moved, that the adjourned debate on the Alien Bill should be resumed.

said, that under the operation of the bill, as it now stood, an alien woman, being married to a natural born subject, might be sent out of the kingdom. He thought it advisable to guard against such an abuse, and wished, therefore, to introduce a clause setting forth, that nothing in the act should be construed to extend to any femme couyerte, she being an alien, whose husband was a natural born subject.

thought a discretion upon that point might safely be left in the hands of government, and that it would only be embarrassing the operations of the bill with needless enactments, to insert the clause proposed.

said, that the noble lord objected to the clause, not that it tied up the hands of government, but because he wished to have entire discretion and control. The bill was a measure of hardship to aliens, whether meant so or not. Cases of abuse had been stated over and over again, and had not been denied or answered. Persons had been sent out of the country for immorality; one person had even been sent away by mistake for another person; and this had not been denied. The bill might be made the means of gross oppression to aliens who had brought their families and property to this country, who had resided here long, who had all their interest in this country, and might be exposed to the insinuations of a rival in trade. It was an impolitic measure and in contradiction to the old policy. The noble lord read the preamble of an act drawn up by lord Somers, in the time of queen Anne, for naturalizing foreign Protestants. Though it was afterwards repealed, yet the preamble showed the sentiments of those days. It stated, that the increase of the people advanced the public strength, and that many Protestant foreigners would come to reside here, if they received the protection of natural subjects. That policy was well repaid. We were formerly the champions of Protestantism and of general liberty; and those foreigners looked to us with regard and affection who had shaken off monastic and despotic rule. He was descended from a stock who fled from persecution, and found protection here. From the fostering hospitality of this country, every thing that he or his family had, or were likely to have, was derived. The passing of this bill would make it appear as if those who had received British protection had shown themselves unworthy of it. But the times were indeed changed. We had re-estab- lished the pope, and the inquisition, and the house of Bourbon, the old and constant enemy of toleration, and had connived at the persecution of the Protestants in France. The object of the bill was to establish a power unknown to our laws and constitution. But the present policy, it appeared, had a view to the possibility of the French government being affected by aliens residing in this country. It was quite novel for the British parliament to legislate for the support of the government of France. He protested against the bill in toto

said, that as the bill stood, the home secretary could send out of the country an alien woman married to a natural born subject, and even the mother of Englishmen. The question was, whether such a power should be granted? The only reason he could learn for it was that as a former proposition of amendment had been rejected, so ought the present. Because ministers said they were not likely to abuse the powers they asked for, was the House to enable them to do so if they chose? The power had been abused in various cases: in one case of a man who had lived here fifty years, and had made his property in this country. It must also be admitted, that persons had been sent away at the instance of a foreign minister. When these abuses were seen, would the House grant ministers this enormous power? There was no objection to the clause, but the wish of the noble lord to retain the whole power of the alien act.

The House divided: for the clause, 31; against it, 91.

said, that he had an amendment to propose. His object was, to prevent the minister in whose hands this extraordinary power was to be vested from sending back any unfortunate foreigner who had fled from persecution into the jaws of the danger he had escaped. He was well aware that this would be opposed. His amendment in substance was, that whenever a foreigner was to be sent out of the country under this act, he should be allowed to elect the port or place to which he was to be conveyed, provided the means of transport were to be found in any part of Great Britain or Ireland.

thought the amendment quite unnecessary, as it was impossible ministers could have any rational motive for abusing the trust committed to them, and as they always acted on their constitutional responsibility.

conceived the House ought to be ashamed of rejecting every thing which was proposed with a view of mitigating the despotic powers conferred by the bill. He was himself acquainted with one case of great hardship, that of a M. Béfort, who, having come from France with a passport signed by the noble lord last year, had been immediately ordered to return, although his whole fortune, which was not inconsiderable, was in this country. This individual could not be supposed a great friend to Buonaparté; for he had lost three sons by the conscription, and had a daughter married to an Englishman resident here. This was an additional proof why such a power should exist no where, but least of all in a free country.

begged to ask Mr. Addington whether, as this was a transaction immediately belonging to his office, it was not his intention to communicate some explanation of it to the House.

confirmed the statement made by the hon. member who spoke last but one.

protested against the practice of throwing out random assertions, and requiring an immediate answer to them. He defied any hon. gentleman to prove that unnecessary rigour had been used in any case, or that the person whose name was last mentioned had been sent to France for the purpose of being exposed to danger.

said, the right hon. gentleman seemed even to deny the right of the House to call for explanation. It was in this manner an act was to be carried which affected the liberties and dearest interests of between 20 and 30,000 persons. He believed the true reason of the right hon. gentleman not furnishing them with any information was, that he was not at all informed upon the subject. He looked upon the bill as introducing a new principle of legislating for the internal tranquillity of foreign states, and he could understand it in no other way than as emanating from a concert between the noble lord and foreign ministers. This then was one of the fruits of the noble lord's negociations, that we were to become the assistant police-officers of other governments.

vindicated himself from the charge of ignorance. It was impossible for him to have an intuitive knowledge of what was passing in the office of his colleague.

thought that as, according to the right hon. gentleman, the cases were very few in which this power had been put in force, it might be possible, without intuitive knowledge, to have some information as to one of these few cases, and this a very recent one.

The amendment was negatived without a division.

then submitted a clause, enacting that there should be laid before parliament, at the commencement of every session, an account of the number and a description of the persons sent out of the country under this act during the preceding year.

saw no reason for adopting this clause. It was always competent to any member to move for the production of papers when necessary, without making it a matter of course, or unnecessarily proclaiming to the world every act of administration.

The clause was negatived.

moved, that the continuance of the act be limited to one year instead of two.

trusted that the supporters of the measure would see the propriety of acquiescing in this amendment, as he could not suppose they acted from a blind confidence in the ministers of the Crown. He had patiently waited, but in vain, for some explanation from the noble lord of a law which was a reproach and a stain on the character of the country. Nothing, however, was advanced beyond this—that from mere confidence in the noble lord, such as they knew him to be, they were to depart from the ancient law and policy of the country, and withdraw from strangers that hospitable and generous recap- tion which it had been the pride of our ancestors to afford them. The bill was a disgrace to the character of the country, and the manner of passing it a disgrace to the character of that House.

said, it would be equally open to parliament to consider the question next session, whether the act was to continue in force for one or for two years. He was not aware that ministers had been backward in assigning the reasons which induced them to submit the measure to parliament.

observed, that there was a material difference between renewing and repealing a bill. In the former case the burthen of proof lay upon ministers. There was no act of his life upon which he more sincerely congratulated himself than on his opposition to this monstrous and tyrannical measure—a measure the agents in which could only be protected by eternal secrecy, and the effect of which was to introduce lettres de cachet instead of writs of habeas corpus, and to establish the inquisition instead of the trial by jury.

could not conceive why the bill should continue exactly for two years, as, by the conventions, the occupation of the French fortresses was to continue for at least three years.

said, the bill would expire in July 1818, and the convention might cease with respect to the French fortresses in the November following; so that if it should appear necessary to extend the duration of the bill to the same period, under the circumstances which might then exist, parliament would have the opportunity of renewing their precautionary policy.

submitted that the noble lord had now betrayed his real wish to perpetuate the measure. The whole of his arguments were founded on considerations of foreign policy. He urged parliament to give the government the power of dealing arbitrarily and tyrannically with persons not plotting against our government, but supposed to be engaged in some plots against their own. He conjured the House to pause before they gave their final sanction to a bill, the object of which was neither more nor less than to enable foreign princes to exercise an arbitrary power over their subjects resident in this realm. He could have wished that persons conversant with the operation of the former alien act could have been examined as to its effects. He could at least have wished that the memorials of a gentleman lately in the alien office, and whom, though he differed with him in politics, he respected for his fairness, and manliness—he meant Mr. John Reeves—were before the House: the opinions and experience of that gentleman, he understood, were distinctly against the bill.

spoke in support of the bill being made annual.

The House then divided on the amendment, Yeas, 29; Noes, 79.

On the motion for passing the bill,

professed himself not unfriendly to such powers being vested in the crown on extraordinary occasions, but from what had passed it was impossible not to suppose that some gentlemen were for permanently engrafting them on the body of the constitution. Every thing that placed an individual under the uncontrolled, irresponsible power of government was in itself an evil, unjustifiable on any principle except that of saving us from still greater evils. To say that in the 19th century you should put an end to privileges enjoyed even in the 14th, appeared most ridiculous. No such measure had been thought of in the reign of queen Elizabeth, nor when a numerous party in favour of the pretender existed in the very heart of the country. In all the debates which took place on the alien bill in 1793, the measure was solely rested on the crimes and dangers of that eventful period. But what analogy was there between that period and the present? He was anxious that the constitution should resume its ancient course. He was sorry an opportunity should be given of saying, that though England, relying upon her strength, once dared to be generous, yet that she dared to be so no longer.

reviewed the progress of Jacobinical sentiments from the year 1793. He alluded to the opinion of sir J. Mackintosh in 1801, when defending Peltier, that those principles would never be renounced by those who had once imbibed them. He defended the bill, from a conviction of its necessity, and that ministers would never abuse the powers vested in them to provide for the public security. These were extraordinary times, and he felt that extraordinary measures were still necessary.

The bill was then passed.

asked if the noble lord and the hon. gentlemen opposite were aware that the provisions of the bill did not extend to Ireland? [No answer was given].

was sorry that his right hon. friend had risen to give the gentlemen opposite any information on the subject. The fact was, they knew very little about the bill. They would now, however, he supposed, take especial care that a new bill should be brought in to remedy the defect his right hon. friend had noticed.

rose and addressed the House as follows:

Sir;—In rising to submit to the House the resolutions of which I formerly gave notice, relative to the State of the Finances; I cannot but feel that I may be liable to some imputation of presumption in undertaking to discuss a subject of such importance and extent. I sincerely regret that it has not fallen into abler hands. But, with the views I entertain of it, I should have thought myself deficient in an indispensable duty, if I had neglected to call to it the attention of the House and of the country. All that I can promise the House is, that I will discuss it with as much brevity as is consistent with clearness in the detail which it is necessary for me to submit to you.

That the country is in a state of unparralleled financial difficulty is admitted on all hands. The right hon. the chancellor of the exchequer himself admits that the expenditure of the year must greatly exceed the revenue; and this, Sir, will be the case, not only in the present year, but in future years, unless some means be fallen on either most materially to relieve the expenditure or to raise the revenue. If my motion shall produce no other effect than to convince the House and the country of the imperative necessity of adopting a scale of economy adequate to the exigencies of our situation, I shall think that a great object has been obtained. But it is not partial and trifling savings that will do, however necessary every degree and sort of economy undoubtedly is. It will be seen that nothing can save us from the utmost financial difficulty and distress, but a large and comprehensive system of retrenchment. How far any degree of economy will do, it will be for the House to determine. But that we cannot go on at the present rate of expenditure, is most undoubted.

Sir, I desire not to be understood as desponding of the state of the country. Despondency is no part of the feeling with which I view its situation. A great country like this, if its affairs are conducted with prudence and wisdom, can always command sufficient resources to meet any exigency: it has only to look its difficulties fairly in the face, and to ascertain their nature and extent in order to meet them. But I think there is no man who can doubt that the financial difficulties of this country at the present moment are of the most serious nature, requiring the utmost prudence and the most vigorous counsels. The ministers have latterly begun to talk much of economy—I shall think it a great matter if the motion I am to have the honour of submitting to you, shall draw from them a declaration of some specific plan of retrenchment—shall induce them to depart from the general expressions in which they have hitherto indulged—shall bring them to state distinctly to the House what their view is of the savings they can introduce—and shall obtain for us a distinct and precise pledge upon this subject.

I have all along, Sir, felt the greatest surprise, that under the present circumstances, ministers themselves have not had recourse to the wisdom of parliament for advice—that they have not called on the House to exercise its own wisdom in this critical emergency—that they have not at once determined to submit the general state of the finances to a committee of this House, instead of contenting themselves with resorting to temporary expedients to meet the immediate pressure. All, Sir, that in these circumstances can be done by an individual like myself is, to state to the House the view I entertain of this matter—to lay before it, as accurately as I can, the actual state of our finances at the present moment, and the prospect that is afforded for the future—thus endeavouring to discharge what I conceive a most important duty, and leaving it to the House to adopt such measures as in its wisdom it shall think fit.

My resolutions have only the humble object in view of stating what I apprehend to be the facts of the case, on the measures which it may be necessary to take in consequence of the situation of things. I do not mean to submit an opinion—this I shall leave to the House—but certain I am that no more important subject ever occu- pied its attention. I am aware, Sir, that any thing like perfect accuracy cannot be expected from me. I have taken all the pains in my power to be as accurate as possible, and I should feel justly ashamed, if I were to submit a statement to the House without having done so. But gentlemen will be aware, that any person not possessing the facilities of official information, must find it difficult to arrive at perfect correctness in a matter of this nature. To be detected in a slight inaccuracy will give me no sort of pain; and, on the other hand, if it can be shown that I am materially wrong in my calculation, I shall feel the greatest satisfaction; for every person has an interest in finding that the situation of the country is not in truth so alarming as I conceive it to be, which must greatly outweigh any mortification of the little personal vanity attached to the accuracy of a statement such as this. I have endeavoured to render my statement as concise as possible; and for this purpose, and for the sake of greater clearness, I have not taken the total produce of the taxes, nor the total expenditure. All I have done is, to state from the votes of the House, and the estimates laid upon the table, the expenditure of the year, exclusive of the charges upon the consolidated fund;—and on the other hand, I have taken the revenue of the year, exclusive of the income of the consolidated fund. For the same reasons I have not taken Ireland separately, but have included her income and expenditure in the general statement for the united empire, as if the treasuries were already consolidated. With these observations I shall proceed to detail the statements of fact, included in the resolutions which I am about to propose.

The first resolution states that there has been voted for the service of the navy, during the present year, the sum of 10,114,345, 11s. 7d. The next five resolutions state, that, exclusive of the army in France and the East Indies, the sums voted for the army, including the commissariat and barrack department, amount to 10,587,972l. 19s. 6d. The seventh resolution states the sums voted for the ordnance exclusive of the corps in France, amounting to 1,696,185l. 3s. 2d. The eighth resolution states that the miscellaneous services are estimated at 2,000,000l. The three next resolutions state, that there have been voted for the interest and sinking fund on exchequer bills outstanding 2,260,000l.—For discharging certain an- nuities 174,681l. 2s. 6d.—For paying offde-bentures807,085l. The twelfth resolution States that there is payable upon exchequer bills outstanding 1,500,000l. The thirteenth, that there must be provided towards the debt due to the East India company 145,491l. 13s. 4d. and the fourteenth resolution states the total amount of the aforesaid sums being 30,085,761l. 10s. 1d., being the amount so far as the same can be at present ascertained of the expenditure to be defrayed by Great Britain within the present year, exclusive of the charges upon the consolidated fund, but including the proportion payable by Ireland.

With regard to Ireland, it appears that so far from being able to pay her proportion of the expenditure of the united kingdoms, the sums actually applied to defray the charge on account of the national debt in the year ending the 5th January last amounted in Irish currency to 6,369,170l. 5s. 9d., whilst the nett revenue paid into the exchequer during the same year was only 5,752,861l. 5s. 11d. leaving a deficiency of the revenue to defray the charges of the national debt amounting to 616,308l. 19s, 10d. in Irish currency. I am aware that the total charge on the national debt of Ireland, as it stood on the 5th of January 1816, exceeds the sum which was actually applied during the year to defray that charge because there were additional loans contracted in the course of the year, the charge on which, though constituting part of the charge on the debt as it existed at the close of the year, did not fall to be defrayed till the course of the present year. But, on the other hand, additional taxes were laid on during the past year of which the whole effect would not be felt before the close of the year; and being desirous as much as possible to avoid exaggeration, I have thought it better to leave out both sides of this account, and to assume the actual deficiency of last year as the criterion of that which we are to expect during the present.

As Ireland is thus incapable of defraying even the charges on her national debt, it is evident that she can contribute nothing either to the expense of her civil list and other permanent charges, or to the proportion payable under the treaty of union towards the joint expenditure of the united kingdom; but that, on the contrary, these charges and expenses must be provided for, otherwise than out of the revenue of that country. The expense of the civil list and other permanent charges in Ireland, appears to have amounted in the last year to 500,915l. 7s. 2d. Irish currency; which added to the above deficiency for defraying the charge on the national debt, amounts to 1,117.224l. 7s. Irish currency, being 1,031,284l. 0s. 4d. British, to be in future otherwise provided for than out of the revenue of Ireland. These facts are stated in the 15th, 16th, and 17th resolutions. In the 18th resolution, it is stated, that the balance due by Ireland to Great Britain on the 5th of January last, arising from the payments made by each country respectively on account of the joint charges of the united kingdom, amounted in British currency to 2,942,280l. 8s. 11d.; and that on the same day there remained in the Exchequer of Ireland an unappropriated balance, amounting in British currency to 1,336,695l. 6s. 5d. I suppose this last sum to be a fund applicable to the payment of the former sum; and it is obvious that the result is the same as if they were carried respectively to their proper sides of the general account. I have thought the mode I have adopted the clearest and more simple; I have therefore deducted the latter sum from the former, which shows a balance, being a farther sum to be provided on account of Ireland for the present year, amounting to 1,605,585l. 2s. 6d. In the 19th resolution, the whole of the above sums are added together, and the resolution states, that supposing the deficiency of the revenue of Ireland in the present year to be the same as in the last, they will form the whole expense of the united kingdom during the present year, so far as the same can be at present ascertained, exclusive of the charges on the consolidated fund of Great Britain, and of the charges supposed to be provided for by the revenue of Ireland, amounting in all to the sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d. This, then, is the expenditure to be provided for in the present year.

I come now, Sir, to state the Ways and Means for defraying this expenditure by monies received or receivable within the year: and here I am content to take the statement of the right hon. gentleman. In the 20th resolution these ways and means are stated to have been calculated as follows:

The 21st resolution states the deficiency of these ways and means to meet the expenditure, amounting to 16,137,654l. 12s. 11d.

Since I first announced these resolutions to the House, his royal highness's ministers have declared their intention of issuing a new coinage, the expense attending which measure they have stated as likely to amount to 500,000l.; it also appears that there is a surplus unappropriated remaining of a loan made in England for the service of Ireland, during the last year, amounting to 2,622,000l. and that there is due in Ireland on account of treasury bills, &c. a sum of 101,653l., leaving a sum to be added to the ways and means of the present year, for the service of the united kingdom, amounting to 2,520,347l., from which sum, if the above sum of 500,000l. the expense of the coinage, be taken, there will remain a sum of ways and means for the present year amounting to 2,020,347l. which must be deducted from the deficiency before stated of 16,137,654l. 12s. 11d.; and the balance will show the deficiency to be actually provided for during the present year by loans which have been, or must be made, amounting to 14,117,307l. 12s. 11d.; these circumstances are stated in the 22d and four following resolutions. It will be in the recollection of the House that the sums proposed the other evening by the right hon. gentleman opposite, the chancellors of the English and Irish exchequers, to be raised for the service of the two kingdoms by means of advances from the bank, and the issue of government paper, amount to much about this sum, which is sufficient to show that in its general result at least the statement I have made is not very far from accurate.

The last object, Sir, of the resolutions I propose is, by separating from the expenditure of the present year, such charges as do not properly belong to the services of the year, and are not likely to recur in future years; and by separating in like manner from the ways and means such sums as do not properly proceed from the revenue of the year, and are not likely to recur in future years, to ascertain what is the actual expense of the services of this year compared with the actual revenue of the year. In the 27th resolution, therefore, I have stated the amount of the sums due for the ordnance service of 1814 and 1815 for payment of the debentures under the 43d of the king;—the debts to the East India company and to the bank of England, and the balance due by Ireland on account of payments made in former years, making together 4,961,603l. 11s. 3d. In the 28th resolution I have stated the reductions proposed by estimate to be made from the charge of the staff of the army, which in the present year it appears amounts to 40,287l. 12s., but in future years will amount to 81,597l. 6s. 5d. making in future years a further saving in the expense of the army of 41,309l. 14s, 5d. In the 29th resolution I have stated the reduction from the estimate of the ordnance, amounting in the present year to 137,307l. 5s., but in future years to 175,959l. 10s., making in future years a further saving of 42,652l. 5s. In the 30th resolution it appears that if these several sums amounting in all to 5,045,565l. 10s. 8d. be taken from the above sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d., the total expenditure of the present year, there will remain a sum of 27,677,065l. 2s. 3d., being what may properly be considered the expenditure of the year 1816, and as the future annual expenditure of the country, excepting so far as the establishments shall be reduced, and with the exception of savings from the falling in of half pay and other incidental expenses. In like manner in the 31st resolution, I have deducted from the total of the ways and means of the present year, the sums arising from the surplus of grants of the last year, from unclaimed dividends, monies unapplied in the exchequer, and naval stores, making in all 6,784,976l., which cannot be properly considered as proceeding from the receipts of the present year, and leaving what may properly be considered as the ways and means so proceeding, and as ways and means likely to continue in any future year, if the taxes do not become less productive, amounting to 9,800,000l.

In the last resolution I have deducted this sum from the above sum of 27,677,065l. 2s 3d, showing a remainder of 17,877,065l. 2s. 3d., which forms the deficiency in the revenue to meet the permanent expenditure of the country likely to recur in future years, so long as the present establishments are kept up, with the exception of savings from the falling-in of pensions, half-pay, and other incidental expenses, but exclusive of the future charge on the sum to be now raised to make good the deficiency of the present year; this, therefore, is the sum which the country has to make good by one or both of two means, the curtailing its expenditure, or the augmenting its revenue.

In order to meet an expenditure of 27,677,000l. we have a revenue of 9,800,000l., leaving an actual deficiency very little short of 18,000,000l. per annum. I do not think that any gentleman who hears me, can view this state of affairs without alarm: I may have unavoidably fallen into some trifling errors, but I shall be much surprised if any material difference can be shown between this statement and the truth, and I again call on the right hon. gentleman opposite to point out, from the accuracy of his official information, any mistake which I have made; if he cannot, certainly no more important subject can occupy the attention of this House, and it has appeared to me that it was the imperative duty of any member, who, from having bestowed his attention on the subject, had come to this conclusion, to state it in his place to the House and to the country. What may be the course it is fit to pursue in order to apply a remedy to this most alarming state of things, although perhaps I may have formed an opinion, it does not become me to decide; I have not sufficient information to do so with confidence, nor sufficient authority to do it with success; this information and authority rest with the ministers alone. The present situation of affairs cannot be new to them: for years past they must have had something like this result in their contemplation. When they entered on the war last year, I then took the liberty of suggesting that the state of the finances was such as to render it in that view alone an undertaking of very doubtful propriety. From the moment they entered on the war, ministers must have had this result distinctly before them. The result has even been more favourable than they could have possibly expected; they could not have calculated on the war being brought to so speedy a termination, or on the expense of the maintenance of the army being thrown almost at the commencement of the campaign on a foreign country; the contest was decided by a victory that hung on the turn of a balance more nicely poised than ever before trembled with so vast a result. The consequence in point of expenditure was accordingly felt, and savings arose, as this House has already heard from the right hon. gentleman, which are left now in their hands disposable, of five millions and a half in England, and two millions and a half in Ireland, on which they never could have calculated. The right hon. gentleman cannot have gone to bed a single night without having had this result present to his thoughts. I call upon him now to declare to the House what steps he proposes to take in this so long foreseen emergency. From the noble lord in the blue ribbon I do not expect much assistance. He is too much occupied in governing France to have leisure to bestow on the affairs of England; but the right hon. gentleman must have some plan to communicate. It is impossible that in a state of things such as I have described, with his accurate knowledge of the detail, but he must be prepared to state his opinion to the House of the means by which the dangers of so alarming a situation may be averted.

The right hon. gentleman has made it a matter of boast, that a sum of I think 3,000,000l. of debt has been paid off during the year. But, in the first place, the right hon. gentleman has omitted to state that in his calculation the sinking fund was taken, and it is no great matter of exultation to state that, by means of the sinking fund, the debt has been diminished 3,000,000l.; and in the next place the right hon. gentleman omitted to state that this effect was only produced in consequence of having 5,000,000l. of a disposable surplus from the grants of last year, owing to the unlooked for termination of the war, and the circumstances which attended it. But the right hon. gentleman and his majesty's ministers well knew when they proposed the present establishments, that those establishments in this year of peace would exceed by 5 or 6,000,000l. the whole revenue of the country, not of the present year, but of the last year when government possessed the whole of the income tax and the whole of the war revenue. They knew—they could not but know—that they were proposing establishments to be kept up in peace exceeding by many millions the highest revenue ever drawn in a period of war. The expenditure properly of this year is about 29,000,000l., the charge on the consolidated fund, as on the 5th of January last is 43,390,000l.; the proper expenditure therefore of the country this year is about 72,390,000l., while the whole of the revenue, including the income tax was on the 5th of April last only about 66,000,000l.; so that the charges on the consolidated fund, and the expense of the establishments for the present year, exceed the whole revenue of last year by above 6,000,000l. And then the right hon. gentleman talks of congratulating the country on paying off 3,000,000l. of debt, and his majesty's ministers take credit for their disposition to economy. But when did ministers first talk of making reductions? Not till parliament refused the income tax. The House ought always to remember that in difficulties ministers uniformly ask for money; but, paradoxical as it may seem, the best way in such cases to make the two ends meet is to refuse to give money; recourse must then be had of necessity to economy, the best of all revenues; while money can be had there will never be any thought of savings in expenditure.

And, after all, what savings have been produced? It is matter rather of curiosity than of importance to state their amount. They consist of a small sum in the staff of the army, and a small sum in the ordnance department: out of such an expenditure as I have stated, ministers propose to save 177,000l. This is the reduction they have made on the expenditure of our army, navy, and ordnance, being 23,000,000l. If compared with the whole expenditure it is trifling indeed; but if compared with the amount of the particular branches on which the reductions have been made, they acquire more importance. The whole staff of the army was originally estimated at 315,000l., and the saving on this head is 81,000l. The ordnance extraordinaries amounted originally to 432,000l. the saving on this sum is no less than 126,000l. The House will see from this, that though it is not in the contemplation of ministers to make such savings as will be effectual, yet, when they choose and are compelled to make savings, they may be considerable. I believe that very important savings may be made, but it will only be done by the compulsatory power of this House—for, according to the statement of ministers, no savings they can make would bear any proportion to the exigency. The noble secretary at war stated on a former occasion that the reduction of 20,000 men would not save above 400,000, or 500,000l. The noble lord in the blue ribbon admitted, that taking extraordinaries and all into view, it might save a million; but if a reduction of 20,000 men will produce only a saving of a million, how can we possibly meet the difficulties I have described? The ministers have held out, that all these estimates are framed on the lowest possible scale. No reduction can be made from the force in the colonies and if not now, when can it? Will our colonies in any part of the world ever be in a state of greater security than they are at present? We have heard it stated that fewer than 28,000 men cannot maintain tranquillity in Ireland. They have been called 25,000, but in the number the gentlemen forgot to include the officers. Is it supposed that the number can hereafter be reduced in Ireland? From our mode of governing Ireland and the success which has attended it, we ought rather to look to the necessity of an increase. Formerly, when 12,000 men were asked for Ireland and when that number was objected to as too great, it was said that the gentry in Ireland did not consider themselves safe without at least 12,000 men: now, however, it would seem that fewer than 28,000 will not do. This is the usual progress where force is resorted to in the government of countries. If you look to other countries you will see how soon a government learns the habit of not being able to govern with few soldiers, and how soon the people learn the habit of not obeying without money. Then the number of men in this kingdom cannot be lessened while you have so large a force elsewhere, which the army in England will supply, and to which it must bear a certain proportion. I see, therefore, no hope of reductions of establishment held out in the language or views of the ministers.

But what sort of a reduction must it be from an establishment stated to be the very lowest possible which can meet the emergencies of our case, if only a million, can be saved by the reduction of 20,000 men? I do not, Sir, conclude from this, that great savings cannot be made, but I do conclude that the views of ministers are not such as to admit of great savings being made and I conclude farther, that they are either wholly ignorant of our situation, or wholly incapable of meeting its difficulties. Let them give up their own views—let them abandon their own opinions and adopt the moderate and prudent views and opinions which have been inculcated on them from this side of the House—and much may be done. But I should be glad to hear from them what specific reductions they propose hereafter to make. I desire from them a distinct statement of the views they entertain in this respect—and I demand of them what precise pledge they will give for the large savings they have promised by which to meet this exigency.

I have now, Sir, done with the expenditure, and come to the consideration of the revenue; and I will ask the right hon. gentleman if he really believe there is a rational ground of expectation of such an increase of the revenue as will cover the deficiency I have stated, by the produce of any taxes which he can impose, or which can be wrung from the people of this country. The revenue is indeed sinking and falling. If gentlemen look to the papers on the table, they will find an increase stated, compared with last year of 485,665l.—no great increase in a revenue of 66,000,000l. But comparing the excise and customs of the three last quarters with the returns of the three corresponding quarters in the year preceding, there is a considerable diminution. On the whole, the customs have fallen off 700,000l.; and though the excise has increased on the excise and customs taken together, there is a falling off of about 300,000l. while the increase of the whole revenue of 485,665l. is more than accounted for by the rise in the item of stamps on which large additional duties were imposed last year. The prospect is cheerless, and I see no hope of its brightening: it is a subject above all others painful to dwell on, but I would ask the right hon. gentleman whether the petitions which have been presented to this House from all parts of the country afford the prospect of an increasing revenue, or even of a revenue likely to continue at its present height? I wish, therefore, to know what plan under these circumstances, the chancellor of the exchequer has to submit for the future conduct of the finances. The loan from the bank is but a temporary expedient, and this resource must fail. Much as that wealthy corporation has been able to heap together at the expense of the public, it cannot every year afford a similar advance. What, then, is the future plan of the right hon. gentleman? What does he propose to do in future years? He congratulates himself upon having got surprisingly well through the present; but what does he contemplate hereafter? At present, while he would have us believe in the probable resumption of cash payments by the bank, he builds his whole finance on a system of advances by the bank which must make such resumption impossible. Does he look to increased issues of paper by the bank and a recurrence of the depreciation of the currency to lessen the pressure of the payments by government, and to render that of the taxes more easy? If he have any plan, it must be this—and nothing can be more mischievous. But I sincerely believe that the right hon. gentleman has no plan at all, that he is only going on from day to day as occurrences turn up, trusting to his stars for extractation. It is for the House and the country to consider how far this sort of proceeding is consistent with its safety. If I can obtain from the right hon. gentleman a pledge that he has in his head a scheme by which to extricate us from our present difficulties, or a distinct declaration of the course ministers propose to pursue, I shall feel at least better satisfied than at present. It only remains for me now, Sir, to apolologize for the time which I have occupied, and to put into your hand the first resolution which I am to have the honour to move.

The hon. and learned gentleman then moved the first of the following thirty-two Resolutions:—

1. " That there has been voted for the service of the navy, during the present year, the sum of 10,114,345l. 11s. 7d.

2. " That exclusive of the expense of the army serving in France, to be defrayed out of the contributions stipulated in the treaty of peace, and of the regiments in the East Indies, which are to be maintained by the East India company, there has been voted, for the service of the army, during the present year, the sum of 8,504,106l. 9s. 8d.

3. " That exclusive of the expense of the commissariat in Ireland, which forms part of the above sum of 8,504,106l. 9s. 8d. voted for the army, and of the commissariat in France, to be defrayed out of the contributions stipulated in the treaty of peace, an estimate has been presented of the expense of the commissariat during the present year, amounting to the sum of 405,240l. 9s. 10d.

4. " That, exclusive of the expense of the barrack department in Ireland, which forms a part of the above sum of 8,504,106l. 9s. 8d., voted for the army, an estimate has been presented of the expense of the barrack department during the present year, which amounts to the sum of 178,626l.

5. " That the extraordinary expenses of the army, for the present year, may be estimated at 1,500,000l.

6. " That the said several sums of 8,504,106l. 9s. 8d.;—405,240l. 9s. 10d.; 178,626l.,—and 1,500,000l, forming the total expense of the army for the present year, amount to 10,587,972l. 19s. 6d.

7. " That, including the sum of 67,205l. 9s. 10d., for the service of Great Britain in 1814; and of 16,851l. 13s. 4d. for the service of Great Britain in 1815; and of 19,384l. 12s. 3d., for services in Ireland in 1815, but exclusive of the ordnance military corps in France; there has been voted for the charge of the office of ordnance, during the present year, the sum of 1,696,185l. 3s. 2d.

8. " That the miscellaneous services of the present year, may be estimated at the sum of 2,000,000l.

9. " That there has been voted for the interest and sinking fund on exchequer bills outstanding, during the present year, the sum of 2,260,000l.

10. " That there has been voted for discharging certain annuities, granted by two acts of the 37th and 42nd years of his present majesty, the sum of 174,681l. 2s. 6d.

11. " That there has been voted for paying off debentures issued in pursuance of two acts of the 53d year of his present majesty, and the interest due thereon, the sum of 807,085l.

12. " That there is payable to the bank of England, upon exchequer bills outstanding, and falling due during the present year, the sum of 1,500,000l.

13. " That there must be provided, during the present year, to discharge the debt due to the East India company, the sum of 945,491l. 13s. 4d.

14. " That the said several sums, forming, so far as the same can at present be ascertained, the expenditure to be defrayed by Great Britain, exclusive of the charges on the consolidated fund, but including the proportion of the said expenditure payable under the treaty of union by Ireland, amount to the sum of 30,085,761l. 10s. 1d.

15. " That in the year ending 5th January 1816, the sums actually applied to defray the charge on account of the national debt of Ireland, including interest on exchequer bills, amounted to 6,369,170l. 5s. 9d.; whilst the nett revenue paid into the exchequer of Ireland during the same year was only 5,752,861l. 5s. 11d.; leaving a deficiency of the revenue to defray the charges of the national debt, amounting to 616,308l. 19s. 10d. in Irish currency.

16. " That, as the revenue of Ireland appears to be thus incapable of defraying even the charges on account of its national debt; a further sum must be provided to defray the expense of the civil list and other permanent charges, which, in the year ending 5th January 1816, amounted to 500,915l. 7s. 2d., Irish currency.

17. " That, under these circumstances, no part of the proportion payable under the treaty of union by Ireland, towards the joint expenditure of the united kingdom, can be calculated as receivable from the revenues of Ireland; but that, on the contrary, the deficiency of the said revenues to defray the charges on the national debt, and the expense of the civil list, and other permanent charges of that country, must be in future otherwise provided for; which deficiency amounted, in the year ending 5th January 1816, to 1,117,224l. 7s., Irish currency, or 1,031,284l. 0s. 4d. British.

18. " That on the 5th of January last, the sum due by Ireland to Great Britain, as the balance arising from the payments made by each country respectively, on I account of the joint charges of the United Kingdom, amounted, in British currency, to the sum of 2,942,280l. 8s. 11d.; and that on the same day there remained in the exchequer of Ireland an unappropriated balance, amounting in Irish currency to the sum of 1,448,086l. 11s. 11d.; making in British currency 1,336,695l. 6s. 5d.; which last sum being deducted from the said sum of 2,942,280l. 8s. 11d., there remains a further sum to be provided on account of Ireland, in the present year, amounting in British currency to 1,605,585l. 2s. 6d.

19. " That, supposing the deficiency of the revenue of Ireland in the present year to be the same as in the last, the said sum of 1,031,284l. 0s. 4d., together with the said sum of 1,605,585l. 2s. 6d. and the said sum of 30,085,761l. 10s. 1d. will form the whole expense of the united kingdom during the present year, so far as the same can be at present ascertained, exclusive of the charges on the consolidated fund of Great Britain, and of the charges supposed to be provided for by the revenue of Ireland, amounting, in all, to the sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d.

20. " That the ways and means for defraying the above expenditure, by monies received or receivable within the year, have been calculated as follows:

21. " That if the said sum of 16,584,976l., being the total amount of ways and means as aforesaid, is taken from the sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d., the total expenditure, there remains to be provîded for, the sum of 16,137,654l. 12s. 11d.

22. " That a further sum has been stated as necessary for the supply of the year, on account of the expense of a new coinage, amounting to 500,000l.

23. " That there is stated to be due in Ireland on account of treasury bills, &c. 101,653l.; and that there is stated to be a sum remaining on the loan made in England for the service of Ireland during the last year, unappropriated, to the amount of 2,622,000l.

24. " That there thus remains a further snm to be added to the ways and means of the present year, amounting to 2,520,347l.

25. " That if the said sum of 500,000l. to defray the expense of coinage, be deducted from the said last-mentioned sum of additional ways and means, amounting to 2,520,347l. there will remain a further sum of ways and means, for the present year, amounting to 2,020,347l.

26. " That if the said sum of 2,020,347l. be deducted from the sum of 16,137,654l, 12s. 11d. being the sum above mentioned as the deficiency to be provided for, there will remain the sum to be provided for, by loans which have been or must be made, amounting to 14,117,307l. 12s. 11d.

27. " That of the expenditure of the present year, as above stated, the following charges are for services performed in former years, which cannot recur in any future year:

28. " That, by the estimate of reductions proposed to be made from the charge of the staff of the army, it appears that these reductions in the year 1816 amount to the sum of 40,287l. 12s. but that in future years the same will amount to 81,597l. 6s. 5d.; making in future years a further saving, in the expense of the army, of 41,309l. 14s. 5d.

29. " That by the estimate of reductions proposed to be made from the charge of the ordnance departmment, it appears that these reductions in the year 1816 amount to the sum of 137,307l. 5s. but that in future years the same will amount to 175,959l. 10s.; making in future years a further saving, in the expense of the ordnance, of 42,652l. 5s.

30. " That if these several sums of 4,961,603l. 11s. 3d.;—41,309l. 14s. 5d., and 42,652l. 5s.; making together 5,045,565l. 10s. 8d. be taken from the sum of 32,722,630l. 12s. 11d. the remainder may be properly considered as the expenditure of the year 1816, and as the annual expenditure, if the establishments are not reduced, likely to be in future incurred (with the exception of savings from the falling-in of pensions, half-pay, and other incidental expenses) amounting to the sum of 27,677,065l. 2s. 3d.

31. " That of the ways and means for the present year, as above stated, the sum of 5,663,755l. arising from the surplus of grants of the year 1815, and also the several sums of 301,316l. of unclaimed divi- dends, 140,000l. monies unapplied in the exchequer, 679,905l. from naval stores, making in all 6,784,976l., cannot be properly considered as proceeding from the receipts of the present year, or as likely to recur in any future year; and that if this sum is taken from the sum of 16,584,976l. there will remain, what properly may be considered as the ways and means proceeding from the receipts of the present year, and as ways and means likely to continue in any future year, if the taxes do not become less productive, amounting to 9,800,000l.

33. " That if this sum of 9,800,000l., the ways and means arising from the receipt of the revenue in the present year, is taken from the sum of 27,677,065l. 2s. 3d., the expenditure properly belonging to the present year, the remainder will form the deficiency, which, if the establishments are kept up, is likely to occur in any future year, (with the exception of savings from the falling in of pensions, half-pay, and other incidental expenses, but exclusive of the future charge on the sum to be now raised to make good the deficiency of the present year) amounting to 17,877,065l. 2s. 3d."

On the first Resolution being put,

rose to second the motion, and said, that though great accuracy of detail had been brought forward by the hon. and learned mover, yet this was not necessary on his view of the question. He did not attach any blame to his majesty's ministers: the difficulties in which they had been placed were an excuse for many errors; but he recollected that he had seconded the repeal of the income tax, not because he thought the money was not wanted, but because the measure itself was so unconstitutional that he thought it incumbent on parliament to redeem the pledge that had been given by the minister, and repeal the tax. It might be said, that his hon. and learned friend had erred in some trifling particulars; but with that he had nothing to do—those sums were so small that they made no impression on the total deficit. Making all allowances for any errors or overstatements in the resolutions of his hon. and learned friend, the gloomy conclusion could not be got rid of, that in the next year there would be a great deficiency in the finances. Whether the deficiency was eighteen or ten millions, it was still appalling, and he was convinced that it could only be provided for by the remedy which he had formerly hinted at. He wished his persuasion of that necessity might have proceeded from ignorance or despair, but he confessed that he did not contemplate the remedy he had alluded to, with that dismay with which others beheld it. If difficulties were looked in the face, it could not be disguised that sooner or later some reduction must be made in the dividends; and though some gentlemen had looked to such a measure with the most fearful and gloomy apprehensions of the consequences, he did not think that the effect would be so dangerous as was imagined.

admitted that the hon. and learned gentleman who moved the resolutions had done himself credit by the clearness of his statement, and the abilities he had displayed; but it was impossible that he could concur in his resolutions, which only added one to the string of gloomy prognostications which had regularly been submitted to parliament at the close of the session, and which had never been acceded to by the House. The country, from year to year, had surmounted its difficulties, in spite of these formidable anticipations of calamity, and had finally triumphed in its great contest; and he trusted that experience would show, that the hon. and learned gentleman's predictions were at least as groundless as those of any of his predecessors. The chancellor of the exchequer said, he did not mean to deny that the present difficulties of the country were great, but he contended that, compared with those of former years, they were not very alarming. We had long contended for existence—now the only question was, whether we could dispense with burthens which the country had before borne, and under which it had appeared to prosper; but from which it had very recently been relieved. He trusted that it would not be necessary for parliament to recur to the imposition of those burthens; but at any rate that the country would not be reduced to the extraordinary remedy hinted at by the hon. seconder. This remedy, which the hon. member had mentioned less distinctly than became the proposer of such a measure, was nothing less than a national bankruptcy. The hon. member had on a former occasion spoken of the same proposal more distinctly, under the name of a reduction of the interest of the national debt. It could not be necessary to say, that to a proposition so devoid of justice and wisdom, the House would never accede. The country would lose more in credit and resources of every kind, than it could in any manner gain by such an enormous breach of faith [Hear, hear!]. Whatever burthens were imposed on the stockholders, in common with other classes of the king's subjects, they would chearfully bear, as they had chearfully borne the tax on their property notwithstanding the plausible reasons which might have been urged on their part against it. On this extraordinary proposal it was unnecessary to say more, and he should revert to some of the statements of the hon. and learned mover, which he should object to rather in the result than in the particular items. The general purpose of the resolutions proposed by the hon. and learned mover was, to give a prospective view of the finances. To this he (the chancellor of the exchequer) objected, as it would be most improper to pledge the House to any opinion as to the financial situation of the country in future years. The difficulties of the present year had been met in a manner satisfactory to the House, and to which the hon. and learned gentleman had stated no objection, unless it can be called one that expedients of a temporary nature had been employed. Whether the expedients were temporary or not, they were sufficient for a temporary purpose; and the country had reason to congratulate itself that the difficulties which had been occasioned by the change in the arrangement for the service of the year, had been surmounted in a manner so little injurious to the public credit. The hon. and learned mover had assumed, and this assumption formed the very basis of his reasoning, that the expense of future years would be equal to that of the present. What the expense of future years might be, neither the hon. mover nor he (the chancellor of the exchequer) could say: but if the country was to remain at peace, it was highly probable that reductions would be made. It was curious, however to observe, that amidst the urgent calls for general reduction which had been made in the present session, complaints were made that in one great branch it was carried too far, and that the navy was a neglected service: but that observation was answered by the amount of the sum voted for the navy, which was 10,114,345l., while the sum voted for the army, for which in the year 1815, 39,000,000l. had been granted, was no more than 10,587,972l. Without pretending to say how much farther reductions could be carried, could it be supposed that the permanent peace establishment would be so large as this? [Hear, hear!]. In the present year, too, a diminution of the national debt had taken place. The sum which had been borrowed from the bank was 9 millions: 2½ millions had been borrowed by exchequer bills; 3 millions had been borrowed in Ireland in Irish money, amounting to 2,750,000l. in English money. This made in all 14,250,000l.; but the sum reduced by the discharge of exchequer bills, and the operation of the sinking fund was 17,230,000l., being an excess of three millions above the debt contracted. Therefore, if we were able merely to preserve our present condition, we should have an efficient and growing sinking fund in future years. He was far from saying that this state would be satisfactory, or that the reduction of our debt would in that case proceed so rapidly as was desirable, considering its great magnitude, but he hoped for much better things. It was, however, to be remembered, that we stood at present in a better condition than after the American war, when Mr. Pitt began his brilliant financial career. After the conclusion of the American war, our debt continued to increase for some years during peace; and it was not till 1786, when Mr. Pitt established the sinking fund, that the income of the year could balance the payment of the interest of the national debt, and defray the charges of our establishments. The hon. and learned gentleman, not satisfied with this state of things, required a pledge from ministers of economy, and the disclosure of plans for preventing the ruin he apprehended; but he gave a most extraordinary reason for making such a pledge, by declaring that no pledge could either be properly given or confidently relied on. He (the chancellor of the exchequer) would give no pledge, because ministers felt the obligation which their public duty imposed so strongly, that no pledge could add to its force, or afford additional security for its fulfilment. It would be very imprudent to give any other pledge than an assurance that whatever should appear most conducive to the public welfare would be supported and carried into effect with all their zeal and ability. They could bind themselves to no particular course of conduct. The hon. and learned gentleman had allowed an increase of revenue to the amount of nearly 500,000l., on comparing the produce of the taxes this year with their produce in a former year; but against this he stated the amount of the new taxes at 900,000l., and the increase of the property tax to the extent of 200,000l, making in all 1,100,000l., which, if deducted from the increased revenue of this year, instead of making it appear greater than the last, would show a falling off of 600,000l. He (the chancellor of the exchequer) had, however, stated on a former occasion, that if some new duties were imposed, other taxes existing in the former year had terminated and expired. It would be found that war duties of customs and excise to the amount of 870,000l. had been thus lost to the revenue, which would do more than cover the excess of 600,000l. mentioned as a falling off. In a comparative statement of the revenue, the taxes belonging to the consolidated fund, and the other duties, should always be taken together, because the payments were not always accurately distributed, and great injustice was always done to the consolidated fund in the appearance of the accounts, the bounties and drawbacks being drawn in much more than its fair proportion, from that fund. He would venture to affirm, that down to April last, so far from their being any decrease, there had been an augmentation of the revenue. He could not say what would be the state of the country in future; though there was a probability that there might next year be a falling off in some branches of the revenue, from the distresses of the country, and some causes in operation, such as delays of payment occasioned by failures in business, and repayments of duty on account of the taxes which had been taken off, the results of which would not be seen till another year. But on the other hand a counteraction was to be expected from the repeal of those taxes which was likely to render the remaining revenue more productive. On this prospective view he could venture to give no distinct or decided opinion—far less would he wish to pledge the opinion of parliament by entertaining the present resolutions or any others of a prospective nature. The hon. and learned mover had said that the repeal of the taxes had forced ministers to adopt measures of economy, and he seemed to wish them to be still more cramped [No! from Mr. J. P. Grant]. He was glad to hear this disclaimed, because there was nothing from which he apprehended more evil to the country than the anxiety for further relief from taxation. The hon. and learned gentleman showed something like injustice in wishing to bind ministers to economy and to a reduction of debt, while he took away their resources for meeting demands for the service of the country. The hon. and learned gentleman might rely on the wisdom of parliament, and the firmness with which the country would support what was necessary to carry it through its difficulties; but he (the chancellor of the exchequer) felt it inconsistent with wisdom or propriety to attempt to involve the legislature in a premature decision as to any particular course, and he should, therefore, feel it consistent with his duty to move the previous question on all the resolutions that had been read.

observed, that the accuracy of his hon. and learned friend's premises had been undisputed, and he was afraid that time would prove that his conclusions were not less accurate. It was on all hands agreed, that in the next year there would be a deficiency in the revenue, whether of seventeen, fifteen, or twelve millions he should not dispute. What then was the resource? The chancellor of the exchequer had accused his hon. friend (Mr. William Smith) of having barely hinted at his remedy; but as it was easy to divine that his hon. friend's remedy was the reduction of the interest on the national debt, so it was easy to perceive that the chancellor of the exchequer's remedy was the renewal of the income tax. The chancellor of the exchequer had accused his hon. and learned friend of despondency—but the despondency of his hon. and learned friend was better than the hope and joy of the chancellor of the exchequer. It was to be remembered that the country was in a very different situation from that in which it had stood at the conclusion of former wars. It was but a hundred years ago when there was but one power in the world capable of contending with us. The emperor of Russia had then come to this country to learn to build a boat, and some of the American states were scarcely planted. But now, not only France, but Russia and America were capable of contending with us, and we might be soon engaged in a struggle more terrible than we had ever met with. He did not say that our resources were not equal to the contest, but it was necessary that we should not squander that wealth, which formed the main power by which we had made ourselves arbiters of the world. He did not believe his hon. and learned friend intended to divide the House on the present resolutions, but he thought he deserved great credit for bringing them forward.

said, that the able speech of his hon. and learned friend who moved the resolutions had left him nothing to add to it; and what was more extraordinary, in what had come from the other side of the House there was nothing for him to answer. The course pursued on former occasions, when he (Mr. Tierney) had brought forward similar resolutions, namely, that of moving counter-resolutions, had been departed from in this instance. The chancellor of the exchequer admitted the premises of his hon. and learned friend, and only differed from him as to the conclusions which he had drawn from them. The language held by the right hon. gentleman this night, differed somewhat from that which he had formerly held. He now refused to give any pledge on the subject of the future expenditure of the country; though before, to obtain the vote wanted for the present year, he had been willing to give all sorts of pledges for the time to come. Comparing the receipts of the consolidated fund of last year with that of the preceding, there was an apparent increase of 750,000l.; but then it was to be recollected, that the amount of the produce of the new taxes, which he now found to be 1,000,000l. was to be considered; and to this must be added 200.000l. for the produce of the new stamp duties. Thus, in fact, instead of an increase, there was an absolute falling off, to the amount of 500,000l. At the same time he agreed, that nothing ought to be said which could cause despondency; for he allowed that the resources of the country were so great, that if properly managed they would carry us through all our difficulties. But then he was convinced that this object could not possibly be accomplished without the prompt interference of parliament. He advised the House to take the subject of our finances into its own consideration. He had indeed offered similar advice at an earlier period of the session, and that such consideration was necessary must, he thought, be generally felt, when it was recollected that the surplus of the conso- lidated fund was estimated by the chancellor of the exchequer, at only three millions. If a committee up stairs had been appointed, as he suggested early in the session, the House would have been enabled to understand the amount, and the cause of the difference between our income and expenditure, and hence some measures might have been taken to remedy the deficiency. To supply this deficiency, he understood, that very extraordinary means had been resorted to by his majesty's government. For instance, he had heard that several bonded debts upon warehoused goods had been called in, with a view to force up the amount of the revenue. On the other hand, it must be considered that many taxes which were productive in war, would be comparatively unproductive in peace. But on the whole, from the want of a due understanding of the actual state of our finances, which ministers appeared unwilling to make known, the consequence was, that most people were likely to think the danger greater than it really was. The public by being left entirely at the mercy of the chancellor of the exchequer, would be apt to indulge gloomy conjectures. Yet the right hon. gentleman was heard to say, "Leave it all to me, and you need not despond." But what was the ground of the right hon. gentleman's claim to a confidence far beyond any thing ever demanded by Mr. Pitt, who usually laid before the House at the close of each session, a statement of the finances of the country.

denied that the revenue had fallen off, if we took a retrospect of four years instead of one. The revenue was, he said, increasing instead of declining. In the excise, which was that sort of revenue that proved prosperity more than any other, by showing that individuals were able to indulge in luxuries, the increase was manifest.

rose to reply. He observed, that he had the melancholy satisfaction of finding, that all his main statements were confirmed by the chancellor of the exchequer; but he had also heard that which afforded him no satisfaction, namely, that nothing was to be done by government to provide for the future. The chancellor of the exchequer, indeed, deprecating any consideration of the future, had intimated, that "sufficient for the day was the evil thereof;" but it was of this improvidence he complained, and the country must complain of it also. The inability of the public income to meet the expenditure was admitted on all hands; and still our first financier said, that "sufficient for the day was the evil thereof." He appealed to the House and to the country, whether this could be regarded as the language of a statesman competent to rescue the country from its difficulties. The right hon. gentleman had no doubt held out a prospect of relief in the application of the sinking fund, and the re-imposition of the income tax. So, then, the sinking fund, which was boastingly held out by its authors and advocates as the means of discharging our debt, was now to be looked to as a resource merely for supplying our expenditure, and the renewal of that odious imposition, the income tax, was to be contemplated by the country as the means of raising the income to a level with our expenditure! But how would the country regard the language of the right hon. gentleman? Was it possible that it could be endured, or that any minister would venture to act upon such language? After adverting to the calculation of Mr. Pitt, as to the surplus of the consolidated fund when our revenue did not exceed 14,500,000l. and contrasting it with the present surplus of that fund and its probable diminution in future years, the learned gentleman disclaimed the sentiment of an hon. gentleman behind him, the adoption of which was said to have a tendency to produce a national bankruptcy—namely, that the interest upon the public debt should be reduced. He assured the House that no such thought had ever entered his mind. Whatever measure he had in contemplation with a view to relieve the country, he never could have proposed one so inconsistent with sound policy and good faith as the reduction of the just claims of the public creditor. His measure would indeed rather operate to relieve those creditors than to injure or to commit any fraud upon them.

The previous question was then put and carried upon each of the Resolutions. After which the Resolutions were ordered to be printed.

The House adjourned to Thursday the 6th of June,