rose to present Petitions from the landholders and commissioners of supply of the stewartry, and from the merchants, shipowners, and mariners of the port of Kirkcudbright, complaining of the want of lighthouses on the Scotch side of the Solway Frith, whereby numerous shipwrecks and great loss of life were fre- quently occasioned on that coast. The matter complained of was a great and crying grievance in that part of the country. There was only a single lighthouse from the Mull of Cantyre to the coast of Dumfries, and the whole of that navigation was of the most perilous description, being along a rocky shore, upon which shipwrecks were extremely frequent. For the last thirty-five years those who were interested in the stewartry had endeavoured to obtain the erection of a lighthouse on the island of Little Ross, and since he had come into Parliament, he had made representations for that purpose to the Commissioners of Northern Lights, on grounds that he conceived it impossible to resist. They were resisted, however, and on grounds that it appeared to him impossible to sustain. The Commissioners took great credit to themselves for having established a lighthouse at the Mull of Galloway, but in consequence of an intervening headland, that light was not of any use to vessels navigating along the coast of Kirkcudbright. During the last year four vessels had been lost there, two of them with all hands on board, and of the crews of the other two a considerable portion were drowned. If there had been a light on Little Ross Island, this loss of life would not have occurred. There had been sixty-six vessels altogether lost on that part of the coast during the last thirty years, and he could state, on the best authority, that the establishment of a lighthouse on the spot he had named might have averted to a great extent, if not entirely, such a destruction of life and property. A lighthouse could be constructed there for l,400l., which was scarcely one-tenth of the amount of the cargoes of some of the ships lost there. He did not desire to cast any reflections on the Commissioners of the Northern Lights—they were all most respectable gentlemen; but he must question the constitution of that Board. Of course the House supposed that it was mainly composed of scientific persons and of mariners. There was not, however, a single individual of either class upon it. It was composed of Edinburgh lawyers, and of the sheriffs of certain maritime counties in Scotland, and the Commissioners were entirely led by the judgment of their engineer. That gentleman had not done his duty towards the county which he (Mr. Fergusson) represented. From 1820 up to the present time his consttuents had never been able to obtain an answer to their request that a lighthouse should be established on Little Ross Island. The reply to them now was, that the harbour there had been surveyed by the engineer of the Board, and that he had reported that it was dry at low water. Now what was the fact? In this very harbour King William rode for several days, with all his fleet, on his way to raise the siege of Drogheda. Hundreds of vessels have been seen riding there in safety, and if the engineer had consulted any manner on the spot, he would have told him that at the lowest ebb there were from three and a half to four fathoms water in the harbour. He had been informed by a most respectable resident in Kirkcudbright, that the engineer arrived there on a Sunday, went to Little Ross Island, merely looked at the harbour, and without asking a question of a single mariner there, and without taking soundings, left the place. The harbour was, in fact, one where vessels coasting from Ireland to Cumberland, Dumfries, and Kirkcudbrightshire, could ride with perfect safety, and the light was asked for it as a harbour of refuge. He might be asked what could the House do? It could legislate on the subject, and by a Bill compel the Commissioners to do their duty.

interrupted the right hon. Gentleman, and reminded him that it was one of the regulations of the House not to go into a discussion on a Petition relating to a matter that had been, or would be, made the subject of a specific motion.

said, that in that respect the regulations of the House were changed since he had come into it. He still thought that petitioners had a right to have their case stated, though they might not have a right to have a debate upon it. He now gave notice, that on Thursday next he would present these petitions, and move for papers on the subject.

said, that he was bound in duty to enforce that which had been laid down as the general understanding of the House.

hoped, that when he seconded the motion of the hon. Member, he might not be understood as consenting to his proposal for raising the money by a continuance of the duty on coals. No one could visit the city of London without being made aware of the great importance of the communications being facilitated, as the loss of time and annoyance experienced from the present condition of the streets was incredible. He thought the success which had attended the plans of the hon. Member on former occasions, entitled his projects to be fairly considered at present.

trusted that the hon. Member did not contemplate drawing upon the public purse in aid of the objects he had in view.

replied, that that formed no part of his plan.

hoped that a very enlarged and comprehensive view of the subject would be taken. They were now in the same situation with respect to improvements in the Metropolis in which they had been placed with regard to railways when those great national undertakings were first projected. When railways were first planned, perhaps the fittest course would have been to appoint a commission of able practical men, to survey the whole of the country adjoining the proposed railway, and lay down the course of the main line of road; but now they were so far advanced, that it was almost too late to legislate on comprehensive principles with respect to them. He hoped that nothing would be done with respect to the remaining improvements of the Metropolis till the various plans proposed had been impartially considered, that due foresight would be used as to the probable extension of the Metropolis, and that not only the present, but the future, convenience of the public would be consulted. It was manifest that very great improvements might be effected, and he hoped that Government would not hesitate to consent to a temporary advance of the public money, if that should be necessary. He did not mean to say, that the public should sustain any loss; he had always maintained that the Metropolis had no greater claim on the public funds than the rest of the empire; but if great benefit could be secured to the Metropolis by a temporary advance on adequate security, he thought that would be a perfectly legitimate application of the public money. He thought that if it were possible to appoint a commission in which the public might have confidence, to take an enlarged view of the question, such a step would be very desirable.

moved, as an amendment to the motion, that the said Select Committee do inquire into the state of the law relative to Lotteries, foreign or otherwise, in which schemes have been advertised or circulated, or tickets or shares disposed of, in the United Kingdom, and to report their opinion thereon to the House, and whether any and what alteration in the law be desirable, or if the resumption of State Lotteries for national purposes, under the control of Government, be advisable. Every hon. Member, he said, must be aware, that notwithstanding the law condemned Lotteries, such schemes, both foreign and British, were openly carried on, and advertised in every newspaper. The law prohibited the sale of tickets, but not the purchase of them. It was notorious that a drain of money from the country to the amount of at least 200,000l. yearly took place owing to these speculations. If there was any necessary immorality in Lotteries, the House ought not to permit them for one moment, and when he considered that no Member of that House could move from his residence at night without meeting twenty or thirty gambling-houses open in his way, he thought there were ample grounds to induce them to entertain this question.

seconded the amendment.

submitted to the hon. and learned Member for Kilkenny, that this was a proper subject for the investigation of a separate Committee. There was no sort of connexion between the two objects proposed [hear], and he thought the two inquiries might easily be conducted so as not to interfere with each other.

was very glad that the subject of Foreign Lotteries had been introduced. His attention had been lately directed to the question, and he was engaged in preparing a Bill, which he believed was calculated, in its operation, to redress some portion of the evils which were complained of regarding them. He should introduce it in the course of a few days, and the House would see whether it answered that purpose. If it did not, he should support the reference of the Bill to a Select Committee. Undoubtedly, the evils to which these speculations gave rise called for an immediate remedy.

would not press his amendment.

moved, that the words "His Majesty" be substituted for the words "Speaker of the House of Commons," and "Lord High Chancellor."

moved, that the Barristers be required to have practised three years below the bar, and three at the bar.

observed, that there was a very important matter to be taken into consideration, namely, the time which would be taken up in effecting the registration. The Bill proposed that every district should have the registration effected once in each year. Now, he had found that last year 475 days were taken up in completing the registration. The hon. Member opposite might reply that that was an extraordinary year; but he would take the two years preceding, which were not extraordinary, and the average number of days occupied in the registration was 323, in which computation Sundays were not included. It was evidently a physical impossibility that the number of Barristers to be appointed could perform this duty, and he should therefore divide the Committee against the clause.

contended, that every question must be decided by the balance which appeared between conveniences and inconveniences. He did not agree with the noble Lord in thinking that so much time would be consumed in the registration as had been wasted under the old system, owing to the incompetency of the tribunal which had to decide on questions relating to that subject.

said, that in his judgment, it was not so much a matter of importance whether the number of Barristers was large or small, as whether the appointment should be vested in the Government. He had a strong objection that the Revising Barristers should be creatures and nominees of any Government. It was objectionable in the highest degree to invest the Ministers of the day with the power of appointing officers filling such important stations as these Barristers, who had a power of deciding on the validity of all the voters in every town and county in the United Kingdom. This was too dangerous a power to be thus flippantly bestowed. The House, in adopting the clause, would be acting with gross inconsistency. In cases of petitions against the return of Members at contested elections they did not leave the matter to the decision of the Ministry, nor even to the decision of a majority of that House; but they required a Select Committee appointed by the Ballot. The proposition of investing the Ministers with so tremendous a power as the nomination of Commissioners, on whose decision the elective franchise all over the Kingdom was to be in most cases decided, was so objectionable and unconstitutional, that he should support the proposition of the noble Lord if he pressed for a division.

said, that by this clause, if the Revising Barrister should be taken ill, a Deputy was to be appointed. Now, was it intended that they, having enacted that the Revising Barrister himself should be prevented from sitting in Parliament for any borough, city, or county, for which he had revised the list, that the Deputy to be appointed should be placed under the same restriction?

considered that they ought to be placed on the same footing with the Revising Barristers themselves, and it would be necessary to introduce a proviso to that effect.

begged to enter his protest against the propriety of vesting the appointment of Revising Barristers in the officers of the Crown.

cited, in justification of the proposal, the case of the Welsh Judges, who, until within a few years, had always been appointed by the Crown, upon the same principle that it was proposed now to adopt with reference to the Revising Barristers.

remarked, that the precedent put forward by the hon. Member for Chester was an unfortunate one, inasmuch as the manner of appointing the Welch Judges had long been a theme of general and deserved reprobation, and in consequence of the objections that have been raised, the practice in that respect had been altered.

begged to remind the right hon. Baronet, that there was a wide difference between the cases of the Welch Judges, as formerly appointed, and that of the Revising Barristers to be appointed under this Bill—namely, that the Welch Judges did sit in Parliament, which gave rise to the charge of political jobbing as against them, while the Revising Barristers were expressly incapacitated from holding seats in Parliament, not only for the time being, but for a period of eighteen months, after being employed in that capacity, in respect of the places for which they had revised the lists, whether city, borough, or county.

begged to ask if no jobbing could be done unless the parties had seats in that House? If it was considered necessary to exempt certain individuals from sitting in that House, was it not sanctioning a much worse principle, to say that persons under the influence of the Crown should have the power ministerially to decide the question as to who should sit in that House?

was strongly disposed to join in the objections that were taken to this clause. It certainly was a most extraordinary principle that the Revising Barristers were to be appointed by one person, while the substitutes for the Revising Barristers, when a necessity arose for their appointment, was to be appointed by another, who could not be so well acquainted with their fitness as he whom they had excluded.

contended that the Lord Chancellor might appoint a person as a supernumerary Revising Barrister, who might not be of more than two or three years standing; and the scale of payment of these individuals was to be determined by the Lord Chancellor; he was to award what he should deem meet. He had great objection to lodging this power in the hands of the Lord Chancellor.

had no objection to postpone the clause.

rose, and said that he owed an apology to the House for not persisting on a former night in his motion for an adjournment of the House at twelve o'clock. He had submitted, however, on that occasion, to a power which he felt that he was not able to resist. He had not undertaken the task of moving the adjournment at twelve o'clock at night from any unworthy motive—from any morbid love of notoriety—he had undertaken it because he felt that the system of midnight legislation was not only injurious to the health of hon. Members, but was also highly prejudicial to the interests of the country, and to the sober and deliberate judgment which those interests imperatively required. He desired on all occasions to act impartially, and he hoped that he had done so. He was sorry, however, to observe that there seemed in certain quarters to be a desire to break through the very wholesome regulation on this subject, to which the House agreed at the commencement of this Session. He therefore felt himself called upon not to give way to-night, and he should therefore move, that the Chairman do now report progress, and ask leave to sit again.

thought, that the hon. Member for Salford had not fairly stated the regulation to which the House assented at the commencement of the Session. The understanding then was, that no new matter should be commenced after twelve o'clock, but that was not to prevent the matter in hand at that hour from being brought to a conclusion. He considered that the hon. Member, in making his present motion, was guilty of a decided breach of the understanding which had formerly been made between him and the House.

said, that he had never understood that the hon. Member for Sal-ford had consented to let business go on till three or four o'clock in the morning, because it had commenced before twelve o'clock at night.

expected the hon. Member for Salford to persevere in his Motion; and reminded him that he had frequently moved the adjournment of the debate when a new Speaker rose at five minutes past twelve o'clock.

said, that if the hon. Member for Salford felt any hesitation in pressing his motion, after what had fallen from the hon. Member for Bridport, he would take upon his own shoulders the responsibility which the hon. Member declined, and would move that the Chairman do now report progress.

was not aware that the House had ever come to any understanding on this subject with the hon. Member for Salford. For himself, he had not been a party to any such understanding, nor would he now. He would not let the hon. Member for Salford be the sole judge whether the House ought or ought not to sit after twelve o'clock. He should certainly divide the Committee on the question of reporting progress.

moved that the House do adjourn.

hoped that this motion would be resisted. If the House determined not to sit later than twelve o'clock at night, hon. Members must make up their minds to continue sitting to that hour till the middle of September. He, therefore, hoped that hon. Members would not obstruct the public business by making motions of this kind. He denied that Government had ever come to any understanding with the hon. Member for Salford on this question.

said, the hon. Member for the University of Dublin himself spoke frequently fifteen or twenty times after twelve. For his part he never did and never should adhere to the rule of adjourning at that hour. It was departed from almost every night. He did not wish to make any harsh observations upon the course pursued by the hon. Member for Salford. No hon. Member ought to be permitted to dictate to the House what was or what was not important business, or prescribe a time for closing their discussions. They were sent there to do the public business with the greatest possible speed. He must remind the hon. Member for the University of Dublin, that while that hon. Member was absent in Dublin, in the discharge of his duty, he and others must be in that House at all times during the Session. It might be very convenient for hon. Members to concur in a motion for adjournment, who were not in their places all day watching the public business. Were they, after proceeding so far with this important Bill, to give it up at so early an hour as twelve? If this rule were to be observed, they must meet at twelve at noon, or the business of the Session could not be gone through.

would take with calmness the observations of the hon. Member for Greenock. He had never pretended to make himself a judge on this matter, and as a proof of it, he would appeal to the House whether he had ever divided it before to-night on the question of adjournment.

observed, that though the hon. Member for Greenock had alluded to the hon. Member for Salford as "the guardian of the night," he had never yet been under his control; and if the hon. Member for Salford intended to vacate his present post, he was prepared to take possession of it. He was determined to take the sense of the Committee again on the question of adjournment, and he hoped that hon. Members would support him in so doing.

reminded the House that the understanding with the hon. Member for Salford, which his Majesty's Government now repudiated, was a compromise made with a certain party in that House. He was sure that hon. Members could not have forgotten that the hon. and learned Member for Kilkenny had given notice that he should move the adjournment every night at ten o'clock, but that promise, like several others from the same quarter, had never been performed.

said, it was quite clear that the continuance of such desultory conversation tended only to exhaust the patience of the House, without advancing the business of it in the least degree. That the Bill before them was of importance no one denied, and that it was one of exigency, in point of time, was equally admitted. It had been re-committed a third time, and, therefore, it remained to be shown by hon. Gentlemen who knew that they were a minority, whether they would interrupt public business, not for the purpose of reserving points upon which a difference of opinion was likely to arise—rbecause he was willing to reserve any such points—but for the purpose of retarding the business of the House. We say, that with a view to give the people of England a remedy for admitted evils, let us proceed with the points upon which we are all agreed.

did not wish to impede the business of the House, but his experience had convinced him that the business was always unsatisfactorily conducted at late hous.

begged leave again to move, that the Committee do adjourn.

entreated the House to go through those clauses to which no objections were taken, and postpone the rest to another evening. It was not wished to entrap hon. Gentlemen into an acquiescence to clauses against which they entertained any objection. But if they would oppose clauses now, to which they would at another hour assent, why then let the country understand that such was the spirit in which these hon. Gentlemen were prepared to legislate.

said, that a great number of Gentlemen, who were the best informed upon the subject of this Bill, and on whose judgment he and his friends placed implicit reliance, were gone home, upon the understanding, that the proposition which was made at the early part of the Session for adjourning the House at twelve o'clock, would be adhered to. He did, therefore, feel it his duty, under those circumstances, to persevere in his endeavour to prevent the Bill going on any further to-night.

would ask, whether anybody could deny that the opposition now offered by gentlemen on the other side of the House was not a most fruitless, injudicious—he would not call it unfair, because nothing was unfair in that House,— and most unfounded opposition. If those respectable Gentlemen, who so well understood the provisions of the Bill, were gone away, still he begged leave to say, that many Members who had taken part in the debates upon the Bill, and who seemed to understand its details were still present. There were the hon. Member for Oxford, the hon. Member for Yarmouth, and the hon. and gallant Member for Lincoln—a wise gentleman in his generation—all those who seemed to understand the subject best, still remained. If public business was to be impeded, let it be understood by whom it was so impeded, [laughter, amidst which, the laugh of Col. Sibthorp was distinguishable.] "There is a well-known Latin proverb," continued the right hon. Baronet, "which rendered into English, signifies, that 'nothing is so foolish as a foolish laugh.' It is more foolish, I think than agitation is. The hon. and gallant Gentleman has been kind enough to say something of its being the wish of the Government to postpone public business. He must, on consideration, know, that that is not our intention."

As what passes in this House afterwards finds its way out of the House, nothing ought to pass within it which would not be suffered to pass unnoticed out of it. If the right hon. Gentleman wished to say anything which was personally offensive to me—I ask the right hon. Gentleman to state whether such is his intention? After a few more words, which were not heard, the hon. Member resumed his seat, and immediately afterwards left the House.

The right hon. Gentleman, in the course of his address to the House, was good enough to use my name. Before he did that, he said that those respectable Gentlemen who understood this question had left the House, laying some little emphasis on the word respectable. I presume the right hon. Gentleman did not mean to imply that those whose names he mentioned were not properly designated by that term?

begged to deny, in the most express manner, any intention to make the slightest possible reflection on the hon. Gentleman; and if he had said anything which was the least injurious to the hon. Gentleman, or which in any degree was hurtful to his feelings, he begged to express his sincere regret that any such unintentional circumstance should have happened.

said, that the only way to put an end to this discussion was by forty members putting down their names, and declaring that they would remain there till six o'clock in the morning, in order to go through the business of the House.

hoped the House would not be deterred by any threat from doing its duty.

said, it was an important question and ought to be treated with calmness. If hon. Gentlemen would not allow the business to go on, undoubtedly they had the power to prevent it. He had hoped that the mode that he had before suggested would have been adopted, but as that was not the case he could only advise his hon. Friends not to waste their time by raising their voices any longer against adjourning the further consideration of the Bill, by using their power of resisting, as hon. Gentlemen opposite did of proposing, that course. All the gain would be on the side of hon. Gentlemen opposite; therefore he was not disposed to enter into a contest which must end unprofitably. He should accordingly move that the Chairman report progress, and ask leave to sit again.

(The Chairman of the Committee) begged to acquaint the Chair, that certain words had passed between the hon. Member for Lincoln (Col. Sibthorp) and the right hon. Member for Nottingham (Sir John Hobhouse), in the progress of the Committee whose proceedings he had just reported, on which false constructions might be put; he therefore considered it his duty to report the fact to the House. It would be for the right hon. Gentleman in the Chair to take that notice of it which he should deem necessary.

Are the hon. Members in the House?

No, Sir.

said, I must say, Sir, that I did not hear any words used by the right hon. Member for Nottingham, which any man in his common senses could take offence at.

begged to suggest the propriety of both the hon. Members being taken into custody forthwith.

submitted, that the proper course of proceeding would be, to move that both the hon. Members be ordered to attend the House. This would bring them under the jurisdiction of the House, and they could then proceed as they thought proper. He begged to make the motion.

put the question, that Sir John Hobhouse and Colonel Sibthorp be ordered to attend in their places.—

said, that seeing the hon. Member for Lincoln in his place, it became his duty to acquaint him that the Chair- man of Committees had reported to him that certain words had passed between the hon. Member and the right hon. Member for Nottingham, which had been, in his (the Speaker's) opinion, misapprehended and understood in an offensive sense by the hon. Member. He, therefore, required to be informed by the hon. Member whether or no any such feeling existed in his mind?

I have no hesitation in saying, Sir, that I have entertained, and must continue to entertain, such an impression, until I find an inclination on the part of the right hon. Member for Nottingham to disavow such an intention. I have but one course to pursue, Sir; I determined upon that course, Sir, when I first entered public life; and I hope the course I have uniformly pursued, both as a military man and a civilian, has never been irreconcileable with the course I ought to pursue. Sir, I have but one course to pursue; it is the maintenance of, I hope, unimpeachable honour, and, I trust unimpeachable courage. I have no hesitation in saying, Sir, that I did receive those words, and that I shall continue to receive them, in a manner offensive to me. As a man of honour, I have but this course to pursue; and this being the case, it is my inflexible determination to pursue no other.

was quite certain that the general expression of opinion which had fallen from the hon. Member, contained those principles by which every other hon. Gentleman would be most anxious to regulate his own conduct. For the moment, however—he meant no offence in this—he wished to leave the hon. Gentleman entirely out of the question, and to appeal to the personal and political friends who sat around him. He appealed to them for the accuracy of his interpretation of what had taken place. He really did not apprehend that any circumstance had occurred in the course of the debate in Committee, of which any hon. Gentleman had a right to take personal notice. He wished it to be understood that he was not now arguing the case of the hon. Member for Lincoln, because he wished to remove him altogether from the scene. The occurrence was simply this: a laugh took place on the Opposition side of the House; it might have occurred on the Ministerial side. Upon this, his right hon. Friend, translating a Latin proverb, said, "few things are more foolish than a foolish laugh." Now, he put it to hon. Members whether if an hon. Gentleman took such a remark as this to himself, he might not with equal propriety construe almost every remark which was made in that House into a very serious personal affront. No personal offence could have been intended. The hon. Gentleman laughed certainly, but so did other hon. Members. He would put it to the hon. and good-humoured laughers opposite, whether they had felt affronted by the observation of his right hon. Friend? Well, they had not felt it any very heavy personal offence. The hon. Member for Lincoln should remember, too, that he had deprived his right hon. Friend of a reply, by leaving the House first. In his absence, however, his right hon. Friend had replied; and in that reply he had unequivocally stated that he had meant no offence whatever to anyone. Under these circumstances, he put it to the judgment and good sense of the hon. Members around the hon. Gentleman, whether it would not be misapplying the powers of the House and the functions of its Speaker to interfere at all in the present case.

felt bound to state, for the information of the House, and the satisfaction of the gallant Colonel, that he had been informed by the right hon. President of the Board of Trade (Mr. Poulett Thomson), that he was quite sure no personal offence had been intended by the right hon. Member for Nottingham.