said, he would beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, when the Report of the Royal Commission on Salmon Fisheries will be issued, and if the Government intend to introduce any Bill on the subject of Salmon Fisheries during the present Session?

said, he believed that the Report of the Royal Commissioners on Salmon Fisheries had been presented, but he was not aware whether it had yet been circulated among Members. He thought it would be right that before the Government came to any decision on the subject, hon. Members should be in pos- session of the Report and should have time to master its contents.

said, he would beg to inquire, Whether, as the Highway Bill is not yet in the hands of Members, it is the intention of the right hon. Baronet the Home Secretary to proceed with the second reading of the Bill on Monday next?

stated, that he would not press the second reading of the Highways Bill on Monday, but would on that evening fix a later date for that stage.

said, he wished to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, If he can give any information concerning the outbreaks of the convicts at Chatham; if he is aware of any alleged causes for those outrages, and what steps have been taken to prevent their recurrence; and whether all the convicts now at Chatham have undergone the preliminary reformatory discipline at Millbank and Pentonville?

said, that perhaps the most satisfactory answer he could give to the question of the hon. Member would be to state what had taken place a Chatham. Early in January six prisoners at Chatham endeavoured to make their escape; but the attempt having been frustrated they were removed to the Penitentiary at Millbank. One day in the beginning of the present month a disturbance occurred while the convicts employed on a small island named St. Mary's, in the Medway, were at dinner. The ten convicts who were implicated in that disturbance alleged as the reason of it the poverty of the soup which was furnished for their dinner. That complaint, however, was entirely unfounded, and was merely a pretext for creating a disturbance. These ten men were removed to separate cells to await the decision of the Director of Prisons, Captain Gambier. That gentleman went down to Chatham on Monday the 11th, and was engaged in trying the prisoners; when he received information that the men on parade, returning to their work, were in a state of insubordination. A number of the convicts, who began shouting and throwing up their hats, were separated from the rest by the warders and obeyed the order of the Governor to return to the prison, and the first four parties were locked up in their respective cells. Some of the others began shouting and creating a disturbance, and shutting the doors of the cells, preventing a number of the convicts from re-entering their cells. Upon this the disturbance became general and the excitement great. The Governor of the prison and Captain Gambier remonstrated with the unruly convicts, but without effect, and the military were therefore sent for. During the interval that elapsed before the arrival of the soldiers the convicts broke some windows and upset some stoves. That was, he believed, pretty nearly the extent of the mischief which they did. When the military arrived they suppressed the disorder in a short time without loss of life or bayonet wound, and the prisoners were all locked up. No warder was injured as stated in some of the newspapers. On Tuesday Sir John Jebb and Captain Gambier went down to the prison, and forty-six of the ringleaders were punished by thirty-six lashes each, on that and the following day. All the prisoners who had taken part in the disturbance were placed on bread and water and confined to their cells, and all their gratuities and privileges were withdrawn. The number of convicts engaged in the outbreak was about 850. He had investigated the matter with some care, but was unable to give any very clear explanation of the affair; nor could the officers of the prison satisfactorily account for it. The general cause, however, which certainly operated to a very large extent, was that the refuse of the hulks were transferred to Chatham Prison on its first opening and tainted the prison population, together with some of the inferior officers. Hence it was difficult to enforce strict discipline, without creating discontent, and the discipline at Chatham was strict compared with that which prevailed in the old hulks. It was necessary for him to observe that there was no change of discipline or diet to account for the outrage, and no specific grievances had been alleged by any convict engaged in the disturbances, either before or after they took place. A picket of about forty soldiers was now stationed at the prison as a measure of precaution. He could not say whether the convicts had undergone the reformatory discipline at Millbank and Pentonville, as he had received no notice of the question.

rose to put a Question to the Secretary of State for India as to establishing improved Local Legislative Councils in India. He complained that there was too much centralization in the administration of India. The number of Englishmen who were settled, both among the hills and upon the great plateaux, such as that of Mysore, was rapidly increasing, and, considering how greatly they contributed, and must in the future contribute, to the prosperity of India, and what valuable assistance they rendered to the Government in suppressing the recent mutiny, it was desirable that they should be represented in these local Councils. Nor ought the Natives to be excluded from them. It was on all hands admitted that it was most desirable that the Natives should be encouraged to local action, and he knew of no greater encouragement which could be held out to them than the admission of representatives from their body to these Councils. In Ceylon the introduction of British settlers and of Natives into the Legislative Council had had most beneficial results, and he could not but think that it was desirable to extend the same system to India. The hon. Gentleman concluded by asking the right hon. Baronet the Secretary of State for India, whether any measures would be adopted by Her Majesty's Government for giving improved Local Legislative Councils to India, of which British settlers, as well as Natives of India may, to a certain extent be members, in conformity with the Recommendation of the Select Committee which lately considered the subject of British Settlement in India?

said, that it was impossible to overrate the importance of the subject introduced by his hon. Friend; but that importance was almost equalled by its difficulty. The recommendation of the Select Committee over which the hon. Gentleman presided was that some Native as well as an English element should be introduced into the Legislative Council at Calcutta, and not that Legislative Councils should be established in other parts of India. Lately, however, the tendency of opinion had been in favour of constituting Councils in different districts of the country, rather than adding to the Legislative Council at Calcutta. The question had occupied the attention, not only of himself and the Indian Council, but also of the noble Lord who preceded him in office; he had communicated with the Governor General upon the subject, and he expected, if not by the next mail, at least very shortly, to receive a communication from him. Until he had done so, he should be sorry to express any opinion upon the question. He entirely agreed with his hon. Friend as to the desirability of employing the Natives in offices of Government— indeed, both in Oude and in the Punjab, Lord Canning had given to the Native chiefs large powers, both fiscal and magisterial, which they had administered, not only with great advantage, but also with a degree of impartiality which might hardly have been expected. This, however, was a very different thing from taking part in the deliberations of a Legislative Council. It would obviously be impossible to bring Natives from distant parts of India, who did not understand English, and spoke half a dozen different languages, to the Legislative Council at Calcutta, and the educated Natives of that city no more represented the inhabitants of the upper parts of India than persons who were sent out from this country. What might be done with local Councils was quite another question, because the smaller the area the less were the difficulties in the way; but he must remind his hon. Friend that the experience of Ceylon, which was hardly more extensive than a large collectorate in India, did not afford any fair example or precedent for what might be done in so large a district as one of the Presidencies of the latter country. This subject had occupied, and would continue to occupy, his attention, and, probably, in the course of the Session, he might have to introduce some measure in regard to it; but at present he must decline to express any further opinion.

rose to ask the noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a question respecting the annexation of Mentone and Roquebrune to the French Empire. The hon. Gentleman said that it would be in the recollection of the House that the main argument which was put forward by the French Govern- ment last year in defence of the annexation of Savoy and Nice rested upon the geographical boundaries and natural frontiers of the French Empire. It was maintained that the chain of the Alps, and particularly that spur of the Alps which touches the sea at the town of Nice, and which separates Nice from the Principality of Monaco, was the natural frontier of the French Empire. That argument as to geographical limits and natural frontiers was met in some most admirable despatches written by the noble Lord the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, in reply to those of M. Thouvenel. The noble Lord said that,—

"If a great military Power like France is to demand the territory of a neighbour upon its own theory of what constitutes geographically its proper system of defence, it is evident that no State could be secure from the aggressions of a, more powerful neighbour."

That, however, was the argument, and the main argument, which was adduced to support what he must always consider the most improper and shameful annexation of those provinces to France. Now, we were suddenly told that the Emperor of the French had purchased a portion of the Principality of Monaco. It was true that the district so purchased was of trifling value, and contained a population of only 6,000 or 7,000 persons: but it seemed to him very hard, especially in these days in which we heard so much of nationalities and of the rights of peoples, that even 6,000 persons should be sold like a flock of sheep, and transferred by a stroke of the pen from an Italian sovereignty to the French Empire. And what became of the argument as to natural frontiers? The Empire was now carried twelve miles across its "natural frontier" on the road to Genoa, and its next "natural frontier" would be at that place. The Principality of Monaco was only ten miles long by some four or five miles wide, but it was a very rich and productive country. It had since the tenth century belonged to the ancient family of Grimaldi, and had never been sold or transferred by them. In 1792 it was taken possession of by the French Republic. Under the Treaty of 1814 it remained annexed to France; but the Treaty of 1815 provided that the relations which had been established by the previous treaty between France and Monaco "shall cease entirely" (cesseront à perpetuité). Monaco then became independent. But in 1848 Sardinia one fine morning occupied Mentone and Roquebrune. This was a violation of the law of nations; but, perhaps not a more flagrant one than some other acts of that Power. It was not the first occasion on which Sardinian troops had interfered unjustifiably in Italy; and, although the Principality was a small one, the step was a serious violation of the law of nations. Of such importance was the matter considered, that at the Congress of Paris in 1856, Baron Hubner called attention to it, remarking that the Roman States were not the only portions of Italy which were occupied by foreign troops, as the commune of Mentone had been hold for eight years by Piedmontese troops, notwithstanding the remonstrances of the Sovereign of the country. But, in spite of this protest, the Sardinians remained in possession of Mentone and Roquebrune down to the present moment. Moreover, he doubted the right of the prince to sell his Principality, as there were rival claimants to the throne, in prejudice of whom the French now stepped in as purchasers. How came it, he would ask, that France never thought of purchasing this Principality till Savoy and Nice had been annexed? It was certainly a curious fact that then, and not until then, France should effect this purchase at an expense of four millions of francs. Another consideration which suggested itself was the part Sardinia had taken in the transfer. It was all very well to talk of a purchase from the Prince of Monaco; but, as the Sardinians were actually in possession of both these towns, it was impossible that the transfer could have taken place without some understanding with the Government of Sardinia. If this understanding had come to the knowledge of Sir James Hudson, Her Majesty's Government would be in possession of correspondence which he had no doubt they would not object to lay on the table; but if the transaction had not been made known to Sir James Hudson, it was evident that a secret understanding must exist with Sardinia for the withdrawal of her troops, in order that the French frontier might be carried twelve mile3 on the road to Genoa. And if such an agreement had been secretly made, probably Europe would be told some day of another secret understanding which would carry the French troops to the gates of Genoa. After the excitement created by the annexation of Savoy and Nice last year, and the discussions which that measure gave rise to, it was perfectly intelligible that France and Sardinia should be anxious that a fresh annexation, whenever such was in contemplation, should not become known till it was a fait accompli, and until the interference of any other Power would be unavailing. The question which he wished to put to the noble Lord the Secretary for Foreign Affairs was, Whether any correspondence had passed with Sir James Hudson in reference to the annexation of Mentone and Roquebrune?

remarked that in the present day political rumours were so speedily converted into facts that it became necessary to investigate even the whispers of secret diplomacy. Now a pamphlet had recently appeared in Paris, professing to enunciate the opinions of persons in high places. Now the Imperial Government might be designated as a despotism illustrated by pamphlets; and the pamphlet in question indicated a possible solution of the Papal difficulty. The suggestion was to the effect that the temporal sovereignty of the Pope with a nominal vicariate of Sardinia, might possibly be instrumental in the settlement of the Italian question. Where, however, that temporal power was so reduced as it had been by recent events, it was idle to talk of its exercising influence beyond serving as a cloak for French interference in Italy — an interference which he held to be fraught with danger. A remarkable change had taken place in the opinions of English Catholics with regard to the temporal power of the Pope. The Irish, of course, were more enthusiastic and less open to conviction; but he, had been informed on reliable authority that Cardinal Wiseman was obliged to report to the Papal Government that it would be very difficult to raise any sympathy whatever among English Catholics in favour of the temporal power of the Roman Court. ["Question."] He had it in a letter from a man of the highest station, and one to whom the liberation of Central Italy was mainly owing, that the Italians were prepared to liberate themselves by their own exertions, and that they would not be content while the temporal government of the Pope continued in operation over any portion of Italian territory. It was a common error to suppose that the French troops had, in the first in- stance, been sent to Rome by the present' Emperor. The fact was not so. It was the late General Cavaignac who had sent them there. A confirmation of that statement would be found in Lord Normanby's memoirs. There could be little doubt that that move of the general was for the purpose of furthering his electioneering prospects—that it was made in order to obtain the support of the Roman Catholic Church. He begged to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether it is to be understood that it is the meaning and intention of Her Majesty's Government to give any encouragement -to the idea that any scheme having for its object the retention of any part of the temporal sovereignty of the Pope, as a possible solution of the Italian question, could, under any circumstances, be satisfactory or acceptable to the Italian People?

asked to be allowed to make a few remarks in reference to the assertions of the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down. Among the many statements of the hon. Gentleman was one specific statement which he (Mr. Hennessy) believed he had taken from the pages of a weekly paper, The Saturday Review, but which the hon. Member said he made on good authority. The House would be able to form a correct estimate of the amount of credit that ought to be given to the hon. Gentleman's authorities, when he told them that, within the last few days he had had the honour of a personal interview with the illustrious Prelate named in the particular statement to which he now referred; and that Cardinal Wiseman stated to him that there was not one word of truth in the story. His Eminence added that no such letter had been been written, and that no such communication had been made by him, either directly or indirectly. He (Mr. Hennessy) should not go into the hon. Gentleman's other statements; but probably the House would arrive at the conclusion that they were of a piece with that one.

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, What stage the negotiations respecting the redemption of the Stade toll had reached; and whether Her Majesty's Government intended to propose a vote on the subject during the present Session?

The hon. Gentleman the Member for Lanarkshire (Mr. B. Cochrane) has put a Question respecting the annexation of Mentone and Roquebrune to the French Empire. The state of the case is this:—Ventimiglia is the boundary of the kingdom of Sardinia, according to the arrangements that have been made. Nice, also, till last year, belonged to the kingdom of Sardinia, though a separate county. Between Nice and Ventimiglia are those two communes— Roquebrune and Mentone, the latter a large and beautiful town on the borders of the sea. On the borders of the sea, likewise, is the town of Monaco itself. With regard to Mentone and Roquebrune, there has been, at various times, and for a long period, a contest between the Kings of Sardinia, as Dukes of Savoy, and the Princes of Monaco. Of late years the Kings of Sardinia have said it was exceedingly inconvenient to those towns which were between different portions of their dominions—enclosed, as it were, within their territories—should be the cause of disturbances, and should prevent the operations of the Customs and. other laws. In 1848, there was a declaration on the part of these towns, first, that they would throw off the domination of the Princes of Monaco, and become an independent State; and, next, that they wished to be annexed to Sardinia. The Sardinian Government thereupon placed in them a small garrison, consisting of forty or fifty men. The Prince of Monaco endeavoured to procure a restoration of the towns; and the British Government declared that they could not consider that transaction to be lawful, or that those places had any right to separate themselves from Monaco. But the Sardinians kept the towns. Last year, however, the position of affairs was materially changed; because Nice, instead of being part of the kingdom of Sardinia, was coded to the Emperor of the French, was occupied by French troops, and was placed under French laws. A totally different situation of affairs had thus arisen. The King of Sardinia had no longer the power to say that those two towns were enclosed within his own territories. At the same time, as the hon. Gentleman has said or implied, a part of the mountain district came into the hands of the French Government. This territory of the Prince of Monaco was not five miles broad, and part of the Alpine range became annexed to the French Empire. The Prince of Monaco had not for a long time received any revenue from these towns. The Emperor of the French offered him 4,000,000f, for them, which it was supposed would yield a revenue of 120,000f, or something under £5,000 a year. That sum was accepted by the Prince of Monaco, and he even wished to place Monaco itself under the protection of the Emperor of the French. The French Government, in answer to that proposal, said that Monaco was recognized as an independent principality by the Treaty of Vienna; that they wished to leave it so; and that they did not ask for anything more than they had obtained by that convention. I cannot see that there is any great political importance to be attached to this transaction. That territory of Ventimiglia was the frontier of the Italian Kingdom before this, and it still remains so; and all the declarations which the Sardinian Government has made are applicable to that frontier, and not to those towns. The hon. Member for Devizes (Mr. Griffith) has put to me a Question, to which if I do not give a decisive answer, I have only as my excuse to ask hon. Members to read that Question. The Question is—

"Whether it is to he understood that it is the meaning and intention of Her Majesty's Government to give any encouragement to the idea that any scheme having for its object the retention of any part of the temporal sovereignty of the Pope, as a possible solution of the Italian question, could under any circumstances, he satisfactory to or acceptable to the Italian people?"

I profess myself quite unable to give a precise or specific answer to that Question, as it passes my comprehension to know what it means. I have only to say that the only idea to which the Government has given any encouragement is the idea that the Italians ought to be left to themselves to settle their own affairs. Therefore, if the King of Sardinia and his Holiness the Pope can come to any arrangement satisfactory to themselves, I do not think it is likely that Her Majesty's Government will interfere. As to any "idea" about the temporal and spiritual power of the Pope I will not venture to say anything on the subject. The hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Digby Seymour) has asked me a Question with regard to the Stade Tolls, I have to state that after various and long discussions the opinion of the law officers of the Crown amounted to this,—that although we might dispute the validity and locality of the Stade Duties, yet we could not do so without complicating the negotiations to such a degree that the only practicable mode of settlement was by paying an indemnity. When we entered into negotiations on that footing Hanover, no doubt, was well disposed to consider the question; but she said it would be a serious detriment to her if she made such an arrangement as would enable one Power to claim exemption from the toll, as in that case every other Power would come to be exempted also, and her entire income from that source would cease. The arrangement ultimately proposed was that one-third should be contributed by Great Britain, one-third by Hamburg, and another third by all the States which now contribute to the payment of the toil. But, at the same time, the Government of Hanover said, it could not agree to carry that arrangement into effect unless six-sevenths of the last third were undertaken to be paid by all the other States. The Board of Trade made objections to this last proposal; but the Hanoverian Minister has expressed the strongest hopes that that payment will be made by all the States. I understand the Question of the hon. and learned Member to be, whether, supposing we get a Vote in this House to pay the portion of the indemnity undertaken to be paid by Great Britain, the British flag will then be exempt from the toll. I have to answer that hitherto the Hanoverian Government have stood on this ground, that they cannot allow any one State to be exempted till an arrangement is made for the payment of the whole toll.

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland, Whether, in conformity with the promise made by him last year, he will, at an early period, move for the appointment of a Select Committee to consider and report on the changes desirable to be made in the Laws for the Administration of Relief to the destitute Poor in Ireland? He suggested that unless the right hon. Gentleman had this Committee appointed soon it would be impossible to carry any measure founded on this inquiry during the present Session.

said, that this was a matter which the Poor Law Commissioners in Ireland regarded with deep interest. The only reason why he had not put a notice for a Committee of Inquiry on the paper was that he wished the great body of the Irish Members to be present. After what the hon. Member had said he would lose no time, but would put a notice on the paper for next week.

wished to ask the Under Secretary of State for War, Whether the Government intend to permit the Yeomanry Cavalry to assemble this year for eight days' permanent duty, and to grant the usual pay for that period. That information was now being most anxiously looked for by about 14,000 as loyal Volunteers as any that existed in the country. Last year the Yeomanry were not only not called out, but the money usually voted for that body was diminished from £80,000 to £45,000; and it was to be regretted that the money thus kept back was that which was devoted to the training and discipline of the men. He thought that the course which the Government had pursued in relation to this matter would, if persisted in, not only impair their efficiency and weaken their discipline, but would go far to ruin the force altogether. The Yeomanry had witnessed the Volunteer movement with great interest, and had rejoiced in its success; and he could not but think that the dissatisfaction they had expressed at their not being called out was extremely reasonable. He was very anxious that the intimation of the Goverment should be given as quickly as possible.