would have been sufficient to ensure the present, and the minister nobly disdained to give it—he satisfied himself with giving to France, in the words of our great Commander, "a moral lesson," which she wanted, and found his reward in administering justice to the real owners of the plundered property.

It was scarcely necessary to remind the House, that in all the measures taken to ensure the Peace, England put in no claim beyond what she had stipulated for, and obtained by the previous Treaty of Paris. She sought safety, not aggrandizement; and it was therefore, that he did not hesitate to call for the concurrence of the House in the congratulatory Address to the Prince Regent, which he was about to move upon the arrival of so glorious an era. They would, he was persuaded, agree with his Royal Highness, that the history of the country presented no equal moment of proud record. Perhaps the only period which could at all be brought into comparison with the present, was during the reign of Queen Anne. We then, as on the late occasion, obtained glory for our arms on the continent; we then, as on the late occasion, opposed ambition, and in the same country. A British general was also the undisputed hero of the field, and his prowess had led to general peace. It was worthy of remark in taking this retrospective glance, that the peace effected at the glorious epoch to which he alluded, was followed by a period of tranquility for twenty-five years. This was a happy omen in their present prospects. The only point of difference between the parties of that day, was an opinion maintained by some, that better terms might have been earlier commanded. Would any man in that House hazard such an opinion on the present Treaty? Assuredly not. There was one point which he had nearly forgotten, in, alluding to the former period of our glory. It was to that part of the Treaty of Utrecht, in which England stipulated, by the Assent Contract, for a slave monopoly of thirty years. What a gratifying contrast to such a stipulation did not her recent conduct present, in which, much to her honour and character, she for ever wrested the traffic in slaves from France, who seemed inclined to prolong it! It was impossible not to feel a proud gratification at this happy change in the policy of England, in a measure so vitally affecting the best interests of humanity.

The hon. baronet thought, then, that he had laid sufficient grounds for calling upon the House to address the Prince Regent in terms of warm acknowledgment, at the happy era which had now arrived. He was convinced the general sense of the nation would echo the voice of its representatives, in paying this just tribute to his Royal Highness. There was one point in the Speech of the Prince Regent, which certainly called forth the manifestation of universal sympathy—it was that which referred to the commercial and agricultural difficulties and distresses which at present prevailed among the community. But these embarrassments were the natural result of recent events. Besides, when the public considered the present crisis, they could not fairly judge of its character without looking at the tremendous evils from which they had escaped. Suppose, instead of standing as we now stood, an earlier moment had been seized of making a treaty with the late ruler of France, would real and bonâ fide repose have been the consequence of such a step; or would it not, to use the language of the right hon. gentleman already alluded to, have been "an apparent peace, and a real war?" If such a peace had unhappily been made to suit the interest of Buonaparté, this country would soon have had reason to repent its misplaced confidence. Let the country look fairly at its present situation, and calmly contemplate its whole bearings, and reflect, that it was not the part of wise men to complain, that the blessings they enjoyed were sometimes intermingled with alloy. Bad as the most desponding amongst us could make it; he would hardly be got to make an exchange with any of the other powers of Europe. Could we look to the present state of France in search of a superior portion of happiness was it in Prussia, Saxony, and the north of Germany, that we could cast a longing eye; or did the finances of Austria and Russia present a more gratifying picture? But these moments of temporary distress were not new in this country; the close of the American war was marked by a far more general depression. Could the minister of that day come forward like the present, and say to parliament—"Our revenues are flourishing?" Of a very different complexion was his communication; and yet we know, that by the aid of an enlightened minister, ten years sufficed to retrieve the national difficulties. What reason, then, was there for ill forebodings now, when the state of the country was in a firmer tone, and when a few, very few years, would, he trusted, bring about a better state of things for the general interests? Let us, exclaimed the hon. baronet, look at our situation fairly—let us recollect what the people have steadily endured during the last twenty-five years, for that which they considered a good cause—a properly understood policy. They bore their state with unexampled patience, because they believed the interests of the country required a sacrifice, and that it was the duty of a good subject to make it, in the hope of ultimately obtaining a durable peace. They had shown a boundless confidence in the measures of those who have at length concluded an arduous contest. Those ministers would, he was persuaded, feel their responsibility in an increased proportion with the unrestricted confidence of the people. If we confided in them when the risk and stake were greater, why not continue that confidence when both became so much less? The great object of government had been to aim at vast and important results. This policy necessarily led to heavy sacrifices—success had attended its course, and the struggle was now terminated. It was, he was convinced, the inclination of ministers, as he knew it to be their duty, to give every relief in their power to the pressure of the public burdens, consistently with the existing state of Europe. This was the general feeling—the public interest loudly called for it. There were many involved in serious and great distresses in the different classes of the community who were entitled to immediate relief, if any such could be suggested. Among those were numbers who had long contributed to the maintenance of the war, and who were now, from the removal of that capital which the government had had so long under its disposal, thrown out of their regular employments. There were also those whose friends and relatives had fallen in the contest, and who were not without their claim for public relief. The hon. baronet then warmly repeated the necessity of reposing confidence in ministers who had already shown them deserving of it, by the firmness and mode. Ration of their career. He called on the people of England, in animated terms, to bear, with fortitude, that pressure which a long series of warfare had naturally treated. They had shown, throughout a contest as unparalleled in its extent as it was glorious in its termination, a degree of firmness which had scarcely ever been displayed by any nation. He hoped that fortitude would still bear them up, and prevent them from being oppressed, under the new situation of the country, however unfavorable it might appear, by a distrust of their power to remove every difficulty. He trusted that ministers would do every thing in their power to relieve and to mitigate their distress. It was true policy—

At tu, ore, solare inopem, et succurre relictæ. Hanc sine me spem ferre tui; audentior ibo In casus omnes.

He trusted that the more general distress that was complained of would be found to be merely temporary and short-lived. After returning his thanks to the House for the attention with which they had honoured him, the hon. baronet concluded by moving,

"That an humble Address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, to thank his Royal Highness for the gracious Speech which he has directed to be delivered by the Lords Commissioners.

"To assure his Royal Highness that we deeply participate in the regret expressed by his Royal Highness at the continuance of his Majesty's lamented indisposition.

"That we receive with the greatest satisfaction his Royal Highness's communication of the restoration of peace throughout Europe; that we have wit- nessed with joy and exultation the splendid and decisive successes obtained by his Majesty's arms and those of his Allies, which led, at an early period of the campaign, to the re-establishment of the authority of his Most Christian Majesty in the capital of his dominions; that we receive with satisfaction his Royal Highness's assurance that it has been his most earnest endeavor to promote such arrangements as appeared to him best calculated to provide for the lasting repose and security of Europe; and we trust it will be found that, notwithstanding the difficulties which must have occurred in the adjustment of these arrangements, by moderation and firmness they have been effectually surmounted.

"That we are fully sensible that it is to the intimate union which has so happily subsisted between the allied powers that the nations of the continent have twice owed their deliverance; and are deeply impressed with the importance of maintaining in its full force that alliance from which so many advantages have already been derived, and which affords the best prospect of the continuance of peace.

"That we acknowledge his Royal Highness's goodness in directing copies of the several treaties and conventions to be laid before us, to which we shall not fail to apply our immediate attention.

"That being fully aware of the extraordinary situation in which the powers of Europe have been placed from the circumstances which have attended the French revolution, and more especially in consequence of the events of last year, we shall proceed to examine the precautionary measures which his Royal Highness has been induced to concur with his Allies in adopting, with every disposition to co-operate in such proceedings as may be essential to give effect to them, in the hope and expectation that they will be found to be dictated by the principles of justice and sound policy.

"To return our humble thanks to his Royal Highness for having directed the Estimates for the present year to be laid before us.

"To express our satisfaction at the assurance that the manufactures, commerce, and revenue of the United Kingdom are in a flourishing condition.

"To congratulate his Royal Highness on the effect of the great exertions which he was enabled to make in the course of last year, by which the contest in which we were engaged has been brought to so glorious and speedy a termination.

"To assure his Royal Highness that, fully sensible of the heavy pressure upon the country which such efforts could not fail to produce, we shall be anxious for the adoption of all such measures of economy as may be found consistent with the security of the country and of that station which we occupy in Europe.

"That we learn with satisfaction that the negotiations which were in progress in the course of the last session, with a view to a commercial arrangement between this country and the United States of America have been brought to a satisfactory issue; and, we trust, it will be found that the stipulations of the treaty, which his Royal Highness has been graciously pleased to direct to be laid before us, are such as will prove advantageous to the interests of both countries, and cement the good understanding which so happily subsists between them.

"That we sincerely rejoice that the hostilities in which we have been involved in the island of Ceylon and on the coati. Net of India have been brought to a successful conclusion: that we acknowledge with the utmost gratitude his Royal Highness's gracious acceptance and approbation of the support of parliament, and the perseverance and public spirit of his Majesty's people, to which, under Providence, he is pleased to ascribe the success of those exertions which have brought the extensive and momentous contest in which we have been so long engaged in Europe to a close, and which have exalted the character and military renown of the British nation beyond all former example.

"That we rely with confidence on his Royal Highness's constant endeavors to maintain, by the justice and moderation of his conduct, the high character which this country has acquired amongst the nations; of the world, and we cordially share in the hope expressed by his Royal Highness that the same union amongst ourselves which has enabled us to surmount so many dangers, and has brought this eventful struggle to so auspicious an issue, may now animate us in peace, and induce us cordially to co-operate in all those measures which may best manifest our gratitude for the Divine protection, and most effectually promote the prosperity and happiness of our country."

, in rising to second the Address which had been proposed, felt his incapacity of entering into the topics afforded by the Prince Regent's most gracious Speech, in a more able or eloquent manner than that in which they had been treated by the hon. baronet. But there were a few points to which he was, desirous of calling the attention of the House. In the first place, he concurred in lamenting the continued indisposition of our beloved Sovereign; and though he regretted his own inability to expatiate on the situation of this country, with as much eloquence as the subject deserved, yet was that situation so proud, as to need little more than the simple eloquence of unsophisticated truth if we looked back but a few months, and entered into the situation in which this country was then placed; if we considered the perils we had escaped, and the anxieties from which we had been relieved; and if in considering these things, the uncertainty of all human affairs—as it could not fail to do—forced itself on our imagination, we should say that surely this was not a time for congratulations of an ordinary nature, for the common descant on the velour of troops, the prudence of officers, and the steadiness of naval and military discipline; but our congratulations should turn on the brightened prospects of the country—on a well-secured peace, the result, after a long and anxious conflict, of energy and decision in our councils and skill in that great commander to whom, under Providence, this result was more immediately to be attributed. He hoped he should be forgiven for alluding to this illustrious individual; but when we called to our recollection the armies of France dispersed and subdued, Napoleon conquered and humiliated, it was to him we were indebted for the proudest era that this country had ever known. He should contrast the present peace with that which was concluded in the year 1802. Buonaparté was at that time entering into treaties for no other purpose than that of violating them; he was forming alliances hostile to Great Britain; our prospects on every side were gloomy, and the peace in itself precarious and uncertain. Now we had obtained the reward of our firmness and perseverance; we had reaped the harvest of all our exertions. By our example, Europe had recovered from the slavery and devastation of which, during the last twenty years, she had been the devoted victim; and though he was far from wishing to trample on a fallen foe, yet he could not, without proud satisfaction, call to his recollection some of the circumstances that marked the humiliation of our bitterest enemy. When he beheld him volunteering his surrender, and relying on the magnanimity of that nation be had most offended—when he beheld him approaching, as a prisoner, that soil he once dreamt of beholding with other hopes, he could not but consider the contrast gratifying to every English heart; and he felt himself called upon to do justice to the noble lord opposite (lord Castlereagh), and to the other members of administration. It was to them, to their councils and their firmness that we owed the results that had been obtained; and, for his part, he should always consider it a matter of exultation and triumph that he had lived at such a period, and had supported such a cause. It was a gratifying thought that this country had become the rallying point of justice and legitimacy. Nor was it to Europe alone that our successes had been confined, or the northern hemisphere the only theatre of our glory. In Candy a most execrable tyrant had been dethroned, and the termination of the war in Nepal afforded a distinct subject of congratulation. These circumstances, though lost in the gem, earl blaze of splendid success, were not without their share of importance. Our eastern empire, from which we derived so many advantages, had thereby been placed in a state of security that promised the happiest results for the future. He would ask, if any one who recollected the horrors which Europe had suffered during the last twenty years, the slaughters that had raged, and the millions of victims that had been immolated, could consider these things, and not be thankful for the blessings we enjoyed? Secure in the protection of our immortal constitution, we had heard the thunder rolling at a distance, and had beheld UN. Hurt the flash that darted destruction. It was true that we had not enjoyed this blessing unalloyed with evil: the privations we had endured were great and manifold. But what Englishman was there, who would not consider these sacrifices as light in comparison of the benefits we had acquired—benefits that would be entailed to his latest posterity? Who would not feel proud at our political prospects—who would not exult at the glories we had acquired? Alone and unsupported, in the midst of general defeat and consternation, we had stemmed the torrent of despo- tism, and checked the career of the conqueror. Alone and unsupported, England had, for years, been the rallying point of legitimate government—the champion of rational liberty—and the defender of national independence. But if any there were who entertained different sentiments as to the necessary sacrifices we had made for the attainment of these important objects, let them at least recollect the dangers we had passed, the difficulties we had surmounted, and contrast the situation we now hold with that in which we might have been placed, had our deadliest foe prevailed in the contest. The hon. gentleman concluded by recommending unanimity in supporting administration through the difficulties with which, after such a struggle, they must necessarily have to contend. Ilea trusted that government would do all in its power to alleviate the distresses unavoidably consequent on such a contest as we had been engaged in; that the public resources would be husbanded with the strictest economy; and he had no doubt that agriculture would shortly recover from that depression under which it labored at present; a depression, occasioned by circumstances which no human foresight could have anticipated or prevented; but while we deplored the evils that to a certain extent unfortunately did prevail, he trusted we should turn a deaf ear to those who would teach us to despond, and heed not the warnings of such gloomy prophets.

rose to move an amendment, and prefaced his speech by an apology for the nearly inaudible manner in which a severe hoarseness compelled him to address the House. Exclusively of this indisposition he had to encounter the difficulty of following a hon. baronet, who had opened the debate in a manner at once so creditable to his own talents, and so moderate in his review of the subject. The Speech of the Prince Regent was also remarkable for its moderation; and here he begged to be understood as not rising to give it his opposition, but for the mere purpose of saying that if the hon. baronet could have put such sentiments into the royal Speech as these he had so appropriately introduced in his own, he would not have trespassed on the attention of the House with his present appeal. The hon. baronet had very properly and feelingly alluded to the distresses of the country, and had he followed up this sensible expression of his opinion, by embodying in the Address an expression of the determination of the House to enter into a speedy inquiry into the cause of this evil, with a view of removing any pressure to which the commercial and agricultural interests were exposed, it would have completely obviated the necessity of proposing any addition to the terms of the Address. This omission was, however, too important in its character to be passed over without an attempt at least to supply the deficiency, and to show the nation that parliament had not allowed the first day of its meeting to elapse without pledging itself to an inquiry so vitally essential to the interests of the people.—There was another topic to which the hon. baronet did not allude; he probably overlooked it in his energy of exultation—feelings that he held in common with the whole community—at the downfall of military tyranny on the continent, and the reestablishment of the peace of Europe. The topic to which he alluded was the unusual length of the adjournment of parliament at a crisis so important. This delay was a serious ground of complaint; for during this protracted recess, it became a matter of public notoriety, that treaties and conventions of vast importance to the interests of mankind, had been entered upon and decided by his Majesty's ministers, who, notwithstanding the paramount necessity of the case, had, during the long discussion attendant upon such proceedings, wholly neglected to call upon the Commons of England for their necessary advice and co-operation. This was disrespect to the people, as well as to their representatives in parliament. It was impossible not to feel a more than ordinary anxiety on this subject, when it was understood that treaties had been concluded, raising doubtful questions of public law and of constitutional principle; that provision had been made for maintaining a large foreign military establishment, which must necessarily require a large domestic military establishment, for its support. The subject involved not merely legal and constitutional, but financial considerations, all of which were overlooked in the Address of the hon. baronet; and although it would not be proper to go deeply into them at present, he trusted he should hereafter be able successfully to contend that they ought to have directed whatever might be the terms and provisions of those treaties. What he chiefly regretted however, in the able speech of the hon. baronet, was, the slight and insufficient manner in which he had touched upon the actual distresses of the country. He wished the House to pledge itself distinctly that they would inquire and administer speedy relief; because he was convinced, that by a steady application of our resources, and by a strict economy, the burthens and distresses of the people might be relieved. The country looked to them for some pledge that the existing system of partial and oppressive taxation should be revised, and he implored his Majesty's ministers and the House not to disappoint it in so just and natural an expectation. He did not make these observations in a spirit of hostility to his Majesty's government, but because he considered the cause he recommended being the constitutional duty of that House. The hon. baronet, as he conceived, improperly committed this to the discretion of ministers; whereas he wished to confide it to the representatives of the people. He well knew that the body of the people, with an anxiety which those only could judge of who had observed their distresses, languished for the opinions of the well-informed as to the possibility of lessening the public burdens. Without anticipating, therefore, any opposition to so moderate an amendment, he should conclude by moving that the following words be added to the Address:—"And also to represent to his Royal Highness, that it was the duty of of his Majesty's ministers to have advised his Royal Highness with the least possible delay, to have convened parliament for the purpose of communicating those important treaties with the allies and with France, which after having been acted upon for several months, are now about to be laid before this House; and that the length of the late prorogation was the more extraordinary at a time when the unexampled domestic embarrassments, as well as the important foreign relations of the country required an early meeting of parliament; and to assure his Royal Highness, that this House will speedily undertake a careful revisal of our civil and military establishments according to the principles of the most rigid economy and a due regard to the public interests; and also at an early period take into its most serious consideration the present state of the country.

seconded the amendment, and animadverted on the unprecedented delay which had taken place in communicating the late Treaties to parlia- ment. In most former instances, Treaties of Peace had been communicated to both Houses within a month after they were concluded, and that of 1783 had been communicated within a few days Yet, a Treaty by which we were to keep up an army unexampled in magnitude, and in consequence of which the country was to be burdened with a tax most oppressive and unconstitutional in its nature, had not been brought before parliament until months had elapsed. The contents of the Treaty they knew, as it were, by report, but the distresses of the country they had all witnessed. Yet, notwithstanding all this, the noble lord opposite had not thought proper to meet the House till that late period. This, however, would appear less strange to those who had read the dispatches of the noble lord; when they saw in those documents, how his lordship reprimanded some sovereigns for misconduct, and nations for misbehavior to their sovereigns, it might be a matter of wonder how the noble lord had condescended to meet the House at all (a laugh), It was strange, that in a speech which gave them an account of the affairs of Candy and Nepal, that there was no allusion to the cause of the present distresses. This was the more unaccountable, because during many years, when it was represented that the effect of such unbounded taxation would be in the end ruinous, the answer uniformly given had been a reference to the flourishing state of the country. But now, after glory on glory, and victory on victory, all this prosperity had vanished. The farmer could not pay his rent—the landlord could not pay his taxes—and from the lowest laborer of the land, to the peer who stood next the throne, all felt that our prosperity was gone, except indeed, those who were paid out of the public, purse. The country was not quite satisfied with its trophies, and began to consider whether the situation which we had attained was worth all the past expenditure, and whether the object which it was the duty of every English minister to seek had been obtained, namely, the reduction of France to such a state, that it could never again be formidable to this country. It was to be remarked now, that after all our victories, France remained in the possession of as much territory as she had at the time when William 3 thought it necessary to unite all Europe against her. But our situation at home was truly dreadful, for the reported intentions of ministers left the people no hope of being relieved from their burdens. It was reported that ministers intended very shortly to propose to continue a great part of the Income-tax. He feared, however, that when they came to milk the cow, they would find her dry. He would say that there could be no more dreadful calamity for this country than the continuance of the tax in question. There was one point touched on by the hon. baronet, undoubtedly the most plausible, but that which perhaps could least bear investigation. The ministers were eulogized for the abolition of the slave trade—as if it had been obtained by their sole exertions. No one could rejoice more than he did at the completion of that great object, on which the sense of this country was expressed so warmly; but when the praises of ministers were sounded respecting it, it was impossible to forget the conduct of the noble lord opposite (lord Castlereagh), who evinced the greatest tenderness for the feelings of the French on the subject, and spoke of the impropriety of forcing moral doctrines down men's mouths with the bayonet. That trade was now abolished; and how had this happened? Had the benevolent Louis succeeded in persuading his subjects that they were in the wrong? No. A man who was loaded by abuse by all parties—and who no doubt deserved it all—had abolished by a stroke of his pen this infamous traffic—and it did not seem to have made him a bit the more unpopular. He should be slow, however, to allow either our government or Louis, any praise on this head; they had looked blank and had acquiesced—but the good was done by their enemy. Another point at which he was astonished in the speech of the hon. mover was the expression of the established faith of the Bourbons! The singular good faith of the Bourbons! (Hear hear!) How many eloquent speeches had been delivered in that House against the bad faith of that very family! It might be said, they had learnt morality in adversity; but in the very last year the bad faith of Louis 18 in the non-payment of Napoleon's pension, was the pretext though not the cause of his fall. The hon. seconded had made use of an expression still more unjustifiable—he had said, he was glad this country had become the rallying point of legitimacy. Luckily, it was but of late years that this country had assumed that title. The noble lord said, he had a particular reason to rejoice, that the same opinion had not prevailed a century ago—his own family in that event must have stolen into obscurity, branded as traitors, and stripped of all the honours with which the crown had laden them. But to take a wide view, what would have become of the family on the throne? Why, our gracious Sovereign; instead of an imperial throne, would have been the possessor of a petty electorate in Germany; instead of wielding mighty armies and holding the balance of Europe, he would have been at the head of a few companies of grenadiers in some paltry Germanic squabble. Such would have been the case, if the regular succession to the throne had not been disturbed by act of parliament. The praise of the principle of legitimacy paramount and irresistible, could not fail to be as offensive to the cars of the Prince, as it was to every friend to British liberty and our admirable constitution.

said, that having listened to the very eloquent and able speeches of the hon. mover and seconded, it was impossible to avoid expressing the gratification he felt on the general impression they had made on the House, an impression which had in diced the gentlemen opposite to declare, that they were not disposed to disapprove of any part of the Address, but that they approved of it merely proposing an amendment, regretting that parliament had not met earlier, and pledging the House to a rigid inquiry into the means of reducing the public expenditure. Thus they must be understood as willing to give full credit to Ministers for that firmness which had produced the desired success. Gratified as he must be with this unanimity, he only found it necessary to answer one or two observations for the information of the House. In the first place, the hon. gentleman who had put himself in the front of the battle, had urged as a complaint against ministers, the long prorogation. But if they had taken the trouble to pay attention to the dates of events which must have come under the notice of every individual, they would have found that the Treaty of Peace about to be laid before the House, was only signed on the 20th of November, and it was nearly two months longer before the ratifications were exchanged. These did not take place till the 20th of January, so that there was only a lapse of ten days between the time that ministers had it in their power to make the communication to parliament and the assembling of them together. This was the only cause of the great delay complained of, and the ten days formed the whole of the time that had been suffered to elapse before parliament was informed of what had taken place. Out of this short period must also be deducted whatever time was necessary for the transmission of the Treaty from Paris to London, as well as that required for the printing of the Papers for the convenience of members. They were now in such a state of forwardness, that when they came to be laid on the table, and when it would be seen that their number, either as Treaties, Conventions, or Proclamations, amounted to between sixty and seventy, every gentleman must be convinced, that not an hour had been lost. This was the sole cause of the delay. Respecting the internal situation of the country, he could assure the hon. gentleman who had moved the amendment, that ministers had paid the most anxious and unremitting attention to it; and however laboriously and honourably some of his colleagues had been employed abroad, he could say for himself, that he had never passed a summer with less relaxation or more anxiety in his life. He could not but think that the speech which had been read contained every pledge which the House could reasonably desire on the subject in question. It gave the strongest declaration from the Crown that all possible measures for producing general economy in the state should be taken that were consistent with the safety of the country; and this was a point which ministers and the House would never cease to keep in view. He believed, indeed, that if we could be brought back to the state we were in before the war began, and on one side were placed all the dangers and difficulties which we had undergone, and the expense which we had incurred, and on the other the high station which we had attained, there was no British heart so base as not to choose our present glorious eminence, notwithstanding all it had cost us. As so many opportunities would soon occur for the House maturely to consider what could be done to improve the state of the country, he should touch but slightly on any thing relating to that topic. It must be evident, that several circumstances contributed to produce this stagnation, which could not possibly be avoided. For example, a very considerable difference arose in all commercial transactions, as soon as the general intercourse was renewed with the continent, which had been interrupted by the war; this caused a reduction in the prices of all articles similar to those which were allowed to be imported, and particularly in those which formed the necessaries of life. On looking back to the year 1801, it would be recoil elected that apprehensions were entertained of a great deficiency in the supply of bread-corn, the produce of our own country; and these alarms at an approaching scarcity, were continued far several years following: thus the prices of corn and every necessary of life rose rapidly, and continued at a high rate; but when, by the restoration of peace, channels of commerce were re-opened, the prices necessarily found their level, and wheat, in particular, was reduced to the price it formerly bore. Another cause was the scarcity of money, occasioned by the continental wars, now so gloriously concluded. Very large sums had been drawn from the capital of this country by the great loans of the last and the preceding year. In the last three years the immense sum of 142 millions had been granted for the expenses of the war in Portugal, Spain, &c.; of which about 42 millions only were in paper. The abstraction of so large a sum from the ordinary channels of industry of the country must necessarily have produced a great stagnation. But when the Papers that were preparing on this subject should be laid before the House, the whole matter would be clearly seen into; and all that was requisite would be for gentlemen not to consider them in the gross, but scrupulously to examine the items, and, after an attentive investigation, to form their opinion as to what parts of the public expenditure can be properly dispensed with, as well as how those wants are to be met which are most necessary to the welfare of the country. In answer to the question of the noble lord opposite, he had no hesitation to avow the intention of ministers to continue the Income Tax, on the modified scale of 5 per cent.—(Loud cries of Hear, hear!) He should be able, at the proper time, to show, that of all modes that could; be thought of, none would be equally advantageous and economical, or less oppressive and burthensome to the community at large. He was aware he should be told, that he could borrow a large sum of money to supersede the necessity of this tax; but he should have no difficulty in proving, that this mode would be found much more inconvenient and burthensome. But there would, as he had already observed, be so many occasions for discussing this subject, that he should abstain from any farther remarks at present, and only declare, that the whole of the Address had his most unqualified approbation.

said, that on rising to support the Amendment, he must concur with his noble friend in the opinion of the laudable tone and moderate language of the Address; but as ministers appeared to take to themselves a sort of credit for this, he should take the present opportunity of entering his protest against the principles laid down in the speeches by which it had been supported. He had no objection to agree to the Address, because it pledged the House to nothing. It only pledged them to inquire into certain things, and if they approved of them, to express their approbation. But the part which was most worthy of attention was that which contained the allusions to the present situation of the country, its arts, manufactures, commerce, and revenue. He wished to know whether, among those arts, agriculture was contemplated, as the right hon. gentleman had admitted the great pressure under which the agricultural interest labored. The distresses of the landed interest of England had been unabated by the peace, and unpolluted by all our victories. When it was asserted in the Speech that our revenue was in a flourishing condition, the House must take it for granted that it was so, because this was a proposition, that ministers themselves alone knew the correctness of, and concerning which all the rest of the House remained in darkness. But let them remember that their responsibility for this assertion would be very great, if, after having put these words into the mouth of their master, it should be found that agriculture must be excepted from this "flourishing condition," and that it stood in need of relief; that the number of bankruptcies was daily increasing, and that the home trade, no less than the foreign, presented another melancholy exception to the boasted "flourishing condition" described by the Address. He might safely venture to say, that the home trade, the substantial ground-work of national industry, was at a stand-still. Shops were every where empty, and tradesmen's books covered with debts on which not one per cent. could be collected. Yet the war was at an end, after victories such as could never have been looked for. In the negotiations at Paris, it was our own fault if the terms were not such as were best suited to our manifold interests. The pressure, however, was greater than it had been in 1810 and 1812; no business was done, and if the reason were asked, it was said the landlord received no rent—the tenant could sell no corn. If this turned out to be a part of that picture, of which a general sketch had been given—if out of the flourishing condition of our commerce must be taken that lumping exception of the whole internal trade, in comparison of which foreign commerce was so inconsiderable that it might be considered merely the ornament of the system, a very heavy responsibility would fall on the framers of the Speech.—In the speech of the hon. baronet who moved the Address, he was surprised to hear a comparison of the present Peace with that of Utrecht, which had justly been considered the most improvident bargain ever made. The Assent Contract, indeed, was the only advantage which this country derived in that Treaty from the victories of Marlborough and the councils of Godolphin. The comparison of that with the present treaty on the subject of the Slave-trade was said to be advantageous to the latter. He was, therefore, led to suppose, that among the sixty or seventy conventions and treaties which they were to be presented with, would be found one in which Spain and Portugal had agreed to relinquish the Slave-trade. As Buonaparté had abolished the Slave-trade in France all Spain and Portugal were bound to relinquish that detestable commerce. He hoped, therefore, to find not only no Assent Contract, which would be felonious by the present law, but an abolition on the part of Ferdinand of this great and crying evil—an evil next in magnitude to his persecutions religious and civil—to his butcheries and torture of his own subjects (Hear, hear!). This contemptible tyrant—contemptible in every respect, but in the portentous power of doing mischief which he possessed, in consequence of our having raised him to the throne which he so meanly and unworthily filled — whose slightest crime was his usurpation of his father's crown (Hear, hear!), was now the grand slave dealer out of Europe, as he was the grand maker of slaves in Europe. He hoped, therefore, that we had insisted on the abolition of that Trade; and that Portugal, whom we had also saved, and over whom we could exercise some influence, at least, had abandoned that dreadful traffic. The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had stated, that he reserved himself for a future occasion to enter upon the detail of the flourishing condition of the revenue, which was one of the topics of the Speech, and was re-echoed in the Address of the hon. baronet. But he could not help taking notice, in this early stage of the business of parliament, of what had fallen from the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer by way of intimation upon this subject. As one reward of our exertions in the late contest, so gloriously spoken of in the Address, and as an immediate consequence of what the hon. gentleman who had so eloquently seconded it, termed the breaking of the rod of enchantment, and dissolving the spell by which the nations had been bound in slavery, he had heard with more regret, than perhaps astonishment, that the most oppressive of any of the taxes that had been imposed upon the nation—the heaviest and most obnoxious of those burdens under which the country had groaned—that that most oppressive and tormenting tax upon income was to be continued. It was for this we had been fighting, not only our own battles, but those of other nations. Our fortitude and perseverance had led to this happy consequence, that we were not merely to bear the other burdens which had been so heavily laid upon us, but were to be borne down by this most tormenting of all taxes—a tax which was still more oppressive in the detail than in the bulk: and this, it was said, was necessary, notwithstanding "the flourishing condition of the manufactures, commerce and revenue of the united kingdom!" (Hear, hear!) If this odious tax could be dispensed with—if there was any other means of going on without it, no man in his senses—still less would the right hon. gentleman, on the very first day of the meeting of parliament, intimate an intention of renewing it. Such intimation surely could arise only from the consciousness of there being no other means of carrying on the financial affairs of the country. He, however, did trust, that this early hint, which had been so plainly and unequivocally given of the intention of government, would not be lost upon the country or upon the House, and that the constituents of such of them as had any constituents (a laugh, and cries of Hear, hear!) would take those steps, which, if they had been adopted last year, would have rendered it impossible for the burthen to have existed beyond the present spring.—With respect to all the other burdens observed upon by his hon. friend near him, he could only say that be most entirely concurred in those observations. He reserved himself, however, upon those various branches of the national finances, until they should be brought in detail under the consideration of the House. The hon. gentleman opposite seemed to suppose that there were no means of relieving the landed interest, because their affairs were so interwoven with the national prosperity, that it was impossible to separate them from other objects. But he could not help expressing a hope that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would speedily find that there were means of separating them, and that some seasonable relief would be afforded to the distresses with which so important a part of the community was afflicted. The right hon. gentleman had alluded to some branches of the revenue which he intimated would undergo revision and retrenchment.—[Here the Chancellor of the Exchequer uttered some negative expressions]. From the manner of the right hon. gentleman, he must presume that the disappointment of his hopes upon this subject would be more general than he had expected. He had consoled himself with the thought that the right hon. gentleman would seriously set about a revisal of some part of the revenue and finance, with a view to mitigate as much as possible, the severity of those taxes now imposed upon the country. Was it then to be under, stood, that not only half the Property-tax, but all the other war taxes were to be continued? Was the country to understand from the Chancellor of the Exchequer, that at a season when grain was almost a drug in the markets, and when corn was not only at the lowest price, but when no price could be obtained at all; and when the most grievous burdens were imposed upon the barley growers, was it to be said, that under such circumstances the War Malt-tax was to be continued? Was it to be said that the landholders were still to pay 5 per cent. Property-tax, and endure in times of peace all the hardships to which they had been exposed during the war? Was the Malt-tax of 38s. per quarter laid on during the war, to continue during peace? If this was to be the state of things, he trusted the House would not separate without hearing a notice from some of his hon. friends, who were conversant with this subject, for bringing the question of the War Malt-tax immediately under the consideration of the House.—But there were other matters independent of the subject of reduction in the taxes, to which he hoped the attention of parliament would be speedily called. If the Amendment of his hon. friend was carried, the House would pledge itself speedily to take under its consideration, the state of the country, and he doubted not that one of the first objects of their inquiry would be those laws which prevented the exportation of some of the most important staple commodities of the country. He trusted also that the state of the usury laws would be brought under consideration with the like celerity; for there was no subject more deserving the interposition of parliament. He hoped those laws, which operated most oppressively on the indigent borrower, which had been disapproved of by the first characters of the country, which sir Francis Baring more than thirty years ago had strongly pronounced against, as injuring the interests of those they were intended to protect, and which were so manifestly impolitic and ruinous, would soon receive a thorough revision and alteration. There were various other subjects, unnecessary for him to allude to at present, which were equally pressing upon the notice of the House,—he would only instance the state of the poor-laws, as they respected the equalization of rates. All that he was desirous of urging upon the notice of the House at present was, the absolute necessity of redeeming their pledge, by immediately entering into that inquiry, which was, of all others, the most important—namely, into the state of the finances, and by thus showing to the country that their condition was not absolutely hopeless, and that the promises of parliament were not mere empty sounds without meaning. Before he concluded, he begged to allude to one part of the hon. gentleman's speech opposite, and the more so, because it formed apart of the Address under consideration. He meant that part which pledged the House to measures of economy. That part of the Address and speech of the hon. gentleman must be taken to mean, such a rigorous investigation into the amount of our enormous establishments both at home and abroad, as would lead to this result; that our ex- penses would be reduced to the smallest amount possible, consistently with our safety. For it was a robbery of the people of this country, it was a cruel mockery of their sufferings to tell them, after twenty-five years of distress and misery, and when the long looked-for peace was at length arrived, that they were still to endure the expenses of war, without the benefits of peace. And for what purpose? For the purpose of securing the cession of new islands, of appointing new governors, new secretaries, new clerks, of establishing new sources of patronage, new causes of alarm to the people, and new quarters from which danger may be portended to their rights. (Hear hear!). The right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had expressed a hope that gentlemen would turn their attention to the accounts that would be laid before them, not in the gross, but in detail, and that they would investigate the items. He would promise the right hon. gentleman that he, for one, would not only examine them en masse, but would go through every estimate and item in all its bearings, in the humble hope of assisting the right hon. gentleman in his laudable inquiry. Thus the problem might be discussed this session, as to what was the least farthing of expense in every department, from the establishment of the Prince down to that of the common soldier, which was necessary for the country to pay, consistently with its security, and what was the lowest reduction in our civil and military establishments, which that security could admit of. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded by giving his cordial support to the Amendment of his hon. friend.

was anxious to state in a few words the grounds of his vote. If any thing could have induced him to support the amendment, it would have been the speech of his hon. and taught friend who had just sat down. But it appeared to him, as the House was at present situated, that the Address proposed by the hon. baronet contained all the pledges which it was necessary for the House to give. He agreed with his hon. and taught friend, that the time would come when it would be necessary for the House to manifest its sentiments, not in speeches but in acts. The time would come when it would be necessary to enter into every article of expense and retrenchment; and it would be well, if those matters were to come under the consideration, not of one committee, but of several, which might sit up stairs; for, indeed, the subject branched into such multifarious ramifications, that it would be impossible for the House, sitting in a body, to take it into their serious consideration. One of his objections to the Amendment was that it appeared to go rather too far, and to hold out pledges which it would be impossible for the House to realize. Nothing was more dangerous, and in his opinion more mischievous, for this House to do, than to hold out pledges for any of its solemn and deliberate acts, which there was not a fair prospect of their being able to redeem. Speaking, however, as an individual, he did entertain considerable hopes, that by proper attention to these subjects the expectations of the people might be much more effectually realized than the House had reason to entertain from what had fallen from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Indeed, upon this subject he was rather jealous of a particular part of the Speech, to which the House as yet had not, he thought, sufficiently adverted. He meant that expression of the Speech which talked of "the high station which we occupy in Europe." He should like to know what was the secret explanation which the ministers would give of that sentence. Did they mean by that, that Great Britain was to become a great military power — that she was to vie with Austria, France, and the other great military powers of the continent, in military strength and reputation. If that was the case, he must say that the present was indeed a new era in the history of the country. It would be one of the greatest misfortunes that could befall the country, if she was to be held out as a great military power. That had not hitherto been our character, and he very much doubted whether, if we assumed that shape, it would be possible for us to maintain our liberties at the same time. He felt extremely anxious upon this subject, because it was impossible not to suspect that in a certain quarter, a peculiar love of this sort of establishments existed, which it ought to be the business of this House to check and control. And he hoped when the time came, that the hon. baronet himself who had moved the Address, would lend his hand, not only towards an economical administration of the finances, but that he would interfere, as far as in him lay, to lessen this class of expenses, which might be added to the burthens of the country. One was full as necessary as the other; and if the hon. baronet thought that he should satisfy his speech of that night, by merely adverting to the economical administration of the supplies which this House might vote, he apprehended the hon. baronet would not give that satisfaction to his constituents which he had expressed his desire to give, and which he was sure he felt as much as any member of the House did. He had heard that night, for the first time, that an intention existed of continuing the Property-tax. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had not indeed stated whether his plan was to have a limited duration. But the right hon. gentlemen would recollect that his declaration of that night was directly contrary to the positive expectations he had held out last year. The declaration then was—"Only give us the Property-tax for one year, just to wind up the expenses of the war, and we will be satisfied." Now they talked of reducing it to one half. But the noble lord said he wished to know whether the Property-tax was to be given to wind up the expenses of the war, or whether it was to be looked to as a source of permanent revenue? This was a point upon which he should wish to be informed, in order that the country might have the consolation of knowing the worst they had to expect.—There were other subjects which might be discussed upon the present occasion, as growing out of the treaties: but as those treaties had not yet been laid before the House, he thought the House would do well to satisfy itself fully upon these points; for he confessed enough could not be expected from the meager Address which had been proposed. It was a notorious fact, that the treaty of peace between this country and France, and the other treaties connected with it, had been signed two or three months, and the people of this country knew their contents only through the medium of the Relish Mercury. Such was the state in which his Majesty's ministers placed the people of Great Britain! It had been thought a good thing to obtain peace; but much of the merits of the peace must depend upon the nature of it, the means resorted to for obtaining it, and the securities provided for its continuance. He would not admit the comparison between the framers of the Treaty of Utrecht anti those of the treaties alluded to; but in saying this he must not be taken to ap- prove the Treaty of Utrecht. It had been said by the highest authorities that that was a treaty disgraceful to this country. The noble lord concluded by voting for the Address, in preference to the Amendment, for the reason before stated, that he thought it not prudent to hold out pledges which could not be redeemed, or make promises which might be broken. He was firmly persuaded, that if the House would seriously enforce plans of economy, a great saving might be made; but it would be better that the public learned its intentions from its acts, than from its speeches or pledges.

drew a feeling picture of the present distressed state of the agricultural interests of the country. He said that the weight of taxes which oppressed them was twice the amount of the interest of all the landed property in the kingdom. He recommended a revisal of the entire system, to which he thought the House should pledge itself, and, in consequence, he expressed his intention of voting for the Amendment.

said, that however desirous he was to go into a consideration of the topics connected with the foreign policy of this country, he should for the present abstain from the indulgence of that desire, from a persuasion that he should have frequent opportunities hereafter of discussing them. The speech, however, of his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer rendered it impossible for him to give a silent vote in favor of the Amendment that had been proposed. At least he was desirous of not having it supposed that he had approved of all the sentiments which had been expressed on the other side of the House. No doubt in a great part of the speech of the hon. gentleman opposite, he most cordially concurred. He agreed with him in rejoicing at our Waving at length obtained peace. He agreed with him in thinking that peace was most desirable, in an abstract sense, but without reference to the particular circumstances under which the peace was obtained. The expressions also of the hon. gentleman's condolence upon the lamented indisposition of his Majesty—a subject interesting to every body—most heartily met with his approbation, for it was a matter upon which no one could entertain a different opinion. He was certainly far from desiring a premature discussion; but he must say, that though he acquiesced in the eulogium upon the glorious victories that had been obtained, he could not concur in giving so unqualified an approbation of the cause as that which was expressed in the Address. It seemed to him extraordinary that this. House should, as it were, be unanimous in silent approbation, or, at least, that they should concur in adopting that new system of policy which his Majesty's ministers had recently taken up, in contradiction to their own repeated declarations. Down to the moment when the House last separated, his Majesty's ministers had always-declared that the war was carried own against Buonaparté individually, and those: immediately connected with him; and they took occasion repeatedly to deny imputations to the contrary of this, which had come from this side of the House, by saying, that they did not make war upon France to compel her against her will to admit upon the throne the present reign, in family. Since the prorogation of parliament, however, this new policy had not only been adopted but avowed, and the war was commenced for the purpose of dispossessing Buonaparté of the throne. British and foreign armies had united their sedum efforts, for the sole purpose of placing the. Bourbon family upon the throne of France without regard to the wishes, the desires, or the feelings of the French nation. He, for one, could not concur in the approbation which had been expressed of that new policy. It was not necessary for him now to enter into a full discussion of the implicit, the infidelity, and the injustice of this measure; for the time would come when he should have the opportunity of a more elaborate expression of his dissent from such a policy. For the present he should only observe, that, as it appeared to him, no new ground had occurred since the last meeting of Parliament, to justify the change in the determination expressed by the British government upon this important subject. No change of circumstances had occurred when they thought proper to avow this new system—nothing whatever had occurred to authorize them in adopting a policy, which till the moment it was embraced, they had strenuously deprecated. It might be proper to call to the recollection of the House, that about nine months since a letter arrived in this country from lord Clan arty, addressed to the noble lord opposite, ^* which showed, that even at that late period, a

^* See Vol. 31, p. 311.

distinct intimation was given, that nothing was farther from the intentions of the British government, than to take part in restoring Louis the 18th to the throne of France. The opinion of the allies was said to be decidedly against all interference with the internal situation of France. They avowed that they adhered to the declaration of the 13th March; that they combined to exclude Buonaparté from the throne of France, because his occupation of it was inconsistent with the security of Europe; but that when this object was accomplished, they disclaimed any wish to influence the French people in their choice of a sovereign. These professions were held after the battle of Waterloo; they were proclaimed in the triumphant march of the allied armies; they were declared by the duke of Wellington till he arrived at St. Cloud. Up to the convention of Paris, the same language was continually held—even to the deputies from the provisional government. Immediately upon the occupation of Paris these principles were renounced. Did this happen because the allies then felt themselves able to enforce principles diametrically opposite? If so, where was their faith to the French people? They had broken their engagements—they had renounced their professions. Instead of concurring in the praise of ministers for their conduct in bringing about the peace, they deserved, he thought, the severest censure for having compromised the honour of the country. Neither did he imagine that the peace would be more secure than it was honourable. It was not founded on the basis of reciprocal good-will but on that of arbitrary power—of unjust compulsion. In making it we had planted the seeds of war, and had left behind us the stings of hatred and revenge.

said, he did not wish to protract the discussion which had been introduced on topics which he had not expected would come under the consideration of the House in the present debate. The delay which had been complained of in calling parliament together, he considered to have been explained even by those who had made their not being assembled before, a charge against ministers, and it would therefore be unnecessary for him to dwell upon this; and he should consider what had fallen from gentlemen opposite on a variety of subjects intended but to open to the government those topics on which a difference of opinion might be expected. He apprehended what had been said proceeded from an anxious wish that ministers should confine themselves to that line of policy, which at a former period they had held to be prescribed to to them by duty, and it would be his task, when that great question came before them, which must shortly be submitted to their deliberation, to satisfy the House that in no instance had they departed from that line of conduct which they had formerly taken, and which, as it had been adopted on the broadest and soundest principles, would be that to which they should adhere for the future. He was not disposed to infer that unanimity was to be expected, from the feeling which had been manifested in this night's debate. He should expect to find immense varieties of opinion on the great questions which would soon come under discussion, on the present state of Europe. The course pursued by ministers with respect to other powers he should defend, because he thought it had been the wise one; but at the same time he did not deny the right which the House, had to determine on it as they in their wisdom should see fit, when it came under the examination of parliament. On all the important questions which were to be investigated, he should expect much difference of opinion would be found; there was only one point on which he wished gentlemen opposite to touch with a delicate hand—namely, the proceedings of other and foreign governments. These he hoped, would be more tenderly dealt with than they had been, although the system acted upon should not be such as to obtain their approbation. He hoped those attacks would not continue to be made upon foreign administrations, which had of late become so frequent. Such opposition might be properly directed against the ministers of this country, who were present and able to defend themselves, but he trusted gentlemen would feel the propriety of not turning their arms against those of other nations with whom we were in alliance and that scrutinizing criticism would not be transferred to the investigation of the internal policy of foreign countries, which could only be properly exercised at home. Though he expected great differences on all the foreign questions, he still denied the accuracy of the assertion that had been made, that the Address now under consideration was entitled to support, because it pledged the House to nothing The merits of the peace under existing circumstances would be subject to the examination of the House on a future day. He admitted it would then be for them to consider whether a wiser peace or one more advantageous for this country and for Europe in general, might not have been made after the successes which had crowned the army of England in conjunction with her allies. These were points that would be open for discussion, and for these ministers stood responsible in their characters and in their situations; but still it would be seen, that agreeing to the present Address, the House acceded to the proposition, that there never had been a peace concluded for this or perhaps for any other country so advantageous, so glorious in all respects, and so completely accomplishing the most sanguine expectations of the country. He was not surprised at the gloomy apprehensions expressed by some of the gentlemen who had spoken on the other side: remembering, as he did, what were their feelings while we were engaged in the prosecution of the war, it was not to be expected that these would be at once removed by the return of peace. Some difficulties were to be anticipated, for he should be glad to know where a peace had been made in any part of the world which had left all the community for whom it was made without one grievance to complain of. He, however, should be glad to have this peace compared with any of those which had been pressed on the attention of parliament during the war, by their opponents, as models for that which it would be desirable to gain, and he would confidently ask if among these any one could be found at all to be compared with the present?

The attention of parliament must necessarily be soon directed to the internal situation of the country. He wished the question to be fairly looked at. They ought not to turn aside either from the view of the general policy or that of the internal state of the country; and with respect to the latter, there was certainly much to be considered; but he wished to know what peace could have been made which would not have left much for consideration, how best to conduct the country from one situation to a state so immensely different, as that was to which we were now coming, from that which we have so long known—from prosperous war (for even in the war the marks of prosperity failed not to manifest themselves, and continue to accumulate in every year), to profound peace. There was no man who could suppose, at the close of such a war, that some indications of calamity would not result from the changes consequent on the transition of the industry of the country from the war market to the peace market. But, looking at this, he desired that an exaggerated view might not be taken of the evils to be surmounted. It was fit that the country should look them in the face; to meet them with success, it was necessary they should know the extent of the difficulties with which they had to contend; but it was not from taking an exaggerated view of them that parliament would be enabled to supply the proper remedy. While he admitted that the difficulties referred to existed to a certain degree, he felt he might even now congratulate the country on the situation in which it was found at the close of such a contest—a situation very different, and gratifyingly different, from that in which it had been left at the termination of every former war. If they looked back to the end of the American war, would they find that it was possible for the Chancellor of the Exchequer of that day, while seeking for topics of consolation, to speak of the flourishing state of the industry, commerce, or revenues of the country? Was there not a general failure in each—a depression in all of them, arising out of the sacrifices caused by the war? And was not that decay in the prosperity of all classes to be lamented which now only pressed upon the agricultural interests of the country, and he trusted would be shown on a future day when the subject came under the consideration of the House to proceed from temporary causes? It had been stated in the Address that the manufactures, commerce, and revenue, were in a flourishing state. To these the word "arts" had been prefixed by the hon. and learned gentleman (Mr. Brougham). But these were not mentioned in the speech from the throne; and, he presumed, had only been introduced for the purpose of amplification. Assuredly, the circumstances of the country warranted the assertion referred to. He wished not to enter into details at present; all he wished was, that the country should look with a steady, manly resolution at the difficulties with which they had yet to contend, as they had done during those they had to struggle with during the war. Doing this they would have ministers ready to go hand in hand with them, determined not to resort to those false expedients which had formerly been suggested, and resolved to persevere in those solid measures, which, founded on sound principles, had finally brought the war to a successful termination. Though not disposed to go into details on this occasion, he thought it might be well that he should describe the present state of the revenue, and by comparing the amount of British goods exported in the three-quarters of a year, ending October 10, 1814, with those of the three-quarters, ending at the same period in the following year, it would be seen that the passage in the Speech, which had been so much commented on, was borne out by facts. The British manufactures exported in the three-quarters of a year, ending October 10, 1814, amounted to 37,167,294l. Those exported in the three-quarters, ending October 10, 1815, amounted to 42,425,357l. This was the amount of their real or declared value; and from this comparison it would be seen that the increase which had taken place amounted to 5,258,063l. This addition to our external commerce he considered of the greatest importance. The internal state of the country was such that, deducting the amount of the Property-tax, (which was nearly the same as in the preceding year), the taxes on the home consumption, down to January 5, 1816, notwithstanding a falling off to the amount of four or five hundred thousand pounds in the Customs, the increase in the revenue upon the whole amounted to a million and a half. If there was a falling off in the customs, he had the satisfaction to state, there was not only no falling off in the Excise, but the excess under this head covered the decrease which had occurred under the former. The War-taxes had kept steady: they did not vary more than 200,000l. from what they were last year. There then was a vast increase of the external commerce of the country; the Excise was enormously increased, and the revenue was generally in a flourishing state, which proved, that the community possessed, in as great a degree as formerly, the means of indulging those tastes and dispositions which caused that consumption from which this revenue arose. Though he did not undervalue the depression complained of by the agricultural interest, he was not discouraged at it, as he trusted it would prove temporary. If the agricultural interest had steadily prospered for a considerable number of years (as it was well known it had), while other classes of the community suffered severely, it was not a matter of surprise that it should at length encounter misfortune, and it ought not to occasion despondency, though a remedy if practicable, ought to be supplied. If parliament met the difficulties of the country fairly, and joined to sustain the credit of the country, this would be likely to afford the agriculturist the most effectual relief.—His right hon. friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had announced his intention to propose the continuation of the Property-tax at 5 per cent. He should much rejoice if the circumstances of the country were such that this tax could be altogether taken off; but this could not, it appeared to ministers, be wisely done. That proposition, however, which his right hon. friend meant to submit to the House on this subject, which was brought forward in the belief that it would prove of great importance, and even a relief to the country, it would be for the House to decide upon as they should think proper hereafter. While the hon. gentlemen opposite objected to the Property-tax being continued at all, he hoped they would not undervalue the reduction in its amount which was contemplate. Last year, it was asked by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to wind up the expenses of the late war. It was, however, given up, and his right hon. friend had been constrained to have recourse to a most painful operation of finance, not to carry on the war, but to provide for the peace establishment which was to be kept up, and which could not be dispensed with, but at the risk of subverting all the greatness, all the security, and he would add, even all the prosperity, of the country, in all its branches. An hon. gentleman had said, the Chancellor of the Exchequer intended to propose that this Tax should be permanent. He denied that he had advanced any thing to justify the assumption that such was his design. Though for the credit, and as he had already said, even for the relief of the country, he was disposed to recommend the adoption of this measure at the present moment, he hoped, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer came to bring this question before the House, it would be found there was nothing in his plan which, when the funds should bear such a price as to make it practicable to raise the necessary supply by other means, would preclude the House from doing so. But he begged the House would not be led away, to endeavor to benefit one particular or separate interest, however dear, by taking any thing from the Sinking Fund for that purpose, if any other way could be found of meeting the difficulties with which we might have to contend. Whenever this was resorted to, he trusted it would be on other than arbitrary principles, and that the greatest care would be taken to guard against unnecessarily trenching upon it. If they look at the operation of it, and traced its effect on the Funds through the late war, they must feel most anxious not to interfere with that which had so greatly invigorated us in the arduous contest we had just terminated. If they were to deviate from the plan laid down with respect to the Sinking Fund, by flying to it in order to relieve one class of the community from a tax which was found to press heavy on their industry; if they once broke down their system to assist one interest, they might soon be called upon to destroy it for the benefit of another. It would be for Parliament to consider these things. He, however, deprecated that gloom and despondency, to which some gentlemen appeared, disposed to give them up. The Prince Regent's ministers, under all the difficulties which might occur, would continue to do their duty in peace, with the same firmness and resolution which they had displayed during the war, but they would not do that which to them appeared incompatible with the security, the permanent interest, and the high situation of the country. He would be the last man to make the government of England a military government. The pre-eminence we had obtained might, he trusted, in our insulated situation, be sustained by the glory we had already won, leaving little for future exertion to achieve.

said, that the noble lord who had just sat down had stated, that the House in acceding to the proposed Address would pledge themselves to approve of the Peace as being more glorious than any which had been obtained at the close of former wars. Against this proposition he must protest. He understood the Address to congratulate the Prince Regent on the Peace, and on the unrivalled successes which had blessed his Majesty's arms in the progress of the war just con- cluded, and without any reference to party, he thought no man who felt as an Englishman, could do other than exult in those triumphs which had placed the military character of this country on a pinnacle which it had never before reached. He could not, however, give the peace the unqualified approbation which the noble lord seemed to, expect, till the Treaties were before the House. When these were examined into, he should be glad to find that the peace was really one which, while it gave other advantages, sustained at the same time, the British character for good faith. He had no doubt the noble lord thought it merited this praise; but from some rumors which had got abroad in Europe, he should feel it to be his duty to look closely into it, to satisfy himself that in this the noble lord was right. With respect to the commerce and internal state of the country, he should reserve himself till the necessary papers were before the House, and these were subjects which he should be careful not to mix with the questions of peace and negotiation. He was aware the conclusion of a war in every community, more especially in one so complicated as that of England, must create some temporary distress, but he was afraid, that which was now complained of would be found to bear another character, and that the remedy would not be easily supplied. He trusted the minister was not disposed to propose, or the House to adopt, any new departures from the principles of our ancient laws and policy. He was led to make this remark from a suggestion thrown out by his hon. and learned friend with regard to an alteration of some of the existing laws. The present amount of the taxes he believed to be the source of the evil complained of, and this could never be remedied but by going to the root of the present system of taxation. He agreed with the noble lord, that whatever pressure might be complained of, it was desirable to leave the Sinking Fund unbroken and unimpaired. But if this was suffered to remain untouched, how were the public burdens to be diminished? By economy alone. It was not to be effected by economically taking off two or three hundreds from one item, or two or three hundreds from another, but by the introduction of the most rigid economy into all departments, and by reducing, where it was practical, the military, civil, and financial departments. He hoped, in the course of the present session, that ministers would not come to Parliament to ask for an increase of emolument for any of the public officers. He trusted they should not again hear of an addition to the salary of this Lord Advocate of Scotland, or that commissioner of Excise, nor an extended provision for this or that branch of the royal family. He hoped the House would be careful to make ministers attentive to economy, that by timely retrenchment the difficulties complained of might be met, and that the nation would never be forced to the last and most desperate expedient, that of breaking its faith with the public creditor. The hon. and learned gentleman concluded with declaring, that for the present he would give no opinion on the character of the peace.

, of Norfolk, said, that it had been already observed by a hon. gentleman in the course of the debate, that the barley farmers were those who suffered most. From his own experience, in that part of Norfolk where a great deal of barley was raised, he could say the same thing. The noble lord opposite had intimated, that the alarm among the agricultural interest was exaggerated; he hoped the noble lord would be able to prove this, though he greatly suspected it was beyond his power, particularly as he had been so long a time out of the country, and could not be accurately acquainted with its domestic concerns. There was not a doubt that the country gentlemen and the farmers were extremely distressed; what they wanted was a market and a fair price for their grains. He said, he did not look forward to the return of those great and extravagant prices which the country had witnessed some years back. In the management of his estates he, for one, had never looked to those prices, being convinced that, in the long run, a steady remunerating price was more for the benefit both of the farmer and landholder. He was sorry to hear from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that the renewal of the Income Tax was to be proposed. He, for one, would resist, to his latest breath, the imposition of that tax, in whatever shape it was proposed, being convinced that, if once admitted in time of peace, the country would never again get rid of it. He trusted also that the war tax on malt would be done away; and if ministers showed no disposition to remove that burthen, he gave notice that he would make a motion to that effect.

did not mean to detain the House by many observations, but he wished to guard against any misinterpretation of the assent which he was prepared to give to the Address. He fully coincided in the assertion, that greater glory had never been acquired, in the history of any age or country, than by the British army, and he hoped he might add, though that now-a-days was a topic somewhat overlooked, by the British navy also. But if the noble lord meant to apply the word "glorious" to the other exertions of our countrymen, such as those of a pecuniary or a diplomatic kind, there he must pause before he gave his assent. There was one part of the Prince Regent's Speech as delivered by the commissioners, which he rejoiced in most heartily: it was that in which he recommended to the House all possible economy. His Royal Highness surely would not have given this advice to others, unless he meant to practice it himself. [A laugh.] This part of the Speech must belie all those reports that were in circulation, of a new increase of debt on the Civil List; and he hoped that no new application would be made this session for the payment of arrears in that quarter. [A nod from the Chancellor of the Exchequer.] He was happy to understand, from the nod of the right hon. gentleman that nothing of this kind was to be expected. The noble lord opposite had poured out a tirade against his hon. and learned friend, for what he called indulging in invectives against Ferdinand 7. The noble lord was mistaken, however, if he thought that any confederacy of princes or ministers should control the members of that House in the free expression of their sentiments as to the conduct of sovereigns. As long as this confederacy of princes existed, which, from some late occurrences, seemed to have for one of its objects to put down the liberty of the press and all freedom of sentiment, he, for one, should protest against the atrocity of kings. [Hear, hear!] And he begged that at the next diplomatic meeting which the noble lord might have with Princes Metternich and Harden berg, he would acquaint those personages that there was at least one assembly in Europe in which men were determined to speak their minds on such subjects. But, while he thus approved of the Address generally, he thought that nothing could be fairer than the amendment of his hon. friend. He begged gentlemen to consider what a mockery it was to lay Treaties before the House for its discussion and sanction, when those very Treaties had been carried into full operation for more than two months, and when the House could neither counteract nor controvert their operation. He charged ministers with willfully placing Parliament in this ridiculous situation; and asserted that it never was their intention that Parliament should meet till the 1st of February. For this he had no less a voucher than the proclamation of the Prince Regent himself; and such was the zeal of ministers to stave off the meeting of Parliament, that they adjourned it for ninety days instead of eighty, and thus were in danger of putting an end to certain convenient privileges, [a laugh,] till they were enabled by a new proclamation to correct their oversight. He should have been sorry, then, if an amendment had not been proposed, directed against the principle of delaying the opening of parliament under such circumstances. It involved a constitutional principle, and Parliament would not do their duty unless they mentioned it. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer had, according to his own confession, passed a most unpleasant summer, the farmers had certainly done the same; and therefore it was of importance, that Parliament should have met at an early period, as there was always a general sort of feeling in the country, that while it was sitting, something might be done to remedy any evil that might affect the general interest. When the price of corn was falling as rapidly as it had done in the course of last summer and autumn, and a very numerous class of people was thrown into the greatest alarm, surely this was a sufficient intimation that Parliament should be convoked at an early period. Accordingly, it should have met in November last; but now we were told that for some reason or other, best known to ministers themselves, it was natural we should not be here till the 1st of February. He would venture to explain the reason: the House was always sure to meet early, if ministers were in want of money; but if not, it was equally sure to be postponed as long as possible. He predicted last session, when the vote of credit of ten millions was proposed, that it would enable them to stave off the meeting of Parliament till it suited their own convenience; but he was not listened to. He had never known an instance where Parliament met at so late a period as the 1st of February, and it was still more reprehensible thus to shorten the session, when there never was one, perhaps, that had so much business before it. With respect to the necessity of economy, generally, he was happy to find that, at last, all parts of the House were agreed; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had promised that this economy should extend into all the details of the public service. This he was the more happy to hear, because, when a vote of ten millions for army extra ordinaries was last year proposed in a lump, he himself was scouted at for barely asking to go into the details. He trusted also that if committees were appointed to examine into the different branches of expenditure, they would not be crippled by inadequate powers, but be enabled to sift matters to the bottom. The noble lord had now confessed, very inconsistently with his former language, that the country had been bloated by a war expenditure, and told us that at the return of peace the circulation shrank in its dimensions, as was to be expected. He did not despond of the finances of the country, but he could not help taking a most gloomy view of our affairs. The Chancellor of the Exchequer smiled as usual whenever despondency was mentioned. It was to be hoped, however, that the shock which our financial system could not fail to receive would be broken by the union of all ranks in the state, to bear the pressure of common difficulties, and in that respect this country had still the advantage over every other. He was not one who wished for the return of high prices, for he thought it most unnatural, that, in a state of peace, this country should be so much insulated from all others that a guinea should not have gone farther here than a dollar in other countries. But amidst this shrinking of our circulating medium, there was great subject of alarm to the stockholder; for if we lessened the pecuniary means, the circulating medium of the country one half, how were we to pay the taxes to the full amount necessary to meet the claims of the public creditor? The House was told that there was no defalcation of the public revenue. True it was, the taxes might yet keep up for a time; but could the Chancellor of the Exchequer expect that there would not soon be a marked defalcation? Private families, some from pride, a wish to support appearances, and habit, were slow in curtailing their luxuries; but the next quarter or two would speedily show a change. But did the Chancellor of the Exchequer foresee all this at the time of the discussions on the Bullion question, since his noble friend had declared that the bloated state of our currency might have been expected to shrink on the return of peace? He conjectured that the right hon. gentleman would now be extremely glad, could he withdraw from the Journals that famous resolution of his, that there was no difference between a guinea and a one pound note, since every man and woman who read those journals, and knew any thing of the matter, was now convinced that there was a real difference. He was happy to understand that there was no idea of touching the sinking fund. But the Chancellor of the Exchequer should be the last man to cheer this, or to take credit for it, as he himself had already taken seven millions from that deposit. If, however, the sinking fund is to be held sacred, it may be fairly asked, what are you to do to make all ends meet? This was a question which called for their whole attention; at any rate, he trusted the House would not be forward in voting supplies, until they knew what was to be the utmost amount of our establishments. [Hear, hear! from lord Castlereagh.] There should be no voting of sums piecemeal for this department and the other department. The peace which the noble lord had concluded might be a very fine one; but then, perhaps, after all we could not afford it. It was the fault of those who had so long postponed the meeting of parliament that the immediate operation and consequent expenses of the treaty were now beyond their reach. Never had a parliament met so late as the 1st of February, with all that multiplicity of business that was before the present,—business which it required all the temper of that House to discuss with moderation and fairness. He did not see how it would be possible to make the means of the country meet its expenditure without the most diligent investigation and retrenchment. We were desired to derive comfort from the large exports of our manufactures; but whether that was a loss or gain could not be ascertained until we had known the returns. In the mean time, as his hon. and learned friend had justly remarked, we had lost the home market, and that was the most profitable of all. The Chancellor of the Exchequer surely, under these circumstances, could not expect that the produce of the taxes in future would rise to any thing like the old amount. Would his estimate of the stamps, for instance, which he gave last summer, still sustain itself? Upon the whole, it appeared to him, that the best thing that could be done would be to appoint a committee similar to that of 1786 that might investigate, from the best sources, what may be the probable produce of the taxes and to fix by that estimate the scale of our expenditure. He feared that the returns of the probable amount of the taxes, when given in to the House, would be most appalling. But the course which he now recommended was followed by the committee of 1786, just after the American war; and a similar system ought to be pursued now.

declared himself rejoiced at the conclusion of peace, in the abstract, but confessed that his pleasure was much abated, when he learned, from public report, the conditions of the treaty on which the present pacification was founded. The conditions were, as he understood them, so hostile to public liberty in general, so opposite to the principles of the British constitution, so fraught with danger to the existence of the peace which had been restored, so replete with the embers of future Conti, mental wars, that he could not but express his regret, that such conditions should have been acceded to by any of his Ma, jest's ministers. It appeared as if, after the battle of Waterloo, that every previous promise had been violated by the Allies. That battle placed in our power the great individual, in opposition to whose authority the nations of Europe entered into a military combination. But, if they looked to the general effect which it had on the affairs of Europe, perhaps not so much ground for exultation would appear, as many gentlemen seemed inclined to suppose. He would not now enter minutely into any subject of foreign policy; his intention was rather to examine the internal affairs of the country, the prospect of which appeared to him to be very gloomy indeed. Wherever their footsteps were directed, a general complaint of the stagnation of trade, and of the scarcity of money, was heard. But, whilst every one felt eager to propose some remedy, there was no person to be found who did not wish to shift the burthen from his own shoulders to these of his neigh- bours. He should reserve to himself the right, before the end of the present session, to eater into a full detail on this, and other subjects which, be conceived, the extreme pressure of the times, would compel ministers to bring under the consideration of the House. He should support the amendment of his hon. friend, because it enforced on the minds of the hon. gentlemen opposite, and of the nation at large, the necessity of doing something to ameliorate the political situation of the country. In his opinion, ministers had fallen into a very considerable dilemma, with respect to the foreign policy of Great Britain. After the battle of Waterloo, it would seem as if they were determined, although they had previously denied their being actuated by such a policy, to restore the Bourbons, however unpopular they might be in France. Louis 18 was, in consequence of this determination, guarded into Paris by the bayonets of foreign troops. The subsequent conduct of the allies appeared to have created considerable difficulties. For there were many Frenchmen—men hostile to a Republican government, and enemies to the power of Buonaparté—who were decidedly of opinion, that foreign troops ought not to be permitted to sojourn for any time, beyond that which strict public necessity called for. Now, no sooner was that country likely to be freed from the presence of the allied forces, than Louis 18, who was seated on the throne of France by the aid of foreign arms, felt himself unsafe in Paris, and appeared to be anxiously desirous for the return of those troops, whose appearance in the French capital must ever render the Bourbon dynasty odious in the eyes of the people of France. Formerly a vulgar notion was entertained, that, when a great, bold, and inveterate enemy, was involved in difficulties, it was proper for the successful rival to oppress him as much as possible. Such a feeling did not prevail in his mind. He did not wish to see France a prey to anarchy and confusion. He was too much a friend to the happiness of mankind to harbor such a wish. He would, therefore, ask, wherefore should this country interfere with the affairs of France—an interference which was calculated to produce those dissensions and angry feelings, that ought, if possible, to be prevented? It was better, he thought, to suffer the people of that country to settle their political affairs amongst themselves, and to abstain entirely from inter- ference in matters of such extreme delicacy. Peace had been restored—and he returned thanks to the Almighty for the blessing; but, while the present military force was kept up, and while the present treaties, as described to him, were in existence—he knew not any body in the country that was likely to be much benefited by it. A paper had lately appeared in one of the public prints, purporting to be a supplemental letter, sent round by ministers to their friends in parliament. He should like to know from some of the hon. gentlemen opposite, whether the letter alluded to was an authentic document?—[A laugh from ministers]. He did not care whether gentlemen chose to answer his question or not; but that letter contained such extraordinary assertions, that he felt himself bound to notice them. It was there stated, that ministers had paid the utmost attention to the agricultural interest—and that the state of distress in which that interest was said to be plunged, was greatly exaggerated. Now, he believed it was a well known fact that, on an average, the lands of this country had been let on a calculation, that a quarter of wheat would produce five pounds. Let the House, keeping this fact in their minds, examine the last market prices, and see what that important article in the subs sentence of man, now produced. They would find, that it did not fetch more than 48s. per quarter. Many of the members of that House were supported by the letting of their lands. They must, therefore, have been deprived of half their incomes, when wheat, instead of five pounds, was sold for 48s. Per quarter. Every person employed in agricultural pursuits, was thus deprived of a moiety of that sum, on which they had counted. And where lands were rented, if the tenants, in consequence of this depression of price, could not pay the stipulated sum, the landlord must suffer. The distresses of the agric., cultural interest exaggerated! Could such an assertion be supported, in the face of the fact he had stated? Surely the distresses of that class who lost one-half of what they had to subsist on could not be depicted in colors too gloomy! Those who were deprived of half their salaries might well be said to be deeply distressed! If the hon. gentlemen opposite were deprived of half the salaries them now received, for attending to the affairs of the country, he was sure some very long faces would be exhibited on the treasury-bench. The hon. baronet concluded by expressing his hearty concurrence in the Amendment.

said, that if the question was to come to a division, he wished to state the grounds of his vote. With respect to the late meeting of parliament, he thought it matter of grave consideration, and that it ought rather to be made a distinct and separate proposition, especially in the want of more precise information. With regard to economy, no man in the House, or in the country, felt the necessity of it more than himself; but having declared his sentiments on the war so distinctly, he should be sorry to find himself included in a vote, which might preclude him from following up that measure by every means that could contribute to its full accomplishment, and which was only to be retarded by matters of the most imperious and absolute necessity; and he should be the more sorry, as the war for which he had voted had been brought to so glorious a termination.

The House then divided upon the Amendment, when the numbers were, Yeas, 23; Nose, 90: Majority for the Address, 67. No division being expected, many of the ministerial and opposition members had left the House when the question was called for. Mr. Brand who moved, and Lord John Russell who seconded the Amendment, were neither in the division. The following is a

Lord Nugent then gave notice, that on Wednesday week, he should submit a resolution to the House respecting the constitutional character of maintaining a standing army, and proroguing parliament to an unusual period. Lord Castlereagh inquired, whether the noble lord meant to press his motion at all events, before ministers had communicated the Treaties to parliament, and in the consequent discussion opened the grounds upon which they were concluded. Lord Nugent said he should, and for two reasons—first, because he wished to separate the question of maintaining a standing army from the expediency of keeping up some force, as it was the manner, and not the expediency of the measure, to which he objected; and secondly, because he wished to take the sense of the House upon the propriety of the proroguing parliament for so long a period, pending such important negotiations.