said:—Sir, in rising to move the order of the day, for a committee of the whole House to take into consideration the Message of his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, respecting the intended marriages of some of his royal brothers, it may perhaps be convenient to state to the House the course which is meant to be adopted in that committee. It is intended that the resolutions which I had the honour of submitting last night, should be followed up on the present evening; but before the report of the committee is brought up, I wish to state to the House one or two circumstances connected with it. In the observations which I addressed to the House last night, I mentioned, that: the proposed grants had been reduced to the lowest possible scale on which they could be made, consistently with the rank and dignity of the illustrious personages for whom they were intended. When his majesty's ministers on a former evening discovered, the sense of the House as far as it could then be known upon the subject of these grants, they felt it their duty to make the most minute inquiry into them, and after a diligent examination, and after having consulted those who were well acquainted with such matterss they come to the determination of reducing, them to those sums which I had the honour of submitting. In the first of, these, that to the duke of Clarence, the House conceived, that a farther reduction might be made, and they therefore made it. To that decision of course his majesty's ministers must bow. Having been, sir, the organ of these communications to the House, it will, I trust, feel, that I should, not have performed my duty if I had not informed his Royal Highness the duke of Clarence of the resolution to which the House had come. I therefore took an opportunity this morning of communicating the matter to his royal highness; and here, Sir, I beg to say, that I should not be doing justice to his royal highness, if I omitted to state, that in receiving this communication, and in the observations which he made to me upon the subject, he seemed impressed with sentiments of the highest respect for the decision of the House. But as his acceptance of any provision which might be voted for him would necessarily imply an obligation to maintain an establishment such as would be required by his situation in this country after his marriage, and as his royal highness is thoroughly convinced that he could not undertake to maintain such an establishment with the sum proposed, without the certainty of incurring embarrassments from which he would have no means of extricating himself,, his royal, highness deems it incumbent upon him, in this stage of the proceedings, to author rize me to declare, with the utmost deference to the opinion of the committee of the whole House, that he feels himself compelled to decline availing, himself oh the provision intended for him. His majesty's ministers feel waranted in saying,; that the sum which, they proposed was the least which, under the circumstances could be offered; and they, therefore, after due consideration, think that the reason for the non-acceptance of the grant on the part of his royal highness is well grounded, I have thought it my duty to state these circumstances to the House, that they may decide in what manner the report of the committed should be disposed of.—The noble lord concluded by moving the order of the day for the House resolving itself in to the committee.—The House having accordingly resolved itself into the committee.

said, that the part of the message to which he wished to call the attention of the committee, was that which related to the marriage of his royal highness the duke of Cambridge. After the attention which the House had given to his detailed observations on the subject of a provision for this illustrious member of the royal family, he did not think it necessary now to occupy the time of the House by a repetition of them. He would merely move the resolution for the grant, reserving to himself the right of giving any explanation or statement which might be necessary. He then moved, "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that his majesty be enabled to grant an additional yearly sum of money out of the consolidated fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, not exceeding the sum of 6,000l., to make a suitable provision for his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, upon his marriage."

said, that the last debate had been confined almost entirely to the consideration of the proposed grant to the duke of Clarence. It would now appear from the conduct of the noble/lord, that because the House had thought fit to reduce the proposed grant to that royal personage to 6,000l. a year, that ministers thought the next grant might be moved as a matter of course, and that nothing more was necessary than to name one of the younger princes, to entitle him to 6,000l. a year But for his own part, he would say that even if he stood alone, he felt it incumbent upon him, as a guardian of the public purse, to object to proposals thus made—to grants brought forward not one by one, and each on its own circumstances, but in a mass, and as parts of a system. He objected to this lumping proceeding, which went, upon nothing less than the broad principle, that all the members of the royal family who were disposed to contract marriages, should have a large addition to their already splendid allowances. No one could lament more than he did, the afflicting and irreparable loss which had interrupted the direct succession. The more they reflected on it, and the longer time they had to think on it, the more deeply would it be impressed on their minds; and he was certain, that if any thing could make the grief of the nation more poignant,. if would be the manner in which these wholesale grants had been proposed to other members of that illustrious house: It was painful to make any observations on the character or conduct of particular members of the royal house, whose situation and character were so eminently connected with the security and the happiness of the monarchy; He should, therefore, pass over that subject swiftly; but he could not avoid to add, that the propositions of the grants to their royal highnesses the dukes of Clarence and Cumberland, must tend to impress still more on their minds the lamented decease of the princess Charlotte, and to strengthen their feelings and recollections of the evils of her loss.

He admitted, that it was highly expedient that facilities should be afforded to the marriage of the princes of the royal family; and if there was an absolute necessity for these provisions, for the purpose of continuing the succession in the family of those princes who had been born and educated in this country; if it could be proved, that no member of the royal family would contract a marriage without some allowance from parliament, he should vote for the lowest possible sum which would be sufficient. If he was satisfied that no other but the youngest of the princes of the royal family could contract a marriage, and that without an allowance it would be impossible for him to contract it, his objection would be nearly, or entirely got rid of. But if the principle was applicable to all the princes, why pass on to the youngest and leave one royal duke out, whose character stood so eminent, whose public conduct was so excellent, and who had so particularly distinguished himself by the measures he had taken for relieving himself from those in-cumbrances which he believed could not be considered as imputable to himself? The duke of Kent had already been mentioned. His private character was unimpeached, and his public conduct entitled him to the just esteem of all who knew him. The recent measures which that royal duke had adopted, and to which he should not have alluded, but that they had been already mentioned, and which promised to liberate his income in a short time from the difficulties in which by accidental circumstances it had been involved, rendered him still more worthy of regard. The duke, of Clarence had informed the House, in terms of great respect, that he could not accept of the proffered allowance. A right hon. gentle man had last night told them that in the proposed marriage, his royal highness would have made great sacrifices of pri- vate feeling—that he only felt what was required from him by his duty to the monarchy of which he formed so distinguished a part, and that he had overcome all objections of a private nature. That repugnance was now no longer to be got over; the insufficiency in his Royal Highness's opinion, of the parliamentary allowance, added to his former objections, left no hope of his marriage. But why, all at once, did the noble lord proceed to the youngest of the sons of the royal family, except for the purpose of establishing the principle, that an addition of 6,000l. a year should be granted to each of those who choose to enter into the married state? In behalf of the duke of Cumberland, although his Royal Highness was already married, it would, of course, be contended, that it would be unjust to make an exception, and to refuse to the elder what was granted to the younger brother. If the principle was to apply generally, why make any exceptions? The duke of Sussex's character was unimpeachable, and in his meritorious conduct he had gone farther than the duke of Kent, having given up nearly all his income to liquidate embarrassments, while he had not the advantages possessed by the other royal dukes. The duke of Kent had the governorship of the garrison of Gibraltar, and had a regiment worth 1,500l. a year. The duke of Clarence, he believed, had 2,500l. a year under a warrant of the privy seal. The duke of Sussex had no allowance from any of these sources—he had only his parliamentary income at one time of 12,000l. and afterwards of 18,000l. a year, and this allowance he had a year later than the duke of Cambridge, though he was a year older. The duke of Cambridge, in addition to this, previously to his marriage, had a table kept for him in the palace, and was thus prevented from coming to his allowance with a heavy arrear of debt, as his royal brother was obliged to do. Much had been said of the private affairs of the duke of Cambridge, and viewing, as he did, economy, not only as meritorious, but as a virtue (and if not a virtue, the most rigid moralist would allow it to be the parent of many virtues), he should offer to his Royal Highness the tribute of his admiration. But his royal highness the duke of Cambridge had practised it in circumstances which made that virtue comparatively easy. He had his allowances earlies than his royal brother, the duke of Sussex, and had not come to it with that unavoidable: arrear of debt, He had a large military income, and in Han over he had an income which had been stated at 6,000l. a year; besides a town and country house, a shooting seat, with the use of the king's stables and servants. Whether or not he had a table kept up besides his income of 6,000l. a year, or whether that expense was included in it, he was uncertain. Thus over and above his personal and household expenses and his military income he had 18,000l a year from this country, which might be allowed to accumulate, and he believed that, in fact, it did so accumulate, and that large sums were vested by his Royal Highness in the funds of the country. He meant nothing invidious towards the royal family: he spoke on the principle of the proposed measure; and he was justified in saying, that while the House would not hesitate to vote some allowance to those members of the royal family whom it was desirable to see married, and who would not be enabled otherwise to contract marriages, so they were bound by their duty to their constituents to refuse grants to those to whom they were not necessary. They were bound in consistency to refuse them. In consistency, he said, because having refused to give 10,000l. to the duke of Clarence on the ground that it was not absolutely necessary, why should they grant 6,000l. a year to the duke of Cambridge, which was admitted not to be necessary? In voting, therefore, a sum to that illustrious person, they were only squandering the money of the public to pay an idle, but not on that account a less ex pensive compliment. If the noble lode", therefore, could not assert that without this allowance his Royal Highness's private and public income would not enable him to marry, he should give the motion his negative altogether.

Funds had been adverted to (the Windsor establishment), from which these allowances might with propriety be sup plied. But there were other funds; he meant the private funds of the heads of that illustrious house. On the malady of the king, commissioners were appointed to manage the private fortune of his majesty, and it was once proposed (although the proposition was afterwards withdrawn) that salaries of 1,000l, a year should be paid to them from that source. This assumed, that those funds were ample. It was also understood that her majesty had very considerable property. He hoped the committee would not think him actuated by a disposition to pry into the affairs of the royal family. He meant no such thing, nor did he intend anything like disrespect: but when they heard of the difficulties of some of the nearest and dearest relatives of the heads of the royal family, it seemed to be natural, that those who had large incomes, and property saved by a wise practice of economy, should furnish at least a part of the assistance wanted. He was sure he only spoke the sense of the House and the country when he suggested that the course of proceeding which he recommended would show that the highest individuals in the country had a fellow feeling in the public distress, and entertained a generous sympathy for a people distinguished by such constant loyalty, attachment, and regard. They were wisely exempted from all share in the public burthens, and as that storm was blown over, which they, as well as the people, were interested in escaping, they might now take an opportunity to relieve the burthens of the nation by dispensing to the less fortunate branches of their family that abundance which was enjoyed by those who were more favoured, or even more provident. He confessed it was not the amount which chiefly arrested his attention. He considered the principle more important still. It was not so much whether 6,000l. more should be voted, as whether any thing should be voted which was not necessary. Their respect and delicacy would be misplaced, and he would say childish, not only if 6,000l., but if sixpence more than was necessary should be voted. It was highly deserving of reprobation, that the people should be incumbered with the payment of any thing not indispensably required—that a people so well known for their patience, for all their burthens cheerfully borne, and for an indisposition to grumble at those burthens as long as they were not to be avoided. Let not that people be told that they were clamorous, if they objected to pay what was then demanded, after they had paid millions without a murmur when they felt it to be necessary to do so. There was no greater enemy to the people, no falser friend to the royal family, than he, who abandoning his duty to his constituents would persuade parliament to put a negative upon, or not voluntarily to comply with, the expressed sense of the people. The cry of economy, had gone forth from one end of the kingdom to the other; and if one kind was more loudly called for than another, it was that particularly connected with the princes of the royal house. As to personal qualifications, where the question was as to the grant of public money to the family on the throne, they were not fit subjects of debate. The means of the individuals to support their station, and not their personal character, should be looked to. If the sum was granted to the duke of Cambridge, he did not see how it could be refused to the duke of Cumberland. What he was in his public, what he was in his private character, did not matter to the House. He knew nothing of the duke of Cumberland in his private character: in his public character, he thought he had acted erroneously. He considered him as having, been a party to a gross political intrigue. But when it was asked, whether, on that account, he should remain in a state of degraded poverty, while large grants were made to his brothers, he should reply that, in consistency, parliament could not suffer it. No man should think that he was an enemy to the consolidation of the monarchy by refusing this motion. In the spirit of the times, and the temper of men's minds, there was growing more and more, a determination, deep-rooted, fixed, and immoveable, that the people would have economy. And if one part of the public extravagance was more personally odious and offensive than another, it was improvident and useless grants to the members of the royal family. Let the succession be maintained by all fair (and fair because necessary) means. One of the illustrious men who was now regarded, only as the greatest poet, though he was also one of the firmest, though often misrepresented friends of liberty, had said that he preferred a republic to a monarchy because the trappings of a monarchy would set up a commonwealth In this he presumed to differ from him, and to think that he took too narrow, a view of the question; for he (Mr. B.) preferred a monarchy, with all its trappings;, but it was on the condition, that they should be cut down to the lowest amount, consistently with the safety of the monarchy it, self. But he was no true friend to royalty who attempted to draw off veneration from the fabrick of the monarchy to its extrinsic ornaments, and, by accumulating expense, to assist to persuade the people that other forms of government were better, because they were cheaper. That member would do his duty, first to the people, because they were the first concerned, and next to the family on the throne, who voted all that was absolutely necessary to preserve the succession, but not one farthing more.

said, he felt himself called upon by the observations of the hon. and learned gentleman who had just sat down, to say a few words, and he would compress what he had to say in the shortest possible compass. Notwithstanding the provocations thrown out by the hon. and learned gentleman by the tone of every part of his speech, he would endeavour to meet his remarks in that temperate manner which was desirable in every discussion, but especially where the subject was such as that now before the committee. Before he applied himself to the matter of the hon. and learned gentleman's speech, he could not avoid calling the attention of the House to that part of it from which (if the hon. and learned gentleman had not concluded that part of his subject, by saying that he would not make any invidious comparisons between the members of the royal family), he should have supposed that the obvious intention of the hon. and learned gentleman was, to make his speech the vehicle of invidious reflections and invidious comparisons between the members of the royal family. The hon. and learned gentleman set out with saying, that the subject was one of great delicacy; but he had hardly gone through his first sentence before he broadly insinuated that one of his objections to the proposal was, that it obliged him to pronounce on the characters of two members of the royal family. When the hon. and learned gentleman professed to be a friend to the royal family as a. member of parliament, he (lord C.) was bound to believe him; but he must say, that if there was any course calculated above all others to inspire into the minds of the people a feeling of disgust towards the royal family, it was that which the hon. and learned gentleman had pursued. Such reflections operated in concert with the poison so industriously disseminated out of doors. There was no proceeding better adapted to such purposes than throwing out reflections without assigning any ground, public or private, on which they were founded: than casting insinuations on persons who were known not to be within the walls of that House, and who consequently were unable to defend themselves. He would put it to the House to decide what could be thought of the insinuations of the hon. gentleman; he would put it to them to say, what the illustrious personages in question must feel on such an occasion. The hon. and learned gentleman regretted that the House had not been called upon to dispose of the question of a provision for each of the royal dukes, on the individual merits of each case. What was there to prevent the House from deciding each case on its individual merits? Was not each case distinct and separate—the subject of a separate motion, and separately discussed? In short it was not the fact, as had been represented by the hon. and learned gentleman, that the House was called upon to decide the cases in the lump. No lumping or general vote had been proposed; on the contrary, every question was a subject of special motion, and every single proposition was open to the decision of the House, like other motions; therefore all the objections on that ground were at once dismissed. He could not conceive any thing more humiliating to the illustrious persons concerned, or more derogatory to the dignity due to the royal family, and more painful to the House, than that the extraordinary principle of the hon. and learned gentleman should be acted upon. He (lord C.) trusted that the House would never sanction that principle—that noble personages in the same situation as his royal highness, should be called on, whenever they wanted an addition to their establishment for such a purpose, to come forward with a statement of their affairs, and plead in forma pauperis He could not conceive any thing so painful to the House as that any members of the royal family should be compelled to make solicitations for provisions upon those grounds. According to the hon. and learned gentleman's principle, when a marriage in the royal family happened to be desirable, from any circumstances, with a view to perpetuating the succession in the reigning family, the course to be pursued would be to search and pick out that prince who would be willing to marry on the lowest terms; and on the same principle any member of the family, however low or remote, provided he was lineally, or collaterally in the line of descent, if willing to marry with a less provision than another member of the family nearer in point of succession, the cheapness of the rate, the lowness of the provision which he would agree to accept, and not the propinquity to the throne, or any other circumstance was to be the ground of preference. Whatever the hon. and learned gentleman might think, or whatever he might say, with whatever object, he was persuaded that neither the House nor the country could ever agree to so monstrous a proposition.—Although he agreed with the hon. and learned gentleman that no desire was so strong in the House and throughout the country as that of enforcing a rigid economy, in his conscience he must acquit the people of England of harbouring any principle of economy so contemptible as that which the hon. and learned gentleman had attributed to them; and in attributing which he had passed a libel both on the House and on the country. The hon. and learned gentleman affected to see no reason why the proposal for the duke of Cambridge should precede that for the duke of Kent. Was not the hon. and learned gentleman aware that there was not at present any proposal for the marriage of the duke of Kent? And yet the on and learned gentleman insinuated that because the proposal for the marriage of the duke of Kent did not come first, therefore, there was some indisposition on the part of the Prince Regentto the marriage of the duke of Kent. Nothing could be more unfounded than this. There was no such indisposition; but the marriage of the duke of Kent was not at present intended. He expressed his hope and confidence that the House would take a very different view of the revenue derived by the royal duke alluded to, from his appointment in Hanover from, that which the hon. and learned gentleman was so anxious to recommend, To argue, indeed, that any such revenue, or any casual revenue, should form a ground for diminishing the allowance proper to be granted to a member of our royal family, would be quite inconsiderate and unjust. Would the House countenance the idea that no member of the royal family should have his due reward for any appointment which he accepted at home or abroad? Would it be argued, for instance, that if any son of the king, were appointed commander in chief of an army upon the continent, his royal highness should be precluded from the usual emoluments of the station, or that his acceptance of such emoluments should deprive him of any part of his proper revenue, in this country Surely parliament would never allow such homage to the talent or character of one of our princes, as so high an appointment would imply, to be used as an argument to abridge his proper allowance as a member of our royal family. This, indeed he could not think possible, for it never could be the inclination of a British parliament to extinguish all exertions and emulation among those very persons whose merits it was the peculiar interest of the country to encourage and illustrate. The situation of chief governor or viceroy of Hanover, he could assert was reluctantly accepted by the duke of Cambridge on the strong persuasion of his illustrious brother, and was only to be deemed a temporary appointment; from which he might withdraw whenever he might consider it convenient. He would put it to the hon. and learned gentleman, whether there ought to be any objection to the provision, on the ground of that temporary situation. The advisers of the Crown had felt themselves called on in pursuance and in furtherance of that great public principle, that nothing should be left undone that could secure to the country a succession to the Crown of that great House which had been so long the guardians of their liberties. On these grounds he felt himself bound to press the present motion, taking as a rule the sum which the House had thought proper to vote for the duke of Clarence: and he must repeat his hope, that the House would not allow its decision to be influenced by the hon. and learned gentleman's partial views of economy.

observed, that nothing but the situation in which the noble lord's mind was placed by what passed yesterday and the day before, could account for the remarks which he had thought proper to make with regard to what had fallen from him. A very ill-natured thing might be said in the coolest manner possible, but the noble lord was in rather an unusual and unpleasant condition, and the temper to which it gave birth, could extenuate only, for nothing could justify such observations as he had applied to his sentiments, for the noble lord had directly imputed to him an endeavour to run down and vilify the royal family. That the noble lord thought so, he was bound to believe, or he would not have said so. But he would appeal to the House, or to any one who had heard him in a proper temper whether his language could be so characterised with any degree of justice? He thought it would be admitted that his language had no such tendency; and sure he was that he entertained no such intention as was imputed to him by the noble lord. No man could have expressed himself more temperately or guardedly than he had done. He had been surprised and astonished as to what part of his speech bore the construction given to it by the noble lord; but after consulting with several of his friends, he concluded that the part of his speech to which the noble lord referred was, where he noticed the melancholy death of the princess Charlotte; but he did not upon that occasion enter into any invidious comparison with any other member of the royal family, and for this he appealed to the recollection of the House. He had, indeed, no disposition whatever to speak disrespectfully of the royal family. On the contrary, he did not enter into the consideration of the private character of any of the princes alluded to in the opinions which he had expressed on the vote which he meant to deliver upon this subject. His argument had gone no farther than to condemn extravagant provisions. The only question, which, in his view, the House had to decide was, whether it was necessary and proper to grant the sums required and upon this question his decision was in the negative. Nothing but the ruffled temper occasioned by what had passed on Monday and last night could have prevented any man of ordinary capacity from perceiving what was his meaning.

agreed with the hon. and learned gentleman respecting the necessity of good temper and good humour, and hoped the hon. and learned gentleman would always carry on his observations in the spirit which he recommended. He must observe, however, that the hon. And learned gentleman was quite mistaken in attributing any disturbed temper to him, as he was in perfect good humour when he heard and remarked upon the speech of the hon, and learned gentleman. His interpretation of the hon. and learned gentleman's language was, he could confidently say, not at all attributable temper, for that interpretation was the same as many others around him had made; therefore, he must conclude, that if the hon. and learned gentleman meant to speak respectfully of the royal family, he had very unhappily executed his purpose; and he hoped the hon. and learned gentleman would be rather more explicit in future. He could not help repeating his conception, that the hon. gentleman had spoken disrespectfully of two of the royal dukes.

denied that he had so spoken. He had never either said or meant any such thing; and the noble lord must have been dreaming, when he formed the conception which he had expressed.

, in allusion to the charges against those who opposed the grants demanded, of having shown disrespect to the royal family, contended, that more indignity was thrown upon the royal family by the pernicious advice of the noble lord and his colleagues, than they had Suffered for centuries before. It was easy to discriminate who were the real friends of the royal family—those who would not allow the character of royalty itself to suffer in the country by exposing extravagant demands, or those who would diminish the public affection for royalty, by pressing for an unnecessary augmentation of the public burthens, under the specious pretence of maintaining the splendor of the royal family. Those who opposed the noble lord's propositions, were accused of being lukewarm to the succession to the throne, because they endeavoured to diminish and pare down extravagant sums, required from resources already exhausted. The best mode of perpetuating this succession to the throne was, by preserving the affections of the people; and by anxiously endeavouring to abstain from; imposing unnecessary burthens and unnecessary duties. It was the promise of such a disposition that had created so strong an affection for the late princess "Charlotte, an affection which manifested itself unequivocally in the universal lamentation for her death. But the language of ministers, with respect to the proposed marriages of the royal dukes, was as unbecoming as their conduct in pressing for an unnecessary increase of the public expenditure. The noble lord and his right honourable colleague, had indeed talked of those marriages as if they were mere Dutch contracts. What had occurred upon this occasion, through the independence of several of the respectable members of that House, had, he was glad to see, operated very much to attach the; people to their representatives; but ministers deserved universal execration (and he could use no other word) for endeavouring thus to make the succession to the Crown a grievance to the people.

said, that the burthens of the country were so great, that nothing short of the utmost necessity could justify any addition to them. It was painful to find it necessary to exercise economy at the expense of the royal family, but such was the state of the country, that every shilling that could, with propriety, be saved, ought to be so. This was humiliating and distressing; but the displeasure of the House, of the country, and of the royal family, ought to fall upon the authors of this evil—upon those who, by their wars, their waste, and their extravagance, had ruined the resources of the nation. After full experience of the embarrassments of the country, economy was not practised. Up to this moment, economy had never yet been acted upon. The House had, in one instance, proved itself to be alive to the situation of the country, and he hoped it would continue to show that it was in earnest. If the individual for whom a provision was demanded had enjoyed no other income than what had been granted out of the consolidated fund, he (Mr. C.) might not have objected to the present vote. But he thought that the large sum which his royal highness received from Hanover, should be taken into consideration. Should that illustrious person be removed from the situation which he held in that kingdom, and should an application like the present be then made, he had no doubt that it would be successful. As the case now stood, he should vote against the motion. But although he felt it his duty to oppose the present motion, he should nevertheless be disposed, in the event of the marriage of his royal highness, to vote for the grant to his royal consort of a dower of 6,000l. a year.

said, that if it were admitted, and it could scarcely be denied, that some additional expense must be incurred in the establishment of any individual upon his marriage, he could not but think the present as moderate a sum as could be required on the marriage of the illustrious person alluded to. As to the revenue of the duke of Cambridge in Hanover he knew nothing of that revenue, and he thought that the House had nothing to do with Hanover. It was never, indeed, the habit of parliament to meddle in the concerns of Hanover, and he believed that we should rather lose than gain by any connexion with the affairs of that country. He did not wish to enter farther into this subject, but it could not fairly affect the question now before the House. Excluding, therefore, this subject from his consideration, he did think that an addition of 6,000l. ought to be given to the royal duke upon his marriage. With regard to the comments which had been made upon the terms in which the proposed marriages had been spoken of by his noble friend and others, those terms were in fact the natural effect of the act of George 3rd, which restricted the marriages of the royal family. It was, indeed, the inevitable result of the act alluded to, that royal marriages should be contracted in the way remarked upon. That act he did not think wise or salutary. It precluded the several branches of the royal family from entertaining the best feelings, and from forming connexions which would at once promote their happiness and guarantee their virtue. It seemed to imply, that they could be rendered better political characters by being worse men, which was one of the most mistaken notions, as well as the most immoral of public doctrines. For himself he must say, that he could not conceive why a British prince could be rendered more politically efficient by being less morally free, or that compelling him to marry a foreign princess, whom perhaps he never saw, was more wise than leaving him to select a wife in his native country according to his own inclinations. It was true, that any of the royal family, on coming to the age of 25, might form an attachment like other men, and declare his intention of marriage, and if no objection should be made for 12 months the marriage might be accomplished. But notwithstanding this power, the act operated most prejudicially to the happiness of the royal family, and to the interests of the country. For his part he should rejoice to see our princes married to English women, because he wished to have the successor to the throne always resident, and educated in England according to English principles and manners. As to the allusion made to the character of the princes, he agreed that we had no right to enter into the discussion of any man's private character. But yet it was impossible to suppress what we saw, and felt, and thought, and we had had a signal cause of contrast between the marriage of the heart, and a union according to the marriage act, he meant in the union of the princess Charlotte and prince Leopold. It was on this account especially that the princess Charlotte and the excellent man of her choice, were so much endeared to the nation. On the same ground was placed the public esteem and attachment for the duke of Gloucester and his illustrious consort. The merits of the dukes of Kent and Sussex were also universally felt. In adverting to the character of those illustrious persons, he did not mean to make invidious allusions to others, of whose merit, indeed, he could not speak, as he did not know them. But the conduct of the dukes of Kent and Sussex in devoting their time, in rendering their rank and influence subservient to purposes of charity and instruction, was such as to conciliate universal praise. It were to be wished that other princes, especially on the continent, would imitate such illustrious examples. For such imitation would serve to diminish the glare generally attending royalty, and render it a genial light, cheering to all. Princes would thus contribute to their own best interests, by promoting the happiness, and consequently securing the gratitude and esteem of the people. On the whole, he thought that ministers had upon this occasion brought forward a very moderate demand, which the finances of the country could easily afford to meet, and so small a sum could not surely be withheld from the royal duke on his entering into a marriage which would be to his own honour, and to his country's advantage. There was a moderation and sobriety in the proposed grant, which equally consulted the state of the country, and the splendor of the Crown. His noble friend on a former occasion was to blame for having left out of view the finances of the country. But now he had no doubt the House would indulge a feeling natural to them by granting the sum required: 6,000l. was a sum nearer his idea of what was due to the splendor of the Crown, as well as more suited to the state of the country, than 10,000l. He was far from thinking that extravagant splendor increased the respect of the people; but the several branches of the royal family ought to live in comfort; they ought to be supported according to the rank they held in society. No extravagant expenses ought to be encouraged, but no parsimony ought to be imposed. They ought to have no invidious distinction from their mode of living. By a dignified and suitable style of living, they best consulted their own happiness, and the liberty, honour, and prosperity of the country. As necessary on these considerations, he should vote for the grant of 6,000l. to the duke of Cambridge.

thought the House was bound to ascertain the state of our finances, before it assented to the present proposition. He agreed with the noble lord, that it was not becoming on our part to inquire into the external revenue of any of our princes, but he could not think the noble lord had made out a case to show that the royal duke, to whom the motion referred, had not sufficient means, from his revenues in this country, to maintain the proper splendor of his station, without any addition to the burthens of the people, and therefore he felt himself bound to vote for the amendment. The noble lord had contended, that the House ought not to inquire into the income of the royal duke in Hanover; he concurred with him in that, but the House ought to inquire whether the sum demanded was to be expended in England or in Hanover. He would, however, support a proposition for granting a jointure of 6,000l. a year to the duchess of Cambridge.

declared, that if he were to indulge his private feelings, he should promptly vote in favour of the present proposition, for he had the honour of knowing, and he most cordially regarded, the duke of Cambridge. But he apprehended that if he deserted his duty in one case, the House would not trust him in others. He had pledged himself on the side of economy, and he must follow up that course. In his opinion the noble lord had failed to make out the necessity of such a vote as that he proposed, and the whole question depended upon the necessity of the case. Their votes in that House ought to be measured, not by the distress of the royal dukes, but by their own; and their own distress compelled them to expend not one farthing more than was necessary. The noble lord and others professed to think that 6,000l. a year was a very moderate sum, if not insignificant, according to the state of our finances. Certainly this sum was insignificant according to the rate of our expenditure, but how it was to be regarded with relation to our finances, we were yet to learn, What was the state of our finances we could not as yet precisely tell. But appearances were by no means encouraging, and it was for the House to decide this question, not according to the alleged wants of the royal duke alluded to, but according to those of the country. In speaking thus of a prince, compared to the people, he hoped the noble lord would not play off the same game with regard to him, that he had done against his hon. and learned friend; but he could not agree to the doctrine, that the revenue of the duke of Cambridge in Hanover should be excluded from consideration in this case; for, if the royal duke had an establishment in that country, fully sufficient to maintain the splendor of royalty, that, in his conception, formed a strong argument against the proposed grant; and he happened to know, from as good an authority as the noble lord himself, that such was the fact. It happened, indeed, to come to his knowledge, about two years ago, from the most authentic source, that the viceroy or chief governor of Hanover had all the means under his own control that could be required to supply his wants, or to maintain his dignity. There was, in fact, no civil list in Hanover to limit the wishes of the duke of Cambridge. His royal highness could, therefore, command whatever he desired. No fixed sum was allowed to him in that country, but all his expenditure was paid, and money was in addition put into his purse. He also knew, from authority as good as the noble lord's, that money was of much greater value in that country than here. It followed then, that any pecuniary grant which that House might vote, would only afford his royal highness additional means of accumulating a private fortune.—The noble lord had said, that the proposed marriage of the duke of Cambridge had no view whatever to any grant of money; and he felt himself warranted to add, that his royal highness did not press for that grant. The noble lord was, in fact, much more anxious to establish the principle of making a certain grant to each of the royal dukes, upon their marriage, than the duke of Cambridge was for the adoption of the present motion. If the duke of Cambridge were to return from Hanover, to reside in this country with his duchess, and to require this grant, he, with others, would be ready to vote for it. But his royal highness, who was the youngest branch of the royal family, was very likely to reside many years in Hanover; and he would ask the House, whether, under such circumstances, combined with the state of the country, it was willing to vote a sum of money not for the support of the splendor of royalty in England, but to enable an individual to accumulate a private fortune in another country? It was, besides, to be recollected, that the present allowance to the duke of Cambridge—namely, 18,000l. a year was, in Hanover, fully equivalent to 30,000l. a year in this country. Upon what ground then could it be argued that the House should not go into a consideration of those things, before it consented to saddle any additional burthen upon the country? And why was he to be called upon to taint his vote of last night by voting for the noble lord's motion? But notwithstanding all that he had urged, if the noble lord would say that the proposed marriage could not take place unless this grant were acceded to, he would immediately vote for it—if not, he felt that he must vote against it. He repeated his disposition to vote, if required, for a grant to the amount proposed, upon the return of his royal highness to England, and concluded with expressing his intention, as the prince had but a life interest in his revenue from that country, to support the grant of an adequate jointure to his duchess.

animadverted upon the improper advice which ministers had given to the Prince Regent on this occasion, namely to apply to the people in their present distressed situation for a grant of money, and to keep the necessity, which could alone justify that application, entirely and studiously out of view.

felt it unnecessary to occupy the time of the House after the statements made by his noble friend. The income derived by the duke of Cambridge from Hanover ought to be entirely kept out of view, if it were known. But it was not known, and he had no means of giving information on the subject. He was, however, desirous of assuring the House, that the appointment of the duke of Cambridge abroad was any thing but a sinecure. The duties annexed to it were of a very laborious nature, and entitled the individual who discharged them to the full compensation that was provided. The royal duke was now about to contract a matrimonial alliance, not only with the approbation of the Crown, but with that of the House and of the country. He could not, therefore, imagine any occasion upon which the liberality of parliament could more properly be exercised; and he was sure that it could not be the wish of any hon. member, that in order to justify the proposed grant, a previous message should be sent from the Crown, announcing that his royal highness had resigned the government of Hanover.

said, he did, in his conscience, believe, that the present case was brought forward, out of its turn, merely to make another, to which parliament had objected, which that House had marked with its disapprobation, go down more smoothly. The noble lord had charged an hon. and learned gentleman with entering into comparisons, which he deprecated. But the noble lord should have recollected that he had himself introduced the practice of making comparisons into that House last night most unfairly, by an allusion to the duke and duchess of Gloucester—names never brought before that House or the country, without exciting the highest respect, entitled as those illustrious individuals were to the esteem and admiration of all ranks of society for their virtuous and exemplary conduct. No trait was more praiseworthy in their character, than the honesty with which they paid their bills, instead of running in debt every where—a practice, which might be advantageously followed elsewhere.

was anxious to trespass on the House for a few minutes, in order to state his sentiments on the subject under discussion. He felt it right to bear testimony to the justice of the observation of his hon. and learned friend, when he said that the noble lord had lumped these grants together. It was quite unnecessary to enter into general protestations of their love for the Protestant succession—of their desire to support the splendor of the royal family—since these were points that never could be indifferent either to the House or to the public.—He had listened to the statement of the noble lord with an earnest wish to hear some grounds on which to approve of this proposition; but he had heard none—and he could not in the conscientious discharge of his duty vote for it. The application of the noble lord rested on the abstract principle, independent of time or circumstances—that on the marriage of any individual connected with the Crown, his income should, of necessity, be increased. Where precedents were to be found for such a system, he knew not; and he was sure that nothing in reason or in justice could be discovered to sanction it. When the original grants were made to the royal dukes, he knew of no reference to celibacy—he understood that the provision was made for them, without any view to a single life—but leaving them free to marry or not to marry, as they pleased. If they married, arm an additional grant was demanded, he had no way of judging of the propriety of acceding to it, but by looking to the situation of those illustrious personages, and, at the same time, taking into consideration the ability of the country. There was undoubtedly an ability to pay 6,000l.—but there was also an ability to pay 20,000l.—and the principle might be pushed to any extent. This was the only way in which he could place the noble lord's view of the question before the House; for it did not appear to be bounded by any definitive limit. But surely they could not throw out of their consideration the provision which any of these illustrious individuals might possess, independent of parliamentary grants, when they were called on to vote them larger incomes. If the due maintenance of the splendor of this illustrious individual was the reason advanced to the House for increasing his income, was it not just, before he conceded the boon, that he should consider his circumstances? Seeing that the royal duke in question had already a certain provision in this country, and an ample one abroad, which merely went to the accumulation of his income, and was not necessary for the proper support of his dignity, he did not think, in the present state of the country, that they would discharge their duty to their constituents if they agreed to the proposition of the noble lord.

thought, that the chancellor of the exchequer had not, in his recommendation of this vote, sufficiently adverted to those difficulties of the country with which he must necessarily be well acquainted. He was far from being convinced by any thing that had fallen from him, that the motion deserved the approbation of the House, and he should therefore oppose it.

called upon the noble lord to state whether or not the alliance of marriage between the duke of Cambridge and the princess of Hesse would depend on the grant? By that answer his vote would be regulated.

said, he could not be supposed to be so acquainted with his royal highness's circumstances, as to give the answer required. In the state of doubt in which the hon. and learned baronet confessedly stood, the safer course would be to give his vote in favour of the grant [a laugh].

The committee then divided:

Lord Castlereagh then moved, "That a sum of 6,000l. per annum be settled upon her highness the princess of Hesse, when she shall become duchess of Cambridge, in case her highness should survive his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge, to be issuing and payable out of the consolidated fund of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland."—The motion being agreed to,

said, he rose to do an act of justice towards an illustrious individual, and he trusted the House, in its wisdom and liberality, would concur in the motion he was about to bring forward. Whatever prejudice might be entertained against the illustrious individual to whom he alluded, he could conscientiously say, that he never knew a reasonable or fair man who denied to him the praise which was due to his honourable character. That illustrious individual had formed a matrimonial alliance, which he had certainly entered into with the complete consent and sanction of the Crown. He had never heard, since that marriage had taken place, that the conduct of the illustrious individuals who were united by it, had met with aught save the approbation of all who were the witnesses of their happiness. It was a most painful duty to call the attention of parliament to this subject; but he should feel that he shrank from his duty to that part of the royal family, if he refused to bring it forward. He was sorry to observe, that those who, on a former occasion opposed a similar proposition, were not willing at present to withdraw that opposition. He lamented that the House seemed to be impressed with a feeling, recollecting its former act, that it could not at present take favourable cognizance of this proposition, without proceeding in a manner derogatory to the consistency of parliament. He would not, therefore, press it, unless in the temper of the House he discovered more encouraging symptoms than he had previously observed. He would fairly state his own conscientious opinion on the case, which was, that the proposition was well worthy the favourable consideration of the House. He regretted, most sincerely, that parliament should make an exception to the general rule, in the case of this royal duke. He should, however, propose a grant of 6,000l. to the duke of Cumberland, which he conceived to be due to him in justice.—The noble lord then moved, "That his majesty be enabled to grant an additional yearly sum of money out of the consolidated fund of Great Britain and Ireland, not exceeding 6,000l. to commence from the 5th of April last, towards providing for the establishment of the duke and duchess of Cumberland."

observed, that from the manner in which the noble lord had opened the measure, it was evident he did not feel the least expectation of prevailing on the House to adopt it. For my part, (said Mr. Brougham) I shall oppose the grant to the duke of Cumberland on the same grounds precisely, and on no others, on which I opposed it when it was formerly under consideration. But if the noble lord should fail in carrying his proposition, I do hope that he will not be prevented from following it up by another resolution, granting a dower of 6,000l. to the duchess of Cumberland [Hear, hear!]. With that illustrious lady I have not the honour to be acquainted. Indeed, it is not necessary to enlarge on the propriety of her conduct since her arrival in this country, after the able speech which the House heard from a noble lord (earl Gower) last night. I shall, therefore, leave the strength of that impression to produce its due influence, believing, as I do, the conduct of that distinguished lady to be altogether unexceptionable. What may be the nature of the objections to her in any quarter, and the prepossessions against which she has had to contend, I shall neither stop nor stoop to inquire. It would be oppressive, illiberal, ungenerous, and unmanly here to give them any sanction [Hear, hear!].

expressed his hope, that parliament would assign dower to the duchess of Cumberland; with regard to whose character, he could say, of his own knowledge, that many of the prevailing prejudices were groundless. He had himself, in common with every other Englishman, who had visited the court of Berlin during her residence there, re- ceived the greatest civilities and attention from her royal highness.

said, he held in his hand a motion for the purpose that had been alluded to, and when the resolution then before the House was disposed of, he should propose it. He was extremely happy to find so much justice done to the character of this illustrious individual.

said, that as the question of the duke of Cumberland's claim had been mooted, and as the next proposition would relate to the dower to be granted to his illustrious consort, he could not conceive on what grounds, if her royal highness was entitled to this dower, the marriage which the royal duke had contracted should debar him from receiving that aid for the due support of his establishment, which was about to be granted to other branches of the royal family. It appeared to him to be falsely assumed, that parliament had declared their opinion so decidedly, that consistently with their duty, they could not depart from their determination. But he recollected, that different gentlemen had given different reasons for their opposition to the original motion. The hon. baronet (sir M. W. Ridley)^* who first opposed the grant, declared that his opposition was grounded on the uncertainty which prevailed, as to whether the duke and duchess of Cumberland would reside in this country. This was the foundation of the votes of some gentlemen. There were others, he was sorry to say, who made it a personal question, and opposed the grant on the ground of morality.—This system he deprecated, because he conceived they had no right to canvass the private character of every individual who was brought before them. The conduct of the duke and duchess of Cumberland had proved that their marriage was one that could not be censured by the House. If amiable conduct in private life, if dignity of manners, if goodness of disposition, could endear to the people of England an individual brought amongst them from a foreign country, he knew not of any personage in elevated life who possessed those qualifications in a higher degree than the duchess of Cumberland [Hear, hear!]. Feeling that this House had not definitively decided the question—feeling that grounds quite new to them were brought forward—he thought it would be a most ungracious thing to his royal highness, to the duchess of Cumberland, and to the country from which she came, to oppose the grant now before the House.

^* See Vol. 31, p. 1024.

said, he was surprised at the manner in which the noble lord had brought forward this proposition. He never heard a speech delivered by the noble lord with so much pain. For his part, if the House refused to vote the sum proposed to the duke of Cumberland, he would not be a party to insult the duchess by voting a dower to her, at the expense of her royal consort's character; and he sincerely hoped, if it was granted to her, that she would have the spirit to reject it. If she had the misfortune to lose her natural protector, under these circumstances, the country, he was sure, would not be backward in doing her justice. He entreated the House to reconsider the subject before they came to a decision. The hon. gentleman said, he had more opportunities than most men, of knowing the feelings of the country on this subject [Hear, hear!].—He would repeat it—and he called on gentlemen to rebut the fact if they could. He knew the feelings of the country were in favour of the measure, and, he asked, would the House object to the vote, and thereby offer an insult to those royal personages? Would they decide on the scandalous reports, which, he believed, were without any foundation whatever, that had been propagated against those illustrious individuals? He did not know those illustrious persons. He acted on public grounds alone; and doing so, he called on the House to consider the case well before they came to a vote—before they came to a division—for he should insist on dividing the House on this occasion—He despised any unpopularity that might attend his conduct; for he felt that he should be unworthy of a seat in that House if he compromised his conscience in order to please any party.

professed himself sorry to have incurred the hon. gentleman's displeasure, but was disposed to return good for evil, and to acknowledge that he had heard with sincere pleasure the speech of the hon. gentleman, He felt strongly that the hon. gentleman had supported the cause of justice, and he did not think that cause would suffer from his own manner of introducing it, as it had been" the means of calling forth the manly sentiments which the committee had just heard. At the same time, he must express his hope, that if the House should refuse the proposed grant to the duke of Cumberland, it would not withhold dower from the duchess. He was quite sure that the object nearest the heart of his royal highness was, to feel satisfied with respect to the future situation of his duchess. As to his own course of proceeding, in calling the attention of the House to this question, he must declare that he had never expressed any reluctance to go to a division upon it. He had fairly stated that he left it to the unbiassed opinion of the House, at the same time declaring that his own judgment coincided with the views of those who, like the hon. gentleman, thought the grant reasonable and just.

said, that the duchess of Cumberland had, during her residence in this country, discharged in the most exemplary manner the duties of her station. The question as to the settlement of a dower on her royal highness would, therefore, he was persuaded, be unanimously acceded to. With respect to the other part of the consideration, it would certainly poison the pleasure which her royal highness might otherwise feel at such a grant, if it were accompanied by any stigma on her royal consort. He, for one, could see no rational ground on which any honourable man could refuse to vote the proposed allowance to his royal highness. The only ground on which, on a former occasion, the House refused to make a provision for their royal highnesses was, that the opinion of parliament had not been taken on the marriage, and that the character of her royal highness was unknown to them. Now, however, her character was known, and by universal attestation approved. The House must, therefore, in his opinion, even with a view to consistency, give that now which they formerly withheld, as the cause which induced them to withhold it had been removed.

did not think that their royal highnesses were indebted to the hon. gentleman opposite for the course he had adopted. It was very unfair to take advantage of the generous disposition of the House towards an unprotected foreigner, again to propose a grant which had been so recently rejected. If the House retracted the decision to which they formerly came on this subject, they would fill the country with disgust, and bring the character of parliament into contempt [Hear, hear!]. The arguments which had been urged on the former discussion of this question had been very unfairly stated. There had been great consistency of conduct in a very high quarter on this subject, and he trusted that it would be imitated by that House.

rose to explain. He commenced by observing, that, on the former occasion when this question was discussed, an hon. baronet, whom he then, saw in his place, had expressly stated, that one of the chief objections to a grant to these illustrious personages was, the uncertainty whether they would continue to reside in this country. He had made an extract from the speech of the hon. baronet, which he then held in his hand. The words which he had used were these—"If they continue to reside in this country" [cries of Order, order!]. He fancied he had a right to state the grounds, on which objections had been formerly raised.

said, he believed the rule was, that no reference could be made to a former debate.

, notwithstanding this observation, was proceeding to read the extract, when cries of "order!" and "chair!" were renewed. The hon. gentleman attempted a third time to read the extract, but the cries of "order" and "chair" became so general, that he as last sat down.

warmly condemned those mis-judging friends of the illustrious personage in question, who, contrary to the conciliatory example of the noble lord, were anxious to press the motion to a division. Such conduct would go far to prevent the good effect of the suggestion of the hon. and learned gentleman, which he, (sir T. A.) had gladly hailed as affording the opportunity of terminating satisfactorily these unpleasant discussions. If this course were not prevented, the dignity and consistency of the House might be maintained, without so strong a mark of its severity, as by an absolute rejection of the vote; and they would have it in their power to perform, without any impropriety, and he trusted with entire unanimity, an act of healing kindness, and he would add of just acknowledgment, to her royal highness the duchess of Cumberland, of the conduct that had beers witnessed on her part in this country. He would put it to the hon. member opposite, whether that object could be so well attained, if an unfavourable division were suffered to intervene. With this view he would not be provoked to restate those unpleasant arguments against the grant, to the repetition of which that hon. member had so sedulously invited him. But he could not give up any of his former opinions. In perfect consistency with them, he would gladly vote the proposed dowry for her royal highness, but nothing should induce him, nor he believed could induce the House, to consent to grant the additional income proposed in approbation of the marriage; and he therefore would again express his hope, that the excellent path which had been chalked out for the House, would not be taken from them by the over-warmth of a few injudicious friends.

said, he was not present when a former motion came before the House; but had he happened to have been there, he, from all that he had heard, must, on that occasion, have voted against the grant. He never could consent to the motion with regard to the duke of Cumberland, though he would allow the motion as affecting the duchess. He certainly felt deeply for the situation of her royal highness, but circumstances would not permit him to extend that feeling to the royal duke.

said, he had opposed the grant to the duke of Cambridge, but he would vote for the present, because it came before the House under very different circumstances. He had opposed the former, on the ground that the duke of Cambridge had no necessity for it—he would support the latter, because it was wanted to uphold the modest establishment of an illustrious individual—and he could not conceive any thing more degrading than to suffer one of their princes, as had been insinuated, to rely on the bounty of a foreign court, They had been told by his noble friend on a former evening, that there was an absolute necessity, as the illustrious personages depended on the charity of a foreign power. Was this worthy of the high honour and character of the British nation? It would, in his opinion, evince a great want of generosity and of manly feeling on the part of the House, not to put the duke of Cumberland on the same footing as his royal brother.

said, that as the House had thought proper to grant a sum to the duke of Cambridge, it would be the height of injustice to refuse the same to the duke of Cumberland. As an humble individual of that House, he must enter his protest against the unfair and uncandid manner in which the illustrious personages in question had been treated.

, adverting to the correspondence which had taken place between the illustrious individuals previous to their marriage, and which he had had the opportunity of reading, observed, that he had never in his life been more strongly impressed with sentiments of respect than those which had been excited in him by that perusal; and although he was certainly not especially authorized to make any statement from it, he could not refrain from offering to the committee a few observations, to which it naturally gave rise. The correspondence began by a proposition for the marriage. The first letter was from the duchess, who stated that she could not consent to—

spoke to order. He conceived that the communication which the hon. gentleman was about to make to the committee, as it had not been authorized, was improper.

said, he should be sorry to do any thing improper and contrary to order, but the character of our princes was of such importance to the country, that it was most desirable to remove any unfavourable and unfounded impression that might exist on the subject.

observed, that the hon. gentleman had himself allowed that he was not authorized to make the statement which he had commenced.

was again proceeding, when the chancellor of the exchequer spoke to order, and there being a general call of order, the hon. gentleman desisted, expressing at the same time his determination to support the grant.

considered the grants in the previous cases had rendered it incumbent on the House to make a similar provision for the illustrious personage in the present instance.

declared, that no man could wish more cordially than he did—nay, he was persuaded it was the unanimous wish of the House—to see every branch of the royal family suitably provided. When he used the word "suitably," he meant according to the exigencies of the times. The House and the people had a deep interest in the character and dignity of the royal family. But in the pursuance of these objects the committee were surely to consider a little the means and condition of the country. No one could deny that our finances were in a most embarrassed situation, produced no doubt by the long contest which we had so nobly and magnanimously waged, and in which the interests of the royal personages in question were as deeply involved as those of the people at large. He, for one, could not regret this contest even with all its results, protected as the country had been by it from much greater evils. With respect to the grant to his royal highness the duke of Clarence, being so near the throne, he conceived that his royal highness was justly entitled to the moderate provision which had been made for him. But the junior branches of the royal family were already liberally provided for. He had voted against the grant which had just been made to that illustrious individual the duke of Cambridge, who was a model for persons of his high rank, because his royal highness did not want it. He should, on the same ground, vote against the present proposition. Undoubtedly, there was another reason for his doing so, namely, that on the most mature consideration, parliament had before refused a similar claim. On that occasion he had not voted; but he candidly acknowledged, that had he been present he should unquestionably have opposed the proposed grant. He had heard nothing since that period, either in or out of the House, that at all altered his opinion, and he must say, that he did not think those persons exercised a sound discretion who thus brought his royal highness before parliament again. In the course which he took on this subject he was actuated by the most conscientious motives; for he was persuaded, that any little show which their royal highnesses might sacrifice by relinquishing this claim, would be amply compensated by the stable dignity that they would acquire. Convinced that the real interest of the royal personages in question, the character of the House, and the welfare of the country, would be best consulted by rejecting the proposition flow submitted to the committee, he should certainly vote against it if it should be pressed to a division.

observed, that some of the arguments which had been urged against the motion, would have been less inap- plicable had the transactions in which it originated been matters of choice or caprice. But if the necessity of taking some steps, with a view to the continuance of the succession in the family at present on the throne, arose from a calamity which no power on earth could avert, it was hard to make it a matter of inculpation of his majesty's government that such steps had been taken. He could not help believing, that if the session had been allowed to pass without any steps having been taken by the executive government to supply the defect in the succession, they would have been charged on much better ground for having deserted their duty, than that on which they were at present charged for having performed it. He was at a loss to know on what principle the committee were called upon to reject the proposed motion. Not on the ground of character, for that was disclaimed. Not on the ground of seniority, for that was disclaimed by the vote of last night. He trusted the committee would recollect, that though adoption was not preference, exclusion would be stigma. He was not in the House when this proposition was last discussed, and he therefore could not weigh the influence which the recollection of that discussion might have on the consideration of the present question. But it was brought forward, at present, under circumstances of a very different kind. It was in the former instance a case of a marriage prompted by no public interest, I coming alone, and unconnected with any general principle of alliance. But if the grant were now refused, it could be refused only on grounds personal towards the illustrious individual who was the object of it. But he begged the committee to observe, that his noble friend, in bringing forward the proposition, did show a marked deference to "the foregone conclusions" of the House. His noble friend expressly stated, that he entertained no determination to press the question to a division, unless he collected that the sense and feeling of the House ran in favour of the proposition. That call, conditional as it was, having been met in a manner beyond their expectation, he put it to the committee, if his noble friend would not be deeply responsible to the illustrious individual and to the House, if he and those who acted with him, shrunk from expressing by their votes that opinion, which they would not press to a division, were they not thus invited to do so. It was on that principle, which left them no alternative, that they should proceed to the vote.

contended, that as the House had negatived a proposition of the same kind three years ago, they were bound to reject it in the present instance. No change had taken place in the circumstances which could justify a departure from that precedent. Was there not the same distress in the country? Was not the demand for economy as loudly urged, and as necessary to be observed? To agree in this vote would be to pronounce a censure upon their past conduct, by retracting a decision to which they had deliberately come. He hoped they would have more regard for their own dignity and character. It had been said, that great exertions were made to obtain the former vote, if so, he was ignorant of it, and whether it was so or not, his consistency was not at all committed, not having voted on that occasion. But now that question was submitted again, he would add his vote against it, and even felt himself bound to do so, whatever his own opinion might be originally, in order to protect the consistency of the House.

maintained, that the House was not bound by any former decision as to the course it should now adopt. The very admissions of the gentlemen who had spoken that evening in opposition to the grant had defeated the two principal grounds—first, as to character, and, secondly, as to the non-residence of the duke and duchess in England—which had induced the House to refuse the grant on a former occasion. The knowledge of her royal highness's character had corrected the erroneous impressions that had gone abroad respecting her. After the vote that had passed in favour of the duke of Cambridge, he put it to the liberality and justice of the House, whether this other branch of the royal family ought to be passed over?

, without going into general observations, thought it due to himself and to those with whom he voted against this question three years ago, to state the ground of his conduct. As to the doctrine, that in all cases of the marriage of younger branches of the royal family, they were entitled to an additional provision from the nation, he could not in any way agree to it, but thought that the allowances already made to them, in their single capacities, amply sufficient. But if the fact were otherwise, was the mouth of parliament to be stopped in the discussion of these questions? Were they to be addressed with such language as "Will you enter into the character of the royal family?" when it was obvious, that in the cases of these grants, that character was of the greatest importance towards the settling of the question? Upon such occasions, was advantage to be taken of that delicacy which every man felt when he was destined to hear of his own failings; and was it to be assumed, that all that was said in praise of individuals, was to pass current for truth, because no one had taken upon himself the invidious task of contradicting it? As to the allegation, that it was degrading for a prince of this country to receive benefits from a foreign power, and that what was allowed by Prussia ought not to be taken into consideration, he could not see any disgrace in the fact of a dowager princess of Prussia receiving a jointure from her own country. It would be so much in her favour if she chose at some future period to celebrate another marriage. There was another part of this subject to which he could not forbear alluding, namely, the departure from all precedent by his majesty's ministers upon the marriage in question. No other marriage had taken place on which they had not called on the House to congratulate the throne; but upon that occasion they felt that there was no ground for doing so. Nay, further, could it be denied that the marriage of the duke of Cambridge with the same princess had been broken off expressly at the desire of his majesty? A noble friend near him had suggested another topic—a female of the highest rank in this country had testified her objection to, the match by refusing to receive the lady in her presence. It was on these grounds that the former decision of the House was one that gave satisfaction to the feelings and morals of the country; and whatever had since been the conduct of the lady to whom he alluded, the best panegyric that could be pronounced on her was, that nothing further whatever had been heard of her. But this was not an alliance which called for a vote of increased allowance, and he felt it was one on winch the House could not congratulate the country.

contended, that there had been nothing like consistency in the arguments which had beep used in opposition to this grant. It had been once said, that the income of the royal dukes should not be increased, because it was probable that they would leave this country and spend their fortunes in another, but now this argument was done away with, for all the royal dukes intended to remain at home. Objections were next made to the marriage itself, but he had heard from some members on the same side congratulations upon that marriage. He could not avoid stating, that some remarks which had been made on the duchess were most honourable to her, and he believed that the more the conduct of her royal highness was inquired into, the more fair and honourable it would appear. He had with regret heard some insinuations thrown out against the conduct of the illustrious duke, and these were made as a sort of ground for opposing the grant. To these insinuations he should say no more than that no one had the manliness to avow them, and he declared upon his honour that he believed them to be wholly without foundation.

The Committee then divided:

The motion was consequently lost. Loud cheering took place in the House when the result of the division was known. Lord Castlereagh then moved, "That a sum of 6,000l. per annum be settled upon her Royal Highness the Duchess of Cumberland, in case her Royal Highness should survive his Royal Highness the Duke of Cumberland, to be issuing and payable out of the consolidated fund of the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland."

observed, that an hon. and learned gentleman had, in his opinion, acted inconsistently in voting against the proposed allowance to the duke of Cumberland. In opposing the grant to the duke of Cambridge, that hon. and learned gentleman had pledged himself, in case the measure was carried against him, to support a similar grant to the duke of Cumberland.

begged the hon. member would restate the charge he had made against him, as, from the indistinct manner in which it was expressed, or from the noise in the House, he could not collect its force or import.

replied, that he understood the hon. and learned gentleman to say, that in the event of the House agreeing to an additional provision for the duke of Cambridge, he would support a similar provision for the duke of Cumberland.

said:—Sir; I cannot conceive how the hon. gentleman, whose understanding on other occasions is so sound and solid, should have so far misapprehended my meaning as to draw from my speech an inconsistency with my vote. I can scarcely conceive how his misapprehension could have arisen. In the latter case I added my vote to the sense of the House, but I did not contradict by it the principle which I laid down, as I voted against the allowances in both cases [Hear! from Mr. Croker.] The hon. secretary to the Admiralty, whose understanding is as acute as that of the other hon. gentleman is solid [a laugh] cheers me on this occasion, and joins the other hon. gentleman in the charge. He would be glad to catch me in an inconsistency, and already begins to triumph in the idea that he has succeeded. If the hon. secretary has any charges against my conduct, I should be glad that he would state them openly and manfully, in a way that I can answer them. I entreat him to bring his accusations forward, in a public and undisguised manner, to meet me face to face, and not to have recourse to other methods of attack, which I have no opportunity of repelling, Instead of assailing my character or my consistency in an underhand manner; instead of watching my conduct to expose it where I cannot defend myself; let him fairly and manfully advance his charges in this House, where I can overwhelm them with instant confusion [Hear, hear!]. I never pledged myself to support the grant to the duke of Cumberland, if the proposed allowance to the duke of Cambridge met with the concurrence of the committee. Such a charge against me is totally unfounded. My argument was, that those who supported the latter, if all personal grounds were left out of the question, could not consistently vote for any additional grant to the former; and in following my own principle, I acted consistently in voting against both resolutions. I will appeal to the understanding of the House, though I will make no appeal to that of the hon. secretary, if such was not my reasoning and my conduct; and I will ask them, if there is here the shadow of inconsistency? As I left out of view all regard to personal qualities, I could make no distinction between the two cases; and as on public grounds I voted against the allowance to one of the royal dukes, on the same grounds I voted against any grant to the other. The resolution now before the House is totally unconnected with either, and has my cordial support.

said:—I trust that after what has passed, the House will indulge me for a moment. Sir, in the sort of seeming approbation of what was said, to which the hon. member has alluded, I meant nothing personally offensive, for, I confess, I did understand by his speech something like that which was alluded to. The hon. member says, that this is not the first time I have endeavoured to catch him in a personal inconsistency, but that he defies me to the task here, or elsewhere. Sir, if I were disposed to look out for the inconsistencies of the hon. gentleman, I should not have far to go. I should find them frequently in his arguments, and some of them might be easily adduced in other matters; but if the hon. member imagines that I could think it worth my while to look for his inconsistencies, or to notice his movements, either now, or heretofore or hereafter, in any other manner than in the way of my parliamentary duty, I can assure him that he is most egregiously mistaken. The hon. member has alluded to my taking other means than public ones to detect his inconsistency. This I must say is unfounded; for I solemnly declare, that in any writing to which I have affixed my name, or in any to which I may not have done so, I never, to the best of my recollection and belief, did mention the hon. member's name, or endeavour to point out his inconsistencies. If then, the hon. member insinuates, that I have here and in private sought to catch him in personal inconsistencies, I must, in justice to myself, reply, that the insinuation is false [Hear, hear! and cries of order!].

appealed to the chairman whether this was parliamentary language? He alluded to the charge of falsehood.

explained, that he meant to say the insinuation was unfounded, and he meant the answer to be conveyed in the same manner and spirit as that in which the insinuation was made.

gave a bow of satisfaction. An hon. member said he hoped the matter would proceed no farther. Another answered, "Certainly not: the learned gentleman is satisfied." The resolution was then agreed to.

On the bringing up the report of the grant to the Duke of Clarence,

observed, that as his royal highness had declined accepting the sum which had been voted to him, it would be the better plan to withdraw it altogether.

wished, that if it were withdrawn, the reasons for it should be entered upon the Journals, otherwise it would not be dealing fairly with the House or the royal duke. It would appear hereafter that a grant of 6,000l. a year had been made to the illustrious duke in a committee, and that it had afterwards been refused by the House. This would appear extremely strange indeed, unless the reasons for it were assigned. The noble lord had read a written paper, as part of his speech, which no doubt he had done to prevent misconception. Now, that might be considered as a sort of official document, and if it were entered upon the Journals, it would fully state the reason why the grant was withdrawn. A precedent for such an entry existed in the case of a communication made from the Prince Regent, when prince of Wales, by his secretary, respecting the deficiencies of the revenue of Cornwall, which was entered upon the Journals of the House.

suggested, that all inconvenience would be avoided by agreeing to the resolution, upon an understanding that no bill should be brought in upon it.

After some farther observations from Mr. M. A. Taylor and Mr. W. Smith, the suggestion of lord Castlereagh was adopted, and the House agreed to the Resolution.