in rising to move for a select committee on this subject, observed, that the reason why he preferred taking this step to moving for leave to bring in a bill, was, that an opportunity might be given to the House of knowing from positive evidence the real necessity which existed for the measure. In the last session of parliament he had brought in a bill for the same subject, which he now had in view, and it had advanced to a second reading. The parish of Mary-le-bone opposed itself particularly to that bill, and in consequence of representations from that and other parishes he had consented to withdraw it, in consideration of an agreement with those parishes that they, before the present session, would meet him with such a bill as should satisfy the wishes of all parties. Some of those parishes did, to a certain degree, fulfil their promise, but the parish of Mary-le-bone still opposed the measure which he wished to submit to the consideration of the House. Fortunately, all the parishes did not object to it, but agreed with him that such a bill as he proposed was necessary. If the House should consent to the committee it would be fully seen that some regulation with regard to the paving of the Metropolis was necessary. Some of the parishes were so poor, that they could not defray the expense attending the proper pavement of their streets; and others were so divided among themselves on almost every occasion, that they sat debating, like a petty House of Commons, and neglected their most important obligations. In the committee, if the House should agree to it, the clerks of the several parishes might be examined, and such information gained from them, as would tend to explain what were the situations in which the different parishes were placed, and what course would be the most proper to take. He had endeavoured to give as much of his time as possible to this measure, and he found that the several parishes, and individuals in the same parish, were greatly divided as to the best mode of paving the streets. In the many letters which he had received on the subject, and had he been minister of the country he could scarcely have received more written communications—various methods were proposed:—Some thought that iron would be the best for the streets, others conceived stone would answer better, and others again proposed something different from either. The committee would determine what would really be the best, for it was impossible that a definitive arrangement could be made among persons who were so much at variance with each other. One part of the object which he had in view was, that some public officer should be appointed to superintend the paving of the different streets, and his name placed up in different parts of the metropolis, that persons who had any complaints to make on the subject of bad pavement might know to whom to apply for redress. If some such measure as this were not adopted, the public would be still liable to those accidents which unfortunately so frequently occurred from the pavementbeing broken up in several parts. In addition to the many accidents which he had mentioned to the House last session as being caused by the bad state of the streets, he could now relate many others, and one in particular where a friend of his was near losing his life by the upsetting of a coach in which he rode, in consequence of a broken part of the pavement. From these circumstances he hoped the House would concur with him in seeing the necessity of some interference on the part of the legislature. Most of the members of the House, with whom he had conversed, agreed with him on the principle which he intended to submit; but their acquiescence would avail little, if they did not support it by their votes, on the present occasion. He then moved, "That a select committee be appointed to inquire into the present state of the pavement of the metropolis, and to report their observations thereon to the House."

did not rise to oppose the motion; but, as the hon. and learned gentleman had spoken of the parish of Mary-le-bone, he felt himself called on to say a few words. He was a member of the vestry which governed that parish,—and he could assert, that the gentlemen composing that vestry had employed themselves, in every possible way, for the benefit of the parish. He was perfectly sure that the parish had powers within itself to remedy the inconvenience alluded to, which rendered any new measure quite unnecessary, with respect to them. Whenever he saw that any repairs were wanting, he sent to the vestry clerk, and in a few days the matter of complaint was removed.

stated that he had been for several years, a member of the vestry of St. George's parish. He could say, exactly as the hon. member did of the vestry of St. Mary-le-bone, that no persons were more desirous to do their duty than they were—still, however, the duty was not properly done. In fact, in some cases, however well-intentioned they were, they had not the power to carry their wishes into effect. Penalties ought to be inflicted where they did not now attach. If the surveyor neglected his duty, he was not liable to any penalty, though the persons under his control were. He thought the public were very much indebted to the hon. member for bringing this subject forward, and he trusted some means would be devised for carrying into effect the object of his motion.

defended the motives of the hon. member in bringing forward his motion, and said he would support it from a conviction of its necessity.

in reference to what had fallen from the hon. baronet, observed, that, if ho had animadverted a little more strongly on the conduct of the parish of St. Mary-le-bone, he would have done nothing more than his duty. When that parish took the lead to oppose the bill last session, they sent circular letters to all the parishes of the metropolis, requesting them to call meetings for the purpose of expressing their hostility to the measure—their view being to stifle all proceedings on the subject. Some of them followed this advice, and the beadles went round with a few of the leading men of different parishes, calling on the inhabitants to oppose a bill introduced by Michael 'Angelo Taylor. But, even in the parish of St. Mary-le-bone, this deputation, that went about canvassing the inhabitants, were told by many of them, that they were glad the subject was taken up, and they would assist Mr. Taylor, as far as they could. The vestry published, in the daily prints, a statement, in which they set forth, that, at one of the fullest vestries ever held, peers, and bishops, and all the grandees of the parish attending, it was resolved to oppose the bill. He was surprised at this, because some of the persons mentioned had pledged themselves to support the measure; but, on inquiry, he found, that very few of them had heard any of the resolutions read, and that this imposing body of signatures was occasioned by the election of a new inspector. The hon. and learned gentleman then adverted to the answer given by the vestry of St. Mary-le-bone to a letter written by him on the subject of improving the pavement, in November last; in which they stated their confident opinion, that some regulation might be adopted for improving the pavement of the metropolis; but the moment they perceived that a bill was drawn up, having compulsory clauses in it, and that it included their parish, they manfully refused to have any thing to do with it. The hon. and learned gentleman, in conclusion, expressed his determination to introduce the same clauses in the bill which he contemplated; because the parish of St. Mary-le-bone appeared to be badly paved.

The motion was then agreed to, and a committee immediately appointed.

rose and requested the noble lord to postpone his motion, as there was no person then in the House who belonged to that department.

said, there was no secret in the documents, and they were necessary for his defence.

said, the noble lord moved for the papers in so low a tone, that persons on that side of the House could not collect the nature of them. He therefore requested the noble lord to put off his motion for a few minutes.—Mr. Croker soon after entered, when

again stated the documents he wished to have laid before the House. These were, 1. A copy of lord Cochrane's letter to the secretary of the Admiralty dated February 5th 1814. 2. A letter from the secretary of the Admiralty to lord Cochrane, dated February 7th 1814. 3. Lord Cochrane's letter to the secretary of the Admiralty dated March 8th 1814. 4. Letter from the secretary of the Admiralty to lord Cochrane of the same date. 5. The date of the hon. major William Erskine Cochrane's appointment as cornet in the 15th regiment of dragoons, and the date of the first official return after his joining the said regiment. 6. Extracts from the muster books of his majesty's ships Thetis, Africa, Resolution, Foudroyant, Barfleur, Queen Charlotte, Genereux, and Speedy, of lord Cochrane's time of service onboard those ships, the stations whereon they were employed during such time; and a return of any period during which he was not mustered as present by the said books, 7. The time of the arrival of the official return from the 15th regiment of dragoons, dated January 25th 1814. 8.Return of the dates of the official dispatches from the British army under the command of the duke of Wellington, between the 1st and the 14th of February 1814, and the times of their respective receipts."

said, that no objection existed against the production of the documents connected with the naval department.

asked, whether any of these papers were offered to be read at the trial, and, being offered, were refused?

said, he moved for them as the means of proving that many imputations thrown on him in the course of the trial were not true.

said, that the only way in which the noble lord could make use of these documents, was, to show some fact, that would have been useful to him, on his trial, but the opportunity of proving which had been refused.

The motions were agreed to.

begged to inquire of the right hon. gentleman opposite, whether a paper which had been moved for by a right hon. friend of his (sir John Newport) had been received from the court of session in Scotland? He would take that opportunity of correcting an inference which had been drawn from some observations which had been made—as if that court had been guilty of disrespect to the House, in not complying with its order. He understood the fact to be, that other orders of the House which had gone through the treasury, had been communicated directly to the president of the court of session, and had been promptly complied with. But the order in question going through the secretary of state's office, had been directed, as he understood was the practice of that office, to the lord advocate for Scotland, and thus had not reached the president of the court till parliament had risen; when the commission appointed by the House to inquire into these matters being sitting at Edinburgh, it was thought by the officers of the court sufficient to make the return to that commission, which was accordingly done. This might be a mistake, but it was by no means a wilful or intentional disrespect to the House; and whether a mistake or not, was hardly imputable to the court, or the learned judge who presided there, since the order was addressed not to him but to the lord advocate. Having mentioned that learned judge, he thought it right to say, that he was convinced no person was less likely to be guilty of intentional disrespect to that House. No person had ever differed more from that learned judge in political opinion, than he (Mr. Grant), but it was but justice to say—as he did, not merely on his own opinion, but on that of others on whose opinions he placed greater reliance than on his own—that it was impossible for any one to have conducted himself since his elevation to the bench with more fairness and candour than that right hon. person; and that in all appointments to his court, when he had been consulted, he had uniformly given the weight of his influence and advice, without regard to party, or to political considerations, in favour of those, whom he thought from their talents, and their learning, the most fit to feel these important situations.

concurred with the hon. member in believing that no disrespect was intended by the learned judge alluded to. As to the question put by the hon. member, the only answer which he could give without inquiry was, that he had not yet seen the return, but hoped it would be laid before the House in a short time.

of Scotland observed, that the fact of the return not having been made, was not to be attributed to any intentional disrespect on the part of the learned judge. The order had been sent to him (the lord advocate) and he had transmitted it to the court of session, by which it was sent to the commissioners who had been appointed to examine into the courts of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and who were then receiving information from the court of session. He had no doubt that the return would be soon before the House.

regretted the order had not been transmitted in the first instance to the court by which the return was to be made; but he could not suffer the present opportunity to pass without expressing his satisfaction at the conduct of the commissioners for inquiring into the state of the several courts. Their object was the same for which his right hon. friend (Sir J. Newport) had exerted himself so much, and from the manner in which they had hitherto discharged their duty, he was certain that his right hon. friend would not have interfered in the course which had been adopted. At the same time he did not urge this as a defence for having no return made to the order. He thought no person had a right to dispute the order of the House, or to use their own opinion on it further than by paying it immediate obedience.

of Scotland repeated his former assertion, that no blame could be attributed to the court of session for not having made the return. Their conduct arose more from mistake than neglect.

observed, that such mistakes might be prevented, if every order of the House were sent directly to the officer who was to make the return to it, and not by such a circuitous route as through the office of the secretary of state.

said, it was rumoured that an increase of salary was required for the individual filling the office of lord advocate of Scotland. The matter had been mentioned before, but no answer was returned. Perhaps the learned gentleman would himself state, whether he had made such an application; and if so, whether it had been successful or not?

said, he had never heard of any application on the subject.

said, there had neither been an increase nor diminution in the salary of the office, since he had held it, He never had such a thing in his contemplation.

wished to know, whether an increase was not about to be granted to some of the minor officers?

said, that was a question which he neither ought nor could answer. Government had got many hints on this, as well as on other subjects; but, as they had not adopted the latter, perhaps they would not take those given on this point.

was anxious to know when the chancellor of the exchequer intended to bring forward his motion respecting the property tax. It appeared to him, that, in point of form, it could not be introduced, in a committee of ways and means, until the vote of the committee of supply, to the amount which it was calculated to produce, was agreed to.

was anxious that the property tax should be brought forward under every advantage of the most serious consideration, as well as with a proper respect for parliamentary form. He could not propose it, until a sum of money was called for, commensurate with its amount. Unless the vote of the committee of supply demanded it, he could not, in compliance with parliamentary form, propose it in a committee of ways and means.

said, the right hon. gentleman had explained, very correctly, the true mode of parliamentary proceeding. Now he hoped, that some gentleman of more weight than himself would, on Monday next, bring forward a resolution on this subject, that the country might distinctly understand what the sense of the House was—a resolution that would have nothing to do with the ways and means, but which would call on the House to say, whether this was a tax that ought to be continued in time of peace.

on presenting the petition from the agriculturalists of the hundreds of Burnham and Stoke, in Buckinghamshire, read a letter which he had received from a respectable farmer in that county, with whom, he assured the House, he had not the least connexion, and whose name he only knew. The letter stated, that these were times which excused of themselves the liberty of addressing this letter to his lordship—that the people in that part of the country felt more than the petition could possibly express. How the chancellor of the exchequer was to raise the tax, he could not imagine; but he conceived that it would be a very troublesome job. for any man to collect money, when it was known that he was living beyond his income. The poorer classes of the people were thrown upon the parish, because the farmers were not able to pay for their work. The parishes were very poor, and expected to be much poorer, and the tax was not the more relished because it was to be forced down the throats of the people by a standing army. These, his lordship continued, were the sentiments, not of a political incendiary, but of a man who never meddled with politics until the necessity of the times compelled him.

on presenting the petition from the merchants, bankers, and tradesmen, of Shrewsbury, against the property tax, stated, that he most cordially agreed with the petitioners, in thinking that the faith of government was pledged not to renew this tax in time of peace, and in condemning, as unconstitutional, the keeping up of so large a military force. If ministers were hardy enough to propose the measure to this country, he hoped they would meet with that discomfiture they so well merited. But, till he saw it, he would not believe that the influence of the crown was so great in that House, as to enable ministers to carry the measure against the prayers and tears of the people. He trusted that ministers would consider in time, the great distress of the country, and put some other limits to the burthens of the people than their patience in hearing them.

on presenting the petition from Wiveliscombe, observed, that among other evils of which the petitioners complained, was one of vital importance. It related to the general decrease in the quantity of land sown this year with wheat, as well as the quantity thrown back on the hands of the owners, and now lying uncultivated, as the farmers, from the low price of wheat, could not afford to cultivate them. Whatever might be said about the faith of ministers on particular points, there was one general system of faith in all governments, which was an engagement so to support the interests of agriculture, that the people should not run the risk of being starved.

said, he held in his hand a petition from the town of Honiton in Devon, against the property tax, which, amongst other facts, complained that the most galling and intolerable part of the system was, the compelling the petitioners to lay open their concerns to a train of inspectors and spies; and they trusted the House would refuse its sanction to the measure under any modifications whatever. On this subject he was enabled, from what had very lately come to his knowledge, to offer a very striking commentary. A very respectable person, a ship-broker, residing at no great distance from that House, had occasion to purchase an article; at a cheesemonger's, which he received wrapped up in a paper that proved to be, to his no small astonishment, the return of one of his friends and neighbours to the commissioners of the property tax. He called on the gentleman and stated the circumstance, and they both called on the cheesemonger. The tradesman told them he had lately bought a great lot of waste paper of the same kind, and they found, upon farther inquiry, that the paper in question had been exposed to sale by the commissioners, and consisted of the whole returns of what was commonly called their jurisdiction, but which he should call their inquisition. Thus it appeared the private affairs of all persons were exposed, not only to the commissioners, but to the world, by their returns being exposed to sale as waste paper. If he had seen no reason before to oppose the tax, this circumstance alone would induce him to do it. For it would seem, that all attempts for making the commissioners keep faith with those under their inquisition were unavailing; and there appeared no great chance of making these persons keep the secrets of individuals, unless they took two or three others to assist them, by which all the affairs that came before them would be verbally exposed.

wished to say a few words, in reply to what had been said by the hon. and learned member. He remembered that a fact had been mentioned some time ago similar to that which had just been stated: an inquiry then took place, and it appeared that the commissioners of London had always been particularly careful to destroy all the returns which had been made, excepting a very small portion which it was necessary to preserve for the purposes of their business; but it at that time also appeared, that by some accident or other, some few of the returns had been suffered to go out of their hands. Something of the same kind, he had no doubt, had in the present instance taken place; but he could take upon himself positively to deny, that any of these papers had been sold, as had been asserted by the hon. and learned gentleman. He did really believe that no such practice had ever been resorted to; and if the proper inquiry were made, there was little doubt but that the hon. and learned member would find himself to have been misinformed. With respect to the general complaint of this, as it was termed, inquisitorial proceeding, it would be recollected, that when the tax was formerly introduced, that grievance was in a great degree removed by the introduction of a clause in the bill in 1803, by which certain persons were allowed to choose their own referees, to whom they might refer their accounts, instead of the commissioners. By this means nine persons out of ten made no returns, and no one person was obliged to make any return, excepting for the purpose of obtaining relief. This clause was, however, afterwards abandoned, and it was now in the power of the legislature to re-insert it in the act about to be proposed. His only wish was, that a fair and reasonable assessment might be made, such as two fair-dealing honourable men might make, which, however, should be subject to the examination of the commissioners. He could not see what reason any man could have to object to this mode of proceeding. With regard to what had been urged as to the hardship of this tax upon the poorer classes, he had already observed upon the very small extent to which this tax had been charged upon those persons. He had stated, that out of 1,131,000, only 266,000 made any returns; and therefore three out of four had never paid the tax. Having thus given a statement of the number of the poorer classes of tradesmen who were exempted, he would now state a similar return which had been made with regard to the farming interest. The total amount of the families assessed under the tenants' tax was 589,000. Of these families 432,500 paid under the reduced scale, having an income of less than 150l. The persons paying at the rate of 200l. a year, being the full rate, were 42,000 only. He would now show the benefit the proposed modifications would have upon this class of men. The number now exempted was 114,000, and the number that would be exempted under the new modifications was 527,000 out of 589,000l. The number paying the diminished and abated rate was reduced to 55,500, and the number of farmers paying at 5 per cent.,—that was 10l. out of 600l. or one sixtieth—was 45,000 only. It would, therefore, be seen of what great benefit these proposed modifications would be to the agricultural interest. But he had been told that this alleviation was a dishonest proceeding. Now, as he conceived, the dishonesty just amounted to this—that the farmer, who made a reduced profit, was now to pay a very reduced rate. The farmer was not able to show the amount of his annual profits, and therefore the legislature had very properly assessed upon the rent. Whether this scale was too high or too low, it was now premature to discuss, and would be considered in due time. It could then be also considered by parliament what further relief it would be proper to propose, particularly to farmers who had sustained nearly a total loss of the produce of their land. He should always be disposed to listen with attention to any fair case which might be made out, or to prevent the inconveniencies which he was sensible necessarily arose from the disclosure of private concerns; but the house would admit that it might be inferred, by the abandonment of the clause of 1803, that none was required now. He begged it to be understood, that if any more effectual relief could be suggested, it would be listened to with the greatest attention. In every other case it was, he believed, agreed, that the grievance of disclosure had been entirely removed; but, even in that particular branch of trade where disclosure was necessary, it would be seen that a man might be engaged in many firms, and in many trades, and might contrive to bring his affairs to such a point as to prevent any man knowing any thing of his concerns; because it was evident, that it was not necessary that the commissioners should know every minute particular. Under these circumstances, then, he trusted that it would be seen that this measure was actually not of so harsh a nature as had been conceived, and he hoped that gentlemen would wait until the appointed time for a full, fair, and deliberate discussion on the subject.

said he did not mean to allude to the London commissioners in particular; he objected to the whole system. The right hon. gentleman would be very glad, it seemed, to pay attention to any modification which might be pointed out. He believed, as he had stated on a former night, that ministers were ready to receive the tax on any terms. But he distrusted their modifications. The right hon. gentleman, like a personage whom he resembled only in name, appeared ready to come to any terms, in his extremity. The personage to whom he alluded was said to have fallen sick; and being taken with a sudden fit of piety, he declared his intention of becoming monk; but the moment his health was restored, he forgot his promises. He believed, if the right hon. gentleman once carried the tax, that he also would act in the same manner.

said there had been a statement, very conveniently dressed out, in a treasury paper, for the purpose of making the measure palatable; it stated how many millions of mechanics, with an income under 70 or 80l. a year, were totally exempted from this tax; from which it was meant to be inferred, that those persons had no interest in the question. But it must be seen, that all these persons were not only obliged to pay indirectly to the tax, but were also all indirectly connected with the fate of their masters, whose reduced state, from stagnation in trade, must affect all who were concerned under them, in the same way as the farmers' labourers were affected by the distresses of the farmers. The relieving of one part of the people for the purpose of burthening another, was a project unworthy of the minister of a great nation. The relieving of persons by remission on account of distress was just; but it was not so generally, if the relief were only partially applied. The great point would be to direct our attention to the principle of the tax, which was established for the support of the war; and therefore the thing which the country gentlemen would have to consider, was, that they have been establishing a measure of finance, which government may have recourse to upon occasion, and screw it up by degrees, like the little advances they have made from time to time upon the tea and the sugar tax. He wished the idea to be inculcated upon every man's mind, that this tax was of such a nature, that nothing could justify it but the most arduous war, such as we had just emerged from. If this tax were eventually renewed, he hoped the tenant would be exempted from it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer thought the objection to the measure which had been spoken of on account of the disclosure which individuals were compelled to make was not great, as a clause allowing the parties to make their returns to two referees had not been much acted upon. Mr. Baring was not surprised that few persons should have availed themselves of that clause, as the trouble and embarrassment which it led to were not to be endured, and were, if possible, worse than the common course of proceeding. He condemned the property tax for this—it took 10 per cent. from the trader's profits in one concern, and allowed him no drawback for the losses he might sustain in the other; thus a ship-owner who might gain on one vessel, was obliged to pay the property tax on his profits on her, though he should sustain a loss to an equal amount on the Other. He was convinced, that the representations made concerning the tax were any thing but exaggerated.

argued in strong terms against the property tax, and dwelt more particularly on the evils arising from the disclosures which it compelled of the private affairs of individuals. He spoke of its effects in the county of Devon, where the assessments of individuals were already generally known. His greatest objection was still against the principle. It was the illegitimate offspring, the bastard of the constitution; and it was attempted to seize for it the inheritance of the country. They might proceed in this way, and make any set of commissioners a court of chancery. Sooner than agree to oppression and unconstitutional taxation of this nature and extent, he would humbly petition his royal highness to release him from his allegiance. Rather than be the slave of a tax-gatherer at home, he would submit to be the subject of a country of which he was not a native. The present system tended to overturn all those rights for which our ancestors bled.

The petitions were ordered to lie on the table.

rose and addressed the House as follows:^*

In pursuance of the notice I gave some time ago, I now rise to move, "That this House do resolve itself into a committee of the whole House, to take into consideration the distressed state of the agriculture of the United Kingdom." It has been the practice of this House so to do for the purpose of more convenient deliberation and inquiry in times of peculiar danger and difficulty; and I cannot help feeling thoroughly convinced, that it will be admitted, that none were ever more critical than the present.

I cannot indeed anticipate any objection to this motion, unless it should by some hon. members be apprehended that we should excite additional alarm through out the country; and, perhaps, create expectations which it would be impossible to realize. Neither of these objections have, however, in my opinion, much weight; in respect to the first of them, I can only say, that the alarm actually existing can hardly by any possibility be increased; and as to the second, however we might lament our inability to fulfil expectations, it is no sufficient reason for our refusing to investigate the causes and extent of our present unexampled distress. I am ready to admit, that the legislature does by no means possess that power on such occasions as the present, which the public are too apt to imagine: we cannot by an act of parliament in an instant alleviate evils, the result of a concurrence of an infinite variety of circumstances. Their sanguine hopes therefore may not be realized; but

that is no reason whatever for turning our backs upon the subject. The public must not be kept in the dark either as to the extent or limits of our power. We must give our most patient and attentive consideration as well in regard to extent as to the cause of distress, and possible means of relief; and in the result the public must be convinced, that every thing in our power we will accomplish.

^*From the original edition printed for Budd and Calkin, Pall Mall.

Since I first gave notice of this motion (which is now a considerable time ago) I have received communications on the subject from all parts of the empire; and they do altogether form a picture of national distress quite unexampled, I am confident, in any former time. I had selected a certain number of these letters from the rest, which appeared to me the most conclusive and intelligent, with an intention to read them to the House; but I am aware how tedious written statements generally are; and upon reflection, I have thought that the real state of the country must be more satisfactorily represented by hon. members, than by the result of any information, however extensive, which I have had it in my power to collect.

In order to put the House in possession of circumstances which would be conclusive as to the real state of the country, I have called for various documents, which yet are not returned; I allude to an order made by the House upon sheriffs to give an account of all process upon the body or goods of the people in their respective counties, upon a comparison of the last three years; also an order has been given for an account of Exchequer process against persons for non-payment of taxes. These are not yet come in; and I am afraid indeed when they do, they will not give us a full representation of the calamity, as a variety of cases of distress and ruin will not come within the scope of these returns.

I have received a few of these returns through the hands of correspondents, and I will shortly state to the House their result. The first account is from the county of Norfolk, the agriculture of which is in high repute; and the distresses of which, in all probability, hardly equal those of other counties; at all events, they may be taken as a fair average of the state of the whole kingdom. It appears in Norfolk, that the number of bailable writs have increased from 540 in the year 1814, to 670 in the year 1815; the number of executions, in the same period, from 96 to 174. My correspondent observes, that this account clearly shows the distress of the county; but I apprehend, he says, the sheriff's office does not exhibit any thing like the full extent of the evil, for it does not comprehend bankruptcies, deeds of trust, or composition; nor cases of distress for rent, except when the goods are replevied, which has rarely happened during the last year, probably because the parties have been unable to discern any prospect of relief from a postponement of a sale of their effects. Farmers and graziers, if not otherwise traders, are not subject to the bankrupt laws, and the great and almost universal mode by which the affairs of insolvent farmers are settled, is by deeds of trust, or composition: and the only record of such failure is to be met with in the provincial newspapers. These observations are certainly correct, and therefore, as I before observed, the returns from the sheriff's office will not give a full picture of the distress of the country; they serve, however, as far as they go, incontestably to prove the difficulties in which all classes of the community appear to be involved. From Suffolk I have received a similar return, and there I learn the number of bailable writs and executions have increased in the same period from 430 to 850.

In the county of Worcester they have increased from 640 to 890; in which county, I am told, that exchequer processes to levy issues on parishes for arrears of taxes, the first moiety of the property tax, due April 1815, against 46 parishes in arrear; for assessed taxes, ditto, 47 parishes; the remainder of property tax, 48 parishes; assessed taxes, due Michaelmas last, 45; total 186. The county of Worcester contains about 216 parishes, so that four-fifths of the parishes are now in arrear.

In Sussex I have an account from one division of the county, containing two hundreds, in one of which, consisting of 32 parishes, 26 are in arrear either for property or assessed taxes; and the other, consisting of about 20, fifteen are in arrear. The county of Sussex is divided into six hundreds, and my correspondent informs me he has no reason to hope that the others are in a better situation.

I have an account from the Isle of Ely, which appears to evince proofs of distress even beyond those I have already stated. In one hundred of the Isle of Ely, containing about one-third part of the island, the number of arrests in 1812 and 1813 were 50, in 1814 and 1835 two hundred and three; the number of executions, in the first of those periods, 7; in the last, 60; amount of executions in the first period, 765l., in the last, 18,522l. In addition to the above, the distresses for rent and drainage taxes, which have been taken within the last two years, amount to 11,000l. and within the same period, in the vicinity of Ely, several farmers have failed, whose debts altogether amounted to 72,500l. and the creditors, in hardly any instance, have received a dividend. It appears also, there are 19 farms now untenanted in Ely, and the parishes immediately adjoining. These accounts are certainly alarming to the greatest degree; I can hardly venture to pledge myself to their precise accuracy in every item, but I do not entertain a doubt of their being substantially faithful and correct. All the letters I have received, all the communications that have been personally made to me, concur in giving the same deplorable picture of distress universally pervading that portion of the community whose capital is engaged in agriculture, as well as all those numerous classes whose employment is dependent thereon. I will therefore, Sir, no longer dwell upon the proofs of our distress, nor the extent of it, but endeavour to examine the circumstances that have occasioned such unexampled difficulties and embarrassments, and which have not come upon us gradually, but appear almost, as it were in a moment, to have overwhelmed the whole country.

Between two and three years ago agriculture was in a flourishing and prosperous state, and yet, within the short period which has since elapsed, thousands have been already ruined, and destruction seems to impend over the property of all those whose capital is engaged in the cultivation of the soil. From what causes, I say, can such events have arisen?—Are they the effects of excessive taxation, of the enormous amount of the national debt?—Are they the consequences of our extensive paper circulation, which now appears to have been in a great measure withdrawn?—Are they occasioned by the pressure of the tithe, or the severe burthen of the poor-rate?—Is it from any, or from all of these causes, that the evil has originated? I have no hesitation in saying, that it is not to one or two, but to a combination of all these causes, we must attribute our distress. Our national debt and our taxes have been carried to an extent unknown, I believe, to any other country in the universe; our paper currency has been carried also to an extent quite unexampled, and, I believe, will be found to have created a principal source of our misfortune. The poor-rates have been singularly oppressive; tithes, also, have been felt in proportion as larger capital has been required to cultivate the land. Yet, in spite of all these burthens, up to the middle of 1813, agriculture did sustain them, and, under the weight of their united pressure, contributed to make most rapid advances. How then are we to account for such a change? There are those, I know, who attribute it to the return of peace, but I do not entertain that opinion. The loss of the war demand, no doubt, has had an effect, but this, I should think, is counteracted by the cutting off the foreign supply of grain under the Act of last session: besides, by referring to the account upon the table, we shall see that the great fall in the price of corn took place prior to the possible anticipation of the return of peace. In the early part of January, 1813, the price of wheat was as high as 120s. per quarter; in November it was as low as 75s. or 76s. By the accounts of contracts made at the victualling office, Portsmouth, the contract for wheat appears to be, on the 1st of January, 123s. 10d., in November, 67s. 10d. At Plymouth, 121s. 9d. in February; in September, 86s. At Deptford there appears to be no contract for wheat, but in February a contract for flour was taken at 100s. 3d. per sack, and in November at 65s. At this latter period, no confidence or expectation of returning peace could have influenced the market; and, therefore, to that cause the fall of price cannot be at all attributed. It is also to be ob-served, that the very year after the return of peace in 1782, the price of grain rose to two or three shillings, and upon an average of five years compared with the last five years of the American war, five shillings per quarter. After the peace of 1763, the price advanced from 1l. 16s. to 2l. 1s.; the year following, and upon an average of five years, advanced 7s. 6d. a quarter. These circumstances concurring induce me to believe, that the return of peace has had very little influence upon the rapid fall of the markets for grain. I return then to a consideration of all the other circumstances before-mentioned, and will endeavour to trace their operation from that which appears to me to have been the primary cause, though, no doubt, effects immediately following have operated as causes more powerful, perhaps, than that which was the original. The first, and obvious cause, I say, has been a redundant supply in the markets, a supply considerably beyond the demand, and that created chiefly by the produce of our own agriculture. The importation of foreign corn has, no doubt, in some degree, contributed to the creation of that redundance; but as it did not exceed in the last two years the average amount of the last ten, it is evident that the surplus now existing is chiefly ascribable to the extension of our own growth.

Permit me, Sir, here to call to the recollection of the House the effect of a small surplus or deficit of supply above or below the demand of the market. It is perfectly well known that if there is a small deficiency of supply, the price will rise in a ratio far beyond any proportion of such deficiency; the effect indeed is almost incalculable: so likewise on a surplus of supply beyond demand, the price will fall in a ratio exceeding almost tenfold the amount of such surplus. Corn, being an article of prime necessity, is peculiarly liable to such variation; upon a deficit of supply the price is further advanced by alarm; and upon a surplus, it is further diminished by the difficulty the growers have in contracting the amount of their growth, Compared to the means which other manufacturers possess of limiting the amount of their manufactures.

I have drawn the attention of the House to these considerations, in order to show that it is not necessary the surplus should be so large as might at first appear to be requisite, to occasion that primary depression of the price of grain which I attribute to it. I am aware, that so fixed has been the opinion for many years of our inability to grow enough for our own consumption, that it will still be difficult to convince many people that we have actually created a supply beyond our demand. I have indeed always maintained that it was easily practicable so to do; that we had abundant means for the purpose, and that from lands wholly uncultivated, as well as from those which, notwithstanding our improved agriculture were yet very miserably farmed, we might extract resources, for more than double the amount of our present population. The quantity of corn imported I have always considered as very trifling, when compared with the amount of our aggregate consumption, though it may operate very powerfully to depress a market already filled, especially as the extent of what might be drawn from foreign countries cannot be ascertained. The average import of the last twelve years has not exceeded a million of quarters of all sorts of grain. In 1811 and 1812 we exported more than we imported; and though a large proportion was sent out of the kingdom for the supply of our own subjects, yet we had at that time a great many foreigners and prisoners within the kingdom. Let the House also recollect what vast imports have been drawn from Ireland, and the quantity of wheat and other grain that has been furnished within these few years to this metropolis from Scotland, from whence formerly none was ever received. In short, throughout all parts of the empire, during the last twenty years, agriculture has certainly advanced with rapid strides. The full effect of all our improvements has just been completely realized; and two or three good harvests from this extended and improved agriculture, together with continued import, and demand reduced, have occasioned such a surplus in the market, as very obviously accounts for the first depression of the price. The farmers soon became alarmed, and began to experience distress. Their alarm was increased by the rejection of the corn bills of 1813 and 1814, and by the apparent determination of the public to resist any measure of that sort, and likewise by an opinion generally entertained, that the peace would necessarily restore the low prices which existed prior to the war. They felt also conscious of their own want of resources, and that they should be soon hurried into the market, and compelled to take any price that was offered. It has been, I know, universally believed by the public, that farmers had acquired large fortunes in the course of the last ten years: a more erroneous opinion, however, never was formed, and so the result has proved. It has been said, that the prices of grain have been so enormously high, that the farmers must have realized great fortunes. Now, Sir, I deny in the first place, that prices have been enormously high, compared with the advanced charges of every kind to which agriculture has been liable,—nay, I am surprised they have not been much higher. In the years of scarcity indeed, the prices were very high; but upon an average of ten years they have not been so. Compare the prices of a period sometime back with the average price of the last ten years, take the amount of taxation in each period, and I think the House will see that I am fully warranted in making this statement. The average price of wheat during ten years prior to the commencement of the war in 1792, was 47s. per quarter, and the average charge of taxes and loans, fifteen millions per annum. The average price of wheat during ten years ending with 1812, that is, excluding the two years of scarcity, and the two last years of low price, was 88s, per quarter; the amount of taxes and loans seventy-five millions per annum. Here then we find the amount of taxation in effect quintrupled, whilst the price of corn has not doubled; in addition to which, the proportional amount of the circulating medium has in the last period immensely increased.

I say then, considering all these circumstances, combined with the vast increase of burthens to which agriculture is exclusively liable, and we shall find that we are not only not entitled to call the price of the last ten years enormously high, but we must rather be surprised that it has not risen to a far greater extent. Thus then, though agriculture has advanced rapidly, yet the profits have not been large; and such has been the enterprising spirit of late years, which farmers have evinced equally with all other classes of society, that their earnings have been immediately devoted to further improvements, and their capitals have been sunk in the amelioration of their lands, which in a thousand instances will now turn out to have been irrecoverably thrown away. As to the extravagance with which they have been charged, it is mere prejudice to ascribe to them a greater portion of it than is equally attributable to other members of the community. The truth is, as fast as they could realize or borrow money, they employed it in the purchase or improvement of land; and the facilities of obtaining credit in late years have universally stimulated this practice. In this situation, can we be surprised at their alarm and their distress? The price continued to fail till their property diminished one-half, and their creditors press for the repayment of advances, which they now begin to consider no longer safe. In this state of things confidence is universally shaken, and away goes an immense proportion of the circulating medium of the country banks, which in fact was founded upon the value of the products of the land. Here then we begin to feel the consequences of a loss of that circulating medium, which before had been so abundant; and it is impossible to calculate what may be the extent of the evils that may arise from the rapid withdrawing so extensive a quantity of currency, with which the country banks, by issue of their notes, and by other means, furnished to the demand of the public. I am far from denying the advantages of a paper currency, more especially when kept within limits, by the power of the holder to demand payment in specie. Unlimited as it has been, I attribute very much to its operation the vast extension of our commercial, manufacturing, and agricultural productions. A paper currency, or circulating medium, is in fact a credit currency, which has the effect of converting a dormant capital into a state of immediate activity; whilst at the same time, by its increasing abundance, it enhances the prices of all articles produced. I believe all writers upon political economy have agreed, that an increasing amount of circulating medium, together with the consequent advance of price of all commodities, has been uniformly beneficial to the industrious class of the community. These effects have been strongly felt by the increasing amount of this credit circulation of late years, whilst at the same time the power it has afforded of employing capital, has multiplied all the products of industry in a very rapid degree. To exemplify its effects, take the case of an enterprising farmer, for instance; let us suppose him, with a limited capital, in the occupation of an extensive farm; at the end of harvest he sees his yards and barns loaded with the fruits of an abundant season, he is anxious to make improvements in a variety of ways, but has not the means of so doing till his crops can be brought to market; instead of waiting that event, the facilities of credit in late years have enabled him at once to command a sum on the security of this corn, and thus he is enabled, with a rapidity unknown in former times, to improve those sources of production, which keep continually multiplying as they advance, till at length they have overgrown the demand. Other manufactures, I believe, have increased from the same cause, and in the same proportion; so that, in fact, they have also overloaded the market. The demand for all commodities, and the home and foreign markets, are completely overdone. It is true that the war demand, in the first instance, gave the first moving spring to the production of corn and all other articles; the consequence of the war likewise, by giving us more complete possession of the home and foreign markets, has powerfully operated, and then, followed the magical effects of this extensive credit circulation which I have endeavoured to describe. The period is now come, when we are to experience the evil attendant upon such a system, the extent of which it is impossible to estimate. If an abundant credit circulation is productive of the advantages above stated, it must be admitted likewise that it is attended with great danger under any circumstances of national difficulty or alarm. If any large class of the opulent part of the people fall into distress, calamities must ensue, to which we otherwise should not be so much exposed; and we cannot be surprised, that under the pressure which the owners and occupiers of land at present sustain, difficulties unparalleled should have arisen. Let us, Sir, consider for a moment, what the amount in value of the annual product of the land has been. An estimate of this sort, I know, is difficult; but I will form it upon data, which I think will be sufficient for the present purpose: the rental under the property tax act is fifty-seven millions, the gross produce of the land cannot be less than four times that amount; it used to be reckoned three; I believe now it is nearer five; but I will take it at four, which gives two hundred and twenty-eight millions for the annual produce of the land—suppose two hundred millions. The value of these products is fallen one half since 1812. Here is a loss of one hundred millions of annual receipt by the farmers; a diminution, also, of one half of the value of farming stock has taken. place; upon which stock, and annual produce, the whole currency of the country banks has in fact been founded. Can we be surprised from such a loss of property that such consequences should have followed—the whole community going on, as it were, upon credit? Such a change has been sufficient almost to produce a financial revolution; and what consequences are yet to follow, I am quite at a loss even to conjecture. At one time, the excessive abundance of circulating! medium created the greatest alarm from the extreme to which it appeared verging in that direction. Now this abundance has vanished, and it may so completely disappear, that the prices of commodities may fall to the standard at which they were 150 years ago. I say, there is nothing which will necessarily prevent its so falling, nor are there any means to force a re-issue of this paper currency, which has thus vanished in a moment; nothing but a revival of the value of that on which it was founded can accomplish this object. If the value of land and the produce of land shall be in any degree restored, confidence will in proportion return, and banks will by degrees resume their credits and re-issue their notes, though probably not to the same extent they have done.

There is one other cause to which I also attribute in part the progressive fall in the price of grain, though, like some other causes, it has been an effect in the first instance; and that is, diminished consumption, in consequence of diminished earnings of the laborious classes. However fast the price of provisions has fallen, the earnings of labour have recently fallen faster still; so that those who live by the labour of their hands cannot command so much of the comforts of life as when they were nearly double the price which they now are. Thus we may go on, unless a change speedily takes place, in a course of progressive impoverishment, the consequence of progressively diminishing consumption.

And here, Sir, we see one most alarming consequence of our present situation; the laborious classes are suffering in a degree quite unexampled—they appear to be starving, as it were, in the midst of plenty: the productive industry of the country is absolutely suspended; and the sources of future harvests are rapidly falling into decay. Nor is it only from the deprivation of the necessaries and comforts of life, that the laborious peasantry at present suffer—they are more seriously grieved at the loss of their independence; they can no longer command a market for their labour; their labour is their property, and a property it is—infinitely valuable to the state. So long as there is a demand for it, they can treat upon equal terms with those to whom it is necessary. Now they are obliged to beg for employment, however industrious they may be; their industry is no longer wanted; and an exchange for it by their employers is considered as a favour. Thus situated, it is impossible their minds should not be irritated, and their feelings injured; they cannot fail to consider themselves degraded, their independence lost, and their moral character will be inevitably changed and deteriorated; and there is nothing, I think, more seriously to be apprehended from our present distress than the effects thus produced on the lower class of people.

Now, Sir, let us turn from the contemplation of this gloomy picture, and consider what prospect there is of remedy, or what means we have of affording relief. If I am right in attributing the primary cause of all these calamities to the effects of a surplus in the market beyond the demand, the remedy must be found in taking off that surplus, or it will remedy itself in a short time by a reduction of supply. The danger is, that the present abundant supply should be converted into an alarming deficiency: nay, there is not only a danger, but a certainty that such will very soon be the case. The diminution of the produce must be rapid in the extreme. No man who has the least knowledge of farming can fail to see how speedily the growth of corn will be reduced; nor can we expect to avoid an absolute scarcity in the course of two or three years, if the difficulties under which the farmers labour should continue so long. How avert this calamity? How improve the markets, and relieve the farmers' distress? are questions, no doubt, very difficult to solve. But cannot help thinking some measures might be adopted, which would materially contribute to their assistance, as well as to the general benefit of the community at large. The relief must come, in the first, instance, partly from an increased price of grain and other produce of land, the consequence of an increased demand; partly from diminished taxation, which, whilst it reduces the cost price of the article, will also increase the consumption.

This latter mode of relief is the more, obvious, and infinitely more to be desired. At the same time, no diminution of taxes can be sufficient to relieve, unless accompanied by an advanced price; that is to say, no adequate diminution of taxes can be accomplished, if faith is to be preserved, to the public creditor. The lowest possible peace establishment, combined with the interest of the national debt, would amount to 50,000,000l. per annum. It is indeed impossible to bring the charges upon the public so low; but supposing it were practicable, 50,000,000l. per annum could not be raised upon the country, if the prices of grain and other commodities were reduced to what they were prior to the war, when those charges amounted only to 15,000,000l.. The taxes which press most severely upon agriculture, as well from their nature as their amount, are the different taxes upon barley, in the course of the various process which prepares it for the use of the consumer. The total amount of the tax upon malt, beer, and spirit, is 12,350,000l.. per annum, a sum so enormous, as almost to appear in credible, and which, by its operation, has certainly very much diminished the consumption. I am really at a loss to imagine how the agriculture of the country has been enabled to sustain such a burthen. If we add to this sum the property tax paid by the tenant, the tax on agricultural horses, and the duty on hops, we shall find an amount exceeding the whole revenue of the state prior to the commencement of the war.

By looking to the accounts upon the table, which show the quantity of barley malted in each year from 1790 to the present time, it will be seen that the average quantity malted in the first ten years exceeds by 420,000 quarters the average quantity of the last ten years. This, however, does not exhibit half the effect which may be fairly attributed to the effects of taxation on the barley market. To estimate which, we must consider the increase of population which has taken place since the year 1790, and which, by the reports upon our table, and by the last population act, amounts in Great Britain to 2,000,000; that is, an increase from 10 to 12,000,000. If then, in 1790, the consumption of barley was 3,390,000 quarters, which was the case, by 10,000,000 of people, the consumption of 2,000,000 would be 678,000, which consequently we must add to the 420,000 above stated.

Here then we have a loss of market, occasioned by the excessive taxation to which the article is subject, for nearly 1,100,000 quarters, a quantity exceeding in amount the average importation of the last ten years of foreign grain of every sort.

That these consequences have arisen from taxation, there can, I think, be no doubt. In the first ten years the price of barley was upon an average 31s. per quarter; in the last ten, 41s. 9d. per quarter. In the first ten the duty was 10s. 7d. per quarter; in the last, 34s. 8d. Thus has the duty advanced 24s. per quarter, whilst the price of barley has risen only 10s. 9d.

It may be said, perhaps, that in the last year the quantity of barley malted has again increased to the extent of 400,000 quarters, which is certainly true, but which at the same time affords further proof of my inference as to the effect of duty. The fact is, the consumption has risen again in consequence of the fallen price of the barley itself, the average price of which has hardly exceeded 20s., and by that reduction the same effect has of course been produced as would follow a diminution of duty to the same extent. The government has in reality stepped in and taken the farmer's crop from him, or at least all the profits of it, which have been thus completely absorbed by the duties; and this is the case with a variety of other exciseable articles.

We hear of the increased revenue of the excise, which, however, ceases to be so extraordinary, when we find that many of those articles are so reduced in price, to the loss of the grower or manufacturer, that the duty price almost alone remains. These duties have also been collected with much more exactitude and rigour within the last few years, of which, however, I by no means complain, but rather give credit to his majesty's ministers for having so done.

The distilleries of Great Britain have also always formed a very important market for the produce of the land; and here again it will be found, the effects of taxation have reduced this market likewise.

From the report of the committee of 1808, it will be seen, that the consumption of barley in Great Britain, by the distilleries at that time, amounted to near 500,000 quarters. At present, I think it will be found not to exceed 400,000; so that a further loss of that consumption must here be added to that extent, making in the whole 1,200,000 quarters. In this calculation I leave the consumption of the Irish distilleries wholly out of the question, which were stated by the same committee to have occasioned a demand of 400,000 quarters more. Our annual importation of foreign spirits, that is to say, gin and brandy, amounts to 3 or 4,000,000 of gallons. If this vast importation could be prevented, and British spirits substituted in its place, it would be equal to a further consumption of about 170,000 quarters; or to whatever extent their consumption could be reduced, we should get a proportional increased demand for our own manufacture.

It will be impossible, however, to effect such a prohibition of the foreign spirits, whilst the duties upon our own continue so high. If the home spirit was very materially cheaper than the foreign, we might secure its consumption; we might also prevent the illicit distillation from corn and molasses, which is so encouraged by the vast amount of duty, as to render all efforts to prevent it ineffectual.

During the war, the smuggling of foreign spirits has been rendered very difficult; but now it will be found almost impossible to check the practice of smuggling, if the inducement continue so strong. Should government, therefore, attempt to sustain the same amount of taxes upon British spirits which they have borne during the war, we shall soon see the manufacture destroyed, and this market for barley completely superseded by the introduction of foreign spirit, which, in point of fact, has the same effect as the importation of so many thousand quarters of corn.

It appears then, from all these considerations, indispensably necessary very materially to reduce the present duties upon malt, beer, and spirits, if we expect to give any essential relief to the agriculture of the country.

I certainly have in contemplation a reduction of duties very far indeed beyond any thing which ministers will be likely to concede; but I am sure it is unavoidably necessary, even if revenue was the sole object. How is it possible to place any reliance upon the future amount of the revenue, if agriculture should continue in its present depressed state? The land forms the chief source of the revenue, and if the value of its produce has fallen one half, as I am confident it has since the year 1812, the revenue arising from it must diminish in the same proportion.

I come now, Sir, to a consideration of the act of last session for the regulation of the corn trade. I do not think it will be necessary to examine much in detail its provisions, or its consequences; but I am under the necessity of adverting to some of its enactments, and I cannot help shortly observing upon the effects which it must have produced. Some people imagine it has afforded no advantage whatever to British agriculture; but when we know that it has taken a certain quantity of grain out of a market absolutely overloaded, it seems to be impossible to deny that it has had some beneficial consequences. If the produce of our own agriculture has been sufficient thus to depress the price, the further continuance of importation surely must have sunk it lower still.

One circumstance I am glad to find fully established by the present state of the markets, viz. that it is not at all necessary that the import price should be the minimum price of corn. The Act of last year was always falsely argued upon that assumption, in spite of the experience of seventy years to the contrary. This additional proof of the fallacy of such an opinion, I trust, will completely eradicate it. My conviction has always been, that the higher we fix the import price, and the more we encourage our own growth, the lower will be the market price upon an average of years; and the reason is obvious enough, as by securing to the British grower the possession of the home market, we stimulate his exertions, and it is from thence we can alone obtain sufficient abundance to keep down the price. I do not mean below that price which will sufficiently repay his capital and industry, for that is impossible during any long period of time; but we shall receive from him by these means a steady supply, at the cheapest rate at which it can be obtained, compared with the profit derived from capital and industry devoted to other trades and manufactures.

This opinion, however, does not rest upon theory; it is established upon the experience of a system of policy pursued by this country during many years. That system, as we all know, began in the reign of Charles 2nd, and continued down to the year 1773. The act of the 22d of Charles 2nd, placed the import price so high as virtually to amount to a prohibition of foreign corn. The bounty of 5s. per quarter on exportation, considering the difference of the value of money between that time and the present was very great; and yet during that period the price of corn was lower than the average price of Europe. According to different accounts quoted by Charles Smith in his Tracts upon the Corn-trade, it appears that the average price of wheat during seventy nine years, that is to say, from 1686 to 1765, was 33s. 2d., being 4d. below the price of the general markets of Europe; whereas, for ninety-one years prior to the act of Charles 2nd, the price of wheat in England was very considerably above the European average. This act of Charles 2nd, and more especially the bounty act of king William, attended by the consequences which accompanied, if they did not flow from it, excited much of the attention and admiration of Europe. This might be shown, by adverting to a variety of publications of that date. I shall only notice one, which accompanied an edict of the French government in the year 1764. It is a speech addressed to the parliament of Brittany, by Monsieur De Caradeuc de la Chalotais, procureur general, upon delivering to them that edict. In speaking of this country, and of the effect of the law giving a bounty on the exportation of corn, he says, " at the time we unfortunately forbad the exportation of corn, our neighbours encouraged and rewarded it. They (the English) in consequence tilled with emulation, their fields were covered with abundance; and in those years of want, we, who formerly used to sell them wheat, were obliged to pay them the tribute of that encouragement which they gave their fellow citizens. In three years the English received from France 10,465,000 livres. The consequences of our bad administration have been, first, that France dare not cultivate more than her own wants require, and not being able ever to elevate her views above what is barely necessary, she must infallibly often fall below, and consequently remain exposed to, all the accidents of bad seasons and short crops." Such, Sir, I am afraid is the situation of this country now. The difference between the price of corn in this country and Europe, in consequence of our taxation and various other circumstances, is generally so great, that we can rarely expect to find a foreign market for any part of it. If a bounty on the export of corn was at any time desirable, it is certainly at this time more so than ever. I am aware indeed of the strong opinions which exist against this measure, and do not say I should be sanguine of very advantageous results, even if it was adopted. At the same time I should be extremely glad in this moment of difficulty to have the trial made. It appears to me quite certain, if our present surplus produce is disposed of at a great loss, the source from whence it springs will be destroyed, and which otherwise would be available in future years. No disadvantage can be shown to have followed the constant application of a very high bounty during the period above referred to. That it did not produce a high price during that time is quite clear: the records of prices prove that to demonstration. The opponents of a bounty have, on the other hand, sometimes endeavoured to show, that the low price of the exporting period was owing to the poverty of the country at that time; but I do not believe they can have any data on which to found such an assertion. By looking to the accounts of exports and imports, and other documents of a similar nature, it appears, that the wealth and population of the country progressively advanced at that time in a ratio nearly equal to any other. If, then, the advantages attendant upon the bounty are not allowed to be attributable to it, surely it cannot be charged with having been the cause of any evil; and by teaching the farmer to extend his views of market beyond the home demand, it must, at all events, create a stimulus to his industry, and an encouragement to enterprize, always productive of advantage to the public.

There is another important object to which I am desirous of drawing the attention of the House, and that is, the means of equalizing the varying supply of succeeding years by carrying over the surplus of an abundant season to one that may be deficient. This is the wisest and best policy that can be pursued, both as respects the grower and the consumer. Wherever capital is thus employed, the best consequences follow to the public at large.

If an abundant harvest produces loss instead of advantage to the grower, what encouragement for future production?

It is rather singular, that at this moment no purchases are made even at the depressed price of the market, in reservation of future demand. No merchant will venture upon the formation of any stores for this purpose, however desirable and beneficial such an application of capital appears to be.

But, Sir, the truth is, the permission to warehouse foreign corn in this country at all times, duty free, indisputably has the effect of preventing the formation of such stores, as I can have no doubt would otherwise be created from our own produce. It is quite obvious, I think, that such must be the case. The unlimited accumulation of foreign corn necessarily prevents any considerable reservation of our own.—I say then, Sir, I should, without the least hesitation, propose the repeal of so much of the act of last session for the regulation of the corn trade, as permits the warehousing of foreign corn, at all times, duty free.

In the peculiar situation of the country, I am inclined to think it might be advisable to go further, and try the effect of measures which could not, by any means, be warranted by ordinary circumstances. In order to induce a more immediate appropriation of our present extraordinary abundance, I think it might be expedient to assist those individuals who may be disposed so to employ their capital by a loan of exchequer bills to a limited amount. The advance to each individual should not exceed the amount of half the value of the grain purchased, which should be deposited in warehouses under the king's lock. The public would thus be secured from any possible loss; and, in case of necessity, we should have a reserve of corn that might turn out essentially useful.

There are a great variety of articles, the produce of the soil, which, though very inferior in importance to corn, are yet worthy of consideration, inasmuch as they form collectively a considerable proportion of the products of agriculture, and which are very insufficiently protected against the competition of other countries, where, in consequence of taxation much below that which we are under the necessity of bearing, they can be brought to market by them at a much cheaper rate. It is, in my opinion, necessary to give to all these articles the same protection which is afforded to all other manufactures. It is by the application of capital and industry that all the produce of land is acquired, as well as in the case of all other manufactures; and to make people employ their capital on the soil, they must be put on an equal footing with those who apply their capital and labour to other manufactures. Now, if such is the policy of this country, that no one article of home manufacture fails to receive from the legislature an ample protection from foreign competition in the home market, by high duties, and is encouraged to export to foreign countries by bounties and drawbacks, why should not the same protection and encouragement be afforded to those whose properties, skill, and industry, are devoted to the cultivation of the soil ! Is there any different feelings between the cultivator of the soil and any other manufacturer? Is he not actuated by the same motives? stimulated by the same desire of his own advantage? And is he not justly entitled to be put upon an equal footing? The fact, however, is, that he neither is equally protected nor encouraged; and, upon the return of peace, a quantity of articles have began to flow in upon the British markets, by which they will be speedily deluged, and the British grower ultimately destroyed. In the first place, there are a variety of seeds which this soil and climate are equally capable of producing with any countries of the continent. The first that occurs to me to mention is rape-seed, the importation of which has advanced from an average of 7000 quarters per annum during the war, to between 80 and 90,000; and it is impossible to calculate how far this quantity may be further extended. This might equally well be furnished from different parts of the united empire: 5 or 600,000 bushels of linseed have also been imported, which might as well be grown at home, and I understand British linseed is superior in quality to that which we receive from abroad. Other seeds also, such as mustard, carraway, canary, and clover seed, are also imported to a considerable extent. I have little doubt the growth of these seeds would occupy 60,000 acres of land, in a state of cultivation ready to grow wheat; so that, supposing them capable of producing three quarters per acre, their occupation by the growth of seeds would take 180,000 quarters of wheat out of the market, which at another time, if our produce should fall below our demand, would again be available for the growth of wheat. Neither is it less necessary to protect and encourage the production of our pasture lands, which evidently appear to run the same danger of being overwhelmed by the importation of similar articles from foreign countries, which all at once have flowed in upon us since the peace. For instance, tallow, cheese, butter; of the two latter articles, nearly 300,000cwt. have been imported in the last year, which amount nearly to the growth of 250,000 acres. The supply of these articles is of vast importance to Ireland, the distress of which country, I believe, if possible, exceeds that of any part of Great Britain. The importation of tallow has, all at once, risen also from about 16,000 tons in the year 1813, to about 28,000 in the year 1815. There is also another most important article, the import of which has suddenly increased to an extent proportionably greater even than those which I have just mentioned; that article is wool. The amount imported rose, all at once, from 7,000,000l. to upwards of 15,000,000l. It is indeed but a very few years ago, that the average import did not exceed three or four. I know that the expediency of a considerable duty upon the import of wool will be much disputed; and indeed there may be variety of opinion as to the policy of very high duties upon the other articles just mentioned. I shall not now enter into any particular examination of the arguments that may be urged by different persons interested in their growth or in their consumption; I will only observe, that the same reasons exist in each case for protection to the home producer. It is impossible we can contend in the market, in the production of those commodities, with countries where taxation has not run to the extent which it has in this. Our own produce must therefore be annihilated, if it is not, by means of heavy duties, placed at least upon an equal footing with that of other countries. It cannot be wise to destroy any part of the produce of our own soil; if the manufacturer requires to have wool, rape-seed oil, or any other article, will he not eventually be injured by the ruin of our own growth, which must in great part furnish his demand? Will he not likewise, in proportion as he injures and diminishes the produce of British agriculture, proportionably diminish the extent of the home market for the sale of his manufactured goods? These arguments apply to all situations, and all times but much more forcibly to the present, in as much as the return of peace has brought such a redundancy of each suddenly into the British market, which certainly has not been called for by any proportionate increased demand. Each of these articles are at present subject to duties on importation, with drawback on export; but times have rendered those duties totally nugatory, and yet the protection they formerly gave is more necessary than ever. In short, Sir, every effort must be used which prudent policy can suggest, to give to our agriculture every advantage possible. I have suggested nothing which practice and experience do not fully warrant. Except the proposed assistance of government by the loan of Exchequer bills, there is no one expedient which is not strictly conformable to the long established policy of this country; there is none of which we have not had full experience by the constant practice of the last hundred years; there is none which is not equally applicable to the situation of this country, even if they were not called for by the unexampled distress in which we find ourselves involved. That they would be effectual, I cannot pretend to assert; but of this I am convinced, that it is not one or two trifling half measures that can be of any avail; every wheel must be put in motion together, to give us any chance of accomplishing our object.

Before I sit down, I must again advert to what I consider the first, the most practicable and efficient means of speedy relief, and which must consist in a very large reduction of taxation, particularly of the several duties upon barley. I have before said, that I am perfectly aware, that ministers are by no means prepared to accede to such a reduction of taxes as would be necessary to produce any essential benefit. I know that it would derange, and indeed totally alter their whole system of finance for the year; but I would in-treat them to consider, how it can be possible to realize that revenue of which they have formed an expectation, if the agriculture of the country should continue in its present impoverished condition. The land at present actually pays no rent at all; the value of the produce of arable land does not even cover the charges upon it, independent of any rent whatever; thousands and thousands of acres are already wholly untenanted, and fast returning into a state of absolute sterility. Is not the land the chief source of our revenue? If we measure it by the property tax, we find that the land yields eight-elevenths of all the productive sources of revenue; of 14,000,000 raised by the property tax, very nearly eight arise from the landlord and tenant; about three from trades and manufactures, and three from funds and offices. These latter cannot be considered as sources of productive revenue, as they in fact arise out of the former. How can we then expect revenue under such circumstances? If we advert again to the estimate I have before made, of the value of the growth or produce of land, which, I suppose in 1812, to be 200,000,000, and which is now reduced in value to one half, viz. to 100,000,000; and if we take the aggregate amount of taxation to be 30 per cent. thereon, which is, in all probability, as little as it can be, we find a loss at once of 30,000,000 per annum. If the diminution of value is only one-third, instead of a half, the loss of revenue will be 20,000,000.

Let us make the estimate in another way. Take the number of quarters of all sorts of grain grown in the united empire at 40,000,000 of quarters, which it is generally allowed to be; suppose 10,000,000 quarters of wheat fallen 40s. per quarter, barley 10,000,000, 20s. per quarter, oats, peas, and beans, the remainder, also 20s. per quarter, allow only 15,000,000l. for all other produce of the land, and at this calculation we find a reduction of 70,000,000, which, at 30 per cent. shows a loss to the revenue of 21,000,000l.

I do not see that there can be any fallacy in this statement, and it exhibits a most alarming prospect; and yet his majesty's ministers seem to be absolutely blind to the danger, quite ignorant of, and unprovided against it. They are going on with their plans of finance just as if the country was in the most flourishing condition; have determined upon the appropriation of every shilling of the sinking fund to the liquidation of the national debt; and determined to force up the funds by some means or other. They assume that the rise of the funds will be beneficial to the land owners and occupiers, and so, no doubt, it would, if they were rising in consequence of the rising prosperity of the country, but not if they are lifted (the possibility of which, by-the-bye, I much doubt) by draining to the very dregs the property of all other classes of the community. I readily admit the full advantage of the sinking fund, if the means of supplying it can be extracted from the country without diminishing its productive powers. I admit also, that its full efficacy is to be felt in a time of peace, when the resources of the country may exceed its expenditure. Ministers, I suppose, have sanguinely formed to themselves an opinion, that this prosperous state of things has now arrived. They would, no doubt, rejoice if such was the reality. So far from being right, however, in this expectation, I am quite convinced there never was a moment when such hopes were so little likely to be realized. It soon will be found, if it is not already felt, that we are in a situation of financial difficulty quite unparalleled. Instead of indulging such fallacious hopes as ministers seem to have formed, they should have devoted their first thoughts to rescue the country from the unparalleled distress into which it has fallen, as also to the utmost possible alleviation of the people from the weight of taxation under which they labour. In order to do this, I am aware we must avail ourselves of the sinking fund to a very large amount. I have already said, that I am fully sensible of the advantage of a sinking fund under circumstances different from those in which we are now placed. But I am confident the maintenance of the sinking fund now, to the extent proposed, will hurry the country into absolute ruin. It will be a sinking fund which will plunge us still further into difficulties inextricable. In the application of a sinking fund, I see no difference between the situation of an individual and that of the country at large. Suppose a manufacturer or farmer working upon a borrowed capital; there can be no doubt that it is desirable, as his property increases, he should establish a fund for the gradual diminution of his debts; and we will suppose him for that purpose to lay aside a specific sum annually. If, however, that sum, producing 5 per cent. annually, would produce 30 applied to his manufacture, he would be a loser of 25 per cent. upon the sum applied to his sinking fund. The case, however, would be stronger a thousand fold, if, in order to sustain his sinking fund, the manufacturer should rob his steam-engine of its fuel, or if the farmer should for the same purpose starve his horses and impoverish his land. However strong this comparison may appear, I contend that we are identically doing the same thing, if in order to maintain our sinking fund in this moment of unprecedented embarrassment, we exhaust the sinews of our strength, by exacting that excessive amount of taxation which it is proposed to drain from the exhausted pockets of the people. If we persist in so. doing, I am persuaded we shall rapidly diminish the productive sources of the country, and drive the people into a state of distress little short of despair.

I say, then, instead of priding ourselves upon leaving untouched a sinking fund of 14,000,000l. per annum, instead of flattering ourselves with the expectation of being able thus to sustain the prices of stocks, we should bend our whole thoughts to the immediate relief of the country from the taxation which over whelms it, and we should adopt every other possible means to restore the former prosperity of our agriculture, which has recently undergone so fatal a change, and which must occasion in its fall the same distress to all other classes of the community.

If the House should agree to go into a committee, I shall take the liberty of proposing certain resolutions as the basis of several different measures applicable to the relief of the agriculture of the country; and which I think ought to be adopted without delay. I do not pretend to assert that they would be adequate to the necessity of the case; but I think they could not fail of affording very considerable relief.

I repeat my conviction, that no danger can arise from their adoption; that they are founded upon the known and established policy of the country, and as such are obviously the first means to be tried, before we are compelled to have recourse to any other's of a different nature.

I would now, sir, take the liberty of reading to the House the Resolutions which I have drawn up; and which I have done as concisely as possible.

1. "That the portion of the community, whose capitals are engaged in agriculture, as well as those numerous classes whose employment depends thereon, are at present suffering under the pressure of unexampled distress.

2. "That the continuance of such distress is fraught with extreme danger to the most important interests of the country.

3. "That the demand for the extended produce of our agriculture is, at this time, insufficient to produce that price, which is necessary to cover the heavy charges and burthens upon it.

4. "That the demand for barley has been very materially reduced, by the excessive duties to which it is subjected in the course of the various operations which adapt it to the use of the consumer.

5. "That the continuance of those duties, during peace, when the facility of smuggling is so much increased, cannot fail to injure the home manufacture of spirits, which must still farther diminish the demand for barley.

6 "That it his therefore necessary to reduce the duties on malt, beer, and spirits.

7 "That in order to equalize the supply of grain and promote its cultivation, it is desirable that an appropriation should be made from the extra produce of abundant harvests, to supply the deficiency of seasons less favourable.

8 "That the admission of foreign corn to be warehoused, prevents such application of our own occasional abundance, and assigns to foreign agriculture the formation of those stores, which might otherwise be created from the produce of our own.

9. "That it is therefore expedient to repeal so much of an act of last session for the regulation of the corn trade, as permits the warehousing of foreign corn, at all times, duty free.

10. "That in order further to promote the appropriation of a part of our present abundance, and reserve it for future consumption, it is expedient to aid the means of those individuals who may be disposed so to employ their capitals, by an advance of exchequer bills, to a limited amount.

11 "That excessive taxation renders it necessary to give protection to all articles, the produce of our own soil, against similar articles, the growth of foreign countries, not subject to the same burthens, and, in conformity with that policy which has been uniformly observed, of protecting by duties and encouraging by bounties or drawbacks, all our other manufactures.

12. "That it is therefore expedient to impose additional duties and restrictions on the importation of all articles, the produce of foreign agriculture.

13 "That it is expedient, under due limitation, to encourage, by bounty or drawback, the exportation of the redundant produce of the agriculture of the united kingdom.

14. "That the tithe and the poor-rates to the payment of which those whose capitals are engaged in agriculture are almost exclusively subjected, have recently been felt to press with increasing and unexampled severity, and that it is therefore necessary to relieve them, as far as possible from the operation of other burthens."

The resolutions having been read, Mr. Western moved, "That this House will resolve itself into a committee of the whole House to consider of the distressed state of the Agriculture of the United Kingdom."

rose to second the motion of his hon. friend. If, he said, there ever was a time which called for a deliberate review of the circumstances in which we stood, it was surely the present. We had been for twenty-four years engaged in a struggle which had confined all our attentions to one object, wisely so perhaps, for the legitimate object of war was victory; but when it was considered, that the condition of all human action was to foresee but a part only of the results of any system of exertion, and that however wisely it might be calculated to answer its immediate end, yet that applied as it must be to ever-varying circumstances, some unlooked-for combinations would arise, and some effects be produced, which were not calculated on, it must be the duty of those who control the powers of the state, to pause from time to time, to consider and examine. In the war which we had now terminated, as he trusted in a firm and lasting peace, the country had displayed resources and powers beyond what the most sanguine man had thought possible; but in so doing, it was now our duty to inquire, had nothing occurred to derange our system, or impair our strength? If it should appear there had, it was our duty to examine and weigh the nature of the danger; not to sit wrapt in the contemplation of our glory and our victories. Down to a late period of the war, there was no symptom of derangement or exhaustion. In 1812 all was still, improving, and prosperous: since that period, a change had taken place; on which, after the clear and eloquent statements of his hon. friend, he would not enlarge; but it could not be denied that a fall in the prices of the produce of land had involved the country in extreme difficulties. How, then, and why was this? There were some who solved the problem in a summary way, who imputed all our sufferings to a peace, and who prescribed war as the only remedy for our distress. If the present discussion did nothing more than dispel this dangerous illusion, he should be content, as a conviction of the benefits resulting from peace was a better guarantee for its continuance, than treaties. It was to the continuance of peace alone, that we could look for relief from our present afflictions. That there was nothing in peace which had a tendency to produce a fall in the price of grain was clear from what took place after the peace of 1763, and again 1783; and it would be seen in the Eton College Table, that in the three years succeeding each of those periods, grain did not fall. This he thought was perfectly decisive on the general point. He did not, however, go so far as to say that the immediate change from war to peace had no effect: undoubtedly it had. When the industry of a country was settled to any one system, a change, be it what it might, produced suffering. Those who in war were employed in the manufacturing all the apparatus of war, on the return of peace were, for a time, thrown out of employ; but this was distress produced by change, and was not inherent in the nature of a state of peace. A change from peace to war would produce it in a greater degree. In like manner he would not say that the withdrawing government from the market had not, in some degree, contributed to aid the fall in prices—doubtless it had done; but then it must be remembered for how small a part of the population they purchased the supplies—for navy and the prisoners of war only; for the army was hardly at all reduced. It was, he thought, by a very different view of the war and its effect, that we should arrive at any thing like a true view of the present state of the country. That war had been successful and glorious beyond all others; but it was equally undeniable, that beyond all others it had been expensive. It had left us 40 millions a year to pay as interest of debt, and had left us also what we were told was necessary, an establishment which at the least would cost 20 millions more. Now he would ask the House to consider fairly what was the real nature and effect of this state of things. Could the system of borrowing, to which we had resorted with so little reserve, be carried on to any extent? or if, like every thing human, it had limits, where were they to be found? With the permission of the House, he would endeavour to state his reasons for thinking we had come more nearly to the point beyond which that system could not be extended, than the House or the country were aware of. He threw himself upon the indulgence of the House; for he could not hope to make himself understood without stating what he feared they would consider as abstract propositions. The whole amount of all the produce of the country was, in the first instance, the result of all the industry of the country; from this total produce, then, there must always be taken a sufficient share to reward and maintain the industry which produces it, and it was obvious that share cannot be reduced without impairing and diminishing the industry, and consequently the produce or wealth of the country. Over and above the share which must be set apart to maintain the industry of the country, there remains a surplus, which may be divided into two parts, namely, rent of land and profits of capital stock; and it is from these two funds only, that all revenue, however distributed, arises. Now, the utmost limit to which it was possible to imagine that taxation and the transfer of property to the stockholder could be pressed, is as far as to absorb the whole of these two funds; but there are reasons why it never could be pressed quite so far as this, without destroying the industry of the country, as much as if it absorbed the portion destined to maintain the industry itself. Out of that portion which falls to the landlord as rent, he has to maintain buildings, make drains, fences,&c., and perform all the most expensive part of keeping up the farms, without which the cultivation of them could not continue to be carried on; and it was clear, therefore, that the lowest state to which the land-owner can with safety be reduced, is that of being steward of the land; a sufficient share of the rent to enable him to discharge that duty must always be left him. This, as far as it regards the produce of land, which is the subject under immediate consideration, is the utmost limit to which the transfer of the revenue arising from land into the hands of the state could possibly be extended: and the hon. gentleman said, he would state the grounds on which it appeared to him that we had already reached much nearer to that point, and beyond which borrowing and funding cannot be pressed, than we were aware of. He assumed, that the property tax returns afforded the best means of fixing the amount of the annual produce of the labour of the people. By these it appeared that the whole of this annual produce amounted to 130 millions. If, then, the whole amount of the taxation of the country was 65 millions, and the whole amount of its annual produce was 130 millions, it followed that one half of the amount of the produce of the land was transferred to the service of the state. This was the case in the year 1812. But what had happened since then? The value of the produce of land had fallen one-third or one-fourth—he would take it even at one-fourth. In our present situation, then, about two-thirds of the whole amount of the annual produce was transferred to the public service. Further than this, he maintained it was impossible to carry the proportion of produce which could be spared for the service of the state. It was a vulgar saying, that "every thing found its level;" but it was not applicable in the present situation of the country. The proposition on which this adage rested was, that the price of labour was ultimately fixed by the price of corn. But it was worth while to see how far this would operate in the present situation of the country. If in 1812 one half of the amount of the produce of the country went to government, and if now, while at peace, two-thirds of this produce was so applied—if by some fatality we should be engaged in a new war, it required no prophet's eye to see that there would be an end to the landholders of England — [Hear, hear!]. Last night a right hon. gentleman had very eloquently described the evils which Ireland was suffering for want of a resident gentry. A resident gentry was one of the chief blessings which England enjoyed, and if the country lost this, it would lose what nothing else could compensate. This was always to be considered. It must never be lost sight of, that there was no danger to which our country could be exposed equal to the want of a resident gentry. We might hear complaints of the want of colonies—we might hear that colonies were in danger from the attacks of Caffres and Bosjesmen, or from a king of Candy; but the love of his country was so strong in him, that if the question was to be about the destruction of a parish in Lincolnshire or Somersetshire, he would not put it in competition with all the colonies of the empire—[Hear, hear!] The fact was, that there were now parishes in Cambridgeshire and other counties of England, which, not to speak with exaggeration, were in a more desolate state than the wildest tracts of the most uncultivated of our colonies. There was one cause of the present distress, which, if the House looked for any chance of security to the country, must not be disregarded; namely, the depreciation of our currency. It was since the want of any standard for the currency, that all the distresses of the country had arisen. He did not mean to say that this was the principal cause of the present depression, but it certainly was a great aggravation. The consequences of the want of any standard for the currency had been, that vast advances of capital had been made by country bankers, in the shape of stamped pieces of paper. As long as the country was otherwise in a prosperous state, no material inconvenience had been found to result from this. But when distress was caused by over-trading and overproduce, this means of facilitating the first of these misfortunes produced the most ruinous consequences. The only mode which the country bankers had of putting their notes into circulation was by giving them to farmers and dealers; but as soon as they began to be alarmed, they immediately called them in again. This was a dreadful aggravation of their distress. The right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer had said that if fifteen millions of money were distributed among the country banks, the distresses of farmers would be relieved. He thought differently; he did not think that if fifty millions were distributed among the country bankers, they would advance any thing to farmers, because their credit was entirely gone. The want of money which the farmers suffered, was not owing to want of power in the bankers to make advances, but to want of inclination. The system of finance proposed for the present year was on this principle, that the funds should be kept at a high price, so as that capitalists might not be tempted to withdraw their money for the purpose of employing it in farming. But the fact was, that there was no disposition now to employ capital in so unprofitable a way. With a view to affording relief, it would therefore be necessary in the first place, to restore a standard of currency. He did not mean that the old standard should be restored, but that some standard should be established. Relief in taxation was also to be afforded, especially in the malt tax, which, by being removed, would afford a market for barley. He was convinced that the operation of these .duties would be found to be of a two-fold nature: first, as they affected the grower in his character of consumer; and, secondly, as they applied to the general market for barley. The duty imposed in the year 1803, of two shillings on the bushel, had been attended with the effect of reducing the number of bushels malted from thirty to twenty-two millions. Nothing could be more evident, from the accounts of the revenue, than that the consumption of this article was regulated by the duty, and that the diminution of the duty might be fully compensated by the increased consumption. The instance to which he had alluded, showed that in one year a market for eight millions of bushels of barley had been closed. There were other defects in our system of political economy that required revisal. A diminution of the duty on wool was necessary, as well as the removal of all those absurd restrictions on the exportation and conveyance of this most important article. It had been the main position of our policy last year, on the question of the corn laws, to make the country independent of foreign supply. But this principle seemed to be abandoned, and the contrary to be adopted. He reproved the prohibition on the growth of tobacco, which had been enacted in order to encourage colonies which were no longer our own. Why then should it be allowed to remain? It might then produce advantages to the country from the carrying trade. But those had ceased also. Tobacco grew in Holland and Sweden: there was therefore no natural prohibition against its growth here, and he thought it would be the duty of the House to consider whether it would not be proper to repeal the legal prohibition.—He then adverted to the poor laws, which he thought calculated to increase the evils they were intended to remedy. They were no longer administered in the spirit in which they had been enacted. He should propose some amendment to bring them round to their original ends, and to render them less oppressive. The tendency of that amendment would be to define more accurately the persons who should be objects of relief, than the laws now did. He should consider proper objects for relief, the decrepid, the old, and the helpless, but should reject those reduced by their own imprudence or wickedness. He should also propose to fix some point at which the operation of the law should cease, that the whole rent of the landlord should not be swallowed up. Without such alterations, the increasing amount of the poors-rates would finish by over-running the whole country. The hon. gentleman then argued that the subject was collectively too large to be confined to a committee up stairs. It might be desirable that some parts of it, such as the questions respecting wool, tobacco, and others of that nature, should be referred to such committees, in order to facilitate the whole investigation; but the main question itself could only be properly discussed in a committee of the whole House.

complimented the hon. mover and seconder, on the temperate and lucid manner in which they had submitted the merits of this important measure to the consideration of the House, and expressed his entire concurrence with the proposition for referring the subject to a committee. But he hoped that this reference would not lead sanguine minds to calculate upon results beyond the power of parliament to effect. That parliament had the disposition to give the most attentive consideration to the distresses of the country, and to apply every practicable remedy, there could not be the slightest doubt. He was satisfied that no doubt existed in any quarter as to that disposition, and that the public would look to the decision of parliament with every possible deference. Whatever, indeed, might be sometimes said, he was persuaded that the people of England regarded with the utmost respect the decision of parliament, and that even if no relief; were afforded on that occasion, the proceedings of the House would produce great satisfaction, especially from the solicitude which those proceedings would manifest to consult that most important object, the interest of the agriculture of the country. Upon this subject he felt a personal interest from the part which he took last session with regard to the corn laws; and from what had since occurred respecting that much calumniated and misunderstood measure, he believed there was no individual who had then manifested any resentment who was not ready to ask pardon of those who were the objects of that resentment. The popular delusion of that day had indeed become obvious to the whole of the country: for the measure to which that delusion referred had occasioned none of the mischief which was then apprehended, while, he was sorry to say, it was not productive of the good expected from its adoption. It had not the power of preventing the distress against which it was pointed. But yet, if that measure had been adopted at an earlier period, he was convinced that the distress would at least have been more gradual—that the pressure of it would not have been so immediately and so severely felt. He had, however, the satisfaction of thinking, that if the measure alluded to had done no good, it had done no harm, and therefore the popular cry of the last year had been proved to be utterly groundless. The right hon. gentleman concluded with observing, that he had the utmost satisfaction in concurring with the motion, and that he should use every effort in his power to promote the object it aimed at.

emphatically pressed upon the consideration of the House the severe distress of the people of Ireland, which was so notorious, that he could not think it necessary to describe it. The hon. baronet, however, thought it proper to state the cause and the effect, with the remedy for that distress. The main cause was, he contended, the non-residence of the land-owners, which evil had increased to an alarming extent since the year 1801. The principal part of such land-owners had, indeed, absented themselves of late from that country, leaving the lower orders to the government of mercyless agents. This was, in fact, the radical cause of Ireland's misfortunes, and unless it was in some degree remedied, it was vain to look for happiness in that part of the empire. Another cause of the misfortune of Ireland was, the amount of its taxation. The assessed taxes and the tithes bore upon the Irish with peculiar severity, while they were subject to another grinding tax, from which England was entirely exempt, namely, the hearth tax. From the operation of those causes, four-fifths of the Irish people were discontented. And could this discontent create any surprise? For what was their actual condition? The landlord could not collect his rent, the tenants could not pay their rents, and the labourers could not obtain any employment. What then was to become of those labourers? Why, in a country where there were no poor-rates, those poor people must starve, and starvation was of late the fate of many. Parliament might send an army of 25,000 men to a country so situated, and such a force might be requisite to collect the taxes. An army might be also necessary in certain disturbed districts, for there were, no doubt, some alarming commotions in part of the country—in a county or two, for instance. But he could affirm that, with the exception of those districts, Ireland was quite as tranquil as this country; and in justice to the government, to which he owed no obligation, he could bear testimony, that every practicable endeavour was used to preserve that tranquillity. Ireland was indeed much indebted to the conduct of lord Whitworth, and to that of the right hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Peel), who had brought forward measures eminently calculated to prevent the contagion of riot from spreading. The riotous spirit was, in fact, comparatively very limited, and this ought to be generally known; for the character of a country was of the utmost value, and a whole nation should not be slandered for the misconduct of a few, especially in England, for such slander was calculated to prevent the English from visiting Ireland, where they were always hospitably received, where their residence was uniformly desirable, because it never failed to be advantageous to the country. There might be ribbon men or other disturbers in particular counties, but such persons were not known in the country at large. In the west, the east, and the south of Ireland, for instance, such a person as a ribbon man was not to be found. Therefore an indiscriminating imputation should not be cast upon Ireland. The people of that country had, indeed, already suffered too much from such imputations. How often, for instance, were the Catholics at large implicated in crimes which properly applied only to a few of that body, and that too from the representation of persons affecting to be historians, and judging of a great body of meritorious men from what happened to come under their own immediate observation. But such writers had since recanted their errors in consequence of further information. The Catholic body was now completely vindicated, because its character and loyalty was fully known, and wherever the general character of Ireland was known it would not be subject to censure. The hon. baronet earnestly recommended the House to examine the state of that country, and to look to other remedies than that which a military force was capable of affording, to remove the grievances of the people, to accede to their just claims, and to begin the work of redress by repealing the duty upon malt, with a view to encourage the cultivation of barley, and to impose a protecting duty upon the importation of foreign butter into this country, with a view to encourage the Irish trade in that article. He concluded with stating his disposition to look alike to the fair claims of every portion of the united kingdom, but impressing the peculiar necessity of attending to the state of Ireland, from the very severely distressed condition of its inhabitants. It was the duty of the House to assist Ireland: she was the strength of this country. "We are two sisters," said the hon. baronet; "you the elder and we the younger, and both ought to go hand in hand together."

said, that he should take another opportunity of stating his opinion upon the character and tendency of the measures proposed by the hon. mover, but from an observation of that hon. gentleman, he thought it proper at once to mention that the opinion which he expressed last session, with regard to the policy of the corn laws, had undergone no change whatever. He was as anxious as any man to afford every possible relief to the distress which so notoriously existed among the agricultural classes, but he was much afraid, that any relief in the power of parliament to devise would prove extremely inadequate. However, he felt it the duty of the House to inquire, and patiently to listen to any statement that might be brought forward upon this important subject, with a view to see whether any thing could be done by legislative interference. The country was placed in an artificial state, and parliament should grant every relief of which such state might be found susceptible. At the same time he must take this opportunity of saying that the legislative act of last session had done nothing for the country. That act was indeed completely a dead letter, for the country was just in the state in which it would have been if it had never passed; therefore such an act should not have been passed, especially against the voice of the public; for it had afforded no relief to the distress of the farmers, while it outraged the feelings of all other classes of the community.

animadverted upon the absence of the majority of the gentlemen on the other side from the consideration of this interesting subject; but the hon. mover, whom he ventured to call his hon. friend had probably proceeded in a tone of moderation which did not suit the taste of those gentlemen. He said, that his feelings were fully alive to that distress which the hon. mover had described; and in the committee he would give every attention to the subject. It was a matter of the greatest importance to the country, and of the most complicated nature; it embraced a variety of topics connected with political economy, and deserved the most serious consideration of the House. He hoped the inquiry would be pursued with the utmost attention and patience; but he feared that the public expectation far exceeded what the power of parliament could effect. He would suggest, however, whether it would not be desirable to print the resolutions for the consideration of the committee, and that they should be circulated among the members of that House. To some of those resolutions he had a decided objection, but he should reserve the declaration of his opinion for a more convenient opportunity.

expressed the utmost satisfaction at the candid and able manner in which this subject had been brought under the consideration of the House. The speeches of the hon. mover and seconder were indeed completely free from party feeling, and had nothing in view but the good of the country. Such speeches were, therefore, peculiarly calculated to secure that unanimity which prevailed, and which ought not to be interrupted by any such observations as those which he had heard with pain from the last speaker. On such an occasion where the interest of the country was so much at stake nothing ought to be said that had a tendency to provoke party animosities.

joined in the commendations which had justly been passed on the conduct of the gentleman opposite. The House were deeply obliged to the hon. member, not only for the ability with which he had opened this question, but for the spirit of moderation in which he had done it. He had never heard a speech discussing an important subject delivered with a tone better calculated to conciliate all parties. It was in itself a subject full of difficulty, and one which he had not been confident enough in himself to bring before the House. He had hitherto trusted to time, but he should owe it to that hon. gentleman if he did now think the time of relief at no great distance. The hon. member had laid down practical remedies, and he should be happy to cooperate with him in the most patient investigation of the case, and to concur in procuring the most effectual relief. He apprehended the course the hon. gentleman ought now to pursue, would be to move for the committee, and in the meanwhile to have his resolutions printed.

made a few observations; but in so low a tone, that they could not be heard in the gallery.

said, that if the House had not been so exhausted, be should have thought it his duty to bring forward the state of the principality of Wales. Another opportunity however, would occur; and therefore he should merely observe, that the principality, was materially interested in the two questions of malt and agricultural horses, and had suffered very considerably from those taxes.

only rose to say, that he hoped, on this occasion, the public would feel that the whole interests of society had been embraced. He was extremely sorry to hear an hon. member state, that the power of parliament could not relieve the distresses of the country. He desired to enter his protest against this doctrine, and to declare, that it was the duty of the House to relieve the people from those severe distresses which had not been inflicted by Providence but had arisen out of the positive laws and institutions of the country.

concurred in thinking, that the resolutions ought to be printed, and expressed his opinion, that they were not the worse for not containing much argumentative matter.

said, that it was better to abstain from all argument, and to frame the resolutions in the plainest manner.

expressed his gratitude for the manner in which his proposition had been received, and moved that the House resolve itself into a committee of the whole House to take the subject into consideration

The question was put, and unanimously agreed to, and a committee was fixed for Tuesday the 19th instant. The resolutions were ordered to be printed.