in presenting a petition from the freeholders and other inhabitants of Cornwall, stating the distresses under which they laboured, and the breaches of faith on the part of government which they had experienced, and praying that the most rigid measures of Economy might be resorted to for the purpose of relieving them, said that he had the authority of the sheriff of the county to declare, that the meeting from which the petition proceeded was most numerous and respectable, and that not a single dissenting voice was heard against the sentiments which it contained.

The petition was then read, setting forth,

"That, to support the war which has just been terminated, the petitioners, together with the rest of their countrymen, have cheerfully submitted to the most severe and unprecedented privations; that as they have been taught to believe, by the speech from the throne and the address of the House, that all the objects of the war have been obtained by the success of our arms, and secured by a safe and honourable peace, the petitioners beg leave to represent, that they have a right to expect that their privations shall cease, that our war establishments shall be broken up, our war taxes taken off, our military habits suffered to fall into disuse, and our remaining burthens materially lightened, by the adoption of a system of the most rigid economy and retrenchment in every department of the public expenditure; such a system of economy and retrenchment they consider as not only justified by the event of the war, and the conditions of the peace, but as indispensably necessary to enable the nation to pay the interest and redeem the capital of its debt, and to save itself from the probable effects of that dreadful state of embarrassment and distress into which it has been plunged; after the numerous and forcible representations of that distress which have been made from all parts of the country to the House, the petitioners presume that its existence will not be denied, and can hardly be exaggerated; it has been and still is felt in the depreciation of every article of landed produce, in the general stagnation of internal commerce and manufactures, in the suspension of credit and payments between man and man, in the failure or reduction of rents, in the increased number of bankruptcies, in the want of employ for the labouring poor, and the consequent increase of parochial taxation; the petitioners have therefore seen with indignation and surprise the hopes of the nation, heightened and confirmed as they had been by the recommendation of economy from the throne, disappointed, and the promises of the government broken or evaded, whilst the just complaints of the people have been disregarded by the ministers of the Crown, as proceeding from an irrational impatience of taxation; an attempt has been made to force upon the country an odious, unequal, and unconstitutional impost, in defiance of the declared and unequivocal sense of the people, and in violation of the plighted faith of the ministry and the parliament, and though they have been compelled to abandon their design, they still persevere in a peace establishment oppressive from the absence of any actual necessity for it, ruinous from its disproportion to the resources of the empire, and from its objects and probable consequences dangerous to the liberty and constitution of the country; as a standing army has ever been a subject of constitutional jealousy with Englishmen, the proposal to keep on foot a force of 150,000 regular soldiers ought not to have been made to a free parliament, or without remonstrance submitted to by a free people; that the alleged pretexts for this most unconstitutonal measure are either unsatisfactory or odious, having found the laws always cheerfully obeyed, and the civil power fully adequate to the maintenance of good order; and relying upon our insular situation, on the invincible prowess of our navy, and the free spirit of the people, the petitioners cannot admit that a large military force is necessary in Great Britain for the purpose of external defence or internal peace; they cannot but think, that if 25,000 men be necessary for the internal tranquillity of Ireland, an immediate inquiry into its present state, and the causes which have produced it, is absolutely necessary; neither can they think that by force of arms we can compel the French people to submit to a government not chosen by themselves, without trampling on the inalienable rights of mankind, without denying the justice of our own glorious revolution, and impeaching the title of the house of Brunswick to the throne of these realms; they, therefore, humbly pray the House to inquire into and remedy all abuses in the state, to retrench all unnecessary expenses, and introduce the most rigid system of economy in every department of the government, and especially to reduce our immense standing army on a scale consistent with the resources of the empire and the genius of the constitution, that the House will abolish, as soon as possible, places without service and pensions without merit, and regulate the salaries of the servants of the Crown, and other public officers, by a standard conformable to their services, to the circumstances of the times, and the distresses of the people."

On the motion that the petition do lie on the table,

observed, that in one part of the petition, that in which the petitioners complained of faith having been broken with them, he by no means concurred; but that he cordially coincided in the wish expressed for retrenchment and economy in the various departments, civil and military, of the public service.

The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

presented a petition from the corporation and inhabitants of Dumfries; setting forth, "That the House, it is believed, know that seventy persons, subjects of the United Kingdom, have lately been accused of being concerned with the insurgents in South America, and condemned to suffer death, but it is reported they are transmitted to Old Spain, to await the award of his most catholic majesty, the king of Spain, and are now on their passage to that country; the petitioners, from the common feelings of humanity for their countrymen, in a situation so critical, presume to solicit the immediate interference of the House in any way they shall, in their wisdom, think proper, for the protection, and to obtain the liberation of those truly unfortunate subjects of Great Britain; one of whom, they understand, is a young gentleman named Wellwood Hyslop, a native of Dumfries, and connected with many of the most respectable families of that country, than whom none have been more loyal to the government, or more honourable and respectable in society; they therefore most earnestly intreat the humane attention of the House to the very claimant case before stated."

said, that application had already been made to the Spanish government on this subject, and that the connexions of the individuals in question need be under no alarm, as that government had expressed its disposition to adopt the most indulgent course with respect to them.

Ordered to lie on the table.

gave notice that on Wednesday next he would move for the appointment of a committee to inquire into the expediency on the part of the bank of England of renewing their cash payments, and into the means best calculated for effecting that object. The hon. and learned gentleman then moved, That there be laid before the House an account of the nett weekly amount of the bank of England notes in circulation, from the 9th of February, 1815, to the latest period to which the same could be made out, distinguishing post bills from notes, and distinguishing those under the value of 5l.

in consequence of the notice which his hon. and learned friend had given of a motion on the subject of the restriction on cash payments at the bank for Wednesday, suggested to the right hon. gentleman opposite, the expediency of deferring the third reading of the bank restriction bill, which stood for Monday, until the fate of his hon. and learned friend's motion should be decided.

replied, that the measure was not one of novelty, that the grounds on which it was proposed were well known, and that it was desirable no further delay should take place with respect to it.

complained of the way in which the bill had been hurried through the House, which was the less defensible, as the existing act would not expire until July, Although, in point of form, the bill in progress was to continue the existing bill, yet, under the novel circumstances of the times, it assumed all the character of a new measure. It was therefore extremely important that the House should thoroughly understand on what principle it was recommended for their adoption, and for that purpose the fullest consideration and inquiry appeared to him to be indispensable.

strongly recommended, that the further proceeding on the bill should be postponed until the House had determined whether or not further inquiry was necessary.

persisted in objecting to any further delay in the progress of the bill. It had been proposed on grounds of public notoriety, and had already undergone ample discussion.

contended, that all that was notorious was, not the ground on which the bill should pass, but the ground on which it should not pass. When the restriction was originally proposed, it was on the ground of the exchange being against this country, and it was declared, that, when it came to par—when the price of gold should fall—this measure would be no longer necessary. It was notorious that those events had taken place, and yet the right hon. gentleman pressed the measure, and persevered in saying, that no inquiry ought to take place, as the reasons for passing the bill were notorious! He repeated the statement of his hon. and learned friend as to the way in which the bill had been hurried on at times when there were not twenty members present; the resolution of the committee, out of which the bill emanated, being moved at one o'clock in the morning, and the second reading of the bill taking place at four o'clock on a subsequent day. Under all these circumstances, he trusted the right hon. gentleman would yet agree to postpone the third reading until his hon. and learned friend's motion should be disposed of.

observed, that the new measure was as different from the old as the peace property tax was from the war property tax—a difference which he had no doubt the right hon. gentleman thoroughly understood [A laugh]. At what hour was the House to be driven to the discussion of the bill on Monday? Probably at one o'clock in the morning, the committee on the agricultural distresses having precedence of it. It was rumoured, and if true it might account for the right hon. gentleman's impatience on the subject that a bargain had recently been struck between the right hon. gentleman and the bank of England, by which the latter agreed to accommodate the former with a further loan of ten or twelve millions out of the unknown and unlimited funds of the bank of England (funds likely to continue unknown and unlimited, if the existing system continued to be pursued), in addition to the nine millions which they had already agreed to advance, in consideration of which the right hon. gentleman had agreed to enable the bank to continue to enjoy during peace the privilege of coining money.

begged leave positively to deny, that any advance which the bank had made, or which they might hereafter make to government, was connected with the bill in progress in the House; and which stood wholly on its own merits.

The motion was then agreed to. On Mr. Horner's moving for further accounts of a similar nature,

wished that the chancellor of the exchequer should answer the question positively, whether he would consent to postpone the further progress of the bill, until after the discussion of his hon. and learned friend's motion on Wednesday.

said a few words in reply, but in so low a tone as to be inaudible in the gallery.

observed, that a question of such importance as the bank restriction bill should not be suffered to slip through the House without sufficient inquiry as to its necessity, and if the third reading of that Bill were urged on Monday, he should feel it his duty to oppose it by every possible means. It was not for the purpose of causing any unnecessary delay that he wished for its further postponement, but in order that the House should have sufficient time to consider of its expediency, A committee would be the best means by which that expediency could be known, and it was in order to have such a committee formed, and to give them time to inquire, that he wished to have the further progress of the bill delayed for a short time. The right, hon. the chancellor of the exchequer had said, that the grounds of the restriction were matters of public notoriety. This was what he did not believe, and what he wished, if they did exist, should be made known to the committee. It had also been said, that the restriction was not connected with any advance made or to be made, by the bank. This also he did not believe, He knew the bank would not consent to any advance unless they received considerable advantages by it. The chancellor of the exchequer had made a sort of bargain with the bank. He had said, "Do you lend me the money I want, and I shall take care that none shall be demanded of you" [Hear, hear!]. The question was not now so much whether the bill should be read a third time, or what should be the duration of the restriction, but whether any restriction on cash payments was necessary, and an inquiry by a committee would be the best means of ascertaining that fact. A late hour on Monday or Tuesday evening would not be the proper time for moving the third reading of the bill, and if it were moved on either of those evenings, he should oppose it by moving an adjournment.

observed, that when the bill came on for a third reading on Monday, his right hon. friend, the chancellor of the exchequer, would be prepared to show its necessity.

observed, that the restriction of cash payments must have been a source of immense profit to the bank, as could be proved by the circumstance, that since it commenced, bank stock had risen very considerably.

The motion was then agreed to.

observed, that another reason why the third reading of the bill should be postponed was, that it had not yet been printed.

then moved, that the bill be printed—Ordered.

wished to know from the noble lord opposite, whether it was the intention of his majesty's government to bring forward any measure on the subject of the Poor Laws. Those laws, as they stood at present, were generally complained of throughout the country, on account of their severe pressure on all ranks. They were felt with peculiar severity in that part of the country which he represented, on account of the number of Irish and Scotch labourers who resorted thither. Two bills had already been brought into the House on the subject, but both had been rejected, because of their insufficiency. The state of the country was such at present, and the operations of those laws in general so severe, that some inquiry on the subject was absolutely necessary, and he knew of no means by which that inquiry could so well be made, or an adequate remedy provided as by a committee. It was out of the power of any individual to propose such a remedy as would answer generally. A committee alone, after mature deliberation, could do this. He hoped the noble lord opposite would not withhold his serious attention from this important sub ject.

replied, that he was not prepared to state that his majesty's government intended to bring forward any mea- sure on the poor laws. At the same time he hoped that this would not discourage the hon. member, who, he believed, was very well informed on the subject, from bringing forward any motion on it.

observed, that he should rather see such a measure originate with his majesty's ministers as he conceived it would be attended with better effect than if it came from any individual; but if no other member brought it under the notice of the House, he would submit a motion on it, in the course of a short time.

in moving for the immediate production of some papers relative to the excise in Ireland, which had been ordered on the 23rd of February, took occasion to complain of the great distress to which the people in many parts of Ireland, particularly in the North, were reduced, by the heavy fines levied in consequence of illicit distillation.—These, he observed, were in many instances so severe, that several of the persons on whom they were levied were reduced to great distress and want; their cows, sheep, and horses being frequently taken off, and starved to death before they could be redeemed by the owners. He also complained of the manner in which excise officers often conducted themselves, in their search for illicit whisky; and the hardships to which many innocent persons were exposed, in whose care or possession such whisky was found. He made these complaints for the purpose of calling the attention of the House to the state of the excise laws in Ireland, as far as the same regarded illicit distillation.

pursuant to the notice he had given, rose to move for "a return of the total nominal value of all Notes, presented at the bank of England and refused payment as being forged, in the last four years, and up to the latest period to which it could be made out, specifying the amount of each year." He observed, that the practice of forging notes had risen to a great height lately, and he understood particularly since the restoration of peace. Many of those notes were so well executed, that they were with difficulty distinguished from good ones. He also understood that several of those notes were brought from the continent; but he hoped this would not be found correct. His object in making the motion was, that some remedy might be devised by which such forgery might be rendered more difficult. This he conceived might be done by a different method of making them from that which was at present followed. Several plans for this purpose had already been presented to the bank of England, and among others, one by earl Stanhope, which had been rejected by the bank as too expensive. He conceived that the adoption of some plan was necessary to prevent the great evil which he had pointed out.

The motion was agreed to.

wished to know from the chancellor of the exchequer, whether any late orders had been issued to the collectors of the Assessed Taxes and the arrears of the property tax, by which those collectors were obliged to demand the immediate payment of those taxes when they fell due. He was induced to ask the question, from the circumstance that several reports had got into circulation, of notices having been sent by the collectors of those taxes, demanding immediate payment when they became due. He could mention one instance where a gentleman in Edinburgh, who owed assessed and other taxes to the amount of 122lhad received a peremptory order for payment, from the collector. He did not precisely know what indulgence in point of time was given for the payment of the assessed taxes after they became due, but he knew that with regard to the property tax, it was not payable till Midsummer, when it became due in April.

replied, that no such order as that to which the hon. and learned member had alluded had been issued; on the contrary, great indulgence was to be allowed. With regard to the arrears of the property tax still due, it was his intention to submit, in a short time, some measure of indulgence as to the time of their payment.

expressed himself perfectly satisfied at the candid explanation which had been given.

informed the House, that he had heard with surprise, and he confessed with great regret, that an opposition had arisen in Ireland to the provisions of the bill; no doubt the House would be surprised to hear that among those who opposed it, and also who were, he believed, active in obtaining petitions against it, were some who had been most forward in the steps which had led to the present measure—many of them subscribers to those petitions which he had had the honour of presenting to the House both in the last and the present session, and upon which the bill had been introduced. He felt that in proposing the loan of so large a sum as that which had been estimated as necessary to complete the work designed, he had gone as far as he could go consistently with his public duty. He felt that the government of the country had gone far in recommending to that House the advance of at least half a million of money at the request of those who had put forward the first application. He was sure the House had manifested a liberality without example, with respect to any works of the same description in England; nor should he be justified in calling upon the House of Commons to do more in the present state of the finances of the united kingdom, and at a time particularly when the whole revenue of Ireland was inadequate to its proportion of expenditure. If those gentlemen who oppose this bill, at the other side of the water, had been acquainted with the common forms of parliament, they would not have misled the public by propositions so vague, and so inadmissible, as those which they had advanced. If they had been acquainted with the history of any of those proceedings connected with the docks and harbours and other works in this country which were the subject of bills in parliament, they would not have ventured to tell the petitioners that the expense of a work of this nature ought to be defrayed out of the exchequer; if they had had any experience of the feeling of the House in this session, with regard to the public expenditure, they would not have encouraged hopes which they must know would be disappointed; if they had any fair or honest motives of opposition, they would not have, by the grossest misrepresentation, endeavoured to menace some and seduce others into a petition against an undertaking which had for its great object the salvation of human life; if they had felt for the character of the city of Dublin, they would not have attempted to recall the petitions which had been laid before the representatives of the people, nor would they have stigmatized the mercantile body of the Irish capital with such gross inconsistency.—If they had felt for the interests of humanity, they would not have exhibited the people of Dublin at the bar of the House of Commons petitioning against a bill which would have saved the sinking sailor in the night of tempest and of danger. Shameful misrepresentations, he had reason to believe, had been used.—Some of the opposers of the bill had dared to say, that a tax on houses was to be imposed to defray the expense.—Great misrepresentations must have been used to prevail on the citizens of Dublin to lake such a course, so inconsistent with their former professions and conduct—so inconsistent with the character of their country.

Having said so much, it only remained for him to assure the House, that he would not, against the opposition of the city of Dublin, continue to press the bill. He should lament, indeed, for the sake of humanity, if the bill was lost—he should lament it for the sake of his native city. He had contemplated great advantages as likely to result from its accomplishment. He had hoped that in future, and at no distant times, the harbour of which the foundation might now be laid, would have contributed to the increase of the trade of Dublin, to the safety and convenience of shipping; and those who were acquainted with the locality of Dublin, with the impediments belonging to its bay, might have anticipated the advantages which would flow from a landing harbour at Dunleary, and from its being made a place of delivery for vessels of a tonnage which could not now ascend the river. Great docks had already been constructed to the southward of the city, which were not likely to be applied to the purposes for which they had been designed; and a ship canal from the intended harbour to these docks might be formed with a facility, which the public were hardly aware of, and at an expense, as he believed, which would be amply repaid by the resulting benefit to the trade of the capital; but he would not recapitulate the grounds upon which he should regret the defeat of this great measure.

The right hon. gentleman said, that after the second reading, he should move the committal of the bill, and the report; but would not press the further proceeding upon it, until the fair sense of those most- materially concerned could be ascertained; it was necessary, however, unless he were to abandon it at once, to carry it through certain stages, in order to comply with the orders of the House; he should not, great and interesting as the object was, he again said, press it against the sense of the city of Dublin. It would be for those who felt anxious for its success, to explain to parliament their opinions; it would be for those merchants and ship owners, upon, whose petitions the bill had been introduced, and who had not changed their minds, to show that their opinions and desires remain unshaken, and it would then be for that House to determine between the contending parties. He would not condescend to advert to what had passed, of petty intrigue and cabal on this subject. His object could not be mistaken; it was no wish to be the author of a popular measure, however gratifying that result might be to him. He should regret the failure of the bill, and the citizens of Dublin might regret it when it was too late. As to the government, it was not for them, he repeated, to force it. The noble person at the head of the government of Ireland would regret as much as any man any obstacle that might arise to the completion of this work, whether as a source of improvement to the capital where he resided, or as an asylum for the distressed and endangered mariner. The House would lament it too; but the House had been liberal, and the government would have done its duty.

The Bill was then read a second time.