rose and said, that he had some time ago expressed his intention of bringing forward a motion with reference to the state of the West Indies, and the question of Negro Slavery; but that he had yielded to the recommendation of the noble lord opposite, who wished it to be deferred, originally in consequence of arrangements on the subject depending between this and other countries, and recently in consequence of the official accounts of the late events in the West Indies not having arrived. He would have been content that the whole subject should have still stood over, that hereafter the contest might have been upon equal terms; but the question now appeared to him not to stand on the grounds on which it was put by his noble friend. It appeared to him to be of great importance that there should be every possible degree of information; yet he felt it his duty to take an opportunity of stating some of the grounds and principles which, the House having adopted, it seemed necessary to carry into effect. The object he had in view, therefore, was to remind the House of principles and facts which had formerly been stated and urged in argu- ment by far greater authorities than himself: he was under the necessity of reviving things almost forgotten, and the object he had in view was one he should not have brought forward, except under the impulse of duty, and an anxious regard for the durable, solid, and perpetual interests of all the subjects of the empire, more especially those that inhabited the West India islands. He was to contend for the sacred principles on which those interests were most firmly grounded, and he was sure that when they were known they would obtain the sanction of the people of England. In proceeding to state the obligations we were under to take effectual measures for the abolition of the slave-trade, he should show what was the condition of a great part of the slaves in the West Indies; and whatever some persons might think, whatever they might allege, as to the treatment of these unhappy beings, they were undoubtedly a part of the great body of British subjects, and, as such, entitled to all the blessings that we enjoyed. Whatever we could do for their benefit, we ought to do; and, above all, to rectify the mistakes into which even well-meaning people had fallen—to show that these negroes were worthy of our regard—that to them we were indebted for all the advantages we derived from our West Indian possessions—and that we were therefore bound attentively to consider their situation. These persons, instead of not exciting even the ordinary attention of ordinary subjects, had a peculiar claim to our regard. We had brought them for two or three hundred years from their native home—we had planted them in the western hemisphere for the purposes of our aggrandizement and wealth—we owed them in an especial degree our protection—and there could be no difference of opinion as to the obligation imposed on us to afford it.

He wished he could tread this ground without giving pain to any individual; but it was impossible, after the many discussions that had taken place, not to know that different opinions were entertained on some branches of this subject. One consideration, however, had given him great concern; namely, that whenever he or his friends had stated the evils of the existing system, gentlemen whom he should have been forward to deem actuated by the best principles of benevolence, seemed to think that the observations thrown out were directed against themselves, and not against the system. "Do let us," said the hon. gentlemen, "consider the true state of the case. Slavery and human nature are two words, which when found together, are sufficient in themselves to show the evils that must arise out of their conjunction. It is in no case safe that man should be intrusted with arbitrary power; but, in the present instance above all others, every circumstance conspires to provoke an abuse of arbitrary power. In the associations of the planter, every thing tends to render the negro an object of degradation—his colour, unlike that of his master—his language, an imperfect mimickry of our own—and the very habits of self-abasement which slavery itself produces." The very circumstance of their distance from the seat of empire considerably increased the probability of their being oppressed. They were generally the property of absentee proprietors, and mannged by overseers who, even if the masters were humane and enlightened, were not likely to be actuated by the same liberal sentiments; nor was it probable that they would acquire them in such a place; for by an immutable moral law, the effects of slavery extended not only to the sufferer, but operated a corresponding degradation in the mind of the inflictor of the suffering. The consequence of the state in which these poor people were, notwithstanding the opinions of some who had not gone into all the particulars, was indeed deplorable in the extreme; and as it was by the fault of the people of England that they first were brought into that condition, we ought at least to afford them all the relief-which the nature of things admitted.

He was anxious not to detain the House, and it was only because such an interval had elapsed since the subject had last been discussed, that he had now entered into it so much at length. But it was evident that the situation of the negroes was not what it ought to be, from the circumstance of their not increasing in number. The negroes were a prolific race every where except in the West Indies. Though we had various admissions from persons who desired to state fairly what they had seen and believed, yet the latest accounts from Jamaica, where the slaves were in general the best treated (for they were not treated in all places alike), admitted that great numbers were actually lost every year from the circumstance of their being underfed and overworked. These were causes which sufficiently accounted for the decrease of the species; and if persons considered the subject, they would find that it could not be otherwise, for it was the object of the overseers, to get to the maximum of exertion, and the minimum of expense. This the manager did, not to recommend himself to his particular employer, but to the planters generally; for if, as was truly said by Mr. Long, a manager once gained a character of raising crops at a great Expense, he found it difficult or impossible to gain a second employment. The great evil, however, which in its consequences far exceeded all the others, was, that the negroes were, in fact, in a degraded situation—that they were not considered as entitled to the same protection of the laws as other individuals—that they were not considered as our fellow-creatures. Whatever disposition might sometimes exist to treat them kindly, yet their personal interests were neglected altogether: they were utterly destitute of any sort of instruction, moral or religious. He knew, indeed, that one hon. member had sent out a person for the express purpose of instructing his slaves; but in general they received no instruction whatever. When, therefore, we knew that the marriage institution had not only not been encouraged, but had not been introduced any more than among the brute beasts, it was a sufficient proof that the negroes did not occupy the station of their fellow-mortals. If we looked to the laws of the island, we should find sufficient reason to lament, not only the old laws of former and less enlightened times, but those also of a far more modern date. He said this the rather, because many persons thought they answered all objections, if they could show that the slaves were sometimes well fed and taken care of—just as if they were speaking of the good condition of so many horses; but this in itself tended only to show that they were considered in a degraded station, and not as fellow-mortals. In fact, one party had contended openly that they were not fellow-creatures, but of an inferior stamp; and if there could be any extenuation, these appeared less inconsistent at least than others. Another point he wished to touch on was the manner in which these poor creatures were worked: they were considered so incapable of foresight, that it was thought necessary, as with inferior animals, to use the stimulus of the whip, and make them feel, as a signal that their exertions were required. Excepting in one or two instances, such as he had already mentioned, the practice existed generally. Notwithstanding the whip might be sparingly used, as a merciful carter would sometimes spare his horses, yet as long as this system lasted, it was impossible the slaves could ever emerge from the degradation in which they were now depressed. He might expatiate much more on this subject, but he wished for the present to abstain; and should only say, that the longer experience he had had with the unhappy objects of his concern, the better he was inclined to think of the character of the West Indian slaves, considering all the disadvantages under which they laboured. He had heard various instances which showed, however degraded by slavery, the natural disposition of these oppressed men was such, that the soil would as well repay cultivation as any other. He could mention instances of gratitude, affection, and duty, which he was sure the House would say would do credit to any age or country whatever.

He was sure that many in the House would call to mind, that when he and his hon. and learned friend near him (Mr. Brougham) were contending for the abolition of the African slave trade, it was said: "Do you mean to leave the slaves in the West Indies in the same situation they are?" Some gentleman had stated, that he and his friends had proposed so to do. We told them, " No; that we were confident the abolition of the trade, if it could be secured, would be the best remedy for all the diseases of the system; and the great mind of that eminent man (Mr. Burke) who never touched any subject without adorning it, manifested the extent of his powers, and the humanity of his heart, by framing a detailed plan for the reform of the various abuses that were to be found in the treatment of the West India slaves. It was a plan he should be exceedingly glad to see executed, but if the opponents of himself and his friends objected to the registry bill, he was sure they would object ten times more to the plan of Mr. Burke. It proposed to divide the districts into parishes, each to have a school, a protector, a person to be appointed, ex officio, to make regular inquiries throughout the islands, in order to ascertain the actual situation of all the slaves; to have certain individuals who showed more than ordinary intelligence, Sent to be educated in this country, and then sent back again, for the purpose of improving their countrymen; and, by improving their minds, lessening the horrors of slavery. Such was the general nature of Mr. Burke's plan. He only mentioned the circumstance, to show how much Mr. Burke thought of ameliorating the condition of the slaves in the West Indies at that time. This was as long ago as the year 1792. Oh! what time had we lost! The late lord Melville also, at that time, regretted that he (Mr. W.) and his friends had not concerned themselves for the West India slaves, as well as the Africans. He did not actually make a motion, for we carried the question against him. He stated what his intention was. It was, that after a certain number of years, all negroes that should be born, should be born free, and then educated by the owner of their parent, whom they should serve for a stipulated number of years, to pay the expense of their education; after which, they were to be their own masters—to be entirely free men.

That was the mode suggested by lord Melville in the year 1792; and were we now contending that the registry bill was too much? He was contending, that in fact the abolition of the slave trade would have been a measure preferable to any other for reforming the West Indies, by making it the interest of every man to take care of his slaves; not the humane planter, but the cold-blooded man who took care of his interest. It was a measure that would execute itself, through the medium of the master; not in the way of regulation, but it would be the main spring of the benevolence of every planter. The abolition would gradually change the system into a state of things most to be desired. Security would be substituted for danger, and happiness for misery. If the present measure was well considered, it would be found to be the most efficacious method for assuring to us the abolition of the trade. If the House was in earnest, it would see that there was an indispensable necessity for passing the registry bill; for it was the only mode by which the abolition could be effected. It would always be in operation; the slave would feel that he was indebted to his master for every additional comfort he received. Mr. W. said he should be glad that the remedy came by internal means; but he was bound to see that the thing was done effectually, and that it was not done by those who would not do it from their hearts.

He had shown, that at a time when other measures were proposed, measures of a bolder nature, that went directly to their object; namely, that of endeavouring to promote the improvement of the West Indies, the friends of the abolition had been satisfied with the general measure of abolition, to which they looked as the grand object of their solicitude. The only thing he regretted was, that it was not immediately followed by a registry bill, in order to render it effective. It would be recollected, that at the time the measure was carried, no one was more surprised than a noble friend of his in the other House. The friends of the abolition did not dare to do any thing that might risk their success; they did not think it prudent to lighten the vessel too much, for they had found, on former questions, that there were some of the regulations which did not involve the whole principle, though they were considerably operative; therefore they wished to leave out what was not absolutely necessary. He was much indebted to his hon. and learned friend behind him, who was one of the great combatants in this warfare, for rendering the measure more efficient by declaring that the system should no longer be considered as a trade, but as a crime deserving the punishment of crime. It was a little hard, when they preferred the mode of a registry, as being the most efficient; when they abstained from those measures which might seem to give them the management without going into the plantation—it was a little hard, there should be an outcry against them, for bringing forward the registry bill, as if they had brought forward the most violent measure, instead of the measure the most unobjectionable. It had been objected, that they had changed ground; that before they were aiming at abolition, and now they were aiming at emancipation; but the truth was, that the main object was the abolition of the slave trade, with a view to produce the amelioration of the slaves; that we might see the West Indies cultivated by a happy peasantry, instead of being cultivated by slaves. He could read what he had this morning extracted from the sentiments of Mr. Pitt and Mr. Fox, lord Grenville, lord Howick, and the marquis of Lansdown, every one holding the same language. The same cry had always before been raised as was raised now: from 1788 to the abolition of the trade in 1806, it had always been said, " You are going to make all the slaves free;" but he was willing to read the extracts, if any one doubted, to prove that they had always thought the slaves incapable of liberty at present, but hoped that by degrees a change might take place as the natural result of the abolition.

This naturally led him to bring another subject to the recollection of the House; but even here, the concern he felt was mixed with surprise at the late insurrection being attributed to their unhappy registry bill. If we compared one fact with another, we should find this to be impossible. Ever since 1789 the proprietors had been saying, " You mean to make the slaves free;" and not only had they said this, but they had printed and dispersed it all over the West Indies, and had even pointed out, in those writings, the possibility of the blacks rising with effect, making representations and statements that had never been made in the House. He would read, for the information of the House, a letter which had been written since the insurrection commenced, from a person of the highest respectability. It stated, that a gentleman in Barbadoes, only a week before the insurrection, declared that such was the violence and beat with which persons talked, even in the presence of their slaves, on the effects of the registry bill, that he expected an insurrection must take place. He should not mention the writer's name, for fear of exposing him to the fury of those individuals. [Hear, hear!]. Would the hon. gentleman secure him from ill treatment? He (the writer), deeming it probable that very different causes from these would be assigned as the ground of the insurrrections, expressed his conviction that they had arisen entirely in consequence of the violence with which the proprietors expressed themselves on the subject of the registry bill. The negroes thought that some great benefit intended them by the legislature had been opposed by their masters, and this naturally led to feelings of irritation. Another letter he had received stated the same thing: that the disturbance was not owing to the registry bill, but to the violent language of the planters; and that there would have been no insurrection if the business had been less spoken of; but that from the unguarded manner in which the planters expressed themselves even in the presence of the negroes, he had no doubt that serious commotion must be the consequence. It was too much for a patient man to hear without emotion, that when he (Mr. W.) and his friends had for 20 years been disclaiming the charge of any attempt to make the negroes free at once—when the negroes believed this themselves—they should bear the blame, when the piece which the planters had loaded had burst among themselves: but if he had succeeded in explaining the real nature of the registry bill, there was nothing more innocent in itself. If we had intended to make an explosion in the West Indies, the door might as well have been shut altogether, for such an event would prove no redress for the evils that existed. It would be as consistent to maintain that the disturbance excited on the subject of the corn bill was the fault of parliament, and that no benefit resulted from that measure, because it had been attended with some degree of rioting, as to attribute the insurrection in the West Indies to the operation of the registry bill. Were we precluded from considering the distressed state of the country at any time, merely by the possibility that the disclosure of its sufferings might augment discontent, and lead to revolt? If he had acted with prudence, if he had used no intemperate language, and proposed no violent remedies, he might lay his hand upon his heart, and congratulate himself upon the conduct he had pursued, whatever results might spring from a misinterpretation of his motives, or delusive per-version of his ends and designs. But he would not rest here: he would go farther, and say, that the insurrection which all lamented had proceeded from the intemperance of the colonists themselves, and was to be attributed to the imprudence of their language and conduct. Whatever had happened had no reference to himself or his friends; he had no share in creating the explosion that had been felt: he washed his hands clear of the blood that was spilt. He did not wish to agitate the subject, or to enter fully into the state of the island which had experienced this convulsion; but if he were to do so, some other explanation might be furnished of the discontents and exasperation that had led to it than was afforded by the registry bill. If he were to state circumstances of which he had obtained information, he might say, that in that island, as there were few resident proprietors, there might be a class of people that did not so much consult the feelings or comforts of the slaves as in our other colonies, and that they pressed upon the rights of that degraded race with a weight which they felt intolerable. They had no temptations to revolt from the peculiar nature of the country furnishing them with the means of concealment, nor could they have any very sanguine hopes of success from the disproportion between themselves and the white inhabitants. There were no mountains, forests, or great inequalities of surface in the island, and there was a considerable military force; so that impatience under suffering, rather than hopes from revolt, might be supposed to have stimulated them to the conduct they pursued—a conduct which, though it was to be lamented, and could not be justified, nevertheless admitted of explanation, without recurring to the discussions of parliament, or the exertions of himself and his friends.

He would, however, proceed no further with this subject: he had even gone farther than he intended when he entered the House. He had at first been anxious that an inquiry should have taken place into the whole transaction, and had resolved to move for papers to illustrate the situation of the negro population in the island alluded to; but he would now restrain himself, as much information was already afforded by the papers laid before parliament, and as the demand for new documents might tend to inflame, or might be liable to bad construction. Adverting to the registry bill which had led to the present discussion, he would declare that, in his opinion, it constituted a measure that could alone complete the great work of the abolition, and afford security and certainty to all previous measures. It was not only desirable, but absolutely necessary as a part of the same system which, to the credit of humanity, had already triumphed. We had not the same means as formerly of preventing illicit traffic: we had not so many cruisers as we found necessary in time of war, nor the same pretences for examining neutral vessels. The enactment of the registry bill would be more than sufficient to compensate for the loss of these temporary advantages, and seemed liable to no objections. It had, however, been resisted on the other side of the water, and by the friends of the colonists here; and the arguments they brought forward, if not convincing, were at least uncommon, and not a little sur- prising. One of their arguments on which they most relied was, that there was no necessity for the measure at all, and that a certain expense should not be incurred to provide against an improbable infraction of law. They appeared astonished that smuggling should be supposed possible: they vented their indignation against any individual who should suppose the colonies capable of pursuing an illicit trade. It was said, that "great wits had short memories." On the supposition alone that the colonists verified this proverb, could their conduct be explained, or their former opinions contrasted with their present, without involving a charge of wilful inconsistency, or interested change? When the abolition act was proposed, it was urged against its enactment that it could not be efficient; that the importation of slaves could not be prevented by any rigour of punishment, or any vigilance of precaution; that if the trade was forbidden by law, smuggling would carry it on to nearly the same extent, and with an aggravation of suffering. All the friends of the West Indian colonies agreed in this opinion—the slave-merchants, the captains of vessels employed in the trade, the anti-abolitionists in parliament, and the colonial assemblies. The assembly of Jamaica had given its opinion " that an army would be necessary to guard the coast, and to carry into effect the provisions of the bill; that it could not be supposed possible that smuggling could be entirely prevented even by such a precaution; that there were so many creeks and bays into which a vessel having slaves on board could be run, that a landing might always be effected, especially when the individuals engaged would find it so much their interest to attempt such a proceeding; that where so much was to be gained, every thing would be risked; and that even a military force in aid of the custom-house officers would be found ineffectual." Such was the language held on the other side of the water when the measure of the abolition was in progress. The tone and professions of the colonies had now entirely changed. He had seen great changes in the opinions of individuals during the progress of their lives, and great inconsistencies in their professions: but he could not have supposed it possible, unless it had actually taken place, that the same persons who delivered the opinions he had stated should now maintain others so palpably opposite—that those who formerly declared all precautions against smuggling ineffectual, should now pronounce them unnecessary—that those who thought the colonies would not refrain from breaking the law, should now wonder that they should be supposed capable of it [Hear, hear]. People sometimes doubted the sincerity of new converts. The colonists did not now grumble that the measure against which they had objected was carried—they professed their most cheerful acquiescence—they submitted to the law to the utmost extent, and wondered that they should be supposed capable of infringing it. How they could say this with a grave face, with the recollection of their former reasonings and avowals did seem surprising and scarcely credible.

He had stated the probability of smuggling in opposition to the present current of colonial declaration: but he did not rest on probability alone for justifying the measure of a registry. He had received positive information (he would again refrain from mentioning names), that there were particular instances of illicit traffic that had lately occurred, and he would probably move for papers upon the subject to-morrow. There was a portion of a report drawn up by a committee of the Jamaica assembly, that contained great grounds of suspicion. He would not enter fully at present into the facts, but he would state the argument which he rested upon it in a few words. The report contained a statement of the numbers of the black population for sixteen years—namely, from 1800 to 1816, and in all those years but one there was a decrease. Up to the year 1808 importation was permitted: after that period, by the enactment of the abolition bill, it should have entirely ceased. It was remarkable that in all the sixteen years but one, there was a decrease; and that in that one year the laws that regulated the population had been changed, for there was an increase. There were circumstances stated that might affect the census in three years of the period he had mentioned, but only one of these years appeared to vary from the rule that prevailed in the rest. What year was that which was so distinguished? It was no other than the year that had elapsed between the notice given by his hon. and learned friend (Mr. Brougham) of his bill to make a contravention of the abolition law a felony, and the enactment of that salutary measure. Was the principle of the population changed in this year? Or what other cause had created such a difference between that and the other fifteen years? The true cause would be found to arise from the operation of his hon. and learned friend's notice. It was imagined justly, that importation might not be so safe after the felony act passed, and that it was necessary to procure as great a supply of slaves as possible before the danger of smuggling was so much increased. If this suspicion was natural, and this inference admissible, there were other circumstances that increased the suspicion, and rendered the inference almost conclusive. The increase of slaves had taken place only in one year; the committee was aware of this, and of the suspicion that it might excite. The difference of this year was, therefore, attempted to be accounted for by a circumstance that extended its influence over three. They stated, that the census of three years could not be depended on, because during three years of the period in question there was no poll tax bill by which the number could be accurately ascertained. Of these three years, one was stated by the agent to be 1811, the year preceding the operation of his hon. and learned friend's act. Upon what grounds this year was determined on, he could not resolve; and the highly respectable individual whom he alluded to could give no information when such information was required through the medium of his noble friend opposite. There were here, however, singularly suspicious appearances. There were fifteen years of decrease in the negro population, and only one year of increase: that year happened to be a year in which the greatest temptation to smuggling existed; and when an explanation was required of this fact, the one resorted to was a reference to an ambiguous statement, which could not itself be explained or proved. He would wish to hear any gentleman who thought himself able for the task attempt to remove this difficulty—to reconcile this inconsistency. He had never yet obtained any thing like a satisfactory solution. The reasoning to which this fact led had been ably enforced in a pamphlet which many members of the House might have read, and which he would recommend to the perusal of all who took an interest in the subject. When, therefore, there was a suspicion of smuggling in slaves—when there existed the opinions of the colonists themselves, that it was practicable—when, by the peace, the difficulty of preventing it would be increased—when the temptation to it would be rendered stronger by the high price of West Indian produce, and the diminished number of slaves—when there were even strong grounds to suppose that it had taken place in some of the smaller islands—when all this was considered, nothing more would be required to show that some further measure was necessary to ensure all the blessings of the abolition act, and to realize our hopes for the amelioration of slavery itself, which must be the result of that important measure.

There were several other parts of the Jamaica report well deserving of consideration, on which, however, he would not at present enlarge. The great argument of the colonists against the registry bill was founded on the impropriety of legislating for the colonies in cases where the colonial legislatures were willing to accomplish the objects at which the British parliament professed to aim. We should depend, it was said, upon their wisdom, zeal, and good intentions, till we saw our hopes frustrated by their perversity or tardiness—till we saw that they delayed in effecting the objects of the registry; and his noble friend seemed inclined to repose confidence in their professions, or in the success of government efforts to influence their decisions. He (Mr. W.) was afraid that any very sanguine hopes that might be entertained from the zeal of the colonial legislatures would be disappointed. He much suspected, that if not urged by us they would not execute the duty themselves. He would only state one fact, to show how little dependence could be placed in their efforts to accomplish the objects of the registry measure. When the measure of the abolition was under discussion in parliament, they were urged to reform in the system of slavery by those whose advice they would have been most ready to take—by those on whom they in a certain degree depended—by men of their own body—by men, too, who were seconded in their recommendations by the influence of government, and who could act upon them by the powerful hope conveyed in secret instructions, that by such reforms they could defeat the measure of the abolition, which they opposed and reprobated; and yet, notwithstanding this mighty force levelled against their prejudices or their ill understood interests, they obstinately resisted all plans of amelioration, and not only failed to follow the advice given, but universally neglected or despised every suggestion. One of the reforms he alluded to, regarded the policy of perpetuating the connexion of the slave with the soil on which he labours. Their transference from one estate to another by sale, or by any other forcible separation, constituted one of the most degrading and most painful evils of their unfortunate lot. After having laid up a stock of gratitude with an old master by their fidelity or useful services—after having acquired merit and a character in the eyes of those they served or associated with—after forming friends, family, or local attachments which were calculated to alleviate, in some degree, the sufferings of bondage and captivity, they were liable to have all those ties cut asunder, to be torn from the friends and the place to which they were habituated, to be driven to a different part of the island, to lose, as it were, again the benefits of the country of their adoption, to endure something like the evils of a middle passage, and to settle under fresh fetters of slavery in a different estate, and under a different driver. Mr. Bryan Edwards recommended a measure to prevent these evils, and to protect the feelings of the negro population from being so inhumanly outraged; but now the Jamaica assembly object to it as a law fraught with every kind of mischief, and calculated to destroy the rights and the prosperity of the colonies. He (Mr. W.) mentioned this merely to show that no great reliance could be placed on the anticipated enactments of colonial legislatures. When the abolition of the slave trade was proposed, the planters in Jamaica professed that they had no interest in its continuance: they said, "You are the authors of the trade—you encourage it by sending us slaves." He (Mr. W.) allowed this imputation; and as we were said to be guilty of promoting it, we should now become the authors of its complete prevention.

When he remembered the origin of those exertions that were made for the abolition of this inhuman traffic—when he remembered the opposition he encountered—when he remembered the calumnies and delusions that were invented and spread by slave merchants, by planters, and all those interested in vilifying his character, or the cause he advocated—and when he called to mind that the great object for which he contended was gained, that his enemies were baffled, and by the able support of the friends of the cause in the House, joined to the good sense and good feeling of the country, he could not despair of seeing the great work completed, and the registry accomplished. This work of humanity would at last make its way into the heads and hearts, the understandings and the feelings, of the whole mass of the nation, and would triumph over all opposition. The opposition that had been already overcome afforded him a complete pledge of final success, and rendered him regardless of those things that were uttered and published against him. He had been charged by an hon. gentleman opposite (Mr. Marryat) with methodism and fanaticism. If to profess humanity to our fellow creatures, and to endeavour with zeal to carry into execution whatever measures lay in his power for promoting their welfare, were the hon. gentleman's definition of fanaticism, he was afraid that he was a most incorrigible fanatic. But if his zeal in this cause showed him to be a fanatic, in order to alleviate his distemper, the hon. gentleman would succeed better by placing him under a very different regimen; and if he really was a fanatic in the cause of the abolition, he was glad to think that he was one in so good a company [Hear, hear!]. The hon. gentleman had been a little louder, more zealous, and more abusive of late—a circumstance which he (Mr. W.) ascribed to his agency [Cries of Hear!]. If all that he had heard were true, he doubted whether or not the acceptance of this appointment might not operate as an exclusion from the House, and he had once thought of bringing the matter before parliament. It was a comfort to him (Mr. W.) to find that he had formerly been treated in the same way—that he had been equally opposed, and that the opposition from such quarters was totally inefficacious. He would even go farther, and he would tell the hon. gentleman that he expected success to the measure he had in contemplation through the influence of that very quality which, under a false name, he vituperated: he expected the accomplishment of his object through the fanaticism of the people of England. He trusted to the religion of the people of England, to their humane and christian feelings, for support in his endeavours; and through their support, for final success in a cause which involved both humanity and religion.

He would only state one other argu- ment urged against him, which, being so curious in itself, he could not pass over without notice. When he proposed to remedy one evil, his opponents cried out to him and his friends, why not go to a greater? Why not exert yourselves in the cause of Ireland—why not go to Scotland, and use your endeavours to rescue the lower orders from feudal oppression, and accomplish other such objects? He knew the heads and the hearts of the Irish too well to believe that they would receive as a compliment an accusation directed against those who, when an opportunity occurred of benefiting them, would probably be more forward to embrace it than the hon gentleman. Nay, he was sure that they would take it as an insult to hear their situation as subjects of a free government, and enjoying the blessings of an envied constitution compared with the degradation of our fellow creatures oppressed with slavery in the west Indies. The hon. gentleman knocked at every door for charges against him, and showed, according to the decision of a stranger who, seeing two people arguing, and those using violence, judged him who got first into a passion to be in the wrong, that he felt himself not very confident in his cause. As for himself (Mr. W.) he felt himself comfortable, because secure of his cause, and confident in the reasons that supported it. The hon. gentleman had involved the church of England in the dispute. The Moravian brethren, and the missionaries had been extremely useful; and did the hon. gentleman think that by abusing them he was paying a compliment to the church of England? In the spirit of Christianity, the church of England, and Scotland, and Ireland, would rejoice at the success of a good cause, with whomsoever it originated, or whoever carried it on. In conclusion, he said, we ought always to remember, that we were more disposed to stand by the master than the slave—to sympathize with men of property than with the oppressed. The cause of the latter he now pleaded, and he was glad to see around him many of those friends whose talents had never been more nobly or more successfully exerted than in supporting this cause. Seconded by their eloquence, and relying on the good sense, sound principles, and moral and religious feelings of the people of England, he entertained the confident hope that he would be able to succeed in this last great measure. He concluded by moving, "That an humble address be presented to the Prince Regent, that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that there be laid before this House, the titles and dates of any acts of the assembly of Jamaica, transmitted for his majesty's approbation, by which any poll tax on slaves was imposed for the years 1808, 1809, 1810, 1811, and 1812, or any of those years, or by which any returns of slaves were required to be made in the said years for the purpose of such taxation, or otherwise; specifying at what time or times such returns were directed to be made."

began by saying, that a duty which he owed to a most respectable body of persons with whom he was connected in a manner highly honourable to himself, commanded that he should address the House upon the subject of the motion which had just been submitted to it. Reluctant and unqualified as he felt himself, he could assure the House that he should not trespass long upon its time and attention: he could assure the House too, that he felt, with no small force, the addition which it formed to the other disadvantages under which he laboured, that he had to follow a gentleman, whose long habit it had been—and he certainly had not upon this occasion departed from it—to fix its attention by his eloquence, and to persuade it by his reasoning. His (Mr. P's) business it was to submit to the judgment of the House a few plain statements; and he had only to hope, that if any weight belonged to them, it would not be lost by the imperfect manner in which he was convinced he should make them. He was free to confess, that the speech which he had just heard, would, in some degree, alter the course which he had intended to adopt in addressing the House. If he had entertained any doubt whether the House should for a moment prefer, to an address for information, the duty of removing an existing agitation, that doubt would have been removed by the speech which had just been heard, and which seemed, in his judgment, only calculated to increase an irritation, which all persons, he should have hoped, would have wished to allay. That speech had pathetically described all the evils, which had been ever supposed to belong to the colonial system, whilst it had lightly touched upon the ruined families, the desolated property, and the lives lost in Barbadoes, and it had concluded with a jocularity which he (Mr. P.) thought was not very well suited to either subject. It would be his endeavour to prove to the House, that instead of looking for information with respect to abuses, its first business was to attend to the present situation of the colonies. Upon ordinary occasions, he could assure the hon. gentleman, that in seeking for information upon West Indian affairs, he would find him the last person to interpose an impediment to his obtaining it. He believed, that whenever the House and the country should be in possession of full and minute information as to the real situation of the colonies, notwithstanding what might have been said to the contrary, much would be found which would afford satisfaction. If those persons who had administered the affairs of the colonies during the eight or nine years which had elapsed since the abolition of the slave trade, had not, amidst their other employments, laboured in the improvement of the religious and moral condition of the negroes, with a degree of zeal and activity commensurate with the expectations of those in this country, who had those objects so much at heart; he would ask, in what country, however civilized, was it that much did not remain to be done for the lower classes of the population? In what country was it that improvement had kept pace with the sanguine expectations of zeal and benevolence? As applied to a great system, the period of eight or nine years was but a very small period; and was it necessary to remind the House that rapid changes in great systems were not always practicable, and very seldom safe? But he believed that the House would find that improvements had taken place in the colonies; that a considerable check had been given to the decay of the negro population; that a great number of the slaves had been admitted into the pale of Christianity; that additions had been made to their domestic comforts: and that religious instruction had been afforded in several instances. But if it should appear that in this latter respect every thing had not been done which every christian would have wished, he must caution the House against attributing the blame entirely to the West India planters: they entertained a predilection (which he hoped the House would not condemn) for instructors of the established church; and he would appeal to his majesty's government for a confirmation of his assertion, that such instructors were not to be found, to answer the applications of the West India planters. And here he felt it his painful duty to state that what he had called a predilection on the part of the planters, was in fact a necessary precaution. Persons had been found, assuming the sacred office of religious instructors, making their way into the interior of the islands, instilling into the minds of the negroes doctrines subversive of the public tranquillity, mixing with the truths of Christianity the dreadful principles of insubordination and insurrection; and they had not hesitated to join in this impious association, the name of the hon. mover himself.

In the search for information upon this interesting subject, the House would do well to inquire of every impartial person who had ever visited the colonies, as to one very material point; namely, whether, notwithstanding the evils which may be said to belong to slavery, there did not exist in the colonies amongst the negroes—at least whether there had not existed until within the last two years—a sum of comfort and content not only very considerable, but capable of no disadvantageous comparison with the condition of the lower classes of the population in any other country, even in this. He begged to protest against being considered to maintain that such comfort and content, be it what it might, could compensate for the absence or the delay of religious and moral improvement; he merely mentioned the fact, in order that things might be seen in their true light, and to afford some consolation to those who, viewing isolated slavery, can see nothing in it but discontent and misery.

So much for the speech of the hon. gentleman as far as it related to information; but as far as the hon. gentleman held out to the House an intention of founding, upon such information any ulterior measures, he should beg to be allowed to say a few words. He deemed it his indispensable duty, solemnly to call the serious attention of the House to the situation in which a most important national interest was placed, by the course which the hon., gentleman, and those who acted with him, thought it expedient to pursue with respect to their measures,—fully persuaded, that the more the hon. gentleman considered the registry bill, the less likely it would be, that he ever would again introduce that bill into the House, such as it was when laid last year upon its table; yet he could not help imploring him and the House to consider the effects of keeping that bill suspended over the heads of the colonies. Was it necessary to describe the present state of those colonies? Was it necessary to say that the negroes minds had been so agitated by false expectations, that already some hundreds of them had been sacrificed—the greater part of whom probably but two years ago would have laid down in defence of their masters those lives which they had now lost in an unavailing resistance to them? But what was the situation of the white population in the West Indies? Already emigrations had begun to diminish the small number of their inhabitants, and safety had required the removal of that part of families the most conducive to the care and comfort of the negroes. The resident planters considered that their characters had been attacked by unmerited and uninvestigated accusations—that their property had been depreciated by a threat of a total alteration in its tenure and its nature—and that their lives were endangered by the removal of that influence of opinion, upon which alone, in the absence of a superior physical force, their security entirely depended. In this country, the influence of the conduct of which he complained had been materially felt: already a check had been given to the investment of capital in the colonies; negociations of business in many cases remained suspended; in others were broken off; and the whole colonial system seemed to be subverted. And from whence had all this proceeded? Had there been discovered any new abuse requiring a remedy, the very idea of which could produce so much mischief. Was there, in fact, an existing illicit commerce in slaves, to prevent which the registry bill was necessary? So far from this being the case, he ventured to allege, that it had so happened, that by a course in British justice—as much without an example as he trusted it would be without an imitation—the accused, and not the accuser, had been put upon the proof; and he called upon every impartial person, who had read the reports and other documents from the colonies, to state whether the colonies had not established a complete proof of innocency, as to any illicit importation of slaves whatever? If such illicit importation had taken place, he could conceive that it might render necessary the enactment of some measure; but what good could be expected from keeping a measure like the registry bill unenacted, and in a state in which it could neither be discussed nor understood? If the evil existed, and the registry bill were the proper remedy, how could the hon. gentleman justify to himself, to the country, and to those who were so much the objects of his solicitude, to let another session or another day pass over, without bringing it under the consideration of the House. He (Mr. P.) would look for no better proof of the innocence of the colonies, as to an illicit importation] of slaves, than what might be found in the conduct of the hon. gentleman himself.

Having endeavoured to describe generally the situation of the colonies, Mr. P. said, that it now became his duty to state to the House the particular situation of two of them: he meant Jamaica and Barbadoes. In the former of these islands, there had prevailed a great deal of delusion, and in some instances it had assumed a very alarming appearance. In one in particular, which had been the subject of solemn judicial investigation, so clear a case had been made out, that one person had paid the forfeit of his life, and another had been transported for a conspiracy against the safety of the island. It had appeared, that nightly assemblies had been held, at which a sort of religious ceremony was performed, and a hymn was sung, the purport of which was to return thanks to Providence, that their good friend, naming the hon. gentleman, had made them free, but that their masters would not allow them to be so; it concluded with an interrogatory, as to what they should do to be free, and a chorus, in which all the assembled joined in repeating, " Take free by force." The information which he had received, left him no reason to doubt, that these principles and practices had prevailed very extensively throughout that part of the island of Jamaica, in which the event he had mentioned had occurred: and he had reason to fear, that the delusion had not been confined to that district alone. Amongst many other proofs which he possessed to justify such a statement, he would only read one letter which he had received from a man of great respectability in Jamaica, and whose name he should always be ready to give. The letter stated as follows:—" As far as I learn, all is yet quiet here, but it has been very evident the minds of the negroes have been on the spring from the day this registry bill first made its appearance. No- thing is more clear than that the negroes believe the bill gave them their freedom, and that it is unjustly withheld from them. Of this no further proof need be adduced than their surrounding the custom-houses to windward, and calling upon the officers to register their freedom." It was to be remarked, that the events alluded to in Jamaica had happened in distinct and distant parts, at different periods of time, and therefore gave too much reason to think that the dangerous delusion was not partial or confined. Of the details of the melancholy events which had happened in Barbadoes, the House were already informed: he could not, with any regard to its time, describe all the particulars. It was not unknown to the House, that on Easter Sunday last an insurrection broke out in three parishes, and after a dreadful scene of fire and desolation, it was quelled by the vigilance of those in authority, and the military of the island, at the end of three days but not until a great many lives had been lost, and property destroyed to a very large amount. One of the ringleaders in this insurrection confessed, before his execution, that there was a conspiracy in which the negroes throughout the whole island were concerned, that it was to have taken place on the following Wednesday—every male white person was to have been murdered—every female reserved for a worse fate—and the plan was principally frustrated by its having taken place prematurely. Mr. P. then read a letter from Barbadoes, containing these passages:—" One man, who seems to have been their chief, confessed, before his execution, that a conspiracy was on foot in which the whole or greatest part of the island was concerned. It was to have taken place on the following Wednesday, when every white man was to have been massacred, and the town burned. Mr. Wilberforce's name is on many of their standards which were found. The reason it took place before it was ripe for execution was, from some of them getting drunk, and setting fire to the estates, which obliged the others to go on:" and another letter, which stated as follows:— "By their own confession, they have been long talking of, and expecting their freedom. In many of the estates in St. Philip's, under the pretence of having dances, they have been long in the habit of assembling together in great numbers to concert their plans, and have hired people to read the English newspapers to them, to gather information on what was going to be done for them." One letter from another island, he would beg permission to read, because, whilst it described that island to be in some degree agitated also, it strongly recommended the adoption of measures, similar to those which he proposed humbly to recommend to the adoption of the House that evening: the letter was from the speaker of the assembly of the island of St. Vincent. Here Mr. P. read the letter, in which, after describing the agitated state of the negroes minds, and ascribing it to the registry bill, the writer proceeded strongly to recommend, as the only means of allaying the ferment, a declaration on the part of the parliament of this country, that no intention was entertained of interfering with respect to the freedom of the slaves.

Having described the situation of the colonies, and what had happened in some of them he now came to the disagreeable, but necessary duty, of stating to the House his reasons for believing that the cause of all the mischief was to be found in the conduct of certain persons in this country with respect to the colonies, and especially with respect to the registry bill. He could, he thought, show to the House, that certain principles had been broached, and reasoned upon by persons in this country, relating to the condition of the negroes, and in support of the registry bill, which principles were directly calculated to have the effects so much to be deplored, and actually had produced those effects. These principles, he contended, were, eventual emancipation, contempt of the master and the local authorities, and a reference to a supreme authority in this country for acts of grace and kindness, through the instrumentality of the hon. gentleman; with these were connected complaints of the absence of religious instruction, and allusions to St. Domingo, so as to produce a combination in the minds of the negroes comprehending all these subjects; and if it appeared that all these subjects had operated by a combined influence upon the minds of the negroes, was it possible to avoid the belief that the agitation of these subjects, and the present sad situation of the colonies, were cause and effect? He should begin by stating that the introduction of the registry bill into the House last year, was preceded by the publication of a pamphlet intituled, "Reasons for establishing a Registry of Slaves in the British Colonies, be- ing a Report of a Committee of the African Institution." The hon. gentleman (Mr. W.), who introduced the registry bill, distinctly alluded to, and adopted the sentiments contained in the pamphlet in question, upon which he bestowed great praise. This pamphlet, among other things, contained the following passage: "As it is impossible suddenly to break their fetters, without danger of calamitous consequences, not only to their masters, but themselves, we must suffer them to remain for some considerable period in their present state of bondage. The most extreme and abject state of slavery that ever de-graded and cursed mankind, must yet continue to be the reproach of the freest and happiest empire that ever the sun beheld." He would ask, whether here was not a distinct avowal of eventual emancipation? The pamphlet proceeded to state:—" The advocates of a gradual abolition, and the few who refused even to prescribe any term to the slave trade, professed themselves to be as earnest in their desire to reform, by all safe means, and ultimately to abolish, the slavery of our colonies, as Mr. Wilberforce himself." Here was eventual emancipation connected with the name of the hon. gentleman who introduced the registry bill. The report proceeded: " Nor was it to acts of assembly, in any case, that abolitionists professed chiefly to look for the amelioration of the State of the slaves." What was this but a contempt of the colonial authorities? But the report proceeded to state: "What benefit have the slaves in any one island yet derived from the abolition acts and from the favourable disposition in the government and parliament of Great Britain? In their legal condition, certainly none at all. They are still the absolute property of their master; still fed, and clothed, and worked, and punished at his discretion; a few ostensible regulations excepted, which were demonstrably futile, and have confessedly proved to be useless. Still this extreme bondage is hereditary and perpetual; and still the slaves are daily subjected by law to hardships and miseries, against which even the champions of the colonial system have exclaimed, as cruel and needless aggravations of their lot." The writer speaks of the conduct of the colonial assemblies as originating in "a perverse opposition to the voice of a liberal age, and in the contumacy of these petty lawgivers towards the mother country which protects, and the parliament that has power to control them." Such was the statement of the pamphlet with respect to the condition of the negroes, and the conduct of the colonial assemblies. Could this fail to produce discontent and contempt in the minds of the negroes? But it was found necessary that it should touch upon religious instruction, and thus it introduced that subject: "In some of our colonies, at least, and Jamaica in particular, laws have been passed opposing positive prohibitions to the only attainable means of religious instruction and worship; and though the royal negative has been properly applied as often as such acts of assembly have been transmitted for his majesty's allowance, this temporary operation and renewal, aided by means of persecution, which have been craftily resorted to under other, and still subsisting laws, have very materially checked the charitable zeal of those who would have communicated freely the beneficent light of the gospel to the poor pagan bondsmen of our colonies." The report continues: "It is absolutely necessary, unless negro slavery is to be eternal, that those who legislate for the British West Indies, should soon come to a right conclusion on this important point; to which end, no more is wanting than that they should not take their opinions from the foolish prejudices and noisy clamours of a small self-interested colonial minority, but from the clear voice of reason and experience." And it mentions, "The interesting hope that this opprobrious slavery will be henceforth so mitigated in practice, as to prepare the means of its future extinction. That this measure is clearly within the constitutional authority of parliament; that it may most conveniently be taken by that authority; and that it neither will, nor effectually can, proceed from any other."

Was it possible that these passages, or sentiments similar to them, could arrive at the minds of the negroes without producing such effects as those which had happened in the colonies? It was not his purpose to advert to the numerous publications of a similar or a worse tendency which had appeared on the subject; but there was one which he could not omit to notice, because he had reason to believe that it was sanctioned and supported by many of those gentlemen with whom the registry bill had originated. In the "Christian Observer" of January last, published just about the time of the meeting of parliament, in a review of the report of the African institution, respecting the registry bill, were contained the following christian passages: " But the danger, we are told is from Jamaica. There is to be found there a formidable population, powerful, and, as the resolutions of this assembly show, resolute, to resist. Strange, indeed, is the effrontery of such a declaration! In that island there are 319,912 slaves, and about 12,000 white inhabitants, men, women, and children. The whole military force which they could possibly raise, would not amount to 2,000 men. Is such a puny multitude to intimidate this great nation from the pursuit of any fit and laudable design? or, if they had the ludicrous daring to make the attempt, would their bondsmen lose so fair an occasion of breaking their galling chains? Is it from Jamaica, whose slave-masters, but for our daily protection, would have the knife at their throats to-morrow, that we are seriously to dread resistance?" And further, "We may turn away our eyes from these scenes of slavery and oppression. But the eye of the Omniscient rests upon them. In this day of our glory, they are a stain on our well-earned fame. In this day of religious zeal, they degrade us from the high station of the patrons and benefactors of mankind. A reformation, radical and effective, in the whole of our colonial system must be made, or the day of retribution is not, cannot be, remote. Even now a negro empire is rising in the Charibbean seas, in fearful strength and energy. The slave-drivers of Jamaica may yet strut their hour as legislators, and publish their childish boasts of independence; but they have, in King Christophe, and President Petion, near neighbours, who may, ere long, if they heed not the calls of mercy and justice, address these blusterersin a style yet more peremptory than their own." Mr. P. proceeded to inquire of the House, whether it was not obvious, that nothing more was necessary to produce what had happened in the West Indies, than that the principles and opinions contained in the books which he had read, should be generally diffused? It could not be denied that the report, and the part of the "Christian Observer" which contained the review of it, had been gratuitously delivered to almost every member of both Houses, and to others; and he would leave the House to form its own opinion of the source from which such gratuitous distribution proceed- ed when he should have read the following extract from a report of the African Institution lately published, and describing the proceedings of that body during the year recently elapsed;—" The situation of the slaves and coloured population in our West India islands, has been a subject of constant and increasing solicitude with the institution; and it has been thought proper to appropriate part of its funds to the encouragement of publications "calculated to prove to the planter, that his own permanent interests are identified with the good treatment and comfort of his slave. The institution has anxiously watched for a favourable opportunity of suggesting measures, which should tend to ameliorate the condition, and raise the moral character of these despised and oppressed fellow-men; and is determined to persevere, until the general feeling of the public shall gradually overcome those deep-rooted prejudices and mistaken views, which have been so long opposed to the happiness and rights of the enslaved Africans and people of colour in those colonies."

But we are told, that this feeling in the colonies, arises from a delusion, and that this delusion has been produced by the conduct of the inhabitants of the colonies. As to the conduct of the inhabitants of the colonies, he would ask, whether under similar circumstances, persons here would have acted otherwise? They had adopted parochial or county meetings, their only constitutional mode of expressing their sentiments, and they had declared their opinion of the registry bill as they really felt it. Would not the same have been done in this country? But some persons may say, if they had not made so much stir, perhaps the business at Barbadoes might not have happened,—perhaps not: perhaps it might have been postponed a little longer, been more matured, and more difficult to be quelled. He could conceive it possible that a man in torture might be told, that if he would be quiet, he might diminish his pains, and that his struggles hastened his destruction; to this he would probably oppose, that his resistance was the uncontrollable effort of nature in favour of life. Mr. P. said, that the efforts of the colonists against the registry bill had been the natural unavoidable exertions in protection of character, of property and of life.

The hon. gentleman who had introduced the registry bill, had thought it right, amidst the many panegyrics which he had bestowed upon it, to compare it with what he called the plan of Mr. Burke and lord Melville. Mr. P. begged to be allowed to call the attention of the House to the real nature of the plan of Mr. Burke, and the proceedings of lord Melville. In the year 1792, Mr. Burke, in a letter dated Easter Monday (a day which would be long memorable in the annals of Barbadoes), and addressed to lord Melville, (then Mr. Dundas), submitted to him a plan for the management of the West Indies, and which plan he describes to be imperfect, but to have for its intent " the disposing the minds of the objects to receiving it without danger to themselves or to us." The plan began by the regulation of punishment, recommending for that purpose (what Mr. P. sincerely believed would not be acceptable to the planters of the present day), an increase of labour, and a decrease of allowance,—it authorized the infliction of a certain number of blows or stripes without the interference of a justice of peace, which it otherwise rendered necessary,—it created a protector upon the spot, in the person of the attorney-general of the island, a man conversant with its laws, and not a person appointed for the purpose,—it interposed the decision of a jury to decide between master and slave,—it levied no fees—it contemplated compensation in certain cases of deprivation of property,—it made manumission the reward of merit alone, and not the consequence of fortuitous omissions, or errors of description; and so far did it carry this principle, that it actually punished crime by a forfeiture of freedom, and a return to slavery,—it authorized the protector of the slaves to appoint inspectors to look at the condition and comfort of the negroes, but it took especial care to enjoin that such inspectors should be directed to " discharge their trust in a manner least likely to excite any unreasonable hopes in the negroes, or to weaken the proper authority of the overseer." Such were some of the provisions and principles in the plan of Mr. Burke. Mr. P. would appeal to the House whether the hon. gentleman, in his bill, had borrowed any one of the principles of that plan, except the principle which it seemed to imply, of internal interference with the colonies, which principle, the plan not having been proceeded upon, could never have come into discussion. But he (Mr. P.) would tell the hon. gentleman of a measure of Mr. Burke's which had been acted upon, and which his registry bill directly went to violate. It consisted with Mr. P.'s knowledge, and the hon. gentleman might easily ascertain the fact, that when the act of the 18th of his present majesty's reign (chap. xii.) was introduced into parliament, with a view to define what would be the control of the parliament of this country over the colonies in respect to taxation, and in which bill it was declared, " That the king and parliament of Great Britain will not impose any duty, tax, or assessment whatsoever, payable in any of his majesty's colonies, in North America or the West Indies, except such duties as it may be expedient to impose for the regulation of commerce;" Mr. Burke was the person, at whose instance the provisions of the act were extended to the West Indies, and those pledges given which nobody could doubt to be completely violated by the registry bill; but the plan of Mr. Burke was after all, inchoate, and never fully discussed; and what was the conduct of lord Melville, to whose judgment this plan was submitted? Did he adopt it? On the contrary, at the conclusion of the Easter recess, in which it seems to have been sent to him, lord Melville himself submitted a proposal to parliament, containing certain regulations respecting the slave trade, seeming to contemplate compensation for losses occasioned by the diminution of that trade, and concluding with an address to his majesty, in the following words;—" That this House would enter into such measures with additional satisfaction, from the hope and persuasion that his majesty will be enabled, by the prudence and wisdom of the respective colonial legislatures, to adopt such regulations within the several islands in the West Indies, as may (by certain means) contribute to the security, tranquillity, and permanent prosperity of those valuable possessions:—that considering the particular regulations which may be necessary for this purpose, to be the proper province of the colonial legislatures, the House had not thought it proper to make them the subject of its deliberations: but if any circumstances should arise, in which our co-operation and assistance should be wanting for this purpose, we shall at all times be ready to afford it." In the debate which followed this proposition, and which was adopted by the House, a great man, whose authority nobody could hesitate to respect, and who took the opposite side of the question (Mr. Fox), is. reported to have approved of the address in some parts, and to have added, that " as to the idea of meddling with internal regulations in the islands, he thought that an affair in which there might be some little danger, and from which no adequate degree of good was likely to arise." It might, perhaps, after hearing the opinion of such men upon the subject of legislating for the colonies,—it might be agreeable to the House to hear the opinion of a man no less eminent (the late Mr. Pitt), expressed upon the same subject, but on another occasion. In the year 1796, upon a motion of sir Phillip Francis, having the effect of legislating internally for the West Indies, in favour of the slaves, Mr. Pitt is reported to have said, that " he was clearly against passing any law in a British parliament, that would have in its operation a local application to every estate in the West Indies. He cautioned the House against stirring a question of such a delicate nature. The House had relinquished the power of making any alteration with respect to the property of the negroes; it had given out of its hand the power of taxation in the colonies: therefore, if the stirring of any question was more dangerous and hazardous than another, it was that to which he now adverted."

Before he proceeded further, Mr. Pallmer said, he felt it necessary to advert to what had been remarked by the hon. member on the subject of the Jamaica Report, upon which he seemed to found a suspicion that there had been a considerable importation of negroes into that island, especially in the year 1810. With the exception of the suspicion which thus attached to Jamaica, he was happy to find that the hon. gentleman had not been able to adduce one single instance of a violation of the abolition act on the part of the colonies; and he trusted that what had appeared to want explanation in the population return annexed to the Jamaica Report, would receive such explanation, to the satisfaction of even the hon. gentleman himself. In the first place, if the hon. gentleman would look at the population return of the year 1807, amounting to 319,351, and that of the year 1811, amounting to 326,830, he would find that there was an increase of 7,479; but he would also find, that there had been an intermediate legal importation (beyond the number exported) of 18,982, making an actual loss, during those years, of 11,503 negroes, equal to the annual average loss; without taking into the calculation an accession of numbers under a clause in the poll-tax laws, which he should presently mention. But the hon. gentleman seemed by his gesture to imply that this explanation would not do—he must have comparisons, not between distant years, but between consecutive years. Professing a great degree of incompetency, Mr. Pallmer would venture, to attempt to give the hon. gentleman even such an explanation:—the returns were stated by the assembly to be incorrect—if they were correct, there must have been an illicit importation into Jamaica, in the year 1810, of no less than 13,147 negroes. Was the House prepared to believe this? A gentleman, a friend of the hon. member, had written a pamphlet on the subject of the registry bill, in which there had appeared precisely the same reasoning upon this subject as that which had been used by the hon. gentleman. The writer of the pamphlet seemed to have looked with great industry into the passing of the poll-tax laws, but it seemed as if he had overlooked one of the usual provisions in these laws, which might be very material to the present point. The provision to which he alluded was a clause to the following effect:—" Provided always, that this act shall not extend to any new settlers in the country parts of this island, whose negroes or other slaves do not exceed the number of ten. Provided also, that such exemption shall not extend to such settlers after the first three years of such their settlements in the country parts of any of the parishes of this island." Now if the hon. gentleman would look at the return for the year 1807, annexed to the Jamaica Report, he would find it to be 319,351; in 1808 it was 323,827. Was it possible to believe that this increase of 4,476 could have comprehended the importation which took place in 1807 of 15,927 (above the export), without taking into calculation the negroes which had been kept unreturned under the clause in the poll-tax law of the third preceding year? So the return of 1809 was 323,714, a decrease upon 1808, of 113 negroes! Could any person believe that this return could comprehend the import of 1807, of 15,927; and the further import of 1808, of 3,055 (beyond the export), with those which would also come in of a third preceding year under the clause in the poll-tax law above cited? In 1810 there was no poll-tax; and the return appears incorrect upon the face of it, as it naturally would be. In 1811 comes this enormous addition of 13,147, upon 1810; or, if that year was incorrect, an addition of 3,116, upon 1809. Now, he would ask the hon. gentleman to look at the great importation of 1807 (a great part of which must have been at the conclusion of that year), and the great importation of 1808, and to say whether it was too much to believe, that those being the very last importations before the abolition act, every overseer, tradesman, or new settler of any description, who could acquire a few hundred pounds, or a little credit, would make the most of the last opportunity, and endeavour to buy a few negroes, and avail himself of the clause in the poll-tax law, to keep back their return for taxation? If that were the case, a very large portion of the large import in the end of 1807 and beginning of 1808, and which cannot be otherwise accounted for, would not be liable to return until the middle of 1810, and consequently, the March return of 1811. Those, Mr. pallmer was sensible, were not the only explanations which could be given; but he was content to leave it to the House to determine, whether they would presume, even upon the imperfect statement which he had offered, added to the many other proofs of non-importation which had been furnished, that no violation of the abolition act had taken place in Jamaica; or whether they would presume, that upon the terror of the motion for an hon. and learned gentleman's felony act, vessels had instantly been taken up, and dispatched to the coast of Africa, and an importation been made into Jamaica, of not less than 13,147 in one case, and 3,116 in another, without its being in the power of the hon. gentleman to produce proof, however industriously sought for, of the importation of one single negro.

Delusion had been much complained of on both sides of this question; but he felt it his duty to beg the House to examine the details of the registry bill, about which they had heard so much, and to say whether it was not in itself a very great delusion. Under the profession of preventing illicit importation of negroes,—under the name and appearance of a simple registration of property—what was it? He begged to disclaim all intention to speak disrespectfully of the gentleman who introduced, or of those who supported that bill; but a sense of public duty and of public danger required that he should speak of the bill itself in language which he thought it required. If any proof were wanting of the incompetency of persons in this country to legislate for the colonies, he contended that such proof would be abundantly furnished by the registry bill. Whatever equivocations might have been used with respect to its preamble, connecting it with what was written and said at the time of its introduction, it was impossible not to consider that it contemplated an existing illicit traffic in slaves. As such, he considered that its preamble was not founded in fact—he considered that every enactment was injustice; that its whole scope and effect was the confiscation of private property, and the subversion of the public tranquillity of the islands. It had the singular infelicity at once to deepen the debasement of slavery, and to convert freedom itself into a curse. The faithful slave, without exception of age or sex, was exposed by it to personal public periodical examination of every "bodily singularity, defect, or deformity" (to use the words of the bill), whilst the unfaithful and disobedient slave escaped into a freedom, for which he was neither prepared nor qualified, and which could not fail to be a burthen to himself, and a pest to society. It took away the protection which the law had thrown round age and infirmity, and helped to cast them upon the mercy of a community, which the supporters of the bill described as neglecting the duties of mercy, when they were enjoined by law. To, give effect to the abolition, by guarding against a supply of slaves from abroad, the bill itself produced a powerfully operating cause to diminish the number of slaves at present in the colonies—to guard against crime, it imposed grievous duties and heavy expenses upon persons confessedly innocent, and even upon persons incapable of committing the crime. In a word, if he could have conceived it possible that a person could be so base, as to have endeavoured to frame a measure, by which a sort of deceptious emancipation could have been accomplished, in a manner which would avoid all the points of compensation and inconvenience connected with that measure, and which could hold out to the slaves a motive, and a means, for accomplishing the object themselves, he thought such person could not have framed a more effective instrument for these purposes than the registry bill. Such was an imperfect outline of what the bill appeared to him to have been. He would leave the House to judge whether it was in itself a delusion, or was calculated to delude others.

Unfortunately for those who took the view which he did of this subject, it happened that they had to contend against the influence of feeling, as well as against the force of reasoning; and they had to require of those at whose hands they asked for justice, the patient and tedious duty of disengaging the subject from questions which appeared to belong, but which did not properly belong to it. He must beg the House to consider, that in discussing these subjects, they were not to decide whether the abolition of the slave trade ought, or ought not, to be enforced. They were not to decide whether slavery was, or was not an evil, or ought, or ought not to exist. The abolition law was a law of the land, and ought to be obeyed. It was founded on justice and humanity, and ought to be completely and cheerfully observed, and he believed most sincerely that it had been so. Slavery was a subject of more difficult definition, and with respect to which there were some points which the House could not overlook—it existed under the encouragement and faith of the government and parliament of this country; from them British subjects had purchased that system—what they had bought could not be taken from them without a full compensation; nor could it be altered or depreciated, without such compensation, or an absolute necessity. Humanity and justice, and every natural and moral feeling, required that it should be mitigated, soothed, and comforted in every possible way. No man could lament more than he did, the existence of slavery in any shape—it was a sore part of our system, and the frequent handling of it served to irritate, but not to cure it: the fretful inter-meddlings with it by persons in this country, only served to make it worse; its abrupt removal would be injustice to one set of persons, whilst it would not be humanity to others: to hold out false hopes, only served to substitute discontent and mutual suspicion, where a degree of content and confidence did certainly prevail. The true questions which the House would have to apply to these subjects, would be, whether the colonies had, or had not, infringed the laws passed in this country relative to the slave trade? and whether they were, or were not, of themselves competent and willing to guard against any danger of future violations of the abolition act, which might arise out of new circumstances, and to make all necessary improvements in the condition of the negroes? He hoped, that until those questions were clearly decided in the negative, the House would think that it could not interfere without extreme injustice, and danger. When he said injustice, he did not mean to raise any question about the limits of jurisdiction between the colonial legislatures and that of this country. It was sufficient for his purpose to contend, that let what was called internal legislation be only an indulgence to the colonies, there was nothing to justify their being deprived of it; and as to the extreme danger of doing it, the House, he believed, would not hesitate to admit (if proofs had not unhappily established the fact), that nothing but danger could result from a system which should give the negroes in the colonies to know, that the acts of rigour and restriction under which they labour, have been passed by the colonial assemblies; but that they may look for acts of grace and kindness to a higher and superior authority.

Mr. P. said, he felt it his duty to offer to the House his solemn assurance, that the colonies of this country were at present in a state of great danger; and though he could expect to do no more than warn it of this circumstance, he ventured to say, it would do well to inquire a little into the truth of the statement, from those who are able to give particular information upon it. The House had not far to look back into English history, for a practical proof of the evils which arise from the neglect of such caution. Whatever comfort philosophical politicians might offer to Great Britain for the loss of her continental colonies, by reasonings upon their inutility to her, he believed no man was mad enough at this day, to wish for the loss of our colonies in the West Indies; no Englishman could dwell with pleasure upon the page of our history which recorded the events of our American contest. If he were asked what caused the fatal loss of our continental colonies, he would say, not the stamp act, or any other obnoxious parliamentary enactment, for that could have been repealed in due time; he would say, not an overweening desire of independence on the part of the colonies, for frequent opportunities offered of a return to allegiance and affection; but he would maintain, that it was a pertinacious disregard of the frequent and solemn warnings of local experience—a studied contempt for the colonial authorities;—a line of conduct, which seemed as if it considered that power was right, and that inclination alone could constitute expediency.

He was very sorry to perceive in the discussion of these questions, that the colonial assemblies had been treated in many instances with suspicion, and in many with contempt. To that sort of conduct, and to those who adopt it, he would oppose the good taste and good sense of, he believed, a large majority of this nation. He would ask persons, what they had seen in those who are connected with the colonies, or in the public documents which have been received from thence, what they had heard of the people in the colonies, from those who have visited them, to induce them to think that the colonial authorities are no longer fit to be entrusted with the enjoyment of those rights and privileges which they have hitherto enjoyed, and which he would maintain they had employed, not less for the advantage of this country than of their own? He believed that a great majority of this nation was disposed to do justice to the colonies; that it knew and appreciated their importance; that it was ready cordially to concur in those sentiments of conciliation and confidence which his majesty's government, in a spirit not less of wisdom than of justice, was disposed to use towards the colonies, and which he was sure they would not abuse. During the long and difficult struggle through which this country had lately passed, no part of her dominions partook more largely of her privations, and her sufferings, than her colonies; none followed her fortunes more loyally, or more usefully; they did not deserve to be treated with contumely and contempt.

Before he concluded, he would beg to be allowed to address one word to the hon. gentleman who was the principal mover in the measures to which he had so often had occasion to advert. He supposed he was not aware, perhaps he would not readily believe, that there was in this country, and also in the colonies, a considerable number of persons anxiously desirous to accelerate, by every means in their power, the progress of the religious and moral improvement of the negroes. It was worth the while of the hon. gentleman to ascertain the accuracy of that statement, and the extent to which it applied; for if it were true, it could not fail to occur to him how much it must conduce to the attainment of the great objects he professed to seek, to procure the co-operation and concurrence of those persons; how much it must tend to retard and defeat the attainment of his objects, to disgust or alarm them. Prudent men would be unwilling to open the door of reform, while they saw there were persons ready to rush in, who, without skill, without experience, against every remonstrance from the voice of local knowledge, would proceed to carry into effect the wildest schemes of improvement. Practical and beneficial reformation could best, he would say, could only be accomplished by the aid of those who had to carry it into effect. It did not require much knowledge of mankind to be convinced, that a code, although somewhat defective, if zealously executed, was more likely to be useful, than the most complete code which could be devised, forced upon those who were to be the unwilling instruments of its execution.

One consideration he was anxious to submit to the most serious attention of the House. What had happened in the island of Barbadoes, had taken place in a country level, unwooded, without local fastnesses, a military station, and where there was a population of white and black in the proportion of one to four; the very reverse he stated to be the case in our larger West India islands, and the average pro-proportion of population throughout them was not more than one to ten. The history of a once great and flourishing French colony had often been alluded to in the discussion of this subject. In his opinion, it was impossible to allude too often to that awful and useful lesson. If there were any one point amidst the many which arose out of this question, upon which there could hardly be a difference of opinion; but upon which, if there were a doubt, it could be removed by referring to every person who had visited those countries, and seen their nature—every governor, and every naval and military commander—it was this—that if it should unfortunately happen that the agitation and discussion of these subjects in this country, should produce in the West India colonies, a spirit of insubordination and of insurrection, it would not be in the power of any force, moral or military, which this country could apply to that spirit, either to control or subdue it.

In conclusion, he had only to repeat, that desirous as he had expressed himself to be for the House to receive the fullest information upon the important subject of the West India colonies, he did conceive that the House had, under existing circumstances, a prior duty to perform—that of dispelling the delusion and quieting the agitation which prevailed in those colonies. Conceiving that this was essentially necessary, and that it was at the same time useful and expedient to call upon the colonial authorities, to take all practicable measures for the benefit and improvement of the negroes, he should venture to move an amendment to the motion of the hon. gentleman, to the following effect:—To leave out all the words of the motion of the hon. gentleman which followed the word " That," and to substitute the words following:—" That an humble address be presented to his royal highness the Prince Regent, praying that he will be graciously pleased to cause communications to be made to the governors of the several islands in the West Indies, signifying his royal highness's pleasure that they do take immediate measures to proclaim, throughout the colonies which they respectively govern, his royal highness's highest displeasure at the daring insurrection which has lately taken place in the island of Barbadoes; to declare, in the most public manner, his royal highness's concern and surprise at the false and mischievous opinion which appears to have prevailed in some of the British colonies, that either his royal highness, or the British parliament, had sent out orders for the emancipation of the negroes; and humbly to request his royal highness, that while his royal highness directs the most effectual measures to be adopted for discountenancing these unfounded and dangerous impressions, his royal highness would also be graciously pleased to recommend, in the strongest manner, to the local authorities in the respective colonies, to carry into effect every measure which may tend to promote the moral, and religious improvement, as well as the comfort and happiness of the negroes."

seconded the amendment. He said, he had attended to all the statements of the hon. gentleman who had spoken of the degraded state of the ne- groes. He disagreed with the hon. gentleman who thought that the late calamitous events were not in any degree connected with the discussions in that House. On the contrary he was persuaded they were to be attributed to them. He wished the House to legislate upon this important subject, not theoretically, but as became practical reformers. He was persuaded, from the condition of the negroes, that if mischief was not done by the agitations and discussions in the House and in this country, much might be done towards their amelioration. He conceived that the proposed bill tended to create a distrust in the mind of the negro, by inducing a belief that his master was indisposed to do that which the legislature wished to do. The hon. gentleman who spoke first had referred to the inefficiency of the House of Assembly at Jamaica: of that body he thought it right to say, that it was composed of persons of high accomplishments, full as much so as any member of this House; but how was it possible for the colonial assemblies to carry into effect the measures of conciliation recommended, when they were accused of falsehood, and when every opprobrious epithet was used to prejudice them? He trusted the British parliament would act with liberality, and do justice to the rights and interests of the colonies.

said:—Sir; although it is my intention to vote for the motion that has been last made, yet, in my opinion, it falls short of what is called for by the occasion, and what the hon. mover would have been supported in proposing, by the present feeling of the House. Let us examine what that occasion is. A charge is brought against the colonies, accusing them generally with oppression, cruelty, and indeed of every other enormity of which human nature is capable, but particularly of carrying on a felonious trade in slaves, and a bill is thereupon brought in professing to remedy the latter evil. The bill, however, is not followed up, and thus on one hand, no opportunity is afforded to the accused of vindicating themselves, while on the other hand, as was foreseen and foretold, the measure is so misunderstood by the slaves, that it has caused a general ferment among them, which in one island has broken out into a lamentable insurrection.

What, on such an occasion, ought to be done? You ought as soon as possible to do that by the accused, which in com- mon justice cannot be denied. You ought either publicly to retract the accusation, or to afford them a public judgment upon it. With regard to the slaves not a moment should be lost in tranquillizing their minds as fully as that can be done. Now, Sir, the former of these objects, which would have been obtained, had the measure been brought to an issue, is again deferred, and the latter will, I fear, not be as completely effective, as it might have been; for I do not think that any explanation of the measure which can be conveyed to the slaves will put their minds at rest, as the information would that it was finally abandoned.

The late calamitous events have indeed afflicted, but not surprised me. I foretold them in this House, when about a year ago, there being then some ten or twelve members present, the hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce) thought that a fit moment for bringing in a bill which was to shake the British West Indian empire to its foundation. I have not ceased to repeat this warning in my daily conversation with the members of this House ever since; and I told them not only what would happen, but how it would happen. In one particular indeed, my expectations have fallen somewhat short of the event. I hardly looked for it quite so soon, for I had not sufficiently considered how admirably calculated the hon. gentleman's mode of proceeding was to accelerate the catastrophe. There is no course he could have adopted, so to forward as well as to insure it. I do not indeed mean that my hon. friend has intended to produce these effects, but I must deeply condemn him that being warned that such effects must follow, he rashly persevered and does still seem to persevere. If my hon. friend suspected that a slave trade yet lurked in any of the islands, or that such enormity could exist as the detaining free persons in slavery, why did he not institute an inquiry into the fact? Had my hon. friend done this, he should have had the utmost assistance from those who were best able to assist him, both to discover the evil, and if it were discovered, to extirpate it. Had he merely been apprehensive that such evil might arise, he should have had their utmost influence to obtain in the colonies preventive laws even though such might have to themselves appeared laws of supererogation.

Sir; I have observed with great satisfaction; that many prejudices were wear- ing out on the side of the West Indians; and supposing that the prejudices against them must also be wearing out, I hoped that the happy day was fast approaching when—their mutual passions being cooled—their great subject of difference at an end—the long contending parties would discover that their purpose, now at least, could be but one; that self-interest and humanity equally called on them to pursue the same path, and aim at the same object, namely, to fit the slaves gradually for as much freedom as you can, and to grant them as much freedom as they can bear. That on making this discovery the parties would shake hands and join in the same pursuit. That one side would not disdain to receive information from the other as to facts and localities, which they had the better means of knowing, and that the other side would not disdain to receive light, and advice from those whose more peculiar study and practice of legislation, and whose more distant, and therefore in many respects more commanding view of the case, must entitle their opinions to the greatest respect. Alas! all this beautiful prospect has been destroyed at once, and destroyed by a man who seems to think that calumny and insult are the only proper inducements to lead men to good, or to confirm them in it, who seems to think that nothing is true but what goes to West Indian condemnation, that nothing is just but what goes to West Indian ruin, and that no means are fit for Great Britain to employ towards her colonies, but force and violence.

The consequence has been such as might be expected. Parties are now thrown to an irreconcileable distance; all the good that might have been obtained by co-operation is lost for ever, and it would be expecting too much from human nature, not to suppose that some good objects which might under other circumstances have been soon attained, will now be at least deferred, because they have been recommended by those who speak only in the language of inveterate enmity. Indeed, some improvements which were growing daily more practicable, are now out of the question, as the minds of the slaves have been filled with discontent, and those of the masters with alarm. It seems, however, that this discontent, and the consequent insurrection, whatever cause they are to be imputed to, are not to be imputed to the registry bill, or the proceedings of those who framed it. Is this really so? If it be, much as I am surprised, I am at least equally delighted. I rejoice just as any man must, who sees his enemy plant himself in a post he can by no possibility defend, and from which he cannot easily escape. To render this escape more difficult, I call on the House to remark, that such is the position by which they mean to abide; namely, that the insurrection was not caused by the registry bill, or the proceedings of its promoters. Sir I am the more anxious to fix this in gentlemen's minds, because it appears that our adversaries are not disinclined when they find it convenient, to slip away, both from their engagements, and their declarations. Of the former I give as an instance, the frequent, the public, and the recorded engagements, that were made before the abolition passed, that there they would stop, that however they might desire improvement, or even emancipation (though I rather think the latter was generally disclaimed, as being impracticable), they would look for these things only in the certain effects of the abolition, or in the spontaneous proceedings of the assemblies. But how is this now explained away? Why, in a way I think not very easy to have anticipated. They meant only that they would not attempt emancipation by insurrection;—a rare concession, truly, and which exemplifies not amiss the extravagant state of their minds. Not by insurrection. Why, who supposed they meant to do it by insurrection? Did not we know that if they did attempt to do any thing by insurrection (with all respect for their philanthropy, and the other virtues that nobody possesses but themselves), they must have been tried for their lives?

This is one example of their adherence to engagements; and I will now produce one of their adherence to declarations. It is too recent to be forgotten, and too plain to be misunderstood. The bill in question was brought in on the ground that there actually existed a contraband trade in slaves. Such was the plain understanding of the preamble, and such the point on which the arguments rested, by which it was supported; and yet now, when it turns out, that no such trade has existed, the author of the bill wheels round, and pretends, that this never was the foundation on which the bill was rested! By whatever name such conduct ought to be characterized; I am anxious to guard against its being repeated in the present case; and therefore I again call on every man to record it in his own mind, that the thing now affirmed is this, that the late insurrection did not arise from the registry bill, or the proceedings of its supporters. Little reliance, Sir, as I may naturally have on my own powers, formidable as I know those to be which are opposed to me, here I do not fear them at all. They will never be able to persuade one man besides themselves of a statement so glaringly untrue. Why indeed should I except themselves? They may gloss it over to themselves as they do to others; but there will be moments when that "still small voice," which is an inhabitant of every bosom, will be heard, and will tell them, "this has been your work." All, it is true, will not hear this with equal pain. Some are so absorbed in contemplating the beauties of their desired emancipation, that they will feel but little for the miseries of the process. The original author of the bill may retire to the delirium of his own passionate prejudice, and fairly balance the happy ruin of the planters, against the unhappy destruction of their slaves. But where will my hon. friend (Mr. W.) hide himself, when at some still and solitary hour, these poor slaughtered blacks seem to approach him and to say, " this time twelve-month we were innocent and contented, and but for you we should have been innocent and contented still!" If ever I have envied any man's fame; if ever I have envied any man's feelings, it has been the fame and the feeling to which my hon. friend was entitled, on his accomplishment of his great work, the abolition. And this is the last moment that I would undervalue that work; for now that, urged on by desperate counsels, he has produced calamities of which no man can foresee the conclusion, he will I fear need all the consolation, which the good he has heretofore done can afford him. That such a change can have happened, and to such a man, is indeed most painful to know! and so painful is it to express it, that nothing less than the desire of persuading him yet to stop in his course, and (if it be not too late) to save himself from the remorse he cannot escape if he proceeds, would have induced me to say what I have said.

But the insurrection, they say, has not been at all owing to the registry bill, on the proceedings of its promoters. Now, we say it can be distinctly traced to that, and no other cause, and we ask what proof you require of the truth of our assertion. Every kind of proof you shall have that is applicable to historical truth, and every kind of proof in the highest degree. Is it testimony you would have? you shall have the testimony of every white inhabitant of the colonies, unless perchance it be that of some itinerant preacher, or some emissary of the African Institution.

Well, but here I foresee that all this testimony will be set aside by one of the two axioms of our opponents. Those who are conversant with their productions will know what I mean by the two axioms, but for the benefit of others, I will state them. Axiom the first is this: Let a man's character be ever so unstained, his disinterestedness ever so manifest, his condition ever so respectable, yet if he is guilty of having any West India property, if he is contaminated with any West India connexion, his evidence is not admissible in any thing that concerns the West Indies, unless it be against them, and thus all those witnesses, who are at least the best informed, are set aside. Axiom the second is the converse, viz. Let a man's condition be ever so base, his character ever so degraded, the immediate motives of his evidence ever so manifestly foul, yet if that evidence goes against the West Indies, it shall be decisive. The only question that seems to be put to him is, "do you bring an accusation? If you do, no matter what you have been, no matter what you are, no matter what you intend to be, your being a West Indian accuser balances all, come to our fraternal embrace, sit down at our love-feasts, clothed in white, and be our brother." Now, Sir, it is quite clear that by axiom the first, the testimony of all the white inhabitants is set aside. But stop, I have one class of men whom it will not reach. I mean all the king's officers, civil, military and naval. The testimony of all these you shall have to a man. Why what can be answered to these? There is however an answer, and I can venture to foretell it. We shall be told, that these indeed would be very unexceptionable, if they knew any thing of themselves, but that taking every thing from the representation of the planters, their statements cannot be relied upon. All white evidence is thus disposed of; which begins to bear a little hard upon me. I am not however conquered yet. Will you have black evidence? if so, you shall have the evidence of all the blacks. The evidence of those noble creatures who stood by their masters defending them at the peril of their lives.—The evidence of those who were misled, and have since returned to their duty,—the evidence of those who before execution confessed the cause and motive of their crime. Here, I suppose I shall be told that these people speak either under the influence of bribes, or the fear of punishment; and certainly if I am thus to be answered, I can proceed no farther, for it is quite clear, that if neither white evidence, nor black evidence be admitted, I cannot prove my case by testimony.

But, testimony apart, we have here circumstances such as perhaps never concurred on any occasion before, and which really amount to demonstration: we have 14 slave colonies, all in a state of profound tranquillity when the registry bill arrives, and upon its arrival all of them are thrown into a state of general ferment. What else had happened to which that effect can be assigned? You say they were oppressed, and oppression is the parent of revolt.—Good—but that state had continued 150 years, and no such consequence had followed. Doubtless there had been occasional insurrections; but these have been confined to very narrow limits, and were very unfrequent. For observe, that neither the Maroon nor the Charibbee wars have any thing to do with an insurrection of the slaves. When such events have occurred, in no instance has contagion spread from one colony to another. Nor indeed could it well, the communication between most of them being rare, and in fact almost impossible from those which lie far to leeward. Granted, then, that these colonies were, to a certain degree, in a state naturally liable to discontent, yet generally exempt from it, and all of them completely free from it at the moment, what can have produced this simultaneous change? can we by possibility impute it to the nature of their permanent condition, which had existed so long, and must we not look for some especial cause acting at once, and in the same manner on them all? The peculiar case of Barbadoes furnishes some additional proofs. This colony is the oldest of any. The laws partaking of the spirit of the age they were framed in, are here more severe than in any other. Yet never has there been in this Island any case of insurrection, or alarm of insurrection. But the registry bill comes out, the ferment begins, the appearance of every packet is eagerly ex- pected with the order for emancipation, and when the last packet arrives without such order, disappointment explodes in a nearly general revolt.

But it is said this event is not owing to the registry bill, but to the misunderstanding of the bill. I can attach no weight to this reply. If I say a thing which I know will be misunderstood, I am myself guilty of the untruth. If I do a thing which I know will from misrepresentation produce injury, I am myself the author of that injury. Thus it was with the bill. We know it was not actually a bill of emancipation (although perhaps by some it was intended to produce that effect); but what was our main argument against it? It was this, that the measure could not fail to be misunderstood by the slaves, and that it would not be possible for us to persuade them, but that it was designed to produce their freedom; if instead of coming from their own masters, and their own government, it should appear to be forced on these by those who had always declaimed against slavery, and expressed their desire of emancipation.

Sir, a still more extraordinary defence has been attempted. The inhabitants of Barbadoes it seems have produced this insurrection themselves; they have contrived their own ruin in order to furnish an argument against the registry bill, and for the same purpose the other colonies have placed themselves in a state of the greatest danger, and reduced their properties to the utmost depreciation. It seems that we, who here in parliament, and others who in writing, have pointed out the mischiefs of the measure, in order to prevent its adoption—we are the persons, forsooth, who have caused those mischiefs, and not they who originally framed the bill, and still suspend it over our heads. Why what were we to do? Were we to be silent when that was passing which we believed would be certainru in, lest by opposing it we might produce a danger? Sir, we know the danger of speaking out, but it was our only chance; haply it yet may save us—the other course was certain death. Still, might we not have contrived it so, that what we said would have had less publicity? How this was to be managed I do not know; but really this is a strange imputation considering the quarter from whence it comes. By whom was the publicity first provoked? Did the hon. gentleman bring in this bill with only the usual publicity which accompa- nies parliamentary proceedings? No.—it is ushered into notice in a manner altogether new and expressly calculated to produce extraordinary publicity. It is preceded by a publication in the nature of a manifesto, which is circulated with the greatest industry, and with the sanction of an authority as great as any private association can give. This publication, so sent forth, contains every statement, every argument that can induce the slaves to extreme discontent; and if discontent be the parent of insurrection, to insurrection. Its language is passion throughout. The slaves are told that they are oppressed in every possible way: they are told that their masters, both from choice and of necessity, will continue this oppression, but that their masters are a petty, despicable body, both as to intelligence and force; and that there is a stronger power over the water ready to take their part. Yet the mischief which has ensued, is to be charged, not on the book and those who have abetted it, but on those who have answered it without doors, and opposed the measure founded on it here! Some people, however, imagine, that all this might have been kept from the knowledge of the slaves, and they complain of newspapers and indiscreet conversations in the colonies. But it would have been the idlest attempt imaginable to conceal, from the slaves the knowledge of what was passing here, and nothing can more clearly show the ignorance of some persons as to the present state of the islands than their supposing it possible. The slaves are also perfectly aware of the means they have of resistance, and pretty well understand the views and means of those who would support them here. Without the slightest hesitation would I communicate to the slaves all the truth on all these subjects, but what I fear is, when they are told that which is not the truth:—when they are told that their masters wantonly oppress them, and ever will oppress them:—when they are told that Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Stephen, and Mr. Macanley love them better than those who live on their labours. Sir, there may be many exceptions; but I declare my solemn conviction, that a vast majority of their masters are impressed with the most just and tender sentiments towards their slaves. I believe that from their improving customs and manners (which are seldom followed at equal pace by the laws) in the colonies the condition of the slaves has been for some time as rapidly improve- ing as it could perhaps improve with permanent benefit to themselves, and I be lieve that, if the African Institution were in the place of these masters, they would not find it easy to do much more for the slaves—and as to the pseudo philanthropists and trading philanthropists, I believe they would do much less.

Little need, I think, now be said, as to the alleged existence of a contraband slave trade. I know not, indeed, whether the allegation that such a trade does exist, has been entirely abandoned: but at any rate those who made it have completely failed in proving their case. Proving their case? Why they have not yet been able to frame their accusation. The act of slave trading is a thing that must have time and place. Give us but time and place, and guilt shall be presumed till innocence is demonstrated. But time and place you will not give, for you cannot. Dolus in generalibus versatur. Direct facts are out of the question, and the whole is a chaos of surmised and remote inductions from statements which I shall presently show are not always very correct. I beg pardon, there are some few facts—the Spanish census in Trinidad, a statement which carries absurdity on its face. There is the Danish island, where some customhouse officer advertised for informations, and as far as it appears, lost his money—and there is the boy Charles, respecting whose freedom it is thought the jury decided wrong.

The abolition law, like every other law, may have been occasionally broken; but so clear of infraction, I did not suppose the colonies could have been, as it appears they are. The absence of all specific charge is, however, curiously accounted for. The colonists, hitherto represented as so contemptible in their means, all at once start up in a most gigantic shape. They have been able it seems to introduce a system of terror, that mocks all the terrorism of Robespierre or Buonaparte. The deeds of their revenge do not indeed exactly appear, excepting in the instance of a man, who about the time of the American revolution, being an informer on a subject quite unconnected with the slave trade, was tarred and feathered in the American style, and somehow could not obtain justice in St. Christophers. Bless me, Sir, these must be dreadful times indeed; when no informer can be found to denounce a breach of the law, which in its own nature must be so noto- rious. What! no one neighbour who from honesty, no penitent who from remorse, no discarded servant who from revenge, no person who for the reputation of a saint, will disclose the solemn secret? No, even that fearless and thoughtless class, the British sailors, are here all paralyzed and dumb as by enchantment. But need I go on?—let these mysteries be left to the contemplation of those, who recognise the mysteries of Udolpho as a portion of true history.

Such extravagance does not indeed deserve serious refutation; yet one attempt has been made which calls for notice on another account, namely that it may be held up to public indignation. Would any man suppose that anonymous evidence, not for the discovery but the proof of crimes, would have been proffered to a British public, by a British lawyer, and recommended by a British institution? Yet so it is, and the excuse alleged is, that these anonymous persons being in West India employ might lose their places, if their names were known. What, Sir! did it not occur to the African Institution, to consider a little the morality of employing such persons, or the common sense of trusting them? Men who were desirous of remaining in the employ, and continuing to receive the wages of those whom they were accusing and betraying. But let us consider of what class and description such persons could be. Proprietors they cannot be by their own statement. Nor can they be persons in the principal charge of estates, for then they might have rectified the abuse instead of denouncing it. They must be persons in the subordinate stations. Could not this African Institution with all its riches and its influence, have indemnified a West Indian overseer? Could not my hon. friend, who is said not to be always unsuccessful in this sort of negociation with government, have made an application for some trifling post, on such an occasion? Well, Sir, if the accusers will not indemnify their witnesses, the accused shall. Let but these worthies step forth, let them prove their charge, and let them afterwards show they have in consequence been discarded from any employ, and I venture to promise that the loss shall be made good to them, even by the colony they shall have served to convict. Now, Sir, I hope I have unlocked the lips of the great African Institution, and I suppose my hon. friend will start up to interrupt me to produce their names [Here Mr. B. paused, but Mr. W. said nothing]. Sir, there are one or two more points connected with this accusation which require notice. The first is the process employed in it. I had imagined that according to the notions of justice in every age, and every country, the first thing in such cases was, to establish the actual existence of the crime; but here a new process is discovered. The first thing is, to pitch on a set of men and to speculate how far they are likely from their habits and characters to have committed crime and then upon what is called " a very little direct evidence,"^* to find them guilty. In order to prove the existence of a contraband trade, it is stated that the colonies, and particularly Jamaica, are hostile to manumission. In order to prove that the colonies are hostile to manumission, it is said that laws exist, requiring any one who shall manumise a slave, to enter into a bond that such manumised slaves shall not become chargeable to the parish; but that this is a mere pretext, the real object being to discourage manumission. The contrary is affirmed on behalf of the colonies, and to this it is answered that such affirmation is false and fraudulent, for that "manumised slaves are not chargeable to the parish." From recollection I thought they had been chargeable, and by inquiry I find I am not mistaken. Thus it appears, that those who so coarsely give the lie to others, are themselves at the very moment guilty of a mis-statement of facts.

It is said, that a systematic opposition is given in the colonies to the religious instruction of the slaves. Now, I am the more desirous to speak to this point, because perhaps I may possess some information on the subject which has not fallen in every one's way. I am proud to say that it is on my estates that the first Christian missions, in the British West Indies have been established. But it is not on my own account that I am proud. I have done no more towards them than obeyed testamentary injunctions in the best way I can. They owe their origin to a man who, if to have devoted his life and his fortune almost entirely to pious and chari- table purposes, entitle a man to be mentioned with honour, should be mentioned thus, at least by a son. So early was this respected person impressed with the duty of procuring religious instruction for the slaves he had inherited, that even from Oxford he went to Jamaica, accompanied by the late excellent prebend of Canterbury, Mr. Downing, for the purpose of establishing missions there. Application having been made without success to several bishops, for persons willing to undertake the office, they next applied to a body known by the name of United Brethren or Moravians, from the country where they first arose about the time of the Reformation, from thence they were afterwards driven by persecution, and have been subsequently recognised by act of parliament here, as an ancient protestant and episcopal church. The missionaries of this body, had already met with great success in the Danish islands, and some of them were prevailed on to go to Jamaica, there they have ever since continued, branching out in various directions, and to different islands. Their success has not been equal. In Antigua and some other islands, it has been great; in Jamaica, I am sorry to say, not so considerable. The causes of this difference are hidden from human sight, but I can testify that men more devoted to their duties, or more exemplary in their lives, there cannot be, than those I have seen in Jamaica.

^* See " Reasons for establishing a Registry of Slaves in the British Colonies, being a Report of a Committee of the African Institution, published by order of that Society, 1815."

Now, Sir, when I read that the colonies had opposed religion, I wondered to what class of religious teachers the remark could apply. It could not refer to the ministers of the established church; these certainly neither were nor could be opposed. If they were remiss in their duties, the blame could not lie with the colonies, who had no control over their conduct, and I know that the assembly of Jamaica, in order to render them effective, had made a spontaneous addition to their salaries. It must therefore apply to the missionaries of other bodies. Of these the Moravian missionaries were the longest established, and the most widely extended; and it would be, as I thought, a fair criterion of the feeling which existed in the colonies, as to religious instruction, if one could know how these missions were regarded and treated. In this view, I addressed myself to a most respectable gentleman, well known as such to my hon. friend, as well as to some members of his majesty's government, and through whom passes all the correspondence with, and from the Moravian missions. As this gentleman was on the eve of departure to inspect the missions at the Cape of Good Hope, I requested his permission to put two or three queries to him in writing. I have here his reply. His words are as follows.

"To your question therefore Whether since the institution of the missions of our church among the negroes, we have ever found from the laws, or constituted authorities any such hindrance as would indicate a policy adverse to their object—I answer, That, to the best of my knowledge, the laws and constituted authorities have been uniformly friendly to the instruction of the slaves, and protected our labours in that line. 2. From the inhabitants in general we may say, with truth, that we have met with more encouragement than opposition. 3. Invitations to extend our missions, have, in most of the islands, been more numerous than it is possible for us to comply with, and they continue so to this day, nor do I know of any public regulation, which in any degree obstructs the progress of our missionary exertions."

Now, Sir, if such be the general feeling towards, and such the treatment of those who have been the longest engaged in diffusing religious instruction among the slaves, I think that even if we should find some instances of opposition to other missionaries, the natural conclusion will be that this must have arisen from something accidental or collateral, and not from any objection to religious instruction itself. Truth, however, obliges me to declare, that the conduct of some methodist preachers has been exceedingly indiscreet, and even dangerous. Towns and districts have been kept in a state of alarm from excessive and tumultuous assemblies at their preachings—from unseemly meetings in the dead of night, from discourses more calculated to inflame, than to guide and control the passions of men, and from doctrines, the deleterious quality of which has been found dangerous, even in better established forms of society. If in such cases the constituted authorities have interfered, was it not their duty to interfere. If teachers will mix poison in the cup of salvation, can those be blamed who will not suffer it to be handed round? Even in this country it as been deemed proper to pass laws against irregular preaching, and those laws are still enforced here, where one can hardly suppose that mischief could ensue; and yet there, while the danger is so evident, you blame the colonies for manifesting any apprehension. This shows in a very strong light, what I complain of as the greatest injustice to which the colonies are subjected, namely, that the same action which here is just and proper, changes its character when it occurs in the West Indies. Here you pass a law against irregular preaching;—here, where it seems hardly necessary; and you enforce it without existing complaint or observation; a similar law is passed in the West Indies, and immediately there arises a cry, that the colonies are all enemies of Christianity, and you have the whole army of saints besieging his majesty's council to get the law rejected.

On the subject of the contraband trade, I will now only add one or two remarks; but I think if duly considered, these will satisfy every man who means to argue fairly, that it neither does nor can exist. First; to that constantly refuted, yet constantly repeated story, that the planters deem it disadvantageous that their slaves should breed, and prefer resorting to purchase; I reply by stating a fact which every man may easily verify, and by putting a question upon it, which I defy those to answer who still adhere to this notion. The fact I state is this:—It will be found that at all periods I believe, but certainly for the last forty years, all transfers, appraisements, and valuations of property, a newly born infant has borne a considerable price, and an additional price is always affixed to a female that is known to be pregnant, beyond what she would otherwise have borne. Now, the questions I ask are these;—If breeding be deemed disadvantageous, how is it that people will pay a price for pregnancy? and if rearing children be disadvantageous, why are people desirous to purchase newly born infants? Till these questions are solved, I put it to every man's understanding whether he is not forced to the conclusion, that what has been said of the breeding and buying system must be mere nonsense, by whomsoever advanced, and by whomsoever testified? The actual price of a slave in the colonies is now about four times as much as an equivalent slave might be imported for from Africa; now, if the planters be as willing as it is said they are to import, and if they are as able to do it without detection, as it is also said they are, I ask why is it that they choose gratuitously to pay 300 per cent. more than they need. Finally I will observe that it is really not now the interest of the colonies even to suffer a contraband trade. They would lose money by it. The argument respecting income, rests nearly on the same ground. From an increase of slaves, an increase of produce must be expected, and this increase of produce the other proprietors would meet in the market, depreciating the value of their own produce.

Much reliance has been placed on what I and others have said formerly, namely, that it would be impossible, by all the means this country possessed, to prevent the trade, if the colonies should choose to carry it on, and thence it is inferred, that they do and will carry it on. If what I have just now said be conclusive, even admitting that what was stated formerly were now applicable, still there would be no danger, for it is not now their interest to defeat the law. But, Sir, when did we state this impossibility of preventing a contraband trade? Was the world then in the situation in which it now is? Did not every nation then carry on the trade, and has not almost every nation since renounced it? Did not St. Domingo then furnish the greatest facility to such trade, which now furnishes only an awful lesson against it? Above all, is not the case materially changed in this respect, that the trade existed then in full vigour, rooted and ramified through every part of the empire, and that now it is every where extinct? Does it follow that because your means were then insufficient to destroy it, they are therefore now insufficient to prevent its revival? Must I be unable to prevent a seedling from rising under my feet, because formerly I had not strength to unroot a forest? Sir, there are two ways of misquoting one, by making a person say that which he did never say; and another, by applying that which he did say to different circumstances than those he applied it to.

On the subject of right, I cannot agree with those who claim for the colonies some original, and indefeasible right of legislation. Whatever right they have, appears to me to be a grant from hence, and, like every other grant of this nature, must be fiduciary and resumable. But resumable how? On a breach of the trust committed to them;—prove such a case, and I have done. But even if such case were made out, you could only act by depriving them of their charter. You have no right to exercise the discretion while they remain charged with the responsibility. It would be the highest degree of injustice in you to make the attempt, and the greatest folly in them to submit to it. They must of necessity either abdicate their functions or resist you.

But the colonies could not, if they would, submit to a registry bill from hence. In itself a registration of slaves could do no harm, and in point of fact, such does exist in most of the islands. But this bill, connected with the grounds on which it is brought in, the arguments by which it is supported, and the quarter from whence it comes, would be certain ruin. Power, wherever placed, if it is to exist at all, must exist with some respect. That of the colonial legislatures could not be respected after this bill passed into law. The chief function of those legislatures is, to watch over the slave system. Now, if upon this chief of their duties, the slaves shall see their rulers contradicted and controlled, and that on the ground of delinquency; is it possible to suppose that any respect can remain? All subordination will cease; on every new claim of right they will look for support, in every case of resistance they will look for protection, from their stronger friends here. The intervening four months will be a time of anarchy. If concession to their claims shall arrive, it will only lead to new demands; and if refusal arrives, disappointed hope will produce, what disappointed hope did produce in Barbadoes. The colonies can no otherwise exist, than by its being known to the slaves, that there is on the spot a power from which there is no appeal. It is asked, what harm has the registry bill done in Trinidad? I answer, Trinidad has no constitution, the governor is the only visible authority, and from that authority the law proceeds. Let such law come from the established authorities in the other islands, and a proper registry bill will do no harm. You may, if you please, abolish all those authorities, and place a supreme power elsewhere, in order to pass the law; but leaving those authorities, you can not occasionally supersede them, and if you attempt it, I now tell you, you have lost your colonies !

I have said that a proper registry bill might be enacted by the assemblies without harm: of course I mean not such a bill as this. A mass of in- congruity, of inconsistent, counteracting and impracticable provisions, which proves that its framers were inconceivably ignorant as to the case for which they were legislating. Sir, had this bill passed into a law, and were every individual in the colonies anxious to carry it into execution, it could not be executed. Observe a single clause; the owner of an estate is bound to give orders, that without tenderness for youth, without respect for age, every female on his property should criminally be stripped by the overseer and book-keepers, in order that even the most secret mark or peculiarity which appears on her body may be discovered and recorded. For one I protest that no power on earth should compel me to issue such an order; and if I did, I trust I have no persons in my employ who would undertake to obey it. The slaves are doubtless degraded below the just condition of men;—so degraded as to submit to see such indignity committed on their wives and daughters. But can it be, that they who have invented this disgusting clause, are the men who would school us for keeping the slaves in a state of degradation? Can it be they who censure us, that we have not contrived to render the morals and manners of slaves more pure; and particularly because we have not contrived to impress them with sufficient respect for the sanctity of marriage? I readily acquit these gentlemen of having intended any thing so monstrous as this clause really requires, but it serves to show, that so totally lost are they in the eager pursuit of their object, that they do not allow themselves to reflect a moment as to the means they would employ. It behoves us, therefore, to reflect for them, and while we agree with them in wishing to do every thing that may ameliorate the condition of the slaves, to take care that we do not produce the contrary effect, and bring on consequences that may make that purpose still more difficult of attainment. The proposing such a clause, does also wonderfully demonstrate what I have often before admired, the inconceivable ignorance of these gentlemen, as to the real state of the slaves. Notwithstanding his long practice on the subject, no man remains more misinformed than my hon. friend; and why? Because he will not receive information from those who can give it, and listening to those only whose object it is to delude him, the truth never comes within his hearing. Any man who had the least acquaintance with the colonies, and who meant to tell him the truth, would have told him, " Such a clause as this cannot be executed, it would be instantly (as it would be justly) resisted by the slaves. They are governed, not by force, but by opinion. They submit indeed to labour for you, because they acknowledge themselves your slaves; they submit to receive punishment from you, because they think you may justly inflict it when deserved; but if you were to pass the bounds of what in their opinion is just authority; if for instance, you would attempt to force them into marriage, or by force restrain their habitual polygamy; if you were to touch their property, or violate any liberty they deem their own, you would meet a very determined resistance."

One word more before I sit down. I have spoken of the African Institution with strong disapprobation, but I wish to distinguish the proceedings of that body from the majority of its members. A great proportion of these are doubtless persons of the highest distinction for talents and virtues. But alas! these are not the men who direct the proceedings, or hold the pen of that society. If such men are asked, how could you say such a thing, or permit such a thing to be done? The answer is always, "We hardly ever go there." Thence it is that every thing is managed by a few men absorbed in prejudice, and these are governed by a set of impostors. They live thus in a world of delusion and error; they get by habit attached to their prejudice as to their creed, and they defend it as their religion. For the excellent persons I have alluded to, I have as much respect (and I think they know it) as one man can have for another. To all their ultimate purposes I would subscribe blindfold. To the wisdom of their means I would bow with the greatest deference, if only they would see with their own eyes, hear with their own ears, and judge with their own understandings. Let them but inquire themselves into the truth of those facts that we deny, and I am persuaded that it will not be long that I shall have the pain of finding myself in any way opposed to them. Let me not offend in supposing them deceived and guided by men as inferior to them in understanding, as they are in virtue. Experience shows that such a case is not uncommon. But rather let me be allowed to call on them to awake, and consider well the consequences of what they suffer to be done in their name. Of themselves, they of whom I complain, could do little harm. If they are formidable, it is only from their malice, to which their madness may serve as an antidote. From their hands merely, the incendiary shaft would drop short of its mark; but winged with the authority and character of such as I now call on, it will carry conflagration and death, through a large portion of your empire. I call on them for the sake of their characters which I revere, and which will be deeply involved in the consequences; I call on them for the sake of their own peace, which I solemnly believe they will murder if they go on; I call on them in the name of their country, which could not now endure the loss that would ensue; I call on them in the name of justice and humanity, equally to the blacks and to the whites (for both must be the victims if they proceed in this course). I call on them to do one of two things; either to enter thoroughly and deeply into the whole case, taking nothing on trust on either side, but what is satisfactorily proved; and then I know their judgment will be just, and their councils will be wise; or if they will not do this, I call on them to withdraw their co-operation from those, into the close examination of whose proceedings, they will not enter, and whose proceedings are mischievous only from having their sanction.

conceived the question to be, not so much whether this or that publication had given rise to the present disturbances in the colonies, as what steps parliament could best take to restore tranquillity and security. The colonies were evidently in danger; the cause of the danger appeared to be some misapprehensions which had spread among the slaves as to the real intentions of the British legislature. It was important, therefore, that the erroneous impression should be removed, and, in order to such removal, nothing could be so effectual as an unanimous vote of the House of Commons. To effect this object, he thought the best plan would be to accede to the amendment, which seemed temperate and reasonable; and he should therefore advise his hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce), to adopt it. In saying this, he was sure he should not be understood as depreciating the great work of abolition, or the magnitude of the exertions of his hon. friend, for whom he felt as sincere an admiration as any man could: but it was due to the colonies, it was due to the slaves themselves, that every method should be resorted to which could re-establish peace and tranquillity. Under this view he thought the amendment the most advisable proposition; and his hon. friend would, by acceding to it, afford a proof of the purity of his principles, and an irrefragable refutation of those calumnies that imputed to him any designs inimical to the interests of the colonies; but the main object of undeceiving the negroes would be best attained by the unanimity of the proceedings of that House.

rose to add his testimony to the propriety of the amendment, to that of the right hon. gentleman. Whatever difference of opinion might prevail on this subject, there should be but one opinion as to the propriety of what was expedient to be done upon the present occasion. He perfectly concurred with his hon. friend who had brought this subject under the consideration of the House, that we ought to aid our fellow-subjects in the West Indies. The first consideration of parliament was, what was it necessary to do for the security of our valuable colonies? The general information the hon. gentleman (Mr. Barham) had laid before the House, corresponded with what his majesty's ministers had received. It was evident that the recent calamities had grown out of a perversion of the meaning of the registry bill which no rational man could have entertained. His majesty's ministers in adopting the bill, could never have intended to have given countenance to so wild a measure as the general emancipation of the slaves. If any thing so preposterous had reached them, as an intention on the pact of the legislature of this country to give them unqualified freedom, it was of the highest importance such a delusion should be instantly removed. Such a boon could have no other effect but involving them in calamity. He apprehended the address moved by way of amendment combined three propositions, all of which parliament must be anxious should be adopted, because they were all imperiously called for. We owed it, in the first instance to sympathise with those who had suffered in that part of the world where the late insurrection had taken place, and to make them feel that the exertions of government would not be wanting, but that they were watchful for their welfare; that if we could not undo the misfortunes which had occurred, we were determined to strain every nerve to prevent their renewal. The second proposition was, that we owed it to the deluded negroes to dispossess them of the wild opinion that any thing so preposterous was sanctioned by the government of this country, as that the condition in which they existed, as slaves, could be suddenly changed to freedom; or that the legislature had ever given countenance to any thing but what had for its object its amelioration, an object which he trusted the legislature would never lose sight of.—Much had been said of the danger of discussing this subject in that House. It was impossible in a free country like Great Britain, or in an assembly like the British parliament, to check the course of free discussion. Nor did he conceive that in this case it was so pregnant with evils as some hon. gentlemen seemed to suppose. For instance, he was not aware that any danger could result from his observing to his hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce), that he lamented that, although in progress of time a revolution in the state of society would in all probability take place in the West Indies, as it had done in other parts of the world, he could not be so sanguine as to expect that either he or his hon. friend would live to see it. That alteration must take place, not by any legislative enactment, but by such a change in the character of the individuals whose state it was to effect as might prove them capable of undergoing it with advantage. They must, in fact, work out their own emancipation, assisted by those under whose control they were placed. The third proposition, therefore, very properly comprehended in the address was, while parliament repelled the supposition that registry meant emancipation, to mark distinctly to the colonial authorities, the anxiety of parliament that they should communicate to the slaves every benefit consistent with the state of society in the colonies, in order that they might be gradually prepared for the enjoyment of the greatest of all blessings. He was the more solicitous that this should be impressed on the colonial legislatures, not from any distrust of their benevolent wishes and intentions, but because he thought it highly advisable that those legislatures, and the legislature of the empire, should give one another mutual and unequivocal pledges on the subject.—He must observe, with reference to the hon. gentleman below him (Mr. Pallmer) who had spoken with so much ability and moderation, that however he must concur with that hon. gentleman in feeling the danger which might arise from misunderstanding the discussions upon it, that we lived in an age when the risks of discussion could not be avoided. He trusted that the legislatures abroad would be sensible of this. He could easily make allowance for the feelings of individuals placed in a situation of danger, and who apprehended that that danger might be increased by such discussions. Let them, however, reflect, that the best chance they had of avoiding such discussions would be by entering into the feelings of their countrymen at home, and by approaching their system as nearly to that which they knew would satisfy the wishes of those countrymen, as was consistent with their sense of duty to themselves and to those placed under their guardianship. If they would do that, they might rely on the sound understanding of the British people, to protect them from the danger with which they were threatened; and as one motive to induce them to do it, it was material that they should be sensible that the tide of discussion in that House could not be suppressed. He would trouble the House with only a few more words.—Of the true meaning of the proposed registry bill there could be but one opinion in this country, and he trusted that it would be clearly conveyed to the West Indies. Being decidedly of opinion that that measure included means calculated materially to ameliorate the situation of the individuals for whose benefit it had been projected, he nevertheless guarded himself against being supposed to be pledged to its entire support. The great object which it had in view was to check the illicit importation of slaves. For his own part, he could not believe that that illicit importation had existed to the extent described by his hon. friend opposite. He also flattered himself that there was a strong disposition in the general councils of Europe to do all that was possible to diminish the evil. We had the satisfaction of the co-operation in this laudable and interesting object of the greatest colonial power on the continent—France. He had the pleasure to state that his majesty's government had received from his most christian majesty the most cordial assurances on this subject; and, in fact, France had exhibited every indication of as decided a determination to give effect to the wishes of England with respect to it, as could have been evinced by those who were the most zealous in the cause. Not only was that bright prospect in view, but it was to be fairly expected, that at a period not very remote the only two great powers, Spain and Portugal, that continued the slave trade, would join in the measure. It was not at all improbable, that one of those great powers, Spain, might be induced to adopt this resolution at an earlier period than had been anticipated. It was certainly to be apprehended that the illicit importation of slaves into our colonies would be carried on to a greater extent during peace than during war. The registry bill would, he trusted, materially diminish this evil, and it would also be an instrument in the hands of the colonial legislatures to enable them to measure the effects of their own benevolent interposition on behalf of the slaves; and he hoped it would stimulate them still further to make those efforts which were no less loudly called for by their own interests than by a sense of duty, of religion, and of what was due to the wishes of the mother country. There were some parts, however, of the hon. gentleman's bill to which he fairly declared that he could not agree. For instance, it appeared to him to be extremely erroneous to annex the immediate manumission of a slave to the defect of his master in making the proper return. But to revert to the question before the House, he repeated that on a view of all its bearings, he was convinced that parliament were bound to make an explicit and unequivocal avowal of their sentiments upon it. He was convinced also that no time ought to be lost in doing this. While parliament should be understood as by no means abdicating their superior control over the legislatures of the colonies, or their right to supply remedies for those enormities which might appear to exist among them, they ought to mark their opinion, that nothing was so much to be deprecated as a wanton interference with those legislatures. For he could assure his hon. friend opposite, that if ever the time should unfortunately arrive when this country would be compelled to legislate for the colonies with her own hands, he was apprehensive that the progress of the cause which his hon. friend had so much at heart, would be much more tardy than it was likely to be under the present circumstances. If his hon. friend did not see any great practical difference in the two propositions, then in the name of God let the address go to the West Indies with the free and full concurrence of the House. His hon. friend would strengthen his own hands, by doing this. He thought that the right hon. gentleman had given his hon. friend most excellent advice in recommending to him to withdraw his motion, for the purpose of allowing the address to be carried. Unanimity was above all desirable, and if, after this varied discussion, the House should be unanimous in voting the address, it would go to the colonies with an unequivocal character; but if, on the contrary, his hon. friend's motion were to be unanimously voted, that vote might be liable to misconception. It might be supposed merely that parliament was unanimous in requiring the information which the motion called for, instead of its being unanimous in undeceiving the unfortunate slaves, and endeavouring to rescue them from the effects of their own ignorance, or from the machinations of those by whom they might have been intentionally misled. He was quite sure, and every body must be quite sure, that his hon. friend had no object but to do good, and if possible to settle the minds of the negroes. He trusted and hoped, therefore, that he would follow the suggestion of the right hon. gentleman, and withdraw his motion. It was of the utmost importance that it should be communicated to the West Indies as a clear and undisputed fact, that the first care of the legislature of the empire was to contemplate the calamities to which the colonies had been subject, and the dangers with which they were threatened, and to apply such remedies as appeared to them best calculated to heal the one, and to avert the other. Any other course might involve a doubt of the principle on which the step taken by that House was founded.

denied that his right hon. friend had advised his hon. friend to withdraw his motion, for the purpose of making room for the amendment. It was rather extraordinary that the hon. gentleman, who had given notice of a motion for to-morrow night on the subject, should get up that evening, and propose, as an amendment to his hon. friend's motion, that which he had given notice he would not move until to-morrow. However desirous he and his hon. friend might be of unanimity, he put it to the candour of the House, whether they could be content to sacrifice their declared opinion by assenting to the amendment? Would it not be a sacrifice of their principles, to adopt a proposition founded on opposite principles? After the course that was taken on the other side, where calumnies, which had been fifty times told, and as often refuted, were brought forward and embodied in the speech of the hon. member opposite, when the motives of the supporters of registration had been misrepresented, and when that measure had been coupled with emancipation and insurrection, he felt it impossible to sit silent under the charge, however reluctant he might be to trespass on the time of the House. The gentleman who agreed with him in opinion on this measure, were accused not only as the causes, but as the wilful causes of insurrection. They were charged with a wish for nothing less than the emancipation of the slaves. If on easy terms well, but at all events and under any conditions, they were said to desire emancipation. These he strongly denied to be the principles held by himself or his friends, and he was not surprised at this misrepresentation, when he recollected that which had gone abroad on other occasions, and against men now no more, who, when they exerted themselves on the abolition bill, were charged with a disposition to set the black population of the colonies at variance with the white. He and his friends did indeed wish for an amelioration of the condition of the slaves, such an amelioration as would prepare them for final emancipation, but he did not say that the present time was the fittest for such emancipation, which would now be a curse, not a blessing, to the slave and to his master. His object was to prevent that which the noble lord and others had said at the period of the abolition—the introduction of slaves. It was said at that period by the colonists that it would be impossible to prevent the importation of slaves, for that it was essential to the colonies; but they now came forward, and when it answered their own convenience, they alleged that nothing could be more easy than such prevention. Numerous creeks, and vast tracts of sea, which before were mentioned as so many obstacles to the total abolition of importation, were now declared to be no obstacles. The creeks were easily watched, and the large tracts of sea could be more easily guarded against any clandestine at- tempts to introduce slaves. So much for the truth and consistency of the statements made by the opponents of registration!—The hon. and learned member then contended, that there had not been, and could not be, a connexion established between the insurrection, which had taken place, and the proposed registration. What were the proofs of this connexion?—A negro, going to execution for insurrection and plunder on his master's estate, was said to have declared it. But admitting that his statement was true, which he did not believe, could there not be other witnesses found to give an account of it besides that unfortunate negro, if it were of the nature described? But no other were produced. There was another authority mentioned—that was the Speaker of the assembly at St. Vincent's; but he did not mention any direct evidence, and only gave an advice, on which the present charge was founded. Yet this was the sort of testimony on which the supposed connexion between the insurrection and the registration bill was founded!—He next contended, that the charge brought against the Methodist missionaries, as the cause of insurrection, was equally groundless; and he alluded to a letter dated the 18th of November, addressed to the editor of the Jamaica Gazette. In this letter two persons described themselves as having put on brown beards and grey wigs, and having gone in that garb, with rueful countenances, to the agents of Wilberforce, deploring the wickedness of the age, and begging to be sent as missionaries to instruct the blacks. They added, that they were immediately appointed to a mission; and they went on in the letter to give a ludicrous account of the mode by which the several missionaries were distinguished. These were the grounds on which charges were made against the missionaries, and the means which were used to bring them into disrepute. But he should say for his hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce) that he had never sent any missionaries out, and that he was not connected with any society for sending them. He wished indeed that religious instruction should be disseminated, as well for the white population as for the blacks, who were more numerous, and more in need of instruction; and he (Mr. B.) should add, that if the exertions for such religious instruction were confined to the established church, the light of the Gospel would never reach those poor people. He denied that the registration bill was the cause of any of the blood which had been shed; on the contrary, where it had been acted upon in its spirit, no disturbance had taken place. If any bad effects had arisen from it, they proceeded chiefly from the misrepresentations made of, and the misconstructions put upon it. If those misrepresentations and misconstructions had blown up the flame of insurrection, the fault was not with the advocates of registration, but with those who had falsely associated the idea of emancipation with that measure. It was to such speeches as that made by an hon. member near him—it was to the construction put upon the bill itself by some of the legislative assemblies of the colonies. He held in his hand three Jamaica gazettes, in which it was openly avowed that registration was only a cloak for emancipation. When these and such misconstructions of the bill were industriously circulated in the colonies, would it be said that a pamphlet published in London, or speech in the House of Commons in favour of that measure, was the real cause of whatever disturbance took place? If the speeches and the pamphlets in favour of registration could find their way to the colonies, so could the erroneous constructions which were put upon them, and he would contend that the speeches delivered in the House that evening were much more injurious in their tendency than any measure of registration could be. One hon. member had even given an incentive to further disturbance, by reminding the black population of Jamaica, that as they were more numerous in proportion to the whites than the population of Barbadoes, they could more easily succeed in an insurrection. This, he contended, was a much greater incentive to insubordination than all that had ever been said in favour of registration could be.—The hon. and learned member next contended, that it would not be sufficient to leave this registration to the care of the colonial assemblies, who would not take as effectual steps to carry it into effect as might be wished. And he instanced as a proof of the construction they would be likely to put in their own favour on such a measure, a case where, at the interference of this country, it was made a capital offence to murder a slave with malice prepense. This had afterwards been construed into murdering a slave without any provocation. So that by that construction the most trifling provocation on the part of a slave, even an angry word or a look, would be held a sufficient justification of his murder. He also observed, that the convicviction of a white man for the murder of a slave was a thing almost unknown in the colonies, although it was notorious that several such murders had been committed. He could mention to the House three cases of as flagrant murders of slaves, under circumstances as shocking as ever disgraced human nature, and these were committed in the presence of others, and in justification of them it was said that the persons murdered were only slaves. He did not mean to impute to any of his West India friends, any of those abuses which he had mentioned. He thought, on the contrary, that their presence on their West India property would preclude the occurrence of such disgraceful scenes. But while they were discharging their duties in this country, so much to its advantage and to their own credit, the care of those estates must necessarily be committed to others, and he did not hesitate to say, that the lower order of whites in the colonies were the grossest and basest rabble that ever deserved the name of human population. It was on this account that he wished to preserve the distinction between legislation and regulation. It was because he wished to tear off the film which covered the worst of crimes by which torture and murder were kept up under other names. It was because he wished to have some regulation of the property of West India proprietors, when that property was of the same nature with themselves, that he supported the motion of his hon. friend. He would agree on the part of his hon. friend (Mr. W.) to the amendment, provided it were not substituted for his motion.

said, that if the learned gentleman who spoke last, expressed the sentiments of his hon. friend (Mr. Wilberforce), he (Mr. C.) should endeavour in vain to persuade him to accede to the amendment. But as he did not think the learned gentleman had well understood the amendment, he did not despair of inducing his hon. friend to adopt it. The sole desire of his hon. friend appeared to be, the opportunity of making a general statement of the question, and he had seen, in the main, a general coincidence in his principles; he also saw that the amendment was a measure substantively fit to be passed; and all now that remained to be considered was, whether he would weaken the effect of it, by submitting it to the conflict of parties, and either carry a nugatory motion, or press it to a division, in which he would be undoubtedly defeated. He declared himself a warm follower, and, as far as his abilities extended, an earnest supporter of his hon. friend's grand object of the abolition; he remembered how frequently they had been charged with having concealed emancipation under abolition; and to this remembrance he could add, that they had ever repelled that imputation. In the speech which the House had heard with so much satisfaction from the hon. gentleman who moved the amendment, he most admired his discretion in avoiding the question of imperial legislation. This was a question not to be anticipated, and the discretion exercised by the hon. member would save the colonial legislatures from the displeasure, and parliament from the pain of using it. Far be it from him to doubt the omnipotence of parliament, but he had always thought, as he still continued to think, that the question on the latter subject ought not to be stirred up, unless interference became absolutely necessary. When the necessity for such interference should be proved to exist, his voice would be fearlessly raised in its favour; but he would not anticipate the arrival of that period at which so painful an exertion would be imposed on the British parliament. He disapproved of the manner in which the colonial assemblies had been spoken of. If there was any idea of making use of them, it was not well that they should be treated with so much contempt. If such a thought had been entertained, so much pains ought not to have been taken to degrade them. It was an unwise preface to an attempt to induce them to carry into effect the wishes of that House, to tell them, "We distrust your motives, we have no confidence in your ability, and we suspect your honesty. This might be said of the colonial assemblies when they had been tried, and when it was found they deserved such language; but at present it was as unwise, as it was inequitable. He could easily conceive a man might stand up in the assembly of Jamaica, and ridicule our laws for the punishment of homicide, with as much effect as the law of Barbadoes had been ridiculed by the hon. and learned gentleman. He thought the colonial assembly had no intention to evade the enactment of a law against surrendering a slave; it was as idle for us to object to their enactment, because it was not precisely similar to our own, as it would be for them to say that our indictments were faulty, because it could not be proved that a man was instigated by the devil. Killing from bloody-mindedness, without provocation, might mean as much as the words " moved by the instigation of the devil;" and be not less efficient to punish that crime, an abhorrence of which was not confined to Europe or to America, to one country or to another, but was known in every land and in every climate to be implanted by God and Nature in the human mind. The objection seemed of a special pleading nature. He did not say the late disturbances in the West Indies had been caused by the registry bill, but he could not think, as a penal visitation, that it ought to be resorted to. From all the information he had been able to obtain, he did not believe an illicit traffic in slaves had been carried on in Jamaica. He could not therefore consent to punish a crime, which he did not believe to have been committed, though he could approve of the provisions which the bill contained for preventing an illicit traffic, and for ameliorating the condition of the slave. He had known in some cases instances of obstinacy in the colonial assemblies, which left that House no choice but direct interference. Such conduct might now call for such an exertion on the part of the British parliament; but all that he pleaded for was, that time should be granted to see if the colonial assemblies would take upon themselves to do what that House was pleased to declare should be done. The present address could not be misunderstood. It told the colonial assemblies, "you are safe for the present from the interference of the British parliament, on the belief that, left to yourselves, you will do what is required of you." To hold this Language was sufficient. The assemblies might be left to infer the consequences of refusal, and parliament might rest satisfied with the consciousness that they held in their hands the means of accomplishing that which they had purposed. He again recommended to his hon. friend the course which had been pointed out to him, confident that it would answer every purpose, and that conciliation would obtain for us all that could be desired, and save us from a crisis, of which, though he did not fear the danger, he deprecated the experiment.

did not consider it to be of much importance, whether the address was voted, in the first instance, or the motion for papers was agreed to first, and the address afterwards. The right hon. gentleman who spoke last had stated, that the effect of external regulation by the parliament of this country, ought not to be resorted to, till we had tried whether the colonial assemblies would not remedy the evils themselves. But had they not been fully tried? When lord Sea-forth was governor of Barbadoes, he had brought under his notice some crime that excited the highest indignation. The colonial assembly called the proposal to make it murder an insult upon them. A law had afterwards passed, but so worded as to make a conviction under it almost impossible: and the right hon. gentleman had justified it by asking, whether we had not in our indictments in this country, the words " seduced by the instigation of the devil," and whether it was ever required to be proved that the devil had come personally to instigate the man who had committed murder? The colonial assemblies instead of passing a law to prevent murder, had passed a law by which the most cruel punishment, extending to death, might be inflicted upon a negro for not going out of a room the instant his master ordered him, or for any the slightest provocation. If the murder was committed in any other way than out of mere wantonness, it was excused. As a lawyer, he maintained, that if a man was indicted for the murder of a negro under the colonial act, there was not the slightest provocation on the part of the deceased, that would not entitle the offender to be acquitted. Penal statutes were to be strictly considered; and it was necessary, to convict a person of murder under the colonial act, that there should be no provocation at all.

said:—I confess, Sir, it was not without astonishment that I heard the speech of the learned member (Mr. Brougham). That he should represent himself, and the gentlemen with whom he acts upon colonial questions, as calumniated! And by whom does he complain that this has been done, but by that very body on which has been heaped calumny upon calumny, by the learned gentleman himself and his friends; but to which, stigmatized and calumniated as it has been, I, for one, am not ashamed to avow that I belong. I was surprised, too, to hear with what levity that learned gentleman mentioned those horrible events which have recently occurred in Barbadoes [Hear, hear! from Mr. Brougham as dissenting]. Most assuredly, Sir, the learned member did speak in very light terms of the insurrection; he asked " what, after all, was the extent of the evil, falsely attributed by us to the introduction of the registry bill last sessions, but a riot, quickly suppressed, in which some two or three estates suffered?" Now, Sir, it has been said that this revolt, as well as the danger that exists of similar ones in other islands, has been provoked solely by our opposition to the proposed registration, and the publicity with which we have organized it. Sir, the bill was introduced into this House, and printed at the close of the last session, for the express purpose of giving the colonists an opportunity of considering it. Well, they regarded its enactments as a violent infringement of their rights, and as fatally subversive of their security. What then remained for them to do, but to express their decided opinion, and to adopt every measure within their power to prevent its passing into law? An hon. gentleman (Mr. Wilberforce), has brought forward, in fearful array, every argument that could be devised, in support of his innovations against the colonists. Amongst the most plausible is certainly that which he drew from the evidence taken at the bar of this House whilst the great question of abolition was under agitation, in which many of the planters asserted that whatever regulations might be framed to prevent the importation of African slaves would be nugatory. But, Sir, it will be in the consideration of the House, that the very subsistence of these persons was entwined with the existence of the colonies; and, such being the case, I apprehend it was to be expected that no statement, well founded or fallacious, would be withheld, that could have the remotest tendency to discourage an interference with the system to which they had been so long accustomed, and of which interference the result to them might be injurious. I can assure the hon. gentleman, that now that it is ascertained that there was no cause for those alarms, and that the slave trade is abolished, the colonists not only acquiesce in, but are ready to concur heart and hand, with the British parliament, in giving full efficacy to this law of the empire.—The hon. member has laid great stress upon the statement he has drawn from the Jamaica slave returns, under the poll-tax for 1811. Sir, I was in that island in the years 1810 and 1811; and am prepared to declare, upon my honour, my full conviction, that not even a single negro, much less 16,000 as he contends, were introduced into it during that period. Such were my facilities of information, that I must have heard of an illicit importation, had such existed, besides which, I sedulously sought every means of ascertaining the fact. Indeed, one of the principal objects I had in view, that of increasing, by purchase, the number of slaves upon the properties in which I am interested, would have brought it within my cognizance. Sir, the mode of treating the slaves too, at least I can speak with reference to Jamaica, has been most unfairly represented. I am, to the full, as much an advocate for their moral improvement, and the increase of their comforts, as the hon. member. I do not say that much does not remain to be done; although, Sir, much has already been done towards ameliorating their situation. But really, gentlemen cannot form any idea of it, as it actually exists, from the false colouring with which it has been sketched within these walls. I can, with confidence, call upon all who have been eye-witnesses of their treatment, and I will direct my appeal to the gallant officers of either service, whose professional duties have ever sent them to that colony. Surely, Sir, it is no light circumstance, that the assiduously-spread misrepresentations of us proceeds from those who have never been upon the spot, while our vindication is unanimously undertaken by all who have been among us. It is impossible, Sir, to separate the Barbadoes insurrection, and the introduction of the registry bill. Yet the learned gentleman ridicules the idea of connecting them; triumphantly observing that my hon. friend has, in lieu of a body of evidence to establish his case, produced three letters, of which one, forsooth, was "from a right hon. speaker of a house of assembly of another island." Sir, I can tell him that my hon. friend's reluctance to intrude upon the patience of the House, alone prevented him from producing volumes of letters, all referring that lamentable event to the same cause. We have heard from the noble secretary, that the official information received by ministers coincides. But for the lateness of the hour, I would read to the House a letter which I now hold in my hand, written from Jamaica, not from an anonymous correspondent, or from one I will decline to name, satisfied as I am that every thing proceeding from the pen of Mr. John Shand, relative to the colonies, must have weight. The description he gives of the impression created on the minds of the negroes by this very bill, and the consequences to be dreaded, is truly frightful; and he says, that it is only by an unequivocal declaration that the parliament and government of Great Britain entertain no ideas of emancipation, and that they mean to leave the internal regulation of the colony to those by whom it had been so long conducted, that Jamaica has a chance of escaping destruction.—Much obloquy has been thrown upon the colonial assemblies: during the period I have before alluded to, I had the honour of being a member of that of Jamaica, and I should act an unmanly part were I to flinch from raising my voice, however humble a one, in its defence. Sir, I found it composed of gentlemen diverting for a certain portion of the year, their attention from their own more immediate concerns to those of the public (and that without possible individual advantage, for neither place nor pension are there attainable), with an alacrity and zeal equally creditable to themselves and beneficial to the colony. Among them, were those whose abilities, loyalty, and humanity too, romantic as it may appear to some hon. gentlemen, place them upon a par with any, however conspicuous for those virtues; and I can asure this House, that their mode of doing business would not be disparaged by a comparison with even its own.

supported the address.

said, that at that late hour of the night, his regard to the convenience of the House would preclude him from entering into a discussion on the question, which he considered to be of vital importance to the interests of the kingdom. He was desirous, however, to put the House in possession of the sentiments expressed in a letter addressed to himself, and which had come to his hands only a few hours before the debate began. It was written by a gentleman in a high legal situation in the West Indies. The letter was dated 4th May last:—" Pray tell Mr. Wilberforce," says the writer, "that until the negroes heard of the registry bill, and Mr. Stephen's book, which they call A Report of the African Society, I slept with doors and windows open; but now, although under the guns of a fort, I have loaded pistols at the side of my bed every night. In short, the measure, whatever may be the result in England, has already done more to check the progressive improvement of the state of slavery, than the society can remedy in twenty years."

replied; after which Mr. Pallmer's address was agreed to nem. con. Mr. Wilberforce then produced again the motion he had withdrawn. It was agreed to; as was a motion from Mr. Canning for a copy of the report of the assembly of Jamaica.