moved the order of the day for the third reading of the shop-lifting bill. On doing so, the hon. and learned member commented with much feeling on the great number of persons, of very tender age, who had been of late years sentenced to death for pilfering in shops. He stated that there was under sentence of death in Newgate a child of ten years of age, for the offence of shop-lifting. He afterwards alluded to an account in the newspapers of a speech said to have been delivered by the recorder of London, in which, from the number of depredations on property committed of late by children, he stated that it was intended to enforce the law strictly in future, to interpose some check, if possible, to the increase of youthful depravity. He hoped that this was merely intended as a salutary threat, and that there could be no serious intention of enforcing the law against children of tender years, whose misfortune it was to be uneducated, and to be deprived of the benefit of honest and virtuous examples.

said, that his hon. and learned friend was under a great mistake as to what had been stated by his estimable friend the recorder of London. The fact was, that for the last few months a very large proportion of the malefactors brought to the bar of the Old Bailey were infants, who had been instructed by their parents to steal, under the idea that they would, on account of their age, be screened from punishment. It became, therefore, necessary that the law should be executed with respect to these children, with a more considerable degree of severity than formerly. A hint of this nature was thrown out from the bench by the learned recorder; but he could not believe, that sentence of death had actually been denounced against the next infant who should be found guilty of this petty offence. The House would, however, perceive, that in order to put a stop to this system of pilfering, a greater degree of severity was absolutely necessary to be used.

The bill was then read a third time and passed.

said, as the law at present stood, the tenant was enabled to set his landlord absolutely at defiance, the law expenses for recovering possession of a tenement being in many cases much greater than its value. The law afforded, indeed, in theory, an indemnification to the landlord, by visiting on the tenant the expenses occasioned by his unwarrantable opposition; but that indemnification amounted to nothing where the tenant was possessed of no capital; and this was the case with a great proportion of the occupying tenantry of Ireland. The tenant was well informed by the village attorney how far he could advance with safety, and when he could advance no farther, he withdrew before the landlord could reach him. He was only afraid that the bill, as at present framed, would not be attended with success. It only applied to the case where a tenant abandoned his possession, but did not apply to the case where he set his landlord at defiance. Nothing was so common as for a tenant when his term of years expired, not to quit his possession, and to set his landlord at defiance. The hardship of this was most felt by the farmer who sublet part of his possession. On applying to a legal adviser, he would be told, your right is undoubted, but you will be ruined if you try an ejectment. If the present bill were to pass without a remedy for this evil, the few cases of abandonment would be all converted into over-holding, so that the bill would be totally nugatory. There was a third class of cases not provided for in the bill—ejectments for non-payment of rent; when the rent was small, the grievance was of the same kind. But even if all the three cases were included in the bill, from its machinery, it could not possibly have any practical operation. There was an institution unknown in England, and peculiar to Ireland, that of assistant barristers, who determined small cases, under 20l. for instance, by civil bill. The usefulness of these assistant barristers had been proved by their having determined 50,000 small suits by civil bill in one year. It would be better to give the judges the power of determining the questions which would arise under the bill.

said, the proper stage for details was the committee. The evil against which his bill intended to provide a remedy was very common in some parts of Ireland, and miles together were abandoned by the tenants in the manner which he had stated, some one person being left merely to keep possession. The defects of the remedy which he had proposed were the defects of the English law, but if a more eligible remedy could be found, he should not object. At the same time it should be kept in mind that any delay would be a most serious evil.

hoped time would be afforded to enable the bill to be submitted to Irish lawyers, because though the provisions of the bill were according to the English law, the machinery by which that law was executed in Ireland was so different from that which existed in this country, that if the details were not attended to, the intention might be defeated.

The bill was read a second time.

said, he understood that there had lately been taken from Canada two battalions of marines, amounting, he believed, to 2000 men. The soldiers employed in this amphibious kind of service, were, it would be admitted, the best defenders of that colony, yet at a time when the military establishment of that colony had been increased, these marines had been disbanded, most of whom had afterwards entered into the line, and received 15l. a man. He therefore moved for an account of the number of men belonging to the royal marines in Canada, from the 5th of January 1815, to the 5th of January 1816.

said, he did not object to the motion, but it would be found that the statement of the right hon. gentleman was quite erroneous. During the war in Spain, two battalions of marines had been formed, one of which was stationed in the harbour of Lisbon, and the other was employed in operations which had been of great service on the north coast of Spain. It was to be understood that they were not regimented, but merely collected together from different ships acting under the command of naval officers. When Spain was safe, and the American war began, these battalions were put on board the fleet on the American station, to be employed in desultory warfare on the coasts of the United States. When the reverses occurred in Canada, they were sent on the emergency to man the ships on the lakes, but formed no part of the general Canadian force. When the war was over, they were of course ordered home to be examined, and such as were not required for the peace establishment, to be paid off at the head quarters of their respective divisions. If this did not appear on the return to the motion of the right hon. gentleman, he would move for papers which would explain the matter.

said, it appeared from the hon. secretary's statement, that these men were in Canada, and that they were admirably fitted for the defence of that colony. It was not necessary to pay them off, they might have been kept as part of the peace establishment; and indeed they had not wished to be paid off. That corps had, in his opinion, been very hardly dealt with.

said, it was not possible to keep the marines in Canada—they had no staff, no paymasters, nor were they at all constituted like regular corps. As to the charge, that the marines had been hardly dealt with, the fact was, that they had been disembodied more slowly than on any former occasion, and the quantity kept on foot had been greater by one-third than during any former peace.

said, he should not have said one syllable as to the disbanding of the marines, if the opposers of the army estimates had not been accused of a desire to set many brave men adrift. It was not unnatural that the marines should complain that such a difference had been made between them and the army. He wished to ask one question—whether sir Home Popham had not been appointed to a flag ship at Deptford, with all the establishment belonging to a flag ship?

said, it had been usual during war, and during times of refits and paying off, to have a flag ship in the river. When the paying off ceased, and the refit was completed, that flag would be hauled down. To keep a flag flying till that time tended to economy, according to the opinion of all naval men; it would, however, soon be hauled down, as the sailors had come forward to enter on the peace establishment with unexampled alacrity.

asked, whether there had not been an additional commissioner appointed at Sheerness?

said, there had always been two commissioners in the river, one at Sheerness, and another who did the duty of Woolwich and Deptford.

disapproved of the reduction of the marines in Canada, and said he should be willing to see this species of force extended, if there was a correspondent reduction in the army.

The motion was agreed to.

rose and said, that as he had observed the unanimous feeling which had prevailed in the House when the message had been submitted to the House, he anticipated no difference of opinion as to what would be a suitable provision for her royal highness the Princess Charlotte, and her intended husband. The object of the House would unanimously be to provide every means for the domestic comfort and splendour of the illustrious personages, paying at the same time that due attention to economy and moderation, which at this, and indeed at all times, was the duty of parliament. To attain these ends, he should in the first place propose such an annual allowance, as might be thought proper for these exalted characters, and at some time hereafter, in a committee of supply, he should move that such immediate assistance should be given, as would enable them, without encumbering their income with debts, to form their domestic arrangements. The annual sum which he should propose was 60,000l. a year, of which 10,000l. would form a sort of privy purse for her royal highness and the remainder would defray the domestic expenses of the Prince of Cobourg's establishment. This sum, he should propose to grant to these illustrious personages during their joint lives. The uncertainty of human affairs made it necessary to guard against an event, which it could not but be painful to contemplate. If the prince of Cobourg should die before his royal consort, the whole sum would be continued to her royal highness during her life. If, however, the prince of Cobourg should survive her royal highness, the sum of 50,000l. a year would be continued to him, being the whole of the allowance now proposed to be granted, deducting only the 10,000l. which formed the privy purse of the princess. It was intended that the allowance to the princess from the civil list should cease, which would be a saving to the public of 30,000l. a year, as would be seen by referring to the account. With respect to the vote for outfit, which he should hereafter propose, the House would feel that a just economy in life depended on a suitable establishment at the outfit. How many inconveniencies arose from debts and incumbrances at first, which drew on a system of procrastinating payments which could not be afterwards got rid of, and prevented the recurrence to an orderly system of expenditure. He should, therefore, propose a vote for outfit to the illustrious personages, equal to one year's expenditure. Out of this sum it was calculated that 40,000l. would defray the expense of furniture, plate, equipages, and wine; 10,000l. would be expended in articles of dress for the princess; and 10,000l. to increase her royal highness's jewels. This vote of 60,000l. for outfit, though he should not then propose it, he had thought it proper to mention, that the House might have the whole subject under their view. The House, he thought, would be convinced that the proposal was, on the whole, temperate and judicious. He had only to mention one other point for the attention of the House. Hitherto it had not been possible to fix on a residence for the reception of her royal highness and her consort. When that was determined on, it might possibly be necessary to apply to the House for further aid; and he had no doubt that proposition would be received with the same affectionate and loyal attention with which the House received the present proposition. The right hon. gentleman concluded with moving,

"That it is the opinion of this committee, that his majesty be enabled to grant a yearly sum or sums of money out of the consolidated fund of Great Britain, not exceeding in the whole the nett sum of 60,000l. in order to provide for the establishment of her royal highness the Princess Charlotte Augusta and his serene highness Leopold George Frederick prince of Cobourg of Saalfeld, &c. &c. &c. upon their marriage, to commence from the day of their marriage, and to continue during the life of her said royal highness; and that his majesty be also enabled to settle the nett sum of 50,000l. per annum, part of the said sum of 60,000l. on his said serene highness, in case he shall survive her said royal highness."

expressed his concurrence with the motion, and his hope, that as the salary proposed was so ample, no excess would hereafter accrue; but that, on the contrary, the expenditure would be such as to hold out a favourable prospect to the country as to the disposition of the parties. With regard to the House, he saw no reason why Cumberland House, which was at present the ordnance office in Pall-mall, should not be appropriated to the accommodation of the princess Charlotte and her consort, especially as that house could not in time of peace be necessary for the purposes of the ordnance department. This House being in Pallmall, was peculiarly suitable for those illustrious personages, and unless the principal clerks of the establishment were very tenacious of their apartments, he could not see why this splendid mansion should not be transferred to the use of the princess Charlotte, especially as all the business of the ordnance office in time of peace might be so easily transacted at the Tower. With regard to the grant of 50,000l. a year to the prince, in case his royal highness should survive the princess, he had no objection to it. It was extremely liberal, and he was glad it was so. From all he had heard of his serene highness, he was ready to give him full credit for the best intentions. He repeated his entire approbation of the provision proposed. It was liberal but not extravagant, and such as it became those illustrious personages to receive, and the country to bestow.

explained, that the ordnance office was not the property of the Crown, as the right hon. gentleman seemed to have supposed. Only the mechanical part of the office was transacted at the Tower; and much inconvenience would result both to the service and to the public, were the ordnance to be removed from the neighbourhood of the other offices.

said, that a few years ago there was a long slip of building near St. Margaret's church, which was found sufficient for the ordnance office. This had been pulled down on account of the Westminster improvements. Cumberland house, formerly the residence of the royal duke, afterwards belonged to a club, and had since been purchased by government, to whom it now belonged. To make it the residence of the princess and her husband would be eligible, and would be a saving now of the sum it cost. Some other convenient place might be easily found for the ordnance board.

approved most cordially of the intended marriage, which, from his knowledge of the character of the princess Charlotte, would, he had no doubt, be productive of mutual felicity to the parties; and he preferred a liberal grant at the outset, which he trusted would be justly applied, to any allowance upon a limited scale, which might render future application to parliament necessary.

wished to give his feeble testimony in favour of the proposed plan. There was no worse economy than that which would attempt to do too much. If a smaller annual allowance had been granted, and a smaller sum as an outfit, there might have been a renewal of those scenes which had disgusted the House and the country; of those applications for the payment of debts, which, though incurred, perhaps, at first, through the want of an adequate establishment, had since proceeded from a different source. He approved most sincerely of the intended establishment; though some doubt had risen in his mind respecting the propriety of continuing 50,000l. a year to the prince of Cobourg, in case of her royal highness's demise, as that far exceeded what was given to our own princes. But on considering, after having been placed so high, the mortification which his serene highness would have to encounter on descending to a lower income, he felt that doubt nearly removed. The allowance was liberal, but he hoped it would be spent in this country. There was but one feeling in the House and in the country on that subject; and as her royal highness, though sole apparent heiress to the Crown, was likely to come into the situation of any other woman having a husband, and to be in the power of that husband, he trusted the House would be attentive to secure the rights of that royal person, and the order of succession, by taking all the measures necessary for that purpose. He had no idea of limiting the residence of her royal highness to any place beyond her own wish. If at any time she should desire to visit foreign countries, more intimately connected with her husband, he did not mean to raise any impediment; but to place in her hands, by act of parliament, the power of continuing in this country, if such was her good pleasure, notwithstanding her coverture. There was another point to which he would direct the attention of the House. They had now, with a degree of unanimity which did them honour, and which could not fail to prove gratifying to the illustrious parties, approved the liberal establishment proposed for that distinguished branch of the royal family. He should now suggest the propriety of availing themselves of this unanimity, of this complete silence of party feelings, and taking into consideration an arrangement which had once before been proposed to the House, and had then been rejected. But party spirit was then raging in greater violence. He meant an arrangement in case an event should take place, of which, however painful the contemplation, the possibility must be admitted; the death, or the incapacity of the Prince Regent to exercise the functions of royalty. No arrangement now existed in the contemplation of such an event. It had been suggested, at the period to which he had alluded, to establish a permanent regency; but parliament had been pleased to form a temporary one. What could not be effected in the storm of passions, loosened in 1810, might now be coolly and judiciously attempted. The fatal event which might render such an arrangement afterwards necessary, was now, he trusted, remote, and the discussion would therefore be carried on with more temper and wisdom, than if the necessities of the case called at once upon the House to interfere. He had taken this opportunity to throw out these observations for the consideration of parliament. No man felt more sincere respect for the illustrious parties, or should deprecate more deeply any admixture of party feeling in the vote of this night.

gave credit to the hon. and learned gentleman for not wishing to introduce party feelings into the discussion, at a time when all were disposed to show their anxiety for the happiness of the illustrious couple. Yet he must think that the hon. and learned member had mixed something in the question which did not belong to it. The supposition of incapacity in the Prince Regent was not a subject for discussion at this period; and with respect to the point of residence, he was not lawyer enough to know whether it would be possible to force her royal highness out of the country, but he deprecated the creating a notion in the public mind, that there might be a wish in some quarter to fix the residence of her royal highness in some other country. If the hon. and learned member had given way to any such alarms, he would gladly dispel them, by assuring him that they were totally groundless; he assured him from his own knowledge, that there was the most perfect understanding as to the right of residence between the parties interested, and that a distinct record of the fact had taken place in the marriage settlements of her royal highness. He hoped he had now relieved him from his alarm. As to the question of regency, this was not the time for its discussion, and with respect to the allowance to the prince of Cobourg, in case of her royal highness's demise, it was liberal, but to act differently would have been harsh towards an individual, whose coming he was sure the country was disposed to hail with satisfaction.

was sorry that the noble lord should suppose he wished to mix useless questions with the present. It was certainly not likely that the illustrious person alluded to, should feel the want of such protection as he had suggested, but it was the duty of the House to look at and provide for the possibility of the case. He was glad that a clause had been inserted in the marriage settlements, but an act of parliament embodying that stipulation could alone give it force. He concluded by calling upon the noble lord to state, whether an arrangement of that nature had not been proposed in the negociations which had taken place on a similar subject in 1814?

inquired, how a saving of 30,000l. would be produced on the civil list by the proposed arrangement?

stated, that the regular income of her royal highness the princess Charlotte was 15,000l. but there were other expenses connected with her establishment, which would make up the saving about 30,000l.

explained, that this sum included the expenses of the attendants on her royal highness, her ladies, and the persons who contributed to her education.

approved of the establishment proposed; but as it was formed on nearly the same footing as that of an heir apparent to the Crown, he wished, as long as her royal highness should continue in that light, she should be placed under the same regulations as the heir apparent was by the law of the land.

said, that her royal highness was in no case to leave the country without her own consent, and the permission of the King in council.

The resolution was agreed to.

called the attention of the House to the proposed military establishment for India, of which, he observed, although it was stated that the India company were to defray the expenses, he was satisfied the burthen would ultimately fall upon the British public. In looking to the number of men intended to be thus employed, he thought it was far too numerous, when it was considered that the means of annoyance, both internal and external, in that territory, had been considerably decreased.

stated, that the expense of that establishment was supported by the East India company, and that the effective force was not so considerable as the nominal one given in the estimates. He urged the necessity of maintaining a respectable army, even in time of peace, in a country where there was only one European to 1,000 natives. He regretted that the right hon. baronet had selected this year, when we could hardly say that we were at peace in India; the rajah of Nepaul being the richest chief in that country, and the forces of Scindiah and Holkar being also in great power. There was also a new predatory power which had arisen, the Pindarrahs, who had a force of 30,000 or 40,000 men; these were inclined to join with the Mahrattas; and, under all the circumstances, it was highly necessary that we should always be prepared to repel their incursions.

said, the statement he had heard of the intermediate condition of India between peace and war, removed much of his objection to the resolution; but he should extremely regret placing a great force under any officer, which might afford a temptation to increase our territories in that quarter.

said, that as soon as the war in India had come to a conclusion, the military force there, according to orders already sent out, would be reduced.

was not at all satisfied with the vote proposed. He had heard nothing which could induce him to think that the establishment was not too large. The cavalry intended to be maintained at home was also, in his opinion, infinitely too large for the purposes alleged, which were principally those of collecting the revenue. He repeated many of the arguments formerly used, to show the necessity of reducing the waggon train and other corps. The reduction in the whole establishment, to the amount of 23,000 men, might, he was satisfied, be made without any detriment to the public service.

observed, that the treaties which had been concluded, and which ought to confirm the peace, seemed only to intimate war and eternal taxation. When Buonaparté was on the throne of France, we were told that peace with him was useless or impossible, and could amount to no more than an armed truce. We had now obtained a glorious peace— we had placed a sovereign of our own choice upon the throne and yet, from the enormous military establishment now proposed, it would seem we were still insecure. But never was Great Britain in less danger of attack, though, it appeared, an obstinate extravagance was to prove an obstruction to that diminution of expenditure which could alone save us from ruin. After some remarks on our insular situation and policy, which precluded danger from any continental armies, the hon. baronet proceeded to show that the peace establishment was inconsistent with the promises held out by the voluminous mass of treaties on the table; and that those treaties, in many instances, particularly in what related to Belgium and Russia, were not deserving of the panegyrics that had been bestowed on them. However, he could not see why we were saddled with an enormous establishment and consequent taxation for an indefinite period, or, to use a fashionable term, for an intermediate space. In order that it might not be said he wished to inflame the minds of the people, or to gain any unworthy popularity, which of all men he affected the least, he had forborne to touch on the distress of the country, though he knew but too many instances of it. He could not help believing that the large army was kept up for the support of institutions which were incompatible with the increasing knowledge and education of the people. The noble lord opposite might wish to see things go on exactly in their present state, while he (sir Gilbert) might wish to see a progressive increase of liberty, as far as was consistent with the rules of propriety and good government; but he hoped he should not be deemed factious for this: innovators and improvers had, but too often, been esteemed but mere rebels against the existing powers and order of things; and the fate of Galileo was an awful warning of the precipitate injustice which generally assailed the greatest benefactors of society. He did not mean to support all the extravagancies of the French revolution; but there was a spirit of rational liberty that never could be extinguished; no dungeons could stifle the voice of truth —no chains could subdue the spirit of honest freedom. He firmly believed, that the military establishment was designed to stifle public opinion; but he was convinced the event would show the attempt to be impracticable, not only here, but all over the world. As he had had no other opportunity, he had taken the present to express his decided disapprobation of the establishment that had been proposed.

took that opportunity of explaining the circumstance which had been alluded to on a former evening, of the transports that were lost on the coast of Ireland. The accident was quite unavoidable, and owing to the unfavourable state of the weather, together with the long nights, which greatly increased the danger of the navigation. The vessels employed were as good as any in the service, and no blame whatever could attach to the transport board. With respect to the loss in the transportation of horses from Calais, he had to state, that the number embarked was 5,376, and the loss was but 130. The men embarked were 6,000, of whom only two soldiers were drowned, owing to accident, arising from the eagerness of the men to get on shore. From this it might be inferred, that vessels of an improper description had not been used.

The report was agreed to. The Chancellor of the Exchequer then moved the orders of the day for the House resolving into a committee of supply.

suggested the expediency of postponing the remaining estimates, connected with the military service, to a future day.

thought, as another opportunity would occur for discussing the subject, and as the estimates had already occupied so much attention, it would be prudent to go on now.

said, that he saw no necessity for continuing the discussions on this subject further. He, as well as gentlemen on his side of the House, had taken every pains to prevent the estimates, which had been agreed to, from passing, but without being able to effect the alteration of a single farthing in their original amount. His majesty's ministers had succeeded in spite of all opposition, and in defiance of the sense of the House and the country, in imposing on the people a military establishment of 111,000 men in a time of peace. After this he thought it was an insult on the country to congratulate the noble lord on having made a secure and lasting peace.

contended, that there was no instance in the history of this country of any military establishment having undergone so long a discussion. This was the tenth night on which it had been discussed; and he would affirm that never had any discussion produced more general conviction [Hear, hear!], and this conviction was, that the establishment was wise, fit, and becoming. He would further say, that the same conviction that had operated on the mind of the House had been brought home to the minds of the people; and in causing their conviction, ministers had pursued the upright line of their duty, in defiance of all the obloquy that had been heaped upon them. The people, therefore, who were always inclined to hear reason, would do them justice, and give them their confidence.

said, he would only wish the question to be tried by the ordinary appeal to the sense of the people, namely, by a dissolution of parliament. Gentlemen on his side of the House had done all they could, by moving calls of the House, to obtain the attendance of members on this important occasion; but the noble lord well knew that they had failed in their object, and that the people had been saddled with this enormous establishment, when not more than one-third of the members of the House had voted for it.

said, he would not suffer any vote to pass without raising his voice against this improvident and unfortunate military establishment. It was not a little in contradiction to the noble lord's assumption of the general feeling being with him, that a considerable portion of those who usually voted with ministers, about 60 or 70, had displayed their good sense by voting against this measure.

The House having resolved itself into the committee of supply, on lord Palmerston's moving, "That 1,234,596l. 13s. 6d. be granted for defraying the charge of the forces stationed in France,"

took occasion to ask how the money to be paid by France was to be managed—by what authority was it placed in the military chest—and by what authority taken out?

replied, that the money to be advanced by France was droits of the Crown, and paid by its authority into the military chest, for the use of the army.

said, that it was a most monstrous proposition, that this sum which the exertions of the country, at a vast expense, compelled France to pay, should be considered the exclusive property of the Crown, and independent of the control of the House. A more important question could not come before parliament.

while he asserted those sums to be droits of the Crown, had no objection to account for the application of them to the House. They were subject to the same prerogative as ships taken from the enemy after the declaration of hostilities.

reprobated the principle.

acknowledged most fully the services of the army, and thought them deserving the highest reward; but this reward they should be accustomed to receive from parliament alone.

said, that the money paid by France would be as regularly accounted for to the House, as if it had been issued from the treasury of England. The country would thereby obtain every security that could be afforded by accounts. The donation made to the army was not by the Crown alone, but by all the allied sovereigns.

apprehended the most serious danger from having the British army paid by foreign powers. The army should look to parliament alone as its paymaster, and while it did so, the Crown might be intrusted with its services. He expressed his hope, that this circumstance, so alarming in a constitutional point of view, would be brought under the distinct consideration of the House.

said, that the hon. and learned gentleman might bring the question to issue as soon as he pleased. The House should however remember, that the donation was given to the army by the consent of the Crown; and, in pursuance of a treaty, which parliament had since ratified. He allowed it to be a monstrous principle, that our army should receive any pay from foreign powers; but it must likewise be acknowledged as equally monstrous for the House to divert to any other purpose, money which by treaty had been appropriated to the army.

on constitutional grounds, objected to the principle of suffering our army to look to any other power than the Crown for prize, or to the parliament for pay. If the Crown were now desirous of reverting to the ancient prerogative, he trusted that it would likewise again submit to its ancient burthens.

begged leave to speak of a circumstance which did not refer to the present question. In the last session, 800,000£. had been voted to the army of the peninsula, serving under the duke of Wellington. But another army, equally meritorious, was totally overlooked—he meant the army that fought at Barrossa under sir Thomas Graham.

said, that the money was voted as a compensation for spoils captured from the enemy, and if the army of Barrossa had been equally fortunate in its captures, it would have been equally remunerated.

The resolution was agreed to.

had no objection to the sum, but wished to know whether it would be vested in trustees, or what security the public would have for its being fairly applied; not that he could have any doubt of the parties concerned, but it was necessary that the country should have some security, and it would be satisfactory to the feelings of the royal individuals themselves.

said, that, no doubt, the first officer whom the illustrious persons whose interests were concerned in this vote would appoint, would be a treasurer to whom this sum, as well as the quarterly payments of the annual allowance, would be paid.

said, he thought 40,000l. not a fraction too much for the outfit, as it had been called, of the illustrious individuals alluded to. With respect, however, to the plate and jewels, in the purchase of which the remaining 20,000l. was to be applied, he could not help remarking that these things might have been expected from another quarter. If they were not obtained in this way, he did not think 20,000l. an unreasonable sum for their purchase. As to the security for the proper application of these sums, he was sure none was necessary, as from all he had heard of prince Cobourg, he was convinced no man could apply it more faithfully to the purposes intended than he would.

did not mean to insinuate the possibility of a doubt as to the high honour of the illustrious prince in question. His object in making the inquiry was merely for information.

never understood the hon. gentleman to question the honourable feelings of his serene highness.

again suggested the impropriety of the ordnance department occupying so large a house as that which they did in Pall Mall—a house which had been the residence for many years of the duke and duchess of Cumberland, and which, if taken as the residence of the illustrious persons for whom provision was now making, might save the country a considerable expense. The value of the House was not less than 30,000l. and the department might be accommodated at a much less expense.

said, there were four branches of the ordnance in the building in question. With respect to the application of the House to the purpose intended, he begged to suggest whether it was not necessary to consult the feelings of the illustrious persons before any arrangement could even be hinted at. Respecting their residence, the discussion of the question now was premature.

did not mean to enter into any discussion of the point, but merely to throw out a suggestion, so that it might not be said hereafter, "he should have spoken sooner."

did not think the occasion an improper one for introducing this subject.

The question was then carried nem. con. amidst loud cheers.