House Of Commons
Saturday, June 24, 1820.
The House met at the usual hour. Curiosity to hear her majesty's answer to the resolution of the House of Commons attracted a greater assemblage of members than we ever, before witnessed on a Saturday. There could not be fewer than 300 members present.
Parliamentary Reform
begged the indulgence of the House for a few minutes. A motion of his, which he was pledged to his consti- tuents to bring forward, and than which none of greater importance could occupy the attention of parliament, stood for Tuesday next. He felt, however, from the circumstances which had recently occurred, that it was impossible for members to enter so fully as he could wish on the consideration of the subject in question, while engaged as they would be for some time to come. On these grounds he begged to withdraw his notice of motion for the present, and defer it until next session.
Education Of The Poor
said, he stood in the same situation as his hon. friend who had just sat down. His motion respecting the Education of the Poor stood also for Tuesday. He could not, however, when he considered the great importance of the subject, and that, if the business of the country was allowed to yield to circumstances which might arise like those his hon. friend had alluded to, the public must eventually be sufferers to a deplorable extent, bring himself to postpone his motion beyond the appointed day. He had always foreseen that the momentous proceedings which were about to take place, would be attended with consequences such as the hon. member for Durham and himself referred to. He saw no alternative, however, but that of persisting in the course he now stated, and suggesting to the House the propriety, during the progress of the interesting discussions in which it was about to be engaged, of setting apart particular days for attending to the regular business of the country.
Exchequer Court Of Scotland
begged to state, that one of the barons of the Scotch exchequer, called the English baron, had lately died. It was therefore his intention to move, on an early day, that the place just vacated should not be filled up, but that, agreeably to the recommendation of the committee on that subject, the barons of the Scotch exchequer should remain permanently at their present number.
informed the noble lord, that his majesty's government did not intend to make any appointment in the place of the late Scotch baron to whom he alluded.
The Queen's Answer To The Resolutions Of The House
Mr. Wilber- force, accompanied by Mr. Stuart Wortley, now entered the House. The former was loudly called for; but Mr. S. Wortley took his place at the bar, attended by Mr. Bankes and sir T. Acland, and announced that the deputation nominated to wait upon her majesty had that day delivered to the Queen the Resolution of that House, as authorized by their vote, to which her majesty was pleased to give the following Answer:—
"I am bound to receive with gratitude every attempt on the part of the House of Commons to interpose its high mediation for the purpose of healing those unhappy differences in the royal family, which no person has so much reason to deplore as myself; and with perfect truth I can declare, that an entire reconcilement of those differences, effected by the authority of parliament on principles consistent with the honour and dignity of all the parties, is still the object dearest to my heart.
"I cannot refrain from expressing my deep sense of the affectionate language of these resolutions. It shows the House of Commons to be the faithful representative of that generous people, to whom I owe a debt of gratitude that can never be repaid. I am sensible too that I expose myself to the risk of displeasing those who may soon be the judges of my conduct. But I trust to their candour, and their sense of honour, confident that they will enter into the feelings which alone influence my determination.
"It would ill become me to question the power of parliament, or the mode in which it may at any time be exercised. But however strongly I may feel the necessity of submitting to its authority, the question whether I will make myself a party to any measure proposed, must be decided by my own feelings and conscience, and by them alone.
"As a subject of the state, I shall bow with deference, and, if possible, without a murmur, to every act of the sovereign authority. But as an accused and injured queen, I owe it to the king, to myself, and to all my fellow-subjects, not to consent to the sacrifice of any essential privilege, or withdraw my appeal to those principles of public justice, which are alike the safeguard of the highest and the humblest individual."
Milan Commission
said;—As we are now about to enter upon this unhappy investigation which, according to ministers, so seriously affects the dignity of the Crown and the interests of the people at large, we have a right, I think, before we proceed farther, to receive some information concerning transactions which have reference to this painful subject. Before we begin the consideration of the inquiry, I beg to ask a question respecting the Milan mission. Was it a public or private commission? Was it sanctioned by the legitimate advisers of the Crown? Was there a report from it if so, to whom was it made? I should also like to know by whom that commission was appointed. I hope this question will receive an. answer from the noble lord opposite.
—I hope the hon. and gallant general will excuse me on the present occasion for reminding him, that, when we agreed to meet today, it was specifically understood by my hon. friend opposite (Mr. Wilberforce), and I believe by others, that we were not to meet for discussion, but merely to receive the queen's answer. As we are to enter upon this subject on Monday, I hope it will not be expected of me now to say one word that can lead to premature discussion. I must therefore decline answering the hon. and gallant general's question at the present moment.
protested against the doctrine laid down by the noble lord, that his agreement with any hon. member was to be admitted as a bar to any inquiry which others might think proper to make. The question put by his hon. friend was a very proper one, and one to which the House had a right to expect an answer, although the noble lord need not answer it, certainly, unless he chose. But the sooner it was answered the better. The Milan commission must either have been the act of government, or have arisen out of underhand advice, to which the noble lord and his colleagues had found themselves obliged to truckle. If the noble lord and his colleagues thought these were acts that ought not to have taken place, they should gravely and respectfully have advised his majesty against them; and if their advice had been rejected, they ought immediately to have resigned their places to others [a laugh]. He did assure the gentlemen who had just indicated their feelings, that he spoke disinterestedly; for, so far from having a wish that his friends or the gentlemen who surrounded him should get into place, he thought it impossible that a greater curse could befall them, than to succeed to the places of the present ministers, in the state of misery to which those ministers had by their counsels reduced the country. For their august royal master, from whom he had now been separated for years [a laugh], he entertained the highest friendship, if he dare speak in such terms of his sovereign, to whom he yielded in respectful duty to no man. If the noble lord could resume his gravity, he would tell him that he (Mr. Taylor) spoke feelingly from his sense of the state of the country, and not from any spleen that could be supposed to arise from his having been separated, as it were, from that sovereign, perhaps by the counsels of that noble lord [repeated laughter]. He spoke out honestly, and under an imperious sense of duty. If in what he had uttered there were any expressions disrespectful to the House, he was ready to beg pardon, but not of the noble lord. He could assure the noble lord that he was grossly mistaken if he thought he could embarrass him by any thing which he could do. By no ridicule or satire was he to be moved. He repeated it, that he lamented to see that illustrious individual in the hands of the noble lord and his colleagues. He insisted on it, that the question of his hon. friend was perfectly proper; and if no answer should be given to it, it would carry a conviction to his breast that there was something in the Milan commission so odious and objectionable, that the noble lord did not dare to own it.
did not wish to provoke discussion, but he felt it necessary to ask the noble lord if the adjourned debate on the king's message would be resumed on Monday, or if it was intended by ministers to insist on the appointment of a secret committee? He asked for the purpose of obtaining information for his constituents, who were anxious to seize the opportunity, if any should offer, to express their objections to that mode of proceeding, by way of petition to the House.
declined giving any answer to any farther question.
said, it was highly indecorous to be thus putting questions to the noble lord, especially when it was known to be the feeling of the House that there ought to be no discussion upon the subject at present.
The House then adjourned.