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Commons Chamber

Volume 20: debated on Tuesday 10 March 1829

House of Commons

Tuesday, March 10, 1829

Roman Catholic Relief Bill—and Irish Election Qualification Bill

Mr. Secretary Peel brought in the above Bills. Of which the following are copies:—

Roman Catholic Relief Bill

as brought in by Mr. Secretary Peel.

A BILL FOR THE RELIEF OP HIS MAJESTY'S ROMAN CATHOLIC SUBJECTS.

[Note.—The words printed in Italics are proposed to be inserted in the Committee.]

Whereas by various acts of Parliament, certain restraints and disabilities are imposed. the Roman Catholic subjects of His Majesty, to which other subjects of His Majesty are not liable: And whereas it is expedient that such restraints and disabilities shall be from henceforth discontinued: And whereas by various acts certain oaths and declarations, commonly called the Declaration against Transubstantiation, arid against Transubstantiation and the Invocation of Saints, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, as practised in the Church of Rome, are or may be required to be taken, made and subscribed by the subjects of his Majesty, as qualifications for sitting and voting in Parliament, and for the enjoyment of offices, franchises, and civil rights: Be it enacted by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, that from and after the commencement of this Act, all such parts of the said Acts as require the said Declarations, or either of them, to be made or subscribed as a qualification for sitting and voting in Parliament, or for the exercise or enjoyment of any office, franchise, or civil right, by any of His Majesty's subjects, be, and the same are, (save as hereinafter provided and excepted) hereby repealed.

And be it enacted, that from and after the commencement of this Act, it shall and may be lawful for any person professing the Roman Catholic religion, being a Peer, or who shall after the commencement of this Act be returned as a Member of the House of Commons, to sit and vote in either House of Parliament respectively, being in all other respects duly qualified to sit and vote therein, upon taking and subscribing the following Oath, instead of the Oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and Supremacy, and instead of making and subscribing the Declaration against Transubstantiation and the Invocation of Saints, and the Sacrifice of the Mass, as practised in the Church of Rome.

" I, A. B., do sincerely promise and swear, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to His Majesty King George the Fourth, and will defend him to the utmost of my power against all conspiracies and attempts whatever, which shall be made against his person, crown, or dignity; and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to His Majesty, his heirs and successors all treasons and traitorous conspiracies which may be formed against him or them: and I do faithfully promise to maintain, support, and defend, to the utmost of my power, the succession of the Crown, which succession, by an Act, entitled 'An Act for the farther Limitation of the Crown, and better securing the Rights and Liberties of the Subject,' is and stands limited to the Princess Sophia, Electress of Hanover, and the heirs of her body, being Protestants; hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto any other person elaiming or pretending a right to the crown of these realms: and I do further declare, that it is not an article of my faith, and, that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that princes excommunicated or deprived by the Pope, or any other authority of the see of Rome, may be deposed or murdered by their subjects, or by any person whatsoever: And I do declare, that I do not believe that the Pope of Rome, or any other foreign prince, prelate, person, state or potentate, bath or ought to have any temporal or civil jurisdiction, power, superiority or pre-eminence, directly or indirectly, within this realm. I do swear, that I will defend to the utmost of my power the settlement of property within this realm, as established by the laws: And I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present Church Establishment as settled by law within this realm: And I do solemnly swear, that I never will exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to disturb or weaken the Protestant religion or Protestant government in this kingdom: And I do solemnly, in the presence of God, profess, testify, and declare, that I do make this declaration, and every part thereof, in the plain and ordinary sense of the words of this oath, without any evasion, equivocation, or mental reservation whatsoever."

Provided always, and be it further enacted, that no Peer professing the Roman Catholic religion, and no person professing the Roman Catholic religion, who shall be returned a Member of the House of Commons after the commencement of this Act, shall be capable of sitting or voting in either House of Parliament respectively, unless he shall first take and subscribe the Oath herein before appointed and set forth, before the same persons, at the same times and places, and in the same manner as the Oaths and Declaration now required by law are directed to be taken and made; and that any such person professing the Roman Catholic religion, who shall sit and vote in either House of Parliament, without having first taken and subscribed the said Oath in this Act appointed and set forth in the manner above-mentioned, shall be subject and liable to the same penalties, forfeitures, and disabilities, and the offence of so sitting and voting shall be followed and attended by and with the same consequences, as are by law enacted and provided in the case of persons sitting and voting in either House of Parliament, respectively, without taking the oaths and making the declaration now required by law to be taken and made.

And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for persons professing the Roman Catholic religion, to vote at Elections of Members to serve in Parliament, and to be elected such Members, and also to vote at the elections of representative Peers of Scotland and Ireland, and to be elected such representative Peers, and to be enrolled as freeholders in any shires or stewartry of Scotland, and thereafter to vote in all proceedings of the court of freeholders, and to be chosen Præses or Clerk. of such courts, and to be chosen Commissioner or Delegate for choosing Burgesses to serve in Parliament for any district of Burghs in Scot, land, being in all other respects duly qualified so to do, upon producing to the officer or other person who by law or custom is required to make the return at such election, or other presiding officer, the certificate hereinafter mentioned, of the oath hereby appointed and set forth having been duly taken and subscribed by the person producing the same, or upon taking and subscribing the said oath at the time and place of such election instead of the Oaths of Allegiance, Supremacy, and Abjuration, and instead of the Declaration now by law required to be made and subscribed, and instead of such other Oath or Oaths as are now by law required to be taken by any of His Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, and also upon taking such other Oath or Oaths as may now be lawfully tendered to any person or persons offering to elect or be elected at such elections.

And whereas by a certain Act of the Parliament of Scotland made in the 8th and 9th Session of the first Parliament of King William Ills., entitled "An Act for the preventing the growth of Popery," a certain declaration or formula is therein contained, which it is expedient should no longer be required to be taken and subscribed; Be it therefore enacted, that so much of any Acts as authorise the said declaration or formula to be tendered, or require the same to be taken, sworn, and subscribed, be and the same are hereby Repealed, except as to such offices, places, and right, as are hereinafter excepted.

And he it enacted, that it shall be lawful for any of His Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, to hold, exercise, and enjoy, all civil and military offices and places of trust or profit under His Majesty, his heirs or successors, and to exercise any other franchise or civil right, except as hereinafter excepted, upon taking and subscribing, at the times and in the manner hereinafter mentioned, the Oath hereinbefore appointed and set forth, instead of the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and Declaration against Transubstantiation, and such other Oath or Oaths as are or may be now by law required to be taken for the purpose aforesaid by any of His Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion: provided nevertheless, that such other Oath and Oaths and such other Declarations shall be made and taken as are or may be by law required to be taken by any person or persons on his or their admission into any such office or place of trust or profit respectively.

Provided always, and be it further enacted, that nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed to extend to enable any person or persons professing the Roman Catholic religion, to hold or exercise the office of Regent of this United Kingdom, during the absence of his Majesty or his successors from the same, under whatever name, style, or title, such Regent may be constituted or appointed; nor to enable any person, otherwise than as he is now by law enabled, to hold or enjoy the office of Lord High Chancellor, Lord Keeper or Lord Commissioner of the Great Seal of Great Britain or Ireland; or of Lord Lieutenant, or Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland.

And be it enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for any of His Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, to be a member of any lay body corporate, and to hold any civil office or place of trust or profit therein; and to do any corporate act, or vote in any corporate election or other proceeding, upon taking and subscribing the Oath hereby appointed and set forth, instead of the Oaths of Allegiance, Abjuration, and Supremacy, and instead of the Declaration against Transubstantiation; and upon taking also such other Oath or Oaths as may now by law be required to be taken by any person or persons becoming a member or members of such lay body corporate, or being admitted to hold any office or place of trust or profit within the same.

Provided nevertheless, and be it further enacted, that nothing herein contained shall extend to authorise or empower any of his majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, and being a member of any lay body corporate, to give any vote at, or in any manner to join in the election, presentation, or appointment of any person to any ecclesiastical benefice whatsoever, or any office or place belonging to or connected with the United Church of England or Ireland, or the Church of Scotland, being in the gift, patronage, or disposal of such lay corporate body. Provided also, and be it enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall be construed to enable any person or persons otherwise than as they are now by law enabled, to hold, enjoy, or exercise any office, place, or dignity, of, in, or belonging to the United Church of England and Ireland, or the Church of Scotland, or any place or office whatever, of or belonging to any of the ecclesiastical courts of judicature of this realm, or any court of appeal from or review of the sentences of such court or courts, or of or belonging to any cathedral or collegiate or ecclesiastical establishment, or foundation within the same; or any office or place whatever, of or belonging to any of the Universities of this realm; or any office or place whatever, and by whatever name the same may be called, of, in, or belonging to any of the Colleges or Halls of the said Universities, or of the Colleges of Eton, Westminster, or Winchester, or any college or school of ecclesiastical foundation within this realm: or to repeal, abrogate, or in any manner to interfere with any local statute, ordinance, or rule, which is or shall be established by competent authority within any such University, College, Hall, or School, and by which Roman Catholics shall be prevented from being admitted thereto, or from residing or taking degrees therein: provided also, that nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed to extend, to enable any person professing the Roman Catholic religion, to exercise any right of presentation to any ecclesiastical benefice whatsoever; and that in every case in which a right of presentation is or shall be vested in a person professing the Roman Catholic religion, the same shall be and continue to be exercised in the same manner, and in no other, than is now by law required; save and except where such right of presentation shall belong to any office in the gift or appointment of His Majesty, his heirs or successors, in which case, if such office shall be held by a person professing the Roman Catholic religion, it shall be lawful for His Majesty, his heirs and successors, to appoint, by commission under the Great Seal, such member or members of the Privy Council, being a Protestant or Protestants, as he or they shall think fit, to be a Commissioner or Commissioners for exercising such right of presentation, whist such office shall be held by a person professing the Roman Catholic religion,

Provided also, and be it enacted, that it shall not be lawful for any person professing the Roman Catholic religion, directly orindirectly, to advise the Crown in the appointment to, or disposal of, any office or preferment, lay or ecclesiastical, in the United Church of England and Ireland, or of the Church of Scotland; and that if any such person shall presume to advise His Majesty, his heirs or successors, or the Cord Lieutenant or Lord Deputy, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, touching or concerning any such appointment or disposal, he shall, being thereof convicted by due course of law, be deemed guilty of a high misdemeanor, and disabled for ever from holding any office, civil or military, under the Crown.

And be it enacted, that every person professing the Roman Catholic religion, who shall after the commencement of this Act, be placed, elected, or chosen in or to the office of mayor, provost, alderman, recorder, bailiff, town Clerk, magistrate, councillor, or common-councilman, or in or to any office of magistracy or place, trust, or employment, relating to the government of any city, corporation, borough, burgh, or district within the united kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, shall within One calendar month next before or upon his admission into any of the aforesaid offices or trusts, take and subscribe the oath hereinbefore appointed and set forth, in the presence of such person or persons respectively, as by the charters or usages of the said respective cities, corporations, burghs, boroughs, and districts, ought to administer the Oath for due execution of the said offices or places respectively, and in default of such, in the presence of Two Justices of the Peace, Councillors or Magistrates of the said cities, corporations, burghs, boroughs, and districts, if such there be, or otherwise in the presence of Two Justices of the Peace of the respective counties, ridings, divisions, or franchises, wherein the said cities, corporations, burghs, boroughs, and districts are, which said Oath shall either be entered in a book, roll, or other record, to be kept for that purpose, or shall be filed amongst the records of the city, corporation, burgh, borough or district.

And be it enacted, that every person professing the Roman Catholic religion, who shall after the commencement of this Act be appointed to any office or place of trust or profit under His Majesty, his heirs or successors, shall within Three calendar months next before such appointment, or otherwise shall before lie presumes to exercise or enjoy, or in any manner to act in such office or place, take and subscribe the Oath, hereinbefore appointed and set forth, either in His Majesty's High Court of Chancery, or in any of His Majesty's Courts of King's Bench, Common Pleas, or Exchequer, at Westminster or Dublin; or before any Judge of assize, or in any Court of General or Quarter Sessions of the Peace in Great Britain or Ireland, for the county or place where the person so making, taking, and subscribing the same shall reside, or in any of His Majesty's Courts of Session, Justiciary, Exchequer or Jury Court, or in any Sheriff or Stewart Court, or in any Burgh Court, or before the magistrates and councillors of any Royal Burgh in Scotland, betwen the hours of Nine in the morning and Four in the afternoon: and that the proper officer of such court in which such Oath shall be so made, taken and subscribed, shall cause the same to be preserved amongst the records of the said court; and such officer shall make, subscribe, and deliver a certificate of such Oath having been duly taken and subscribed, as often as the same shall be demanded, upon payment of the fee or sum of Two shillings and sixpence for the same, and such certificate shall be sufficient evidence of such person having duly taken and subscribed such Oath as aforesaid.

And be it enacted, that if any person professing the Roman Catholic religion, shall enter upon the exercise and enjoyment of any office or franchise, or any office or place of trust or profit, under His Majesty, not having in manner and at the time aforesaid, taken and subscribed the Oath hereinbefore appointed and set forth, then, and in every such ease, such person shall forfeit to His Majesty the sum of Two hundred pounds; and the appointment of such person to the office, franchise, or place so by him held, shall thereupon become altogether void, and the office, franchise, or place shall be deemed and taken to be vacant to all intents and purposes whatsoever.

Provided always, that for and notwithstanding any thing in this Act contained, the Oath hereinbefore appointed and set forth, shall be taken by the officers in His Majesty's Land and Sea Service, at the same times and in the same manner as the Oaths and Declarations now required by law are directed to be taken, and not otherwise.

And be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of this Act, no Oath or Oaths shall be tendered to, or required to be taken by, his Majesty's subjects professing the Roman Catholic religion, for enabling them to hold or enjoy any real or personal property, other than such as may by law be tendered to and required to be taken by his Majesty's other subjects; and that the said. Oath herein appointed and set forth, being taken and subscribed in any of the courts, or before any of the persons abovementioned, in respect whereof a certificate is directed to be delivered as aforesaid, shall be of the same force and effect, to all intents and purposes, as, and shall stand in the place of, all Oaths and Declarations required or prescribed by any law now in force for the relief of His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects from any disabilities, incapacities, or penalties.

And whereas the Protestant Episcopal Church of England and Ireland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof, and likewise the Protestant Presbyterian Church of Scotland, and the doctrine, discipline, and government thereof, are by the respective Acts of Union of England. and Scotland, and of Great Britain and Ireland, established permanently and inviolably.

And whereas the right and title of Archbishops to their respective provinces of Bishops to their sees, and 9f Deans to their deaneries, as well in England as in Ireland, have been settled and established by law; be it therefore enacted, that front and after the commencement of this Act, it shall not be lawful for any person, other than the person thereunto authorized by law, to assume or use the name, style, or title of? Archbishop of any province, Bishop of any bishoprick, or Dean of any deanery, in England or Ireland; and every person so offending shall for every such offence forfeit and pay the sum of One hundred pounds.

And he it further enacted, that from and after the commencement of this Act, it shall riot be lawful for any person holding any judicial or civil office, or any mayor, provost, jurat, bailiff or other corporate officer, to resort to or be present at any place or public meeting for religious worship, in England or in Ireland, other than that of the United Church of England and Ireland, or in Scotland, other than that of the Church of Scotland, as by law established, in the robe, gown, or other peculiar habit of his office, or attending with the ensign, or insignia, or any part thereof, of or belonging to such his office; and in case any such person shall, after the commencement of this Act, so offend, he shall, being thereof convicted by due course of law, forfeit such office, and pay the sum of One hundred pounds.

And be it further enacted, that from and after the commencement of this Act, it shall not be lawful for any Roman Catholic Ecclesiastic, or any members of the orders, communities, or societies hereinafter mentioned, to exercise any of the rites or ceremonies of the Roman Catholic religion, or wear the habits of his order, save within the usual places of worship of the Roman Catholic religion, or in private houses; and in case any such ecclesiastic or other person shall, after the commencement of this Act, so offend, he shall, being thereof convicted by due course of law, forfeit the sum of Fifty Pounds.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall in any manner repeal, alter, or affect any provision of an Act made in the fifth year of His present Majesty's reign, entitled "An Act to repeal so much of an Act passed in the Ninth year of the reign of King William the Third, as relates to Burials in suppressed Monasteries, Abbeys, or Convents in Ireland, and to make further provision with respect to the Burial in Ireland of Persons dissenting from the Established Church."

And whereas Jesuits and members of other religious orders, communities, or societies, of the church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows, are resident within the United Kingdom; and it is expedient to make provision for the gradual suppression and final prohibition of the same therein; be it therefore enacted, that every Jesuit, and every member of any other religious order, community, or society of the church of Rome, bound by monastic or religious vows, who at the time of the commencement of this Act shall be within the United Kingdom, shall within Six calendar months after the commencement of this Act, deliver to the clerk of the peace of the county or place where such person shall reside, or his deputy, a notice or statement, in the form and containing the particulars set forth in the Schedule to this Act annexed: which notice or statement, such clerk of the peace, or his deputy, is hereby required to preserve and register amongst the records of such county or place, for which no fee shall be payable, and a copy of which said notice or statement shall be by such clerk of the peace, or his deputy, forthwith transmitted to the chief secretary of the Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, if such person shall reside in Ireland, or if in Great Britain, to one of His Majesty's principal Secretaries of State: and in case any person shall offend in the premises, he shall forfeit and pay to His Majesty for every calendar month during which he shall remain in the United Kingdom without having delivered such notice or statement as is hereinbefore required, the sum of Fifty pounds.

And be it further enacted, that if any Jesuit or member of any such religious order, community, or society as aforesaid shall, after the commencement of this Act, come into this realm, such person shall be deemed and taken to be guilty of a misdemeanour, and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall be sentenced and ordered to be banished from the United Kingdom for the term of his natural life.

Provided always, and be it further enacted, that in case any natural-born subject of this realm, being at the time of the commencement of this Act a Jesuit, or other member of any such religious order, community, or society as aforesaid, shall, at the time of the commencement of this Act, be out of the realm, it shall be lawful for such person to return or to come into this realm, and upon such his return or coming into the realm, he is hereby required, within the space of Six months after his first returning or coming into the United Kingdom, to deliver such notice or statement to the clerk of the peace of the county or place where he shall reside, or his deputy, for the purpose of being so registered and transmitted as herein-before directed; and in case any such person shall neglect or refuse so to do, he shall for such offence forfeit and pay to His Majesty, for every calendar month during which he shall remain in the United Kingdom without having delivered such notice or statement, the sum of Fifty pounds.

And be it further enacted, that in case any Jesuit or member of any such religious order, community, or society, as aforesaid, shall after the commencement of this Act, within any part of the United Kingdom, admit any person to become a regular Ecclesiastic or brother or member of any such religious order, community, or society, or be aiding or consenting thereto, or shall administer or cause to he administered, or be aiding or assisting in the administering or taking any oath, vow, or engagement, purporting or intending to bind the person taking the same to the rules, ordinances or ceremonies of such religious order, community, or society, every person offending in the premises shall be deemed guilty of a misdemeanour, and in Scotland shall be punished by fine and imprisonment.

And be it further enacted, that in case any person shall, after the commencement of this Act, within any part of this United Kingdom, be admitted or become a Jesuit or brother or member of any other such religious order, community, or society as aforesaid, such person shall be deemed and taken to be guilty of a misdemeanour and being thereof lawfully convicted, shall be sentenced and ordered to be banished from the United Kingdom for the term of his natural life.

And be it further enacted, that in case any person sentenced and ordered to be banished under the provision of this Act, shall not depart from this United Kingdom within Thirty days after the pronouncing of such sentence and order as aforesaid, it shall and may be lawful to and for His Majesty to cause such person to be conveyed to such place out of the United Kingdom as His Majesty by and with the advice of his Privy Council shall direct.

And be it further enacted, that if any offender who shall be so sentenced and ordered by any such court as aforesaid, to be banished in manner aforesaid, shall, after the end of Three calendar months from the time such sentence and order bath been pronounced, be at large within any part of the United Kingdom without some lawful cause, every such offender being so at large as aforesaid, being thereof lawfully convicted, shall be transported to such place as shall be appointed by His Majesty; for the term of his natural life.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that nothing herein contained shall extend or be construed to extend in any manner to affect any religious order, community, or establishment consisting of Females bound by religious or monastic vows.

And he it further enacted, that all penalties imposed by this Act shall and maybe recovered as a debt due to His Majesty, by information to be filed in the name of His Majesty's Attorney-General in the Court of Exchequer in England and Ireland respectively, or in the name of His Majesty's Advocate-general in the Court of Exchequer in Scotland.

And be it further enacted, that this Act, or any part thereof, may be repealed, altered, or varied at any time within this present Session of Parliament.

And be it further enacted, that this Act shall commence and take effect on and from the day of next following.

SCHEDULE to which this ACT refers.

Date of the Registry.

Name if the Party.

Age.

Place of Birth.

Name of the order, Community, Society where of he is a member.

Name and usual Residence of the next immediate Superior of the Order, Community or Society.

Usual place of Residence of the Party.

Irish Election Qualification Bill:

As brought in by Mr. Secretary Peel.

A BILL TO AMEND CERTAIN ACTS OF THE PARLIAMENT OF IRELAND RELATIVE TO THE ELECTION OF MEMBERS TO SERVE IN PARLIAMENT, AND TO REGULATE THE QUALIFICATION OF PERSONS ENTITLED TO VOTE AT THE ELECTION OF KNIGHTS OF THE SHIRE IN IRELAND.

(Note—The Words printed in Italics are proposed to be inserted in the Committee.)

Whereas by an Act of the Parliament of Ireland, passed in the Thirty-third year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth, entitled "An Act for the Adjournment of the Parliament, and the place to hold the same, and what Persons shall be chosen Knights and Burgesses," it is amongst other things enacted, That every Knight, Citizen, and Burgess, for every Parliament thereafter within the realm of Ireland to be summoned, appointed, or holden, shall be chosen and elected by the greater number of the Inhabitants of the said Counties, Cities, and Towns, being present at the said election, by virtue of the King's Writs for that intent addressed, and also that every; elector of the said Knights shall dispend and have lands and tenements of estate of freehold within the said Counties, at the least, to the yearly value of Forty shillings over and above all charges:

And whereas by an Act passed in the Parliament of Ireland in the Thirty-fifth year of the reign of his late Majesty King George the Third, entitled "An Act for regulating the Election of members to serve in Parliament, and for repealing the several Acts therein mentioned," and by subsequent acts persons having freehold estates are required to register their Freeholds in the manner therein prescribed, in order to qualify them to vote at elections for Members to serve in Parliament for Counties in Ireland:

And whereas it is expedient to increase the amount of the qualification necessary to entitle persons to vote at such elections, and to amend the laws now in force in Ireland, relating to the Registry of Freeholds; he it therefore enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the Authority of the same, that from and after the commencement of this Act, that part of the said Act of the Thirty-third year of King Henry the Eighth, hereinbefore recited, which relates to the amount or value of the freehold necessary to qualify persons to be electors of Knights of the Shire to serve in Parliament for counties in Ireland, shall be and the same is, hereby repealed.

And be it enacted, that from and after the commencement of this Act, no person shall be admitted to vote at any election of any Knight of the Shire to serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom, for any county in Ireland, (save as hereinafter is provided) unless such person shall have an estate of freehold in lands, tenements, or hereditaments in such county, of the clear yearly value of Ten pounds, at the least, over and above all charges, outgoings, and incumbrance, except only Public or Parliamentary Taxes, County, Church, or Parish Cesses, or Rates, and Cesses on any Townland, Barony, or Division of any Parish or Barony.

And be it enacted, that from and after the commencement of this Act, no persons shall be admitted to vote at any election of a Knight of the Shire to serve in the Parliament of the United Kingdom for any county in Ireland, by virtue or in respect of any estate of Freehold of less annual value than Twenty pounds, unless such Freehold shall be registered pursuant to the provisions of this Act, save only as hereinafter provided.

And be it enacted, that after the commencement of this Act, a Session for the purpose of registering Freeholds within this Act, shall be holden in and for each county in Ireland, by and before the Assistant Barrister of such county, on such days and at such places in each such county respectively, as the Lord Lieutenant, or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, shall appoint: and the Clerk of the Peace for each such county shall, Forty days at the least before the day so appointed for such county, cause to be posted in each market-town therein, Notices in the form specified in the first Schedule to this Act annexed, that such Session, for the purpose of registering Freeholds within this Act, will be holden on the days and at the places so appointed, and that applications for that purpose will be then and there taken into consideration.

And be it enacted, that every person intending to register a Freehold at any such Session, shall give to the Clerk of the Peace for the county, notice in writing of such intention Thirty clear days at the least before the day appointed for the holding of such Session, and shall in such notice state, according to the form prescribed in the Second Schedule to this Act annexed, his name and residence, the description of the lands, tenements, hereditaments, or rent-charge, in respect of which such application is to be made, and whether he intends to register such Freehold at the annual sum of Fifty pounds, or of Twenty pounds or of Ten pounds; and the Clerk of the Peace of each county shall enter all such notices, according to the order in which he shall receive them, in a list in the form specified in the Third Schedule to this Act annexed, and shall, Fifteen days at least before the day appointed for holding such Session, cause a copy of such list to be pub, lished in some newspaper printed in such county, or in case no newspaper shall be therein printed, then in some newspaper printed in any adjoining county.

And be it enacted, that at each such Session the names of the persons contained in such lists shall be severally called by the Clerk of the Peace, and each person so called, who shall claim to register any Freehold, shall produce in open Court before such Assistant Barrister the deed, lease, or instrument, by virtue of which such person shall claim such Freehold; or in case lie shall not claim by virtue of any deed, lease, or instrument, then such person shall otherwise establish his title to such Freehold, and such person shall also prove that a solvent and responsible tenant could afford to pay fairly and without collusion for the same, the annual sum of Fifty pounds, Twenty pounds, or Ten pounds, as the case may be, as an additional rent, over and above all charges as aforesaid, and over and above any rent to which the person so claiming may be liable in respect of the same.

And be it enacted, that such Assistant Barrister shall inspect and examine every deed, lease, or instrument so produced, or otherwise investigate the title so made, and shall determine whether the same is or is not sufficient to entitle the person claiming thereunder to a legal estate of Freehold, such as shall be so claimed, and shall also examine and inquire, as well by the oath of the person so claiming (which oath such Assistant Barrister is hereby empowered to administer) as by any evidence offered in support of, or opposition to, such claim, whether a solvent and responsible tenant could afford to pay fairly and without collusion, as an additional rent for such Freehold, the annual sum of Fifty pounds, Twenty pounds, or Ten pounds, as the case may be, over and above all such charges as aforesaid, and over and above any rent to which the person so claiming may be liable in respect of the same; and shall also inquire by any of the means aforesaid into the truth of the several particulars required to be stated in the oath hereinafter prescribed to be taken for the registry of such Freehold: and also into the title of the person under whom such Freehold shall he claimed, if such Assistant Barrister shall see reason to doubt such title.

And be it enacted, that if it shall appear to such Assistant Barrister that the person so claiming is entitled to register such Freehold at the annual sum, within the meaning of this Act, at which he shall claim to register the same, such Assistant Barrister shall and may so adjudge, and in such case the person so adjudged entitled, shall, instead of the oath or oaths, affirmation or affirmations now by law required in that behalf, take and subscribe before such Assistant Barrister the Oath mentioned in the Fourth Schedule to this Act annexed, where the Freehold of such person shall be of the annual value of Fifty pounds or Twenty pounds, not arising from a rent-charge, and where the same shall arise from a rent-charge, then the Oath prescribed in the Fifth Schedule to this Act annexed, and where the same shall be of the value of Ten pounds then the Oath prescribed in the Sixth Schedule to this Act annexed, which several Oaths such Assistant Barrister is hereby authorised to administer.

And be it enacted, that the clerk of the peace shall there upon, instead of the certificate of registry now by law required, deliver to the person so adjudged to be entitled (if he shall demand the same) a certificate, signed by such Assistant Barrister, and by such clerk of the peace, stating that such person has duly registered a Freehold in the county within which the same shall be situate, at the annual sum so proved as aforesaid, and reciting the oath of such person on which such Freehold has been registered, which certificate shall be of equal authenticity with the original oath thereby certified in case of the loss or destruction of such original, and shall be evidence of the due registry of the Freehold therein-mentioned.

And be it enacted, that every such oath shall be read aloud in open court by the clerk of the peace, and shall be signed by the Assistant Barrister before whom the same shall be taken, and shall be by him delivered to the clerk of the peace to be filed and kept amongst the records of the county; and such Assistant Barrister is hereby required to take care that such oath shall be agreeable to the form hereby prescribed; and no objection in point of form shall at any time thereafter be allowed to any such oath, when so signed.

And be it enacted, that in case it shall appear to such Assistant Barrister that the person claiming to register a Freehold is not entitled to register the same at the annual sum at which he seeks so to register, either in consequence of any objection to the deed, lease, or instrument so produced by him, or of the want of a legal estate of freehold, or in consequence of any defect in the title to such freehold, or of insufficiency within this act, in the annual value of the freehold claimed, or in consequence of any objection relative to any of the matters to be stated in the oath hereby required to be taken for registering such freehold, or of any other objection in point of law, such Assistant Barrister shall refuse to permit such person to register such freehold, and shall in that case make an order adjudging such person not to be entitled to register such freehold; and where any such order shall be founded upon insufficiency of value within this act, such order shall state such insufficiency as the ground of such order, or otherwise shall set forth the objection by reason whereof such person is adjudged to be not entitled so to register such Freehold; and where such order shall be made, such Freehold shall not be deemed duly registered within this act.

And be it enacted, that such order shall be without prejudice to any future application to register such Freehold, which the person claiming the same shall think fit to make at any subsequent General or Quarter Sessions of the Peace, as hereinafter authorised, provided such future application be made conformably to this Act.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that if any person against whose claim any such order shall be made on the ground of insufficiency of value, shall deem himself aggrieved thereby, it shall and may he lawful for such person upon the pronouncing or making of such order to require that a jury shall be forthwith sworn to try whether the Freehold claimed by such person is of the annual value within the meaning of this Act, at which he seeks to register the same; and thereupon the sheriff or other proper officer shall forthwith return the names of Thirty-six properly qualified persons to serve on such jury, and the names of the persons so returned shall be written on separate pieces of paper by the clerk of the peace, and by him shaken together in a box, and the first Twelve persons whose names shall be drawn out by the clerk of the peace, and whose attendance can be obtained, and who shall not be disqualified, or on some just and reasonable cause excused from serving as jurors, shall be the jury to try as aforesaid, and shall take the oath prescribed by the Seventh Schedule to this Act annexed; and the Assistant Barrister and the jury so sworn shall proceed to try whether the Freehold so claimed is of the annual value within the meaning of this Act, at which the person claiming the same seeks to register such freehold; and if such jury shall give a verdict in favour of the claim to register, and the Assistant Barrister shall consider such claim to be in other respects well founded, the order so complained of shall he thereby void and of none effect, and such proceedings shall be had, such oath shall be taken, such proceedings had, and such Freehold registered, in like manner to all intents and purposes as if the order so complained of had been in favour of the person so claiming a right to register.

And be it enacted, that where any person, against whose claim to register any Freehold any order shall be made by any Assistant Barrister, on any other ground than insufficiency of value, shall consider himself aggrieved by such order, it shall and may be lawful for such person to appeal from such order to the Judge of Assize at the next Assizes for the county, who shall have power, on motion, to review such order, and either to affirm or reverse the same, as shall be fit; and in case such order shall on such appeal be reversed, the person so appealing shall be deemed to have registered such Freehold at the time when he originally applied for that purpose, upon taking, before such Judge, the oath hereby required; and the clerk of the peace shall, upon the production of such order of reversal, register such Freehold, and the Assistant Barrister and clerk of the peace shall sign a certificate thereof, and the same shall be delivered in like manner as should or might have been done in case an order for such registry had been originally made by the Assistant Barrister whose order shall be so reversed.

And be it enacted, that after the termination of the Session hereby directed to be first holden in any county in Ireland for the registering of Freeholds, it shall and may be lawful for any person desiring to register a Freehold in such county, to register the same at any General or Quarter Sessions of the peace, to be holden for such county, upon giving to the clerk of the peace a notice of his intention so to do, in the form hereinbefore provided clear days at the least before the day appointed for the holding of such General or Quarter Sessions in the division wherein such Freehold shall be situate; and the clerk of the peace shall in each case proceed in all respects in the same manner as hereinbefore prescribed with relation to applications for registering Freeholds at the first Session for that purpose hereby directed; and the Assistant Barrister of such county is hereby authorised and required to hear and determine such application at such General or Quarter Sessions, in the same manner in all respects as is hereinbefore provided withr espect to applications to register Freeholds at the Session for that purpose to be first holden under this Act; and thereupon the same proceedings shall and may he had, the like orders made, the like oaths taken, the like certificates granted, the like rights and powers of appeal enjoyed and exercised, and the like rules, regulations, enactments, matters and things observed performed and followed, as if such application had been made at the first session for registering freeholds directed to be held under this Act.

And be it enacted, that the sheriff of each county in Ireland or his under sheriff, and also the clerk of the peace for each such county or his deputy, shall and each of them is hereby required to attend at every Session for registering Freeholds to be holden in his county under this Act; and in case any sheriff or under-sheriff, clerk of the peace or his deputy, shall neglect or refuse so to do, he shall forfeit the sum of Fifty pounds, to be recovered in the manner directed by the said Act passed in the thirty-fifth of the reign of King George the Third.

And be it enacted, that no person who shall before the passing of this Act have duly registered a Freehold so as to enable him to vote at any such election as aforesaid, according to the laws now in force in Ireland, and who shall in pursuance of this Act again register a Freehold, shall, upon such registry within this Act, be liable to the payment of any fee whatever for or in respect of any such new registry.

And be it enacted, that the clerk of the peace, shall be entitled to demand and have from every person claiming to register a Freehold under this Act, save as hereinbefore excepted, the sum of One shilling and no more.

And be it enacted, that in every case where any Oath is by this Act required to be taken, every person being a Quaker or Moravian, shall and may make Affirmation in the form prescribed hereby for each such oath respectively; and that all provisions herein contained relative to any oath shall respectively extend and apply to every such affirmation.

And be it enacted, that if any person shall, in any oath or affirmation to be taken under this Act, wilfully and corruptly swear or affirm falsely, such person shall be deemed guilty of Perjury, and be liable to the same pains, penalties, and punishments as any person is now liable to for wilful and corrupt perjury

And be it enacted, that if any person shall forge or counterfeit the signature of any Assistant Barrister or Clerk of the Peace to any certificate, or any instrument or writing purporting to be a certificate within this Act, or the signature of any person to any oath or affirmation, within this Act; or shall knowingly utter or publish as true and genuine any such forged or counterfeit certificate, instrument, writing, oath, or affirmation, every person so offending, shall be deemed guilty of Felony, and shall be liable, at the discretion of the Court before which he shall be tried, to be transported beyond the seas for the term of Seven years, or be imprisoned, with or without hard labour, for any term not exceeding Three years. And be it enacted, that if any person shall refuse to be sworn, or to give evidence before any Assistant Barrister or Jury, upon the investigation of any such claim as aforesaid, without sufficient lawful excuse, to he allowed by such Assistant Barrister, it shall and may be lawful for such Assistant Barrister to order such person to pay a fine, not exceeding Ten pounds, to be applied to the use of the county infirmary, or such charitable institution as the Assistant Barrister shall think fit, or in default thereof, to commit such person to the gaol of the county for any term not exceeding calendar months.

And be it enacted, that every person who shall duly register a Freehold within this Act at the first Session hereinbefore mentioned, shall be thereupon forthwith entitled to vote at any election to be held in and for the county for which such freehold shall be registered; and that any person who shall at any time after such first Session duly register a Freehold according to the provisions of this Act, shall be entitled to vote at any election to be held by virtue of any writ tested Six calendar months at the least after such registry; or in case such Freehold shall have come to such person by descent, settlement, devise or marriage, then at any election to be holden at any time after such registry.

And be it enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for any Freeholder who may be entitled by law to register a Freehold in any county in Ireland of the annual value of Fifty pounds, and who shall not before the passing of this Act have registered such Freehold, to register such Freehold either under this Act, or in any of the Superior Law Courts of Record in Dublin, in manner now bylaw authorized.

And be it enacted, that in case of any registry of a Freehold within this Act, the clerk of the peace for each county in Ireland. shall keep the like books, make the like returns, and discharge and execute all other the like duties, matters, and things, as he is now by law authorized, entitled, or required to do, with respect to the registry of Freeholds in such county, save so far as is otherwise ordained by this Act; and that all matters and things now by law authorized or required for the due registration of such Freeholds, shall be in all respects done, performed, observed, and fulfilled, and all provisions, penalties, rules, orders, regulations, and conditions, relating to the registration of such Freeholds, and contained in any Act or Acts now in force, shall be used, applied, and enforced with respect to, and shall be construed to extend to, all Freeholds to be registered under this Act, as if the same had been herein enacted, save so far as is hereby otherwise provided.

And be it enacted, that in the county of Dublin, all Freeholds to be registered under this Act shall be registered before the Chairman of the Sessions for that county, in the same manner, in all respects, as before the Assistant Barrister in any other county; and such Chairman shall have, exercise, perform, End discharge, every power, jurisdiction, right, authority, duty, and function hereby vested in or given to any such Assistant Barrister; and in any case where an appeal is hereby allowed from the order of an Assistant Barrister to the Judge of Assize, the like power of appeal from any order of such chairman, shall and may, in the case of any Freehold in the county of Dublin, be exercised and enjoyed, to any of His Majesty's Superior Law Courts of Record in Dublin; and the Court to which any such appeal shall be made, shall proceed with respect thereto in the same manner as any Judge of Assize is hereby authorized or required to proceed.

And be it enacted, that every enactment herein contained relative to any Assistant Barrister or Judge of Assize, shall in the county of Dublin respectively extend and apply to the Chairman of the Sessions of that county, and to His Majesty's Superior Law Courts of Record.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall extend or be construed to extend, to alter or in any manner affect the qualification now by law required, to entitle any person to vote at any election by virtue of any rent-charge.

And be it enacted, that the expenses of printing the notices, and of the advertisements hereby directed, shall be defrayed by the Clerk of the Peace in each county respectively; and the Grand Jury of each such county, or the Term Grand Jury for the county of Dublin, as the case may be, shall and may, and they are hereby respectively required, at the next Assizes or presenting Term, after such notices and advertisements, to present, to be levied off their respective counties in the same manner as other sums are authorized to be presented by such Grand Juries, all such sums as shall have been necessarily disbursed by such clerks of the peace respectively, which sums shall be paid to such clerks of the peace.

And be it enacted, that when the Session herein directed to be first holden for the purpose of registering Freeholds, shall have terminated in any county, the Lord Lieutenant or other Chief Governor or Governors of Ireland, shall cause notice thereof to be inserted in the Dublin Gazette; and that in case of a vacancy in the representation of any such county in this present Parliament, before the publication of such notice of the termination of the session for such county, no writ shall issue forth for the holding of an election of a Knight of the Shire for such county, until after the publication of such notice.

Provided always, and be it enacted, that if after the commencement of this Act, and before the publication of such notice of the termination of the said first Session in any county in Ireland, any election shall take place in pursuance of any writ issued for the Election of Members to serve in any new Parliament for such county, every person who would have been entitled to vote at any such election, in case this Act had not been made, shall be entitled to vote at the election to be holden in pursuance of any such writ; any thing in this Act contained notwithstanding.

And be it enacted, that nothing in this Act contained shall be deemed or construed to authorize any person now by law disqualified from voting at any election, to vote at any such election.

And be it enacted, that this Act shall commence from and after the next. And be it further enacted, that this Act may be amended, altered, or repealed by any Act or Acts to be passed in this present Session of Parliament.

SCHEDULES referred to in this Act.

Schedule 1

Form of Notice of holding the first Session for registering Freeholds under this Act.

County of—Notice is hereby given, that a Session for the purpose of registering Freeholds in and for the said county, pursuant to an Act passed in the tenth year of the reign of King George the Fourth, will be holden on the day of next, at in the said county, before the Assistant Barrister, at which time and place, applications to register Freeholds will be taken into consideration.

Dated this day of G., Clerk of the Peace for the said county.

Schedule 2

Form of Notice to be given to the Clerk of the Peace, of applications to register Freeholds.

Take Notice, That it is my intention to apply to register a Freehold in the county of the particulars whereof are as follow:—

Name and Residence of Applicant.

Description of Freehold.

Tenure.

Under what Title.

Yearly Value to be registered.

Schedule 3

List of Applications to be entered by the Clerk of the Peace.

No.

Name of Applicant

Description of Freehold.

Tenure.

Under what Title.

Yearly Value to be registered.

Schedule 4

Oath of Freeholder registering a Freehold of the value of Fifty Pounds, [or, Twenty Pounds, as the case may be] not arising from a Rent-charge.

"I, A.B., of in the country of[or, of the town or city of] do swear, That I am a Freeholder of the county of and that I have a Freehold therein arising from a house [or, houses, lands, or both, or other hereditaments, as the case may be] of the clear yearly value of Fifty Pounds [or, Twenty Pounds, as the case may be] above all charges, outgoings and incumbrances, payable out of the same, lying and being at [naming the townland or townlands, and barony or baronies, half barony or half baronies, wherein the Freehold is situate] in the said county, and that a solvent and responsible tenant could afford to pay for the same, as an additional rent, fairly and without collusion, the annual sum of Fifty Pounds [or, Twenty Pounds, as the case may be], as I verily believe, over and above any rent which I am liable to pay for the same, and over and above all other charges and outgoings; and that the said Freehold does not arise from a rent-charge, and that the same arises by virtue of the deed, lease, or instrument, which I now produce [or, stating the tenure, as the case may be,] and that I have not accepted or procured the said Freehold fraudulently, nor in exchange for any Freehold in any other county, and that I do not hold the said Freehold by virtue of any lease, deed, or instrument, executed or made after the First day of July, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-three, to any person or persons, jointly, in common, or in partnership.

"So help me God."

Schedule 5

Oath to be taken by Rent Charger.

"I, A. B. of in the county of do swear, that I am a Freeholder in the county of and that I have a Freehold therein of the clear yearly value of Twenty Pounds at the least, above all charges payable out of the same, consisting of a rent-charge granted by deed, bearing date the day of in the year on the lands of [naming the lands mentioned in such deed, and the barony or baronies, half barony or half baronies, wherein the same lie], and that I am in the possession thereof to the clear amount of Twenty Pounds yearly, and am entitled to receive the same, as it becomes due, to and for my own sole use and benefit. So help me God."

Schedule 6

Oath of Freeholder registering a Freehold of the annual value of Ten Pounds.

"I. E. F., of in the county of do swear, That I am a Freeholder of the county of and that I have a Freehold therein, arising from a house [or houses, land, or both, or other hereditaments, as the case may be] of the clear yearly value of Ten Pounds, above all charges, outgoings, and incumbrances, payable out of the same, lying and being at [naming the townland or townlands, or other denomination by which the place is generally known, and the barony or half barony, or baronies wherein it is situate] in this county, and that a solvent and responsible tenant could, as I verily believe, afford to pay for the same, as an additional rent, fairly and without collusion, the annual sum of Ten Pounds, over and above all rent to which I am liable in respect thereof, and over and above all other charges, outgoings, and incumbrances, and that the said Freehold does not arise from a rent-charge, and that the same arises by virtue of the deed, lease, and instrument which I now produce, bearing date the day of in the year [or, otherwise, stating the nature of the title, as the case may be] and that I am in the actual occupation thereof by residing thereon, or by tilling or by grazing, [or, by both tilling and grazing, as the case may be; and where the Freehold is held under any deed, lease, or instrument, adding these words, and that the said Freehold is not let, or agreed to be let, to the person or persons who executed the said deed or instrument, or to the heirs or assigns of such person or persons, or to any one in trust for him, her, or them, nor do I intend to let the same or any part thereof to such person or persons or any of them, and that I have not agreed to let it for the term for which I hold it] and that I have not procured or accepted the said Freehold fraudulently, nor in exchange for a Freehold in any other county, and that I do not hold my said Freehold by virtue of any lease, deed, or other instrument, executed or made after the First day of July, one thousand eight hundred and twenty-three, to any person or persons jointly, in common or in partnership. So help me God"

Schedule 7

Oath of a Juror.

"You shall well and truly try whether the lands, tenements, or hereditaments, in respect of which C.D. claims to register a Freehold in the county of are or are not of the clear yearly value of Ten Pounds [or, Twenty Pounds, or, Fifty Pounds, as the case may be] over and above all charges, outgoings, and incumbrances, payable out of the same, and whether a solvent and responsible tenant could afford to pay for the same, fairly and without collusion, as an additional rent, the said annual sum, over and above all such charges, outgoings, and incumbrances, and over and above any rents to which the said C. D. is liable in respect of such Freehold, and a true Verdict give according to the evidence. So help you God."

Roman Catholic Claims—Petitions For and Against

presented nineteen petitions from the County of Westmeath in favour of Catholic Emancipation. The hon. member then proceeded to describe the efforts made by the Brunswick Clubs in Ireland to inflame the minds of the people. He held in his hand one of the papers which had been widely circulated by the chief Brunswick Club of Ireland, and addressed to the people of Great Britain. This paper contained a speech made by a gentleman high at the bar, at a public meeting, which speech was one of the most inflammatory libels that had ever been uttered with reference to this subject. Yet the learned gentleman (serjeant Lefroy) by whom this libel was uttered was appointed to go one of the circuits in Ireland as a judge of the assize. One of the passages in the speech was this, that a king kin who suffered himself to be misled by evil councillors forfeited his right to the Crown, and absolved his subjects from their allegiance. What must the people of Ireland—particularly the Roman Catholic portion—expect, when they came before such a man for justice. Would it not be natural for them to suspect the administration of justice, or the due explanation of the law, by a man who could use such intemperate language? He understood that no man bore a higher character in private life; but was it natural to suppose that he could be wholly unbiassed in his decisions, wherever a subject connected with party might come before him? In the address sent forth from the Brunswick Club of Ireland to the people of this country, it was said, "The people of Ireland are with you—resent—resist." Why, this was a call for opposition to their fellow-subjects, for their extermination. It was nothing more than a renewal of the threat of "to Hell or Connaught," denounced against the Catholics, at the time of the Rebellion. It was a call to resist the measures introduced to parliament by ministers, at the gracious recommendation of his majesty. It had been found necessary to put down the Catholic Association in Ireland by legal measures; but when that was done, he thought government were bound also to put down the Clubs from which such addresses emanated. The Catholic Association, if its deeds could not all be justified, had at least the excuse of acting under the feeling of great wrongs. The acting Clubs had no such excuse. They suffered no privation of civil privileges; and, on that ground, their violence was neither justifiable nor excusable.

said, there were some obser- vations of the hon. member which he could not suffer to pass without remark. The learned gentleman on whom the hon. member had so freely commented, was a highly respectable member of the Irish bar, and most estimable in all the relations of civil life. He was sure the hon. member had not read the whole of the speech to which he had referred; or, if he had, it must have been through a very distorted medium. If he had read it with attention, lie would find that it was as constitutional a speech as had ever been delivered. It would be admitted, that arguments drawn from the principles established at the Revolution were delicate topics, and could not be fairly represented by the extract of a few isolated words about the forfeiture of the Crown, or the absolution from allegiance. He had read the argument on the point in question. It was very strong on the principle it sought to establish; but it was one which might be very fairly used, and which, in point of fact, had been used in that House and elsewhere, and certainly was not of an inflammatory character. It was no more than an allusion to the preamble of the Act of Settlement, in which it was stated, that whereas king James 2nd, by listening to the evil advice of Jesuits, and other evil councillors, had forfeited his right to the Throne, &c.; and from thence occasion was taken to warn the people against any sanction of measures which might again introduce to the royal ear similar councillors, leading to the like unhappy results. Surely this could not be considered an unconstitutional mode of arguing the question. He could further state, from his knowledge of the learned gentleman alluded to, that there was no man, who would be less willing to advise any course which had a tendency to disturb the public peace, or produce the slightest irritation in the public mind.

presented a petition against Catholic emancipation from the inhabitants of the hundred of Lonsdale north, in the county of Lancaster.

said, he had heard, from a statement made by a noble lord in another place, that the people in that part of the country from which this petition came were in a state of consternation, confusion, and dismay, at the measures which had been introduced into the House; but he was now relieved from his apprehensions as to that fact, by the silence of his hon. friend on the subject; for no doubt, if the country was in that state, his hon. friend would have felt it necessary to mention it in presenting the petition. He was happy to say, from the information he had received, that the proposed measures did not fill men's minds with so much alarm as some hon. members seemed to think. Of the magistrates in the neighbourhood, there was only one in four who was not in favour of concession. He would admit that the zeal of some gentlemen who took a different view of the question, might be said to make up for this deficiency. He had heard of one clergyman, in whose church a printed form of prayer was distributed, and copies laid in every pew, and it was announced by the clerk during service, that copies of the prayer might be obtained, to be taken for the use of those who had not been able to attend. This was "a prayer to Almighty God, to remove vain and wicked men from before the King." How far it would have the intended effect, it was not for him to say, Of this clergyman, a circumstance was mentioned, that when the bill for relieving the Roman Catholics was before the House on a former occasion, he was invited to dine with a neighbour, but he sent an apology, excusing himself, on the ground that, while so awful a measure was pending, he could not think of going out to dine any where [a laugh]. He supposed that as the measure now before the House was introduced under much more favourable auspices than heretofore, the rev. gentleman would not only not go out to dine, but betake himself at home to fasting and prayer, to avert the threatened calamity. With respect to the petition, he had been informed, that it was carried from house to house for signatures, that it was taken to the slate quarries and mines, and that out of a population of five thousand in those quarters, it obtained no more than thirty signatures. This did not prove that part of the country to be in the state of consternation and dismay in which it had been represented.

said, he did not know what had been stated in another place, but this he could state, that as far as this petition went, it spoke the sentiments of a very large and respectable portion of the inhabitants of that part of the country. That there existed a very strong feeling on this question, was proved by the fact, that the king's Speech reached the place on the Saturday after it was delivered. The petition was agreed to on the same day, and was sent to him on the following Wednesday.

, in presenting several petitions from Essex against emancipation, said, he could not but feel dissatisfied at the indecent haste with which the measures brought forward had been introduced, and were to be pressed. After the announcement in the king's Speech, it had been said, that ample time would be given; and then the minds of many were quieted by the statement of the duke of Wellington, that he would introduce such a bill as would give satisfaction to all parties. But, what was the nature of the bill now before the House? It gave no securities whatever. It was, to all intents, complete and unqualified emancipation. Such a measure he had no hesitation in saying, was in direct opposition to the declared opinions of the great majority of the people of this country. It had been too much the fashion of late to endeavour to detract from the importance of petitions to call the petitioners stocks and stones; but such measures as these were sufficient to cause the very stones to rise. When his constituents on a former occasion, asked his advice as to the course they should pursue with respect to the Test Act, he advised them to keep quiet, to wait for a general election, and they could then act in a becoming manner towards those who had betrayed their trust. He would say the same to all electors on the present occasion; and he had no doubt that a large majority of those who now set the opinions of their constituents at defiance, would have cause to feel deep regret at their conduct.

said, he did not know to what the hon. member could apply the term indecent haste; certainly not with justice to the course which had been pursued with respect to the bills before the House. They had been told, on the first day of the session, that measures would be introduced, which would have the effect of healing the wounds, which had so long affected Ireland. More than a month had since elapsed, and it was only that evening that the promised bills were introduced. They were ordered to be read again on Tuesday next, and that only the second reading; after which there would be several opportunities for objecting to the bills, and ample time for any further petitions which might be sent to the House. Day after day, since the beginning of the session, petitions had been presented in large numbers, and discussed to an extent almost unprecedented; and yet hon. members said, that respect was not paid to the petitions of the people. The hon. member had said, that members would be made to feel the effect of their present votes at a general election. Now, he represented a populous place, and he was not afraid to meet his constituents to-morrow. He had done the best he could on this subject, and he had no fear of any consequences which might be anticipated from a general election. What was the course they were about to pursue? While the establishments of the country would be impregnably secured, we should heal those animosities which had so long agitated the country, and which had endangered those establishments infinitely more than the measure now before parliament could possibly do. Why, then, talk of the risk of a general election? He might not live to see the next parliament; but whether he did or did not, there was nothing which would give him greater satisfaction than his having assisted in this great work of Christian benevolence and Christian charity. When he saw so many of the clergy active in getting up petitions against this measure, he could hardly think that they understood the nature of their religion; or, if they did, that it had but very little influence on their acts. For what did religion teach? To do good to all men. He knew that prejudices existed; but those prejudices were increased by groundless statements of danger to the constitution. He knew of no danger to the constitution, except that which arose from allowing a question which set one portion of the people in hostility to the other to remain unsettled. The alarms that had been excited, that parliament was going to change even the throne itself, were absurd, and would be ridiculous, but for the excitement which they were calculated—as no doubt they were in many cases intended—to create. When, however, those feelings should have subsided, and the people considered the measures before parliament with more calmness, no doubt they would be rejoiced that the Houses of parliament had agreed to propositions so directly tending to promote its peace and prosperity.

said, that his hon. colleague had observed, that in a general election the people of the country would not forget those members who had betrayed their trust. He knew not whether his hon. colleague alluded to him [" No," from sir G. H. Smyth], but this he could say, that he had never betrayed his trust. He had never deceived his constituents, for he had never given them any pledge. But, notwithstanding the excitement that had been caused amongst his constituents, if there was to be a general election to-morrow, he should not be afraid to meet those constituents and to lay before them the grounds on which he acted; and he felt perfectly satisfied that the result would not be such as his hon. colleague seemed to think. If his constituents—laying aside the consideration of the part which he had acted on other questions—would, in a letter, signed by a majority of them, say to him, that it was their opinion that he had betrayed his trust, by voting as he had done upon this question, he would not wait till the arrival of the next general election, but would immediately resign the seat which they had bestowed upon him; for he never would consent to hold a seat in that House without having the right to exercise his judgment, freely and impartially, upon all questions which might come before him.—He wished, as he was now addressing the House, to say a few words in explanation of what had fallen from him on a former night, when a petition against these claims was presented by his hon. colleague; and the necessity for making this explanation might be taken as an apposite instance of the inconvenience arising from the custom of making a debate on each petition, as it was presented What he had said upon that occasion was this:—" I do not think that the measure proposed by ministers will comprise all the advantages which a more extended arrangement would secure to Ireland; and I apprehend that, when this bill passes into a law, there will be still sources of discontent existing in Ireland, sufficient to disappoint the government in its expectations of restoring permanent tranquillity by it to that country." He had likewise said,—" I am of opinion, that one of the most fertile sources of that discontent will be the state of the church of Ireland; and I think that no measure will consolidate the interest of the two countries so much as taking into immediate consideration the state of the ecclesiastical revenues of that country." An hon. gentleman (continued Mr. Harvey) upon my declaring these sentiments, assumed a tone which he had no right to assume, towards me or towards any other member, upon that or upon any other question. He took upon himself a part which he is by no means unwilling to play—I mean the part of parliamentary lecturer to those who will not harmonize with his views, and will persist in voting, not according to the impressions of his mind, but according to the impressions of their own. That hon, member will pursue, of course, the step which he thinks proper; but I would ad vise him to reserve his lectures and admonitions for such members as are weak enough to fancy that they may profit by them. For my own part, I tell him frankly, that I do not conceive myself to stand in need of any admonitions that he can bestow. I must, however, confess, that after the admonition which he volunteered to bestow upon me, I was astonished beyond all measure at hearing his protest against the remarks which I had offered to the House, and his declaration that he would oppose this measure of Catholic relief, if he thought it had the slightest tendency to affect or injure the interests of the Protestant Church. The boldness—I ought rather to say the rashness—of such an assertion, excited my surprise; and I was induced, by the violence of the disclaimer, to conjecture that the hon. member had, on some former occasion, been actuated by impressions somewhat similar to my own. I consulted the records in which the opinions of hon. members of this House are preserved; and I found that the hon. member who had ventured to send me this lecture had, upon the motion proposed in the year 1825, by my hon. friend, the member for Montrose, as to the propriety of making a revision of the ecclesiastical revenues in Ireland, actually voted in the minority. How the hon. member can now say, that he will oppose this great measure of Catholic relief, if it be calculated to affect, in the slightest degree, the revenues of the church of Ireland—how he can make such a declaration after the vote which he gave in support of the motion of my hon. friend, it is for him, not for me, to reconcile. I do not venture to advise him what course he ought to follow; and I hope, that in future he will not throw away his advice upon me. I consider myself to be quite as independent, and quite as capable of thinking and acting for myself, as the hon. member is, to think and act for me. For though I am not, nor have ever been, one of the noisy and clamorous adherents of the Roman Catholics, I will venture to say, that there is not a more constitutional supporter of the Protestant church in the whole country than I am. I am not an enemy to a national church establishment, nor have I ever professed to be one. I hope that my hon. colleague, whatever he may say about other gentlemen, will not say that I have abandoned any pledges which I gave to my constituents at the time of the election.

said:—After the direct allusion which the hon. member has made to me personally, I trust that it will not be thought an unwarrantable liberty if I offer a few remarks, in reply to the observations which have been made on the present occasion, after due deliberation, by that hon. member, who had a fuller and a better opportunity of replying to my remarks at the time when they were fresh in the recollection of all than he has now, when, after three days' preparation, he comes down to the House to direct against me the speech which he has reserved so long within his own bosom. He has charged me with the practice of reading lectures to hon. members as to the course which they ought to pursue in the performance of their public duties in this House. In the first place, I appeal to those who have seen the whole of my public conduct, during the ten years I have had the honour to have a seat in this House, and I ask them whether I have, upon any occasion, ever ventured to read a lecture to gentlemen who differed from me in opinion, or to force my own views of public questions on other members, as the grounds on which they ought to form theirs. I hope, I may say, that I never intruded my advice upon any individual, unless there was a fit occasion for so doing; but if I should be mistaken upon that point, and it is the unfortunate bent of my disposition to read lectures in this House, in order to make disciples to the cause which I espouse, I am sure the hon. member for Colchester is the last individual on the face of the earth whom I should endeavour to make a convert to my opinions, having, I can assure him, no wish to acquire his support upon any occasion. The hon. and learned mem ber must, however, allow me to say, that in his version of this night he has varied altogether the statement which he made to us on a former evening. If the hon. member had confined himself to the statement which he has now offered, I should not have thought it worth my while to make the slightest comment upon it. But the hon. member was not quite so cautious in his former statement; as the House will perhaps recollect. For what was the hon. gentleman's statement on that evening? He was declaring the grounds on which he supported the measure proposed for the relief of the Roman Catholics, and he then stated, as distinctly as words could state, that his reason for supporting that measure was his conviction, that if it were passed, it would lead to a combination between the Catholics and the Protestant Dissenters from the established church of Ireland, for the purpose of making a joint attack upon its revenues and emoluments. That was the statement of the hom member on the former evening [hear]. I am sorry to be compelled to allude to what occurred on a former night; but if hon. members are so irregular as to refer to our past debates to find subjects of accusation against me, I am excusable in imitating their irregularity, not with a view to attack others, but to vindicate myself. If, then, the vote of the hon. member be given on such grounds as he has stated, to the bill for the removal of civil disabilities from the Catholics, I, friend as I have been from my infancy to the Catholics, would rather have his vote opposed to me, than see the cause to which I am attached, burthened, I will not say with the disgrace, but with the inconvenience, of his support. The hon. member says, that I am inconsistent in my conduct, because I formerly supported a motion for inquiring into the revenues of the church of Ireland, and because I now declare myself opposed to any measure which may have a tendency to injure the interests of that church. I tell the hon. member, that I am not guilty of the inconsistency which he imputes to me. I have been from the earliest period of my existence an attached member of the church of Ireland; and I am quite sure that I have never supported any motion which had a tendency to diminish the revenues of that church. I tell the hon. member, that on the occasion to which he alludes, the division was taken, not oa the motion my hon. friend, the member for Aberdeen, but on an amendment proposed by my right hon. friend, the member for Waterford. I always have been, and still am, ready to acquiesce in any inquiry into various parts of the law affecting the church establishment of Ireland. I have supported various motions for inquiry into the laws respecting the leasing of the church property, respecting tythes, and respecting education, as connected with the established church of Ireland; but I will give up the whole point in dispute, if the hon. member can show me that I ever, either by vote or declaration, acquiesced in the doctrine which he laid down in the late debate, that the achievement of Catholic emancipation was a consummation most devoutly to be wished, because it would create facilities for making a united attack by Catholics and Protestant Dissenters on the established church of Ireland. I have always dissented from such doctrines, and I shall not be inclined to agree to them the more because they meet with the assent of the hon. member for Colchester. The two questions are distinct and independent; or, if there is any connection between them, it is very different from that which the hon. member represents. I believe, if there be one measure better calculated than another to give peace to the population of Ireland, and to preserve the Protestant church as established by law in that country, it is the series of measures now under discussion. They will unite the divided feelings of the Protestants of Ireland in support of every Protestant institution; and, what is no less desirable, will conciliate the excited feelings of the Catholic population. They will diminish the feelings of hostility with which the Catholics view our church establishment; they will diminish the number of its enemies; and by so doing they will ensure its preservation.

pledged himself to prove, from documents that could not be questioned, that the hon. member had voted for a proposition which was resisted by Mr. Plunkett, on the ground that it would be injurious to the church establishment.

observed, that having attended closely to the discussion referred to, he must say that, however the hon. member for Colchester might have qualified it on this occasion, he had certainly said, that the settlement of the Catholic question would lead to a consideration of the emoluments of the Established Church. Now, he who had the honour to represent a southern county in Ireland, almost entirely inhabited by Catholics, could positively state that, on the subject of tithes, there was very little dissatisfaction. The Tithe Commutation act had enabled the people to get rid of the evils they had formerly endured.

said, that if the objects which the hon. member for Colchester wished to see accomplished by the success of the Catholic question were such as he had described in his speech of a former night, he must be permitted to express, in the most explicit terms, his disavowal of any, the slightest participation in the hon. member's views. He believed that, if the hon. member for Colchester did really entertain such views, and did seriously hope that the concession of the Catholic claims would be attended with dangerous consequences to the interests of the established Church, he was still single in his opinions, and could not find in the large number of members who had pressed forward to support Catholic emancipation, any one to support his theory. If he understood any thing of the ground on which the settlement of the Catholic question was generally advocated,—if he knew any thing of the ground on which he had always advocated it himself,—it was on the ground, that the Protestant Church establishment, and the Protestant institutions generally throughout the empire, and particularly in Ireland, would be placed in imminent danger by the deferred adjustment of that question. He was quite certain, that the Roman Catholics had no hostility to the established Church of Ireland, as a religious establishment. It was true, there had been feelings of hostility engendered between the Protestant and the Catholic Churches; but such feelings of hostility had arisen, not from religious, but from political and were attributable, in the main, to the undeviating perseverance with which the clergy of the Protestant Church opposed themselves, on all occasions, to concession of the civil claims of the Roman Catholics. He was convinced that when this question, which had been so long and so obstinately debated, was once settled, by the concession of equal rights and equal privileges to all sects and denominations of his majesty's subjects, the settlement of it would turn out to be greatly for the advantage of the people of Ireland; that the violent of the Catholics to the Protestant establishment, would subside, and that our Catholic fellow-subjects would soon discover, that they had no interest whatever in the overthrow of the Protestant Church of Ireland. If, however, the result which he anticipated should not take place, and if the apprehensions which some persons entertained, as he conceived very needlessly, should be fulfilled, the Protestants of the empire would be united as one man in defence of their religion and its institutions, and that would be in itself a great advantage derived from the adjustment of the Catholic question. On these grounds he maintained, that the right hon. Secretary had not deserted any of the grounds which he had formerly taken on this subject; and that his affection to the Protestant establishment had induced him to place it in the only position in which it could be placed, with safety to itself, and with advantage to the country at large. He had been anxious, before this discussion arose, to address one or two words to the hon. member who had said, that the measure proposed by his Majesty's government was unqualified and unconditional emancipation, and had therefore filled the country with feelings of just and terrible alarm. Certainly, it was full, fair, and liberal emancipation. That he admitted it to be; and for that he, for one, was grateful. So, too, were the Roman Catholics. The hon. member, however, was much in the wrong, when he stated that the bill which had now been read a first time, gave unqualified and unconditional emancipation. There were conditions, and heavy conditions too, attached to it,—conditions, which were probably attached to it for the purpose of removing the apprehensions of danger which some persons felt from the influx into parliament of a great number of Roman Catholic members, who were opposed, as such persons supposed, to all the interests of the kingdom, and determined to upset them. How were those apprehensions to be realized? The hon. member said, "by means of the priest-ridden population of Ireland." Be it so: then what did the right hon. Secretary propose to do to remedy such an evil? He saw the elective franchise in the hands of a population influenced by their priests, ands likely to return to the House of Commons individuals, who, acting under the same influence, might be tempted to seek the subversion of the Protestant Church; and he accordingly introduced into parliament a bill for the disfranchisement of those very persons who were stigmatised as being likely to abuse the political power intrusted to their keeping. That bill was a very severe measure, and one against which his feelings much revolted; for the manner in which the forty-shilling freeholders had exercised their franchises was above any praise which could be bestowed upon it. Those poor men had looked the danger boldly in the face; and he wanted words to express his gratitude to the brave, and gallant, and generous men who had come forward so nobly and independently at the last election. That, however, was not the view of their conduct taken by other individuals: no; these men were parts of an ignorant and a priest-ridden people. If this were true, then had the right hon. gentleman opposite met this contingency in the very mode in which, of all others, it ought to be met, and had given his opponents a measure of greater security for the Protestant constitution, than any which he had ever heard suggested. If, however, the right hon. gentleman were to pass all the years of his life,—and for the benefit of his country, he trusted that the right hon. gentleman had still many happy years to pass,—in devising securities, he would labour in vain, if he expected to satisfy the opponents of emancipation; because, devise what securities he might,—and better securities than the present he could not devise,—they would still find something in them to object to; there would still be the same outcry and resistance; and all because the securities were to be accompanied by the grant of equal rights and equal privileges to seven millions of their fellow-countrymen.—Then, as to the indecent haste with which this measure was said to be pushed through parliament. He protested against such an assertion. There was not the slightest ground for making it. We heard nothing about indecent haste, when the bill for the suppression of the Catholic Association was passing through parliament; there was not then a single word said, there was not a single prayer for further time, but every thing was considered to be as it should be, when the object was to arm government with the extraordinary powers of that bill. Propose a penal Bill, or a measure which was to coerce the people of Ireland, and the right hon. gentleman might pass it as quickly as he pleased. But, as soon as the right hon. gentleman came forward with a measure of grace and concession, and a proposal to confer equality of rights upon all classes of the people, the haste was indecent, the proceeding was indelicate, and every opponent to the Roman Catholic claims was marshalled in array against him. He was sorry that the right0 hon. gentleman had yielded even a single day to the importunities of such persons; he trusted that the right hon. gentleman would on no account extend the time which he had already granted to them; but that he would persevere in bringing on a question so important to the peace and prosperity of Ireland, on the 17th of March, the festival of the titular saint of that Island.—Perhaps, as he was now on his legs, he might be allowed to say one or two words on the subject of the curtailment of the elective franchise. He was delighted, he repeated, with this Catholic Relief bill; he had never expected to obtain a better. The right hon. gentleman had gone to the root of the disorder, by cutting out of the social system of Ireland its religious distinctions. He gave the right hon. gentleman his hearty thanks for the open, manly, and statesman like, course which he had pursued. He was quite satisfied and happy, when he looked at the first part of this measure of relief; but, undoubtedly, there was a considerable deduction in the ecstacy of his feelings, when he looked at the second part of it—the disfranchisement bill. He thought that the forty-shilling freeholders deserved any thing but that. The House might believe him when he stated, that they were not a priest-ridden people. The motives upon which they had recently acted were not of a religious, but of a national character. Their priests saw the way in which the current of national feeling was setting, and all they did was to follow it. If that question were left open for consideration, he would venture to promise that he could establish his last position to the satisfaction of every member in that House. He candidly confessed that he did not like this bill for the disfranchisement of the forty-shilling freeholders: indeed, nothing could be proposed more grating to his feelings than to have these poor, but high-minded freeholders, visited by a measure which to them would have all the consequences of a penal law, It was not, however, to be forgotten, that the right hon. gentleman had made a great sacrifice of feeling in bringing forward this relief bill; and, therefore, he should feel it to be his duty, in his humble station, to make a sacrifice of his feelings also; and nothing should prevent him, however his feelings might revolt against it, from paying the great and costly, and all but extravagant price, which was asked for the great measure of Catholic emancipation. Pay it he would, whatever might be the expense; for heavy would be the responsibility which would fall upon those who should shrink from the duty of bringing this long agitated question to a successful termination.

said, he rose for the purpose of deprecating any further discussion on the merits of a bill which was not at present regularly before the House, and especially on the erroneous principles on which the hon. member for Armagh had ventured to argue it. He entreated the hon. member to consider, whether it was proper to found his argument against the disfranchisement bill on the gratuitous assumption, that it was a penal law inflicted by the government on the lower orders of the Catholic population of Ireland It ought never to be considered as a penal law affecting only one part of the population, for he proposed to extend the principle of disqualification which the bill contained to all the forty-shilling freeholders alike whether Presbyterian Dissenters, Roman Catholics, or Protestants of the church of Ireland. He entreated the hon. member to recollect, that he maintained the franchise of the freeholder inviolate, where it was to be exercised in corporate towns in conjunction with freemen, so that this measure ought not to be represented as a measure not founded in equality and justice. He would entreat the hon. member to read the evidence given by Roman Catholic gentlemen and by Roman Catholic ecclesiastics to the committee appointed to inquire into the effect of the present mode of exercising the elective franchise in Ireland. He would also entreat him, whilst reading that evidence, to recollect, that it was given at a time, and under circumstances, which prevented it from being suspected. The respectable individuals to whose evidence he alluded, stated their opinions in very decisive terms as to the effect which raising the amount of the elective franchise would have in raising the independence of the peasantry, Let him read that evidence, given by the Roman Catholics themselves, and then say whether it was fitting to hold up this bill as a bill which was going to introduce a new penal law into Ireland. There were many other matters of importance, which ought to be considered in forming an opinion on the propriety of passing the disfranchisement bill. Was there any want, for instance, more seriously felt in Ireland, than the want of an independent yeomanry, that connecting link between the aristocracy and the lower orders? Let the hon. member consider the effect that the proposal to raise the elective franchise would have in raising up such a class, and in giving to the country a body of respectable and independent voters. He would not have alluded to this bill at all to night, if the hon. member for Armagh had not rested his argument against it on grounds on which it ought not exclusively to rest. He had examined into the number of voters registered in the hon. member's own county; but, as it would be invidious, he would not mention what the result of his inquiries had been, or what the conclusion had been which he deduced from it. He would therefore take another large and populous county in Ireland, and would inform the hon. member, that by the inquiries which he had instituted in that county, he found that, since the year 1823, twenty-three thousand seven hundred freeholders had been registered, and that of this number nineteen thousand two hundred and five were marksmen, who could not write their own names. For voters of such a character, he proposed by this bill, to substitute a class of really respectable and independent electors. In another county, where from ten thousand to fifteen thousand voters had been registered within the same time, he had ascertained that not more than a hundred had applied to be registered at their own instance, and that the registration of the rest had been made at the instance and expense of liberal clubs, or of gentlemen, who expected the votes of the freeholders so created to be given as they directed. Let the House take these points into their consideration. Let them look at the representations which had been made upon this subject by intelligent and disinterested witnesses, and then, if they were satisfied that the cause of religion would be promoted by cutting off the temptation to perjury which these fictitious freeholds presented—if they were satisfied that it would give a higher tone to the peasantry—if they were satisfied that it would raise a respectable and independent body of electors—let not the period of its introduction to their notice be an insuperable barrier to the passing of a measure, which, independently of its connexion with the Roman Catholic question, was likely to be productive of great and permanent benefit to Ireland. He admitted that it would not be easy to calculate the number of freeholders which there would be in each county, under the improved system which his bill was intended to produce. Even if the number of 20l. freeholders were known, it would not be easy to determine how many freeholders there were with 10l. or 15l. a year, inasmuch as all freeholders under 20l. a year were registered merely as forty-shilling freeholders. In one of the extensive and opulent counties in Ireland to which he had directed his inquiries he had ascertained, that there were two thousand two hundred and sixty-eight 50l. freeholders. Now, if upon such a datum he might venture to conjecture what the number of 10l. freeholders would be in that county, he thought there would be a probability that they would get, not only in that county, but in the other counties of Ireland, exactly that class and that number of voters which lie should most wish to see in possession of the elective franchise. He should not have been tempted by any considerations personal to himself to say thus much, but it appeared to him to be necessary to see that this question was rested upon other grounds than those which the hon. member for Armagh had stated; that it ought not to be considered as the purchase of the Catholic Relief bill; and above all, that it ought not to be considered as a penal law inflicted upon the forty-shilling freeholders for the decisive part which they had taken at the late elections.

I have never, in the whole course of my public life, been more unfortunate in the declaration of my sentiments, than I have been this night, if I have seemed to throw any discredit on the second part of the great measure for the general relief of the Roman Catholics. My feelings go all the way with the right hon. gentleman. I supported this disfranchisement bill when it was brought forward in 1825, and I shall support it now. It is in my opinion full of good, and it makes the measure for the relief of the Catholics a better measure than it would be without it. Whenever this bill is brought under our notice, I shall feel it my duty to throw all feelings of opposition aside, and to give it my decided support.

said, that one of the parties interested in this question was for granting no concession, and the other was for granting no securities. The government, as it appeared to him had acted wisely in stepping in between these two parties, and telling one "we will grant concession;" and the other, "we shall demand securities." Although he intended to support the great principle of these bills, he was obliged to say, that the security proposed did not go to the extent which he wished. He would not, on that account, throw any obstacle in the way of a measure which he believed was calculated to produce such beneficial consequences to the country, as would secure for it the approbation of every friend of Christian principles.

, in presenting two petitions against concessions to the Catholics from Suffolk, protested against the manner in which the petitions of the people were received in that House. He had seen many petitions vilified and dragged through the dirt by the vindictive eloquence of the gentlemen opposite. He considered such a practice extremely censurable, as the poorest man had as good a right to express his opinion upon this question as his betters. In the able and eloquent speech which the right hon. Secretary had delivered the other night, he had said, that a great number of gentlemen in that House had given nothing but a silent support to the views which they entertained on this great question. He was one of those gentlemen, and he would shortly state the reason why he had never spoken in the debates upon this question; it was because he had thought that the subject was too great for him to grapple with. He thought that it would be presumption in a person of his calibre to intrude himself upon the House when so many more able and eloquent men were anxious to address it. His right hon. friend had drawn a contrast of the opinions entertained by the representatives of counties and of large towns, on both sides of this question, and from that contrast it appeared that the numbers on both sides were nearly equals He had also appealed to the result of the last general election; but that test was not satisfactory, inasmuch as it was not announced to the people at the dissolution of the last parliament, that the House of Commons which they were going to elect was to make a definitive settlement of the Catholic question. What, however, had been the result of the poll in all elections which had been held in populous places since the annunciation of these new measures? The only two places in which there had been any thing like popular elections were Oxford and Newark [Hear, and a laugh], He was told that there was a third place—Carlisle. He had not any personal acquaintance with the hon. member for Carlisle, and therefore he could not tell how he intended to vote. At Newark, however, anti-Catholic principles had gained a glorious and a signal triumph; and the University of Oxford had done itself immortal honour by rejecting his right hon. friend, and returning in his stead the hon. baronet, who was now its representative. The University had resisted every effort which had been made by interest and influence to corrupt her; and had returned, to her immortal honour, one of the most high-minded and uncompromising opponents of Popery. His right hon. friend had also been returned: but, by whom? His right hon. friend had found a numerous constituency in the person of sir Manasseh Lopez, who had proposed him, seconded him, and returned him to parliament as a fit person to represent his ancient and populous borough of Westbury. He did not mean to say that, being so returned, the right hon. gentleman did not represent the opinions of the people of England, as well as any other member; but he believed it would be conceded, that his return, under such circumstances, could not be considered as proving that the feelings of the people of England were favourable to the bill which he had introduced.

said, that if the importance of the petitions were to be measured by the Imperial bushel, or by their specific gravity, rather than by their intrinsic merits, the arguments of which the hon. member for Suffolk had just delivered himself would be difficult to reply to but, when he considered that the prayer of these petitions, in the opinion of three hundred and sixty members of that House was adverse to the peace, prosperity, and security of the country, he must ask the hon. member to excuse him, if he could not receive these petitions with the profound respect to which that hon. member conceived them entitled. He wished for a moment to examine the title of petitions of this nature to the recommendation of the House. Did the petitioners complain of partial grievances which they themselves endured? Did they complain of corrupt or unequal representation? No: but they complained, that others sought the enjoyment of civil and religious freedom; that others sought a redress of severe grievances. This was most inconsistent with the generosity of the British character, and would, he trusted, be treated as it deserved.

said, he did not question the right of the people to petition, but he objected to the abuse of that right; which had so often been the case during the present session.

Gurney said, that the grossest misrepresentations were used in getting up these anti-Catholic petitions.

, in allusion to what had been said of the inattention of the House to petitions, remarked that they had devoted last night up to eleven o'clock to their presentation, and the whole of this evening likewise. So far from inattention, he never remembered so much of their attention bestowed upon petitions.

Rights of Executors

rose, to move for leave to bring in a similar bill, to explain the law respecting Residuary legatees, to that which passed the House last session, but had been lost elsewhere. His object was, to remove the uncertainty upon this branch of the law. As the law now stood, it was a matter of doubt whether the effects of a testator remaining after the distribution of legacies went to the next of kin, or remained vested in the residuary legatee. He reviewed the amendments which had been attempted to be made in this law so far back as the year 1725, and contended, that, instead of property so placed being vested in the residuary legatee, it ought to pass to the next of kin; but at present the real intentions of many testators were frustrated by their ignorance of the rule of law. The hon. member concluded by moving "for leave to bring in a bill to make better provision for the disposal of the residue of the Effects of Testators."

observed, that no man was so ignorant as not to know, that unless he specially devised the residue of his property to his children, it must go to the executors. If it were otherwise—if it happened that in ignorance of the law, a testator, contrary to his intentions were to dispose of his property in a manner to cause the distribution of a part of it among his executors instead of his immediate relatives—that, undoubtedly, would be a case of great hardship; but such a case had never occurred within his knowledge. He thought it better to allow the law to remain as it stood at present. An alteration such as that proposed by the present bill could only have the effect of letting in unknown and unheard of relations. The existing rule of law was universally known and acted upon; and he believed he was not out of compass in saying, that a hundred years must elapse before the altered law would be generally known throughout the country. This alone was an objection conclusive in his mind against the proposed bill.

supported the motion. The consequences of the law as it now stood were innumerable vexatious lawsuits, arising from the uncertainty whether the residuary effects of testators belonged to the executors, or to the next of kin. It appeared to him, that as in devises of real estates, the undevised property devolved upon the heir at law, so ought residuary effects in personal property to belong to the next of kin. The analogy was correct; and, at the same time, the principle was conformable both to equity and justice. The heir at law was not disinherited, except by devise; neither ought the next of kin to be deprived of the residuary effects of the testator, except by a positive bequest.

begged the House to recollect that, as the law now stood, an executor was presumed to be intended by the testator to take all the residue which was not disposed of by the specific terms of the will. This was the rule of common law; but equity, to soften the hardship of the rule, permitted the next of kin to petition in cases where there was what was called an irresistible presumption that the testator did not intend to give the executor the residue. If, however, the presumption was only violent, and not irresistible, the court of equity would not interfere, The learned gentleman, after pointing out the extent of litigation, which arose from this distinction, and the difficulties under which it placed a court of equity, in decidingbetween these two kinds of presumption, concluded by supporting the motion.

in reply, said, that where doubt existed, it was the duty of the legislature to remove it. The principle of his bill would be, where that doubt existed, to give the benefit of it in favour of consanguinity

Leave was given to bring in the bill.

Mutiny Bill-corporal Punishments

On bringing up the report,

said, he did not intend now to enter into the reasons of a recommendation which he had often before pressed upon the attention of the House, for the discontinuance of corporal punishments in the Army: but he wished to state, that, from accounts which he had received since last session, he was more than ever convinced of the propriety of the course which he had urged; and he was desirous to ask the Secretary of War, whether he would consent to a limitation of the powers given to commanding officers in this respect? He had heard, since last sessions, of men being sentenced to receive a thousand lashes. He did not know whether these severe punishments had been actually inflicted; but he was convinced that, in no case, was such a cruel remedy necessary. He understood that, in some regiments, scarcely a man was punished, while, in others, very many suffered this degradation; in short, that the punishment depended upon the disposition of the commanding officer. He thought the House ought not to countenance this remains of a barbarous and degrading practice, and which was so liable to abuse in the hands of arbitrary persons. Even admitting that such punishment might be necessary abroad, he was sure it could be very properly dispensed with at home; but his opinion was, that it was not necessary at all. He would propose, as an amendment, to give to general courts-martial a power of inflicting punishment not exceeding five hundred lashes; to district courts-martial not more than three hundred; and to detachment courts-martial, which consisted of not more than three officers, a power of inflicting not more than one hundred or two hundred lashes. It seemed to him quite monstrous, that those courts-martial, which were composed of but three officers, should have as extensive powers as general courts-martial, which consisted of thirteen. Corporal punishment was not practised in other armies of Europe; and he was sure it was not necessary in our own.

said, that the hon. gentleman appeared to have mistaken the objects and nature of the different courts-martial, when he complained that they all possessed the same and very large powers. This was not so. The hon. gentleman would find, that the authority of detachment and district courts-martial applied only to foreign service, and that such a tribunal was sometimes necessary, in cases of sudden emergency, to repress any turbulence on the part of the soldiers, and to protect the inhabitants of those places where they were stationed. It was true, that the officers acting in such a capacity, could sentence men to corporal punishment without limitation; but it should be observed, that their sentence must be confirmed by the commander-inchief, before the punishment could be inflicted.—It would be seen, that under the present circumstances of peace, no such courts-martial were necessary to be called into operation, although it was necessary that the enactment of them should be retained in the bill. The hon. gentleman also objected, that a district court-martial, which was composed of nine officers, possessed the same power as a general court-martial, consisting of thirteen. This was not the case. The district court-martial had but limited authority, and was not empowered to sentence to transportation. Their sentence also must be confirmed—not by the commanding officer of the regiment, but by the general officer of the district. As to the regimental court-martial, it could only try offences of a minor description, and was not authorised to adjudge more than three hundred lashes. Here, therefore, the hon. gentleman would see that his object was already accomplished. With regard to the distincttion of inflicting punishment abroad, and not at home, he conceived that this would be a most unmilitary regulation, and calculated to produce a very injurious influence upon the minds of the soldiery, by holding out to them a threat of punishment and degradation, when they embarked to fight the battles of their country, to which they were not liable at home. It was a mistake to suppose, that corporal punishment was not inflicted in any other than the British army; it was still practised in the armies of Saxony and Prussia; and, with regard to our own army, there was a clause in the bill, which enabled officers to substitute other punishments for corporal punishments; indeed, the latter infliction had been diminished to an extent of which he believed the hon. member was not aware. There were instances of regiments seven hundred strong, in which not above five or six men had been flogged within the last twenty years. It must be admitted that there were cases which might require the infliction of corporal punishments, and for those cases it was necessary to provide; but it was the anxious desire of the persons to whom the management of the army was confided, to keep down these punishments. They had decreased, and had been almost got rid of. Still the existence of the power of inflicting corporal punishment was necessary, in order to carry on the discipline of the army.

said, the right hon. gentleman had stated nothing with respect to the larger punishment of one thousand lashes. He wished, for the sake of humanity, that it should be limited to five hundred. With regard to the distinction between punishments at home and abroad, it had been argued, on former occasions, by the advocates of corporal punishment, that it was necessary, particularly abroad, to supply the place of prisons and civil punishments, which could be inflicted at home. It would be satisfactory to him, if the right hon. gentleman would lay on the table a return of all the corporal punishments inflicted within the year.

stated, that a medical officer was always present, on such occasions, who was able to proportion the degree of punishment, and to see that it was not carried to any dangerous extent. In answer to the hon. member, he could only say, that he did not know of any instance in which one thousand lashes had been inflicted, although such sentences might have been held in terrorem over the heads of offenders. He contended, that corporal punishments were greatly diminished in the army, within the last few years. As to the returns called for by the hon. member, he could never consent to their being granted; for he deprecated the principle of showing up—if he might so express it—the commander of any regiment in which corporal punishment was frequently inflicted.

The amendment was negatived.