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Commons Chamber

Volume 291: debated on Thursday 31 July 1884

House of Commons

Thursday, July 31, 1884

MINUTES.]—SELECT COMMITTEE— Report —Education, Science, and Art Administration [No. 312].

SUPPLY— considered in Committee —CIVIL SERVICE ESTIMATES—CLASS III.—LAW AND JUSTICE—Votes 20, 22, 24, 26, and 28.

Resolutions [July 30] reported.

PUBLIC BILLS— Second Reading —East Indian Unclaimed Stocks [269].

Report of Select Committee —Ulster Canal and Tyrone Navigation.*

CommitteeReport —Revenue, &c. [300]; Cholera, &c. Protection [303].

Considered as amendedThird Reading —Public Health (Ireland) (Districts)* [311]; Criminal Lunatics [295]; Infants [308], and passed.

Withdrawn —Crown Lands* [99]; Royal Courts of Justice* [139]; Burgh Police and Health (Scotland) (re-comm) * [296].

Questions

Questions

Royal Irish Constabulary—Sergeant Corbett

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, If it is true that Sergeant Corbett, of Stradbally, is in the habit of firing shots out of the barrack door and on the barrack premises, killing birds and crows, the barrack being beside the public street, or if it is a breach of the regulations to have a gun other than the one served out to him; and, whether the sergeant has an excise licence?

The District Inspector reports that Sergeant Corbett is not in the habit of firing shots as stated. But on the morning of the 3rd of July he fired two shots with a borrowed fowling piece, at the back of the barrack premises, for the purpose of frightening away birds which were injuring crops in the garden. He was more than 60 feet from the public street at the time. The sergeant has not an Excise licence, nor was one required, as he had the gun within the curtilage of the barrack.

India (Madras)—The Land Question in Malabar

asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether he will cause inquiry to be made into the complaints of certain tenants in the district of Malabar that they are being evicted from their holdings for giving evidence before the Special Commissioner, Mr. Logan, against their landlords; and, whether affairs in that province are not in a most critical state?

The Government of Madras deputed, in 1881, a Special Commissioner to inquire into the Land Question in Malabar, which, from the complexity of the tenures, the density of the population, and the keen competition for land, is a difficult one. They are now considering Mr. Logan's Report; and, pending a decision, they have appealed to the loyalty and good sense of all classes to disturb as little as possible the existing state of the relations between all parties interested in the soil.

India (Madras)—Forest Legislation—Act 5, 1882

asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether attention will be paid to the increasing number of complaints of ryots at the vexatious nature of the recent legislation in Madras, Act 5, of 1882, Forests; and, whether it is true that section 56 declares that all wood timber, produce, &c., &c., shall be presumed to be Government's, and that, in consequence, such enormous powers are placed in the hands of low paid officials, that most serious discontent is spreading over the Madras Presidency?

Act 5 of 1882 did not come into force until the 1st of January, 1883, and no Report on its working has yet reached this country. Neither have any complaints been received, so far as is known, of the vexatious nature of its clauses. Section 56 provides that when a question arises under the Act whether forest produce is the property of Government, such produce shall be presumed to be the property of the Government till the contrary is proved. The powers reserved to the District Forest Officers are, in many instances, not capable of being delegated to subordinates; and, in any case, there is no reason to suppose that "enormous powers are placed in the hands of lowpaid officials," or that serious discontent has arisen therefrom.

Poor Law (Ireland)—Election of Guardians, Carlow Union

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, If he is aware that there were twelve contested divisions at the late election of Poor Law Guardians for the Carlow Union; were the Nationalist Guardians defeated in eight of them; were the elections of three of these eight set aside, on the ground that the returning officer (Mr. E. L. Jameson), who is also clerk of the Union and sub-sheriff of the county, received informal claims to vote, and allowed votes thereon to the Conservative candidates; is it a fact that in the other five divisions investigations have been made and numerous similar informal and improper claims discovered as having been received by the same returning officer, and votes improperly allowed by him on said claims for the Conservative candidates; if these matters were brought before the Local Government Board by resolutions and statements of the Carlow Board of Guardians, and by petitions of the defeated candidates several weeks ago, and has any answer since been given by the Board, and what is the cause of the delay; will the defective claims be permitted to be amended before the new elections; if the said Local Government Board, in the case of the Rathanna Division of the above Union, received two resolutions of the Guardians calling for a sworn investigation on numerous grounds; did the Board disallow eight votes recorded for the Conservative candidate (his majority being nine), but refuse to grant the sworn investigation, although the Guardians by resolutions objected to over 20 more votes that were counted for the successful candidate; did the Guardians of the Carlow Union, by resolution of the 26th of June, call on the Local Government Board to discontinue Mr. Jameson as such returning officer, as they had no confidence in him; did the people of the county of Carlow (in public meeting assembled) protest against the conduct of Mr. Jameson, and have copies of such resolutions been sent to the Local Government Board, and has the Board taken any, and what, steps in the matter; and, will the Board continue Mr. Jameson as clerk of the Carlow Union, he being sub-sheriff of the county?

The Local Government Board inform me that 12 elections were contested in the Carlow Union; but they have no record of the politics of the candidates. The returns in three districts were set aside, on the ground that the persons returned did not obtain a majority of valid votes—some votes having been allowed in respect of informal claims. Statements of objections to the validity of elections have also been received with regard to several other districts; and the Local Government Board, having obtained the explanation of the Returning Officer, have communicated with the Guardians, and await any further observations they may wish to offer. It is competent to have the defective statements of claim amended, so that they will contain all the particulars required, and thus be available at subsequent elections. In the Rathanna Division, which is named in the Question, the Board disallowed eight votes which were given on invalid claims; but the disallowance of these votes does not affect the result of the election. The Local Government Board have communicated to the Guardians their views respecting each of the other cases to which objection was raised, and have stated that from the information then before them they were not prepared to accede to the request for a sworn inquiry. The Board have received applications for the discontinuance of Mr. Jameson as Returning Officer; and have informed the applicants that they do not feel called upon to comply with that proposal. There is nothing to show partiality towards any particular candidate on the part of the Returning Officer; and the errors he committed were made apparently in ignorance of the law. They have been pointed out to him, and he has been warned that he will be held strictly responsible for the proper discharge of his duties.

May I ask if that is the first occasion on which there was a complaint against this Returning Officer?

Fishery Piers and Harbours (Ireland)—Teelin Pier, Co. Donegal

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether the so-called "soft" foundation, for 20 feet in front of Teelin Pier, county Donegal, is not the same or nearly the same nature as that upon which the pier has been built; whether the 20 feet which has been cut off from the most important part of the pier-head was not part of the work contracted for with the contractor, and paid for as if same had been duly executed; whether the nature of the foundations, upon which the Board of Works were going to erect so important and expensive a structure, were correctly ascertained in the first instance, and not when too late; whether a strong representation has been forwarded to the Lord Lieutenant by or on behalf of the Grand Jury of the County of Donegal, at this Assizes, protesting against the mismanagement and waste, by the Board of Works, upon numerous fishery piers around that county, and complaining of the ruinous state of some of the very newest piers on the Coast, and calling for an investigation; and, whether the supervision of these important works at Teelin was left to a young and inexperienced man, son of a clerk in the office of the Board of Works, and whether his name and previous qualifications will be given?

It is not the fact that the completed part of Teelin Pier rests on a soft foundation, nearly the same as that which had to be abandoned, as the former is built on rock or other hard material. The 20 feet length cut off was originally contracted for; but as it appeared that the contractor was entitled to extra payment for unforeseen work, no deduction was made from the total amount paid him. No doubt, it was unfortunate that the existence of this soft bed was not discovered at first; but it should be remembered that the arrangements for this pier were not made by the Board of Works, but by the special Relief Committee of 1880, and so were probably more hurried than they would otherwise have been. The county surveyor of Donegal has complained of the condition of four piers in that county, though nothing has yet reached the Lord Lieutenant on the subject, and a special inquiry will be made into the matter; but I must observe that it is the duty of the Grand Jury to maintain these piers, and the Board of Works have nothing to do with it. The Clerk of the Works at Teelin was named Latimer; he is a regularly trained engineer and member of the Irish Institute of Civil Engineers, besides which he had three years' practical experience before he was employed by the Board. I am told he is the son of a clerk in the Board of Works.

suggested that the Treasury should order an altogether independent inquiry into the matter.

said, that he could not catch what the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury (Mr. Courtney) had just said; but he would ask if the Government would kindly send some gentlemen from England who would be competent to find out whether the Board of Works had done the work satisfactorily or not?

said, he was not prepared to take that step; but he would take care that a full inquiry was made.

Post Office (Scotland)—Irregularities in South Uist

asked the Postmaster General, Whether, in reference to the grave irregularities in certain Post Offices in South Uist, recently brought to his notice, and made the subject of Question in this House, it is the fact that William Mearns, Sub-Postmaster of Loch Boisdale Pier, one of the persons implicated, was formerly a domestic in the service of the proprietors of South Uist; and, whether, in view of the Report (page 65) of the Crofters' Commissioners—

"In the remoter parts of the Highlands and Islands it is considered specially desirable that, in the nomination of Postmasters and telegraphic officials, persons be selected who are altogether independent of local or political authority or influence,"

he will take care, in future appointments in these localities, that discrimination be exercised on the lines indicated in the Report?

in reply, said, he was not aware whether the Sub-Postmaster to whom his hon. Friend referred was formerly in the service of the proprietors of South Uist. He was appointed on the recommendation of the surveyor that he was the most suitable person in the locality. He thought there would be great difficulty in carrying out the suggestion of the Crofters' Commission; because if no one in the locality could be appointed to these offices, it would be necessary largely to increase the salary of the offices, in order to induce persons to come from a distance to hold them. Moreover, he thought it would hardly be just to act on the principle that no one in the locality was fit to be trusted with the charge of a Post Office. He might add that in The Post Office Circular of that week a special notice had been issued to Postmasters and Sub-Postmasters in Scotland which would, he hoped, prevent any further irregularities of the kind alluded to.

Irish Land Commission—Land Valuation—Counties Cavan and Leitrim

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether it is a fact that Mr. Bell, the Court Valuer to the County Court Judge for Cavan and Leitrim, gave a report as to the value of land in Nedd, near Killeshandra, county Cavan, also in Annagh, Curraghaboy, Corglass, and Dumbrick townlands, parish of Carrigallen, county Leitrim, without having gone on the farms; and, if so, will he appoint a more careful valuer?

:Mr. Bell emphatically denies that he gave reports of such valuations without visiting the lands.

Crime and Outrage (Ireland)—Maiming Horses—Carrickmacross Presentment Sessions

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether his attention has been called to the action of the Monaglen Grand Jury in granting £50 compensation to Messrs. Tenison and Porter for alleged malicious injury to horses, although the presentment had been rejected as bogus by the cesspayers, and the police, according to The Belfast Morning News of 10th instant, made the following depositions, showing that the injuries had been deliberately inflicted on the animals by the Emergency men, Nelson and Weir, paid by the landlords to take care of them:—

"Sergeant M'Donnell stated that he was stationed at Carrickmacross, and no complaint had been made to him by either Nelson or Weir up to the 7th January. He had gone to every person who could throw any light on the subject, and, up to the present time, he had never met a man who could corroborate the statements made by Nelson and Weir. He had deposed, at the Presentment Sessions at Carrickmacross, that he believed this outrage had been committed by the wife of Nelson, and he still held that opinion. Mrs. Nelson seemed to be the prime mover in the whole matter:

"Constable Farrell corroborated, and added that he believed the statements of Nelson and Weir to be a fabrication, and their statements were conflicting. He was further of opinion that there was collusion between Nelson and Weir with regard to the stabbing of these horses:

"Sergeant Timothy Kerry corroborated;"

will the Government assist the ratepayers to get the presentment traversed before the Assize Judge; and, can he hold out any hope that the Law will be so amended as to place the taxes of the people beyond the control of irresponsible magistrates?

:This outrage was not considered by the police to be of an agrarian character, and it was not recorded as such; but that circumstance did not preclude the owners of the horses from a right to seek compensation for the injury to the horses, which there can be no doubt was inflicted, whether by the person in charge of them or not. The opinion of the police as to their suspicions on that point is accurately quoted in the Question; but no conclusive evidence could be obtained. It is true that the claim for compensation was thrown out by the Presentment Sessions; but the Grand Jury, after a long inquiry, found that the injury was malicious, and made a Presentment for compensation. This has already been traversed at the Assizes; but the Judge stated that the ratepayers who opposed "had no case, as malice was clearly proved," and he fiated the presentment.

Crown Mining Leases—The Commissioners of Woods and Forests

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether holders of mineral leases under the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, more especially in the counties of Cardigan and Merioneth, are required to pay higher rents and royalties than those asked by the adjoining landowners; whether clauses are inserted in the leases from the Commissioners of Woods and Forests not known of in any private mineral leases; whether, in some cases, the lessees have been threatened with forfeiture of their leases for not working the mines, although their doing so, in the face of the present price of minerals, would entail a serious loss, and although all rents have been paid up; whether he would grant, as an unopposed Return, a statement of the number of acres belonging to the Crown in the counties of Cardigan and Merioneth, and how many acres of the same are at present let under mineral leases; and, whether he is aware that the conditions imposed by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests in these two counties are such as to practically prohibit searches for minerals therein?

I have no reason to think that Crown mining leases are more onerous in respect of royalty or other conditions than those given by other Welsh landowners. The only special provision in the former, known as "the one-fourth clause," is now no longer inserted. In no recent case has forfeiture been threatened because the mines were not worked. I will obtain for the hon. Member the acreages for which he asks; but I do not think there would be any use in laying them before Parliament. I have seen no evidence to show that the terms required by the Crown injure mining enterprize; on the contrary, the Commissioners of Woods are especially anxious to develop their mining properties in every proper manner.

Law and Police—The Dynamite Explosions at Westminster—Compensation

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, If application has been made to the Government on behalf of inhabitants of Westminster who have suffered by the explosions caused by the criminal acts of persons known to the police, but who have not yet been apprehended; and, if it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to make any compensation for the losses and sufferings resulting from those acts?

I have received various applications on this subject, and I need not say that Her Majesty's Government have the greatest possible sympathy with the persons who have suffered by the explosions; but it is necessary to consider on what principle compensation could be awarded to them. Many people, unfortunately, suffer every day from crimes of violence, such as burglary, highway robbery, and arson, in which property of value is destroyed and injured; and the State never makes any compensation in these cases, nor would it be expedient or safe to do so. I have not been able to discover any distinction between these ordinary crimes and the crimes referred to in the Question; and, therefore, I have not felt myself justified in applying to the Treasury on the subject.

Literature, Science, and Art—The Reliquary of St.Lachteen

asked Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Whether, in view of the willingness of the Science and Art Department to hand over the reliquary of St. Lachteen to the Royal Irish Academy, where similar objects of interest are collected, he would be willing to recoup the Science and Art Department in Dublin the sum of £450 paid for the reliquary out of their annual grant?

:No, Sir; the reliquary will go to the Royal Irish Academy, and a Vote will be asked for.

Railways (India)—The Rajp00tana Railway

asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether it is the case that the working of the Rajpootana State Line of Railway is about to be made over to the Bombay and Baroda Railway; and, if so, whether, in addition to other precautions for the benefit of the public, the Government have reserved a complete control over the rates charged, and have not, as in the case of the East Indian Line, handed the Railway over to a private Company, with certain prescribed maximum rates, which the Government has no power to vary or decrease from time to time in the interest of the public without the consent of the Company?

The working of the Rajpootana Railway is about to be made over to the Bombay and Baroda Company; and the Government has reserved the power of fixing and varying from time to time both maximum and minimum rates.

Law and Justice—Circuit Expenses of Judges

asked Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Whether the Treasury Minute of 16th June, as to the payment of the Circuit expenses of the Judges and their suites, is to be treated as temporary only, so that, if the Order in Council is amended and the Chancery Judges and the Admiralty Judge are hereafter required to go on Circuit, it will be competent for the Crown to require them to do so without increase of salary?

said, he wished to add the further Question, whether the Judges had the right to roam about the country abusing Her Majesty's Government?

I cannot answer the second Question. The Treasury Minute provides that, if the ordinary Circuit business of the country is performed by the Judges of the Queen's Bench Division, the Judges who go on Circuit will be allowed £7 10 s. a-day during their absence from London, and per contra one of their two clerks will, as vacancies occur, be discontinued. This is part of, and dependent upon, the arrangements as to Circuit business which have been agreed to by the Judges generally; and if these arrangements should fail in their object of relieving, as far as possible, the Court of Appeal, and the Probate and Admiralty and Chancery Divisions, they would be open to reconsideration. While stating this as a matter of right, I must not be understood as having arrived at any conclusion with respect to the best arrangements for the discharge of Circuit business.

In reply to Mr. HEALY,

said, that the salaries of the Judges were fixed by the law, and the expenses did not form any part of their salaries; therefore, their expenses must be submitted as Votes in Supply.

Army—Direct Commissions in the Royal Artillery

asked the Secretary of State for War, How many officers obtained direct commissions in the Royal Artillery between 1852 and 1857; how many of those officers are still in the service; was the average age of those officers three or four years higher than that of officers who did not obtain direct commissions; had some of those officers been recently superseded by a large number of Indian Majors, gazetted in May last to the Royal Artillery; and, is it intended to now compulsorily retire some of those officers who so entered the service at the aforesaid age, and thus deprive them of the advantages which were within their contemplation when they entered the service at the invitation of the Government?

Direct commissions in the Royal Artillery were obtained between 1852 and 1857 by 46 officers, of whom 14 are still serving in the Corps. Their average age exceeded the average age of those otherwise appointed to the Corps during the same period by three-and-a-quarter years. In May last, in consequence of vacancies among the lieutenant-colonels of the Indian cadres, Indian majors junior not only to some of these direct commission majors, but also to those commissioned at the same time from the Royal Military Academy, were promoted to be lieutenant-colonels in their own cadres. It is expected that three majors who entered by direct competition will be compulsorily retired during the next three months on attaining the age of 50 years. The promotion of the majors in the Indian cadres has had no bearing on the compulsory retirement of the other officers referred to in the Question.

The Royal University (Ireland)—The Sustentation Fund

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, What proportion of the funds voted for the Royal University is spent, first, on rewards for the Students; second, for the payment of Fellows and Examiners; third, on the Sustentation Fund of the Senators; do the Senators of the Royal University, in addition to their travelling expenses, usually allowed to members of public Boards, also get Sustentation money; is this a usual practice; on what scale is the Sustentation allowance to the Senators calculated; do they send in their hotel bills to the secretaries of the Royal University; is the benefit of the Sustentation Fund extended to the families of the Senators; do the Senators draw any Sustentation money when under no expense; and, will he consent to grant a Return of the names of the Senators who have availed of the Sustentation Fund, with the amount drawn in each instance?

in reply, said, the accounts of the Royal University, which were annually certified by the Auditor General and presented to Parliament, would afford the hon. Member the first portion of the information he required. It was in Paper No. 289. The expenses and allowances to Senators comprised their actual travelling expenses, together with one guinea for each night necessarily spent away from home on the business of the University. No payment whatever was made to members who could attend without travelling for the purpose. All members of the Senate necessarily away from home were entitled to the subsistence allowance, although they did not all claim it. They were not required to send their hotel bills to the secretary. There was no ground for suggesting that any expenses or allowances were paid for in respect of any member's or Senator's families. He was not prepared to consent to such a Return as the hon. Member suggested. It would be regarded as invidious and of an inquisitorial character, and it might imply that those Senators who asked to be paid the allowance did so improperly. Similar Returns in regard to the Commissioners of National Education were recently objected to on the same ground.

Education Department (Ireland)—Case of Mrs.Craig—Sligo Model Schools

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether it is true that Mrs. Craig, who was head teacher of the Sligo Model Schools, was obliged to resign her situation, owing to ill-health, after fourteen years' meritorious service, and was granted by the Commissioners of Education the sum of—78, to which she was entitled; whether Mrs. Craig died before the cheque was drawn, and if it is true that the authorities have refused to give the money, or any portion of it, to her aged mother; and, whether he will consider whether the whole or, at any rate, a portion of the money fairly earned by Mrs. Craig may not be given to the mother, who nursed her in her illness, and who is in straitened circumstances?

Mrs. Craig held the appointment stated, and resigned on the ground of ill-health. She signed a claim for gratuity on the 1st of December, and after the usual investigations the Treasury approved the award; but it subsequently transpired that in the meantime Mrs. Craig had died, and no payment under the award could legally be made to her representatives.

asked, whether, having regard to the repeated delays in these matters on the part of the Treasury, the right hon. Gentleman would make such representations as would expedite the grants?

said, he would get a list of cases and see how long the delays were. This class of applications ought to be dealt with promptly.

Army—The Garrison of Dublin

asked the Secretary of State for War, Whether there are now six battalions of Infantry, forming the Dublin Garrison, having a paper effective strength of 3,859 of all ranks, according to the latest Returns, and whether this is not in excess of the usual number; if he will state what number of this total are available for garrison duty; and, why it has been found necessary to supplement this large force by additional detachments of other Regiments from the Curragh to assist in furnishing the duties?

The garrison of Dublin consists nominally of about 3,600 of all ranks, which is not in excess of the usual number; but about 450 are on detachment duty. It is the practice at this time of the year to detach two companies per battalion for musketry and special drill; and after deducting these, the necessary duty men, and the sick, there scarcely remains enough privates, considering the heavy garrison duties, to allow the men four nights in bed. When, from time to time, the strength has fallen too low for this purpose, detachments from the Curragh have been made available.

Egypt (Re-Organization)—Autonomous Institutions

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether, considering the great stress laid by Her Majesty's Government on the experiment of autonomous institutions in Egypt formally instituted last year, he is yet able to lay upon the Table any Reports on their working, and to explain the circumstances of the difference between Mr. Clifford Lloyd and the Legislative Council in connection with the proposed Municipality Bill; if he will state generally whether the provisions of the Decree of 1st May 1883 have been complied with; whether the Legislative Council have met on the dates appointed by Article 26; whether they have been consulted regarding every Law and every Decree regulating the public administrations, as required by Article 18; whether, in accordance with the same Article, the reasons have been communicated to them for any decisions contrary to their advice; whether the Budget has been submitted to and discussed by them in accordance with Article 22; and, whether, in accordance with Article 35, the General Assembly has been consulted regarding all loans raised, and will be consulted on any fresh loans which may be raised?

As I have already informed the House, Sir Evelyn Baring, on his return to Egypt, will forward to Her Majesty's Government a Report on the working of the autonomous institutions, which will be laid before Parliament. I am not aware of any differences between Mr. Clifford Lloyd and the Legislative Council on the subject of the Municipality Bill. The provisions of the Decree of May 1, 1883, appear to have been complied with. I am unable to say whether the Legislative Council have always met on the days appointed. I understand that they have been consulted respecting Administrative Laws and Decrees; but I cannot say whether, in case of dissent from their views, the reasons have been communicated to them. Owing to the uncertainty of the finances, the Budget has not as yet been submitted, and Decrees have from time to time been issued postponing the date of its presentation. One of these Decrees is given at page 57 of "Egypt," No. 12, 1884. No loan having been raised, it has not been necessary to consult the Assembly.

:May I ask if the noble Lord can tell us if the Legislative Council is still in existence; and whether it will meet to-morrow, the 1st of August, under Article 26?

:The Legislative Council is still in existence; and if my hon. Friend will refer to a very interesting letter by Mr. Sheldon Amos in The Times of to-day, he will find some information in regard to it.

Lunacy Laws of Foreign Countries

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether he will call for Reports from the Secretaries of the different Embassies as to the working of the Lunacy Laws on the Continent, and in the United States, and especially as to the following points:—Whether there are private as well as public asylums; what are the checks against improper admission or detention of persons in an asylum; what supervision and inspection, if any, is exercised by any public and recognized authority; and, the nature and powers of such authority; and, whether he will present such Reports to Parliament?

:I think my hon. Friend will find most of the information he asks for in a collected form in a work privately printed in Philadelphia by Dr. Harrison, Legislation on Insanity, which I shall be happy to show him; but any further information he may require will be at once procured.

said, what he wished to do was to get the information placed in the hands of Members of the House before the Session of next year.

Education Department—Elementary Education

asked the Vice President of the Committee of Council, Whether it is a fact that, owing to the very easy compliance with the Fourth Standard, the number of children under fourteen years, who never return to school, is largely increasing; whether he will make any change in the Code to insure longer attendance and more extended knowledge; whether, in view of this extremely early abandonment of ordinary schools, he will take any steps to provide night schools for the classes affected; and, whether the Education Department will purchase, for the use of industrial exhibitions in the United Kingdom, the exhibits of technical teaching and its results in Foreign Countries, and now on view at the International Health Exhibition?

It is true that children pass the Fourth Standard at an earlier age than heretofore, owing to better attendance and better teaching. The Standard of exemption, however, cannot be raised by the Code, which merely deals with the curriculum, and has nothing whatever to do with the Standard prescribed by the bye-laws, the raising of which without the consent of the Local Authorities can only be effected by legislation. Very considerable changes have been made in the new Code with a view to the encouragement of night schools. The purchase of some of the most desirable exhibits is at present under the consideration of the Science and Art Department.

The Magistracy (Ireland)—Co.Waterford

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether it is the fact that, while three Catholic magistrates of the district of Kilmacthomas, county Waterford, have died within the last seven or eight years, only one gentleman, a non-Catholic and a land agent, has been appointed to the magistracy in that district during that time; whether it is the fact that there is not at present a single justice resident in Kilmacthomas Petty Sessions district; whether the Kilmacthomas Board of Guardians, in April last, forwarded a Memorial to the Lord Chancellor, setting forth these facts, and asking him to appoint Dr. Walsh, of Kilmacthomas, and Mr. Brian Finn, of Carigmorna; whether a similar Memorial was forwarded by the priests of the parish; and, whether the Lord Chancellor has received these Memorials; and, if so, whether he intends to act upon them?

:The Lord Chancellor informs me that, in consequence of a want of magistrates in the Kilmacthomas district, he appointed two gentlemen to the Commission of the Peace last month, on the recommendation of the Lord Lieutenant of the county. One of them is a Roman Catholic and a farmer; the other is believed to be a Dissenting Protestant—neither of them is a land agent. They will be immediately available for the Kilmacthomas Bench. The Memorials on behalf of the two gentlemen named in the Question have been received; and the Lord Chancellor is at present in correspondence with the Lord Lieutenant of the county on the subject.

:Can the right hon. Gentleman give the names of the two magistrates who have been appointed?

:No, Sir. The names are not given in the Minute of the Lord Chancellor.

Palace of Westminster—Westminster Hall (West Front)

asked the First Commissioner of Works, Whether, having regard to the important effects which the proposed works on the west side of Westminster Hall will have on the architectural character of the group of buildings of which the Hall forms part, and to the insufficiency of the opportunities which have been given for consideration of the designs, he will postpone till next Session submitting an estimate for the works, and will agree to the appointment of a Select Committee to consider the question of the best mode of dealing with the west side of the Hall?

When I laid Mr. Pearson's plans before the House, about three weeks ago, I stated that if I found that there was likely to be serious opposition to them on behalf of Members, I would refer the subject to a Select Committee. Since then I have been in communication with a large number of Members in all parts of the House, and I find that there is a general concurrence of opinion favourable to these plans. There are some few exceptions, but that must be expected to any scheme; the general verdict, however, is certainly favourable. Under these circumstances, I do not think it necessary to refer the question to a Committee, and I shall ask for a Vote during the present Session to commence the work during the Autumn. This is the more necessary, as the walls of the Hall were much injured during the past Winter, and I am unwilling to expose them to the injury of another Winter. There is, however, one part of the work which cannot be commenced at present—namely, the raising of the towers at the north end of the Hall. The Vote I shall ask for will not include any money for this purpose. This part of the work will stand over, and hon. Members who object to it will have an opportunity of raising the question next year.

asked the right hon. Gentleman whether he was aware that all the architectural journals had written strongly in disapproval of the designs; and whether he had not received from the Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings a very urgent request to postpone the matter until next year, in order that the public, as well as the Members of the House, might have an opportunity of considering it?

said, he was aware that two of the architectural papers had commented unfavourably on the designs; but he had observed that they commented unfavourably upon anything he proposed. So far as he had observed, papers of that kind were nothing if they were not critical. The Society for the Protection of Ancient Buildings had pressed him to postpone the question; but he did not understand that they were unfavourable to the scheme; they only criticized some of the points. He should consult the architect as to details, and later on he should be able to tell the House whether any modifications were thought desirable.

Merchant Shipping—The "Consolation."

asked the President of the Board of Trade, Whether, in face of the statement of facts relative to the case of the Consolation contained in the letter of the Directors of the Clyde Steam and Sailing Shipowners' Association, dated July 26, and addressed to him, he still adheres to his declaration publicly made that—

"The case of the Consolation was one in which no lives were lost; that the vessel was insured for £17,000; that her original cost was £17,000; that she was ten years old, and valued at £11,500?"

I have not seen the statement in the letter referred to in the noble Lord's Question; but I have been in correspondence with the owners of the Consolation, and I very readily accepted the statement from them to the effect that the sum I stated as the original cost of the vessel was considerably understated. This, however, does not affect the other statements in my speech upon which my argument was founded. It is the fact that that vessel was insured for £17,000, and she was valued by my orders by those independent valuers. The highest of these valuations was the sum I quoted—namely, £11,000, and I have since applied to the valuers, Messrs. Bayley and Ridley, and they adhere to their original valuation. I ought to add, although I do not think this is a matter of complaint against me, that when I referred to this case I was under the impression that no lives had been lost in connection with this ship, and I thought it fair to the owners to state that; but I have since learnt that, unfortunately, two sailors were drowned when the ship was lost.

No; they could not, as she was lost. They valued it, after it was lost, in the usual way in which such valuations are made.

Bankruptcy Act, 1883—Civil Service Estimates

asked the President of the Board of Trade, Whether, as compared with the charge of £34,677 for Bankruptcy last year, the following represents the total charge this year, viz:—

The charge of £34,677 in the Estimates for 1883–4 was the charge for bankruptcy in the Supreme Court only. In addition, the sum of £40,000 was charged for Registrars in Bankruptcy in County Courts, making a total of £74,677. The charge for bankruptcy in the Estimates for 1884–5 consists not only of the sum of £78,000 on the Board of Trade Vote, but also of the sum of £14,000 for Registrars, &c., in the Supreme Court; £36,000 for Registrars in County Courts, and minor charges for rents, furniture, &c., amounting to about £5,000. This gives a total of £133,000. The additional income is estimated by the Board of Trade at £76,300. As to the third Question, I must refer my hon. Friend to the Treasury. With regard to the last Question, I may say there are very few abolitions under the new Act of 1883; and at present the greater part of the increased work has been performed by old officers. All the changes made will be fully detailed in the next Report on Bankruptcy.

:Is the increased charge in consequence of the expenses of the Act?

Army (India)—The North-West Frontier—Quetta

asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether it is the case that certain regiments of Cavalry have been added to the Indian Forces in connection with the frontier exploits in the district of Quetta?

I do not understand what my hon. Friend means when he speaks of frontier exploits in the district of Quetta; but there has been no increase in the Indian Cavalry.

Civil Servants of the Crown— Sir William Gurdon

asked Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, Whether Sir William Brampton Gurdon, K.C.B., who is an accepted candidate for the representation of West Norfolk, is still a first-class clerk in the Treasury, in receipt of a salary of £1,000 a-year?

I have to say that Sir William Brampton Gurdon is a principal clerk in the Treasury, receiving £1,000 a-year. I have received from him no intimation that he intends to become a candidate for a seat in Parliament.

Parliament—Distribution of the Statutes to Members

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether he is aware that, notwithstanding his promise to direct that the Acts passed this Session shall be issued as they are passed to those Members who require them, no orders to that effect have been given at the Vote Office; and, whether he will at once inquire into the cause of the failure to carry out his promise?

I have no control over this matter, which rests with the authorities of the House. But, on inquiry at the Vote Office, I learn that no application for loose copies of the statutes has been made there. They will, however, be supplied to any hon. Members who require them and give Notice to that effect.

Post Office (Ireland)—The Mail Service Between Dublin and Cork

asked the Postmaster General, If the mail train under the new service from Dublin to Cork could not, without slackening speed, slip a carriage containing passengers and mails for Waterford at Maryborough; and, if so, whether, considering the desire of the people of Kilkenny and Waterford that this should be done, and the willingness of the Waterford and Central Ireland Railway Company to send a special train to meet the mail at Maryborough, he will, in the contract about to be entered into between the Post Office and the Great Western Railway Company, make an arrangement for the slipping of a carriage at Maryborough?

So far as I have been able to ascertain, no postal advantage would be likely to result from sending the Kilkenny and Waterford mails by way of Maryborough. If the Great Southern and Western Company wish to slip a carriage at Maryborough for the convenience of passengers, I certainly should offer no opposition, provided the mail train was not delayed.

No; but will the right hon. Gentleman, in the interest of the public, require it to be done by the contract he is about entering into with the Company?

If there are no postal advantages, I do not think I could. I do not know what my legal powers are; but if, for the convenience of passengers, the Company would like to do it, I would not offer opposition, unless it would interfere with the Postal Service.

Parliament—"Remington Perfected Type-Writers."

asked the First Commissioner of Works, Whether he would have any objection to place in one of the rooms of the Library of the House of Commons, or in some other room set apart for the purpose, a small number of "Remington Perfected Type-Writers," for the convenience of the Members of the House?

Public Health (Ireland)—Mullingar Guardians

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether the Guardians of the Mullingar Union agreed to delegate their duties, as a Sanitary Authority of that town, to the Town Commissioners as a Sub-Committee; whether the Local Government Board refused to agree to this arrangement; and, whether, having regard to the necessity for prompt action on the part of the Sanitary Authorities, owing to the danger of a spread of cholera, the Local Government Board will reconsider their decision?

in reply, said, it was the case that the Guardians of the Mullingar Union, being the Rural Sanitary Authority, desired to appoint a Sanitary Committee for Mullingar; and the Local Government Board were obliged to point out to them that they could not legally carry out such an arrangement, as the power to appoint Committees under the 5th section of the Public Health Act was limited to Urban Sanitary Authorities. The danger of a spread of cholera would not enable the Local Government Board to authorize the appointment of such a Committee by the Board of Guardians.

Post Office—Sorters and Letter Carriers—The Parcel Post

asked the Postmaster General, Whether any step has yet been taken to remedy the complaints of sorters in connection with mail trains, or to give additional remuneration to letter carriers in connection with the increased duty under the parcel post?

:In reply to a Question put to me a few months ago by the hon. Member for Mallow, I stated that in the matter of Sunday duty arrangements were being made to place the Irish mail sorters, as far as possible, on an equality with those employed in England. Assuming that to be the matter to which the hon. Member refers in the first part of his Question, I beg to state that to those arrangements effect is now being given. In reply to the second part of the Question, there is no intention of entering upon another general revision of letter-carriers' wages, which was completed only two years ago; but where information reaches me of the need of revision in any particular case, the circumstances are carefully considered.

Post Office (Ireland)—Letter Carriers—The Portumna Letter Carrier

asked the Postmaster General, Whether it is a fact that the rural postman has to carry the mails between Portumna and Power's Cross, county Galway, a distance of twelve Irish miles, for six days of the week; whether, in order to accomplish this task, the postman has to leave at six in the morning; and, whether the remuneration given for this work is eight shillings per week?

The facts appear to be substantially as stated in the Question of the hon. Member, the distance mentioned being, of course, understood to be the total distance travelled by the postman there and back. The postman does not hold a regular appointment, but is one employed by the local Postmaster, who receives an allowance to provide for the performance of the duty. I will, however, make further inquiry, with a view to revising the allowance if necessary.

The Irish Land Commission—Fair Rents—Glebe Lands of Drum-Cree, Co. Armagh

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Whether it is the fact that the Land Commissioners have, in the case of the Glebe Lands of Drumcree, county Armagh, reduced, by 18 per cent., rents proved to have been unchanged since 1827, and, subject to which, tenants were proved to have, even so lately as 1880, given £12 10 s. per acre for the tenantright; whether said lands were purchased from the Church Commissioners by the present owner, Mr. Law; whether the rental furnished by them showed the old rents; and whether the valuation made by the Commissioners' valuator, Mr. M. O'Brien, to give the tenants the benefit of the clause in the Church Act in their favour, placed nearly twenty-four years' purchase on said rents, and thus represented them as moderate rents; and, whether the Government are prepared, out of the Irish Church surplus, which got the benefit of the price produced by the Commissioners' representations, to refund Mr. Law the proportion of the purchase money so obtained from him by such representations?

in reply, said, that the Land Commission reported that in the case referred to the rents were reduced, on the whole, by a little more than 18 per cent. Evidence was given that the rents were not changed since 1837; that in some cases a considerable sum was paid for tenant-right; and that Mr. Law paid 30 years' purchase for the land at the old rents, that being the just value, according to Mr. O'Brien's valuation. No evidence as to value was given by the landlord at the rehearing of the appeal, and the Commissioners came to a conclusion on the whole evidence laid before them. He could not hold out any hope that he would make the representations to the Treasury suggested in the last paragraph of the Question.

Switzerland—The "Salvationists."

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether any more Papers, in continuation of "Switzerland, No. 1, 1884," manifestly incomplete, will be laid upon the Table; and, what information he can supply respecting the recent renewal of outrages, and of religious persecutions on British subjects and others, of a most serious description in the town of Bienne, on which occasion a house occupied by British subjects was attacked with the utmost violence and completely gutted; the local police being overpowered by the mob, so that it was deemed necessary by the Cantonal authorities, at the instance of the Federal Government, to call out the Military?

Further Papers will be prepared and laid. The Cantonal authorities of Neuchatel, Vaud, and Berne recently agreed that private meetings of Salvationists were to be allowed in those Cantons under certain conditions. The Salvationists commenced to hold private meetings in a building at Bienne, which they had hired for the purpose; a mob attacked the building, and serious disorder ensued. The Council of State of the Canton of Berne have, in consequence, and in order to keep the peace and preserve public order, prohibited the holding of Salvationist meetings in Bienne and its neighbourhood.

Africa (West Coast)—The Congo River

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether the right of preemption of certain territory on the Congo, occupied by the International Association, has been obtained by the French Government; and, whether this right had been previously offered to Her Majesty's Government?

From an agreement between the French Prime Minister and the President of the Belgian Association, which has appeared in the public Press, it would appear that the right of preemption, to which the hon. Baronet refers, has been obtained by the French Government; but Her Majesty's Government have no official cognizance of this agreement. This right had not previously been offered to Her Majesty's Government.

The West India Islands—Conduct of a Colonial Official

asked the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies, Whether he has received any information as to the conduct of a high Colonial official, in consequence of which he was placed in irons on board the Royal Mail Steamer Don, which left Barbadoes on the 30th of May of the present year; and, whether any steps will be taken in consequence?

:We have received a newspaper containing an anonymous statement of that sort; but we have given no credence to it. We do not think it necessary to take any steps at present.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that what he calls an anonymous statement is a leading article in the newspaper which charges this official with crime? Will the Under Secretary make any inquiries from the authorities of the steamship Don, on board which such crimes are said to have taken place? If the Under Secretary cannot answer now I will postpone the Question.

I can answer now. We believe the charges to have no foundation; and until we have something more substantial to go upon we cannot make any inquiries.

Will the Government require this official to bring an action for libel against the newspaper which charges him with crime?

Irish Land Commission—Sale of Glebe Lands, Co. Kerry

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether his attention has been called to the following letter addressed to tenants in Kerry who have purchased Glebelands:

"Irish Land Commission,

"Church Property Department.

"You are hereby informed that, unless the amount claimed in the inclosed receivable form is paid within the time specified therein, the Commissioners will direct their solicitors to take legal proceedings to recover the amount due without any further notice.

"By Order,

"———, Secretary."

Whether this notice only allowed a month after date for the payment of the instalment, though in every other year since the purchase of their farms they were not called upon until the end of September to pay the instalment falling due on July 1st; and, whether it is true that, in the lands adjoining these farms in Kerry, the Sub-Commissioners have fixed judicial rents at 25 per cent under the amount of such annual instalment?

:I find, on inquiry from the Land Commissioners, that the receivable orders, issued to persons owing one instalment, due on 1st of July, allow in all cases three months (to the 30th of September) for payment. If two or more instalments are due one month only is given, and in such cases the notice referred to in the Question accompanies the receivable order. These regulations have been in force for 14 years, and legal proceedings are not taken unless it is found impossible to recover the instalments in any other way. With regard to the last paragraph of the Question, it appeared that there are about 38 persons scattered throughout different parts of the county of Kerry whose holdings were purchased from the Church Temporalities Commissioners—the purchase moneys being still outstanding on mortgage; and, unless further particulars be given, it is impossible to say what reductions, if any, have been made in the rents of tenants whose farms adjoin the properties of these persons.

Post Office—The Galway Mails

asked the Postmaster General, Whether he will consider the necessity of accelerating the arrival of the English and other mails in Galway; whether such an ac- celeration could not be carried out by the starting at eight o'clock from the Broadstone Terminus of the train that now leaves at nine, by the reduction of the number of stoppages, and by the increase of the speed from 24 to 34 miles an hour; and, whether the Chairman of the Midland Great Western Railway Company has not declared his readiness to supply an accelerated mail service in the case the Post Office offer sufficiently remunerative terms?

In reply to the hon. Member, I beg to say that an acceleration of the mails to Galway (such as that suggested in the Question) is quite feasible, but would involve the running of an additional train, and is, largely, a question of expense. I am in correspondence with the Midland Great Western Railway, and will come to a decision on the subject as quickly as possible.

Am I right in saying that for mail services, while the Great Southern and Western Railway Company receives £70 a-mile, and the Great Northern £90, the Midland Company receives only £40 a-mile?

It is impossible to draw any comparison between the mail service to Cork, which carries all the American mails, and the mail service to Galway and Sligo, which is comparatively light. The Companies are also paid in proportion to the pace of the trains.

Is there any essential difference between the Great Northern Railway Company in this matter and the Midland Company; and has the right hon. Gentleman, in his communications with the Midland Company, offered them any improvement whatever on the present terms?

The Great Northern Company is going to start from Dublin at an earlier hour, and will arrive at Belfast earlier than now. The whole subject of the acceleration of the mails throughout Ireland generally is now being considered. It is a very complicated subject; but I am pushing it on as quickly as possible.

Has the right hon. Gentleman offered any improvement in the terms to the Midland Company?

I find it rather difficult to answer that Question without notice. I have so many offers made to carry them in mind; but if the hon. Member will write to me I shall be happy to give him information.

Law and Justice (England and Wales)—Case of Frank Stock Well—Sentence on a Child

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department, If he will state the reason for remitting any portion of the sentence on a boy named Frank Stockwell, sentenced by Baron Pollock, at Reading, to a month's imprisonment, without hard labour, for setting fire to hay ricks?

As soon as I was aware that a child of seven years old had been imprisoned for a month, I wrote to the learned Judge, a most humane man, on the subject, and he said, in reply—"I shall feel very much pleased if you can do better for him than I could." Subsequently, I wrote to the Governor and the Chaplain of the prison to report to me specially upon the case. The Chaplain's Report has been received. He says—

"According to the Prison Rules, the boy was allowed one hour's school with other juveniles, if any; but there were none in the prison when Stockwell arrived. Subsequently, a boy of 14 years of age was sentenced to a month's imprisonment, so that the present class of juveniles consisted of two. But for the one hour's instruction the child has the rest of 24 hours in solitary confinement, except for most casual interruption. I am very decidedly of opinion that this is not morally healthy for the child. I gather from my own observation, and from the 'schoolmaster, that Stockwell is not sharp, but rather idle, and without any show of application, and, if, anything, dull, and even apparently sullen, which, I take it, means that he feels strange in a strange place. He is not quick of speech, and also seems as if he knew what it was to be in fear of a scolding. I find nothing artful or vicious about him, I have studied him much, owing to the bad opinion held of him by the Vicar of the parish. I have talked to him quietly, and he has admitted he was sorry for what he did, and that he would be a better boy. I am quite sure the boy lighted the hay-rick to see how it would burn, but never dreamt of the probable consequence, and ran away frightened. I have a very strong opinion of the unsuitability of the prison for such a child, and I should greatly rejoice if it were thought better to give the boy a second birching and discharge him. Such a case as this is for home treatment."

Before this communication was received the child had been in prison—practically in solitary confinement—for nearly three weeks; and I do not think that anybody in this House will condemn my conduct when I decided that the best thing to do was to discharge the child. I wish those who pass sentences of this kind would remember what solitary confinement is as applied to a child of tender years. It is a most terrible—I think improper—punishment. I have known a case in which a child suffered so dreadfully from solitary confinement that the warder took him into his own house—a breach of prison discipline—which I had not the heart to condemn.

Poor Law (Metropolis)—Poland Street Workhouse—Mr. Bliss

asked the President of the Local Government Board, Whether the Guardians of the Poland Street Workhouse of the Westminster Union have unanmously decided to suspend Mr. W. J. D. Bliss from the office of master of that workhouse; whether the Local Government Board have confirmed, or propose to confirm, that suspension; and, how soon their decision will be made known?

It is true that the Guardians of the Westminster Union unanimously suspended Mr. Bliss from the office of Master of the Poland Street Workhouse. We have since communicated with Mr. Bliss and the Guardians on the subject; and on the 26th of this month we received from the Guardians their reply to the explanation which had been furnished by Mr. Bliss. That letter is now under our consideration, and we will very shortly inform the Guardians of our decision.

Inland Revenue—The Income Tax—Assessments Under Scheduled

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, If he is aware that it is the practice of Mr. Turner, surveyor of taxes at Tralee, and other surveyors in Ireland, to increase, year after year, the assessment for income tax on traders under Schedule D, without assigning any reason for so doing until appealed against, at very considerable trouble and expense to the trader; and, whether, when the assessment is once fixed, it can be so arbitrarily increased by those officers?

This Question only appeared on the Paper to day. Assessments under Schedule D are only fixed for one year, and it is the duty of the surveyors to increase them if they appear to be insufficient, ample opportunity of appeal against such increase being given by law. If the hon. Member will communicate to me the particulars of any case of apparently arbitrary assessment at Tralee it shall be at once inquired into.

Ireland—The Museum of Science and Art, Dublin

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, Whether he can say if some one of the architectural plans for the Science and Art Museum, Dublin, will be adopted before the Prorogation of Parliament?

I hope it may be possible to decide this matter before the House rises; but I can give no promise, as the decision depends, in part at least, on the result of certain valuations now being made.

Seeing the great delay there is in getting a building up in Dublin, and seeing the promptness with which the First Commissioner of Works is going to proceed with the works at Westminster Hall, I would ask him whether he would not take the Irish Museum into his hands also?

Egypt—The Mudir Hussein Wasif

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether he has noticed the following statement, in a Despatch from Mr. Clifford Lloyd to Mr. Egerton, dated 11th May 1884:—

"In the early days of September 1883 a serious robbery had been committed in the Province of Garbieh. The mudir accordingly arrested about seventy persons of the locality, including many sheiks and other respectable persons. They were all put in prison, and tortured in the most barbarous manner. They were thumbscrewed, tied up to beams by their feet and by their fingers, and were kourbashed to such an extent that two unfortunate men were said to have died under the operation. It was with great difficulty that I succeeded in getting an English Officer, attached to the Ministry of the Interior, sent down to assist the mudir in the inquiry he was making. The result of this inquiry proved that there was no evidence of any description against any of the accused, but that many of them had been forced, under torture by the mudir's subordinates, to sign prepared confessions, implicating themselves and other prisoners in the robbery. I have but to add that it was only by calling for the support of our Government that I was able to obtain the removal of this mudir, who was immediately promoted to be Governor General of Eastern Soudan;"

whether, in the original Despatch, the name of this mudir was suppressed; and, if not, why it is in the published Document; and, whether he can give the House some assurance that this official is no longer employed by the Egyptian Government either as a governor or as a mudir, or in any other capacity?

before this Question was answered, said, he would like to ask the noble Lord whether he was aware that there was no essential difference between the conduct of the Mudir and Mr. Clifford Lloyd's own conduct in Ireland?

The name of the Mudir referred to is not given in the original despatch; but the evidence shows him to have been Hussein Wasif Pasha, who, as I have already informed the House, is no longer in the employment of the Egyptian Government.

Law and Justice (Ireland)— Arrest of Mr. Chance

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, Is he aware that Mr. Chance wholly denies the allegations of the policeman who arrested him, and declared that, on seeing Alice Carroll, he at once told her he was solicitor for Mr. O'Brien, M.P., and that he wanted her evidence about Bolton, and that he denies the statement about being sent by Mallon; and, will the Government grant an inquiry, sworn or otherwise, into the arrest, or rely solely on the policeman's version of the matter?

This Question, the hon. Member knows, only appeared this morning; but I think I have an adequate answer to it. There are two ways in which a person in the position of a constable acting wrongly may be dealt with. He may be dealt with criminally, if the case comes within the law; or he may be dealt with by the Head of the Department by way of punishment or dismissal. In the present case, I am advised that the constable cannot be proceeded against criminally, and the other branch of the case is to be dealt with by the Chief Commissioner. Assuming that the con- stable was told by the Carrolls what he says he was told, I see no reason for holding that he acted otherwise than he ought. He had a most responsible duty to discharge, and I think he acted as he was in duty bound to act. If the arrest was unwarranted, and if Mr. Chance feels aggrieved, as I hear he does, he may take an action against the constable for unwarranted arrest, and so elicit the facts on oath.

If he takes such an action, will the Government defend him and pay his damages?

[No reply.]

Italy—Confiscation of the Propaganda Property

asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether he has been informed of the resolutions of the Irish Catholic Hierarchy, against the confiscation of the Propaganda property in Italy; and, whether any communications, in reference to the Propaganda property, have been addressed by the British Government to the Government of Italy since questions on the subject were asked in this House three months ago?

I have not any particular cognizance of the resolutions to which the hon. Member refers; but I am aware that the Roman Catholic Hierarchy consider themselves and their Church materially aggrieved. That is the substantial part of the Question. With respect to the latter part of it, I have to say that the British Ambassador in Rome was directed, some time back, to make any representations to the Government of Italy which he could make with propriety and which might appear to be useful. He was also instructed to have some regard to what was done by the Representatives of the other Powers. The Ambassador has not seen any such opportunity; and I am informed that no Power has been in a position to make representations to the Italian Government on the subject.

May I ask whether the United States Congress did not pass Resolutions on the subject, and has not the Ambassador of the United States taken action, if no other Power has?

I am really not aware what Resolutions the United States Congress passed; but if they did pass such a Resolution, it would not in any degree modify the statement I have made, which was with regard to representations of the Powers to the Italian Government.

I beg to give Notice that on the Diplomatic Vote the hon. Member for the City of Cork (Mr. Parnell) will call further attention to this subject.

Egypt—The Conference

asked the First Lord of the Treasury, Whether he will now state to the House the nature of the financial proposals made by Her Majesty's Ministers to the Conference in order to pay the costs of the bombardment of Alexandria and the evacuation of the Soudan, and restore equilibrium to the Egyptian Budget?

The hon. Member has on this occasion done what he has done on some other occasions—he compels me to repeat an answer which I have given him formerly, and in regard to which I have no option. It would be a breach of understanding and a breach of faith with the Conference, independently of anything else, if any communication with regard to the proceedings within it were made during the time that Conference has its sitting. But I may take the opportunity which the Question of the hon. Gentleman affords me to say with much regret, and to my own disappointment and to that of the House, that the Conference which met to-day was informed by the French Ambassador that he was not in possession of sufficient instructions, and that he had to request a further adjournment until Saturday. To that request, under the circumstances, there could be but one answer; and perhaps I may say this—though I have no doubt it is a disappointment to the House to receive the intelligence—yet those who have paid attention to what has been passing in France within the last few days will be prepared for it—it will be seen that the French Cabinet has been placed in a peculiar position with regard to domestic concerns.

In consequence of that answer I am obliged to ask the right hon. Gentleman what course he proposes to take with a view of giving the House an opportunity, before the Prorogation, of pronouncing an opinion on the proceedings of the Conference?

I am afraid, Sir, it would be premature if I were to endeavour to explain precisely the course of the proceedings we should adopt until the Conference shall arrive at a decision. We shall not lose a moment after that; but I am in the confident hope that the House will not be put to any practical inconvenience. We shall not lose a moment in telling the House both what the Conference has done, and likewise what we intend to do, with a view to redeeming the pledge which I gave the right hon. Gentleman.

Is the right hon. Gentleman in a position to say whether it is probable that he will have to submit a proposal to the House upon which its judgment will have to be taken?

No, Sir; I think it would not be advantageous to state what is probable or what is improbable, for it would probably be the cause of further disappointment.

With regard to the statement of the right hon. Gentleman, that the reason for declining to answer my Question as to the financial proposals was that it would be a breach of faith with the Conference, I beg to ask him whether it is not the fact that out of the four main heads of the proposals now before the Powers, three—namely, that with regard to the evacuation by the British troops; that of the extra powers proposed to be given to the Debt Commissioners; and that with regard to the neutralization of Egypt and the Canal—have already been before this House; and whether he will explain what reasons exist for considering that the communication of the financial proposals to the House would be a greater breach of faith than the communication of the other proposals?

The other proposals are not before the Conference. The financial proposals are.

I would ask the Prime Minister whether the House is to understand that the statement made by him, I think on the 23rd of June, that the proposals of the Government would be laid before the Powers, has not been carried out?

Certainly they have been communicated to the Powers; but they have not been brought before the Conference, because the Conference is limited to the object which was described in the invitation.

I should like to know whether any Papers will be laid on the Table at the same time as the right hon. Gentleman makes his Statement; because it would be perfectly impossible for the House to gain even a slight notion of the case from the statements of the right hon. Gentleman, however clear they may be. The right hon. Gentleman said the other day that by far the most important part of these negotiations had taken place in the Commission; and I think the right hon. Gentleman used the expression—"The chief labour with respect to this business has been performed by the Commission." Of course, the Papers with respect to the Commission are now ready. At any rate, they might be presented at a few days' notice; and I hope, therefore, the Foreign Office will be prepared with them at a very short Notice.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say that after the meeting on Saturday—that is to say, on Monday—he will be in a position to make a statement?

All I can say is, that I hope it, and I expect it. I cannot go beyond that. With reference to what I said of the Commission, I did not say that the most important part of the labours was performed by the Commission—I think I said it was the most laborious, requiring time, and a great deal of hard work. I quite agree with the right hon. Gentleman that any statement would be inadequate to the object in view that did not deal with the operations of the Commission. I cannot undertake to say what Papers will be presented; but, undoubtedly, Papers giving what Her Majesty's Government may think a full view of the case will be in readiness, and will be presented at once.

Law and Police (Metropolis)—Mr.W. H. Smith's Watch

Sir, I do not see the Home Secretary in his place; but, as I see the hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department, perhaps he will be able to answer my Question. It is, Whether he has observed in the public Press to-day that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Westminster lost his watch at a Conservative meeting last night; and, whether the Home Secretary will do his best to induce the police to take measures to prevent such an occurrence taking place again?

I did not suppose the hon. Gentleman the Member for Northampton would have thought it necessary to bring any question affecting myself personally before the House. If I had had any complaint to make against the police, or any application to make to the Government, I should have made it myself. But I wish to say that the circumstance to which the hon. Gentleman alludes did not occur at the meeting, but outside the meeting, where the hon. Gentleman's friends objected to my entering the meeting.

The Magistracy (Ireland)—Mr. Clifford Lloyd

asked the First Lord of the Treasury, If the Government have come to any decision as to the future employment of Mr. Clifford Lloyd?

I must appeal to the hon. Member to postpone this Question until Monday. I have only seen it this morning, and Lord Spencer is not in town.

Parliament—Business of the House—Committee of Supply— Standing Order 425a

, in whose name the following Notice of Motion stood on the Paper:—

"That, for the remainder of the Session, the Standing Order of the 27th November, 1882, relating to Notices on going into Committee of Supply on Monday and Thursday, be extended to Friday and Saturday,"

said: I wish to postpone my Motion until tomorrow, in order that we may acquaint ourselves more fully with the desire of the House upon the subject.

I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he can say when the Diplomatic Vote will be taken; and, whether he will undertake that when it is taken it will be with Notice? It would be an immense convenience to a number of hon. Members if he could do so.

I am afraid that until I am able to make the communication to the House about the Conference, on which the course of Business will somewhat depend, it would be idle to give any undertaking about the date of taking the Diplomatic Vote.

I cannot see what connection there is between the Conference and the Diplomatic Vote.

The Conference may lead to a statement, and a statement to a debate; for a Notice of Motion might be given asking the Government for the redemption of the pledge they have already made, and that might render it necessary to interrupt the course of Business.

The Prime Minister will not take the Diplomatic Vote without Notice?

Parliament—House of Commons— Ventilation of the House

I wish to ask the President of the Local Government Board, Whether his attention has been called to the horrible smells in the "Aye" Lobby of this House today, and to the danger that must accrue to the Party there from?

The matter has nothing whatever to do with me. I understood, however, that the First Commissioner of Works had appointed a Committee to inquire into the subject, and I have not yet seen the Report of that Committee.

Perhaps I may be allowed to say, as Chairman of that Committee, that the Committee sat on two occasions and took evidence; but were not able to trace the cause of the nuisance. They have, however, requested further assistance to be given them in the Recess in order to trace the origin of these smells.

I may say that, although I have not seen the Report of the Committee, I have already instructed the Local Government Board to place Inspectors at the service of the Committee.

Parliament—Business of the House—Burgh Police and Health (Scotland) Bill

In the absence of the hon. and learned Member for Stafford (Mr. M'Laren), I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, Whether he intends to proceed further this Session with the Burgh Police and Health (Scotland) Bill?

Having regard to what passed in the discussion on Tuesday night, we could not hope, in the short period of this Session which remains, to pass this Bill through both Houses of Parliament; and, therefore, we are reluctantly obliged to abandon the intention of proceeding further with it now. [Mr. WARTON: Hear, hear!]

Egypt (Events in the Soudan)— Major Kitchener

asked the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Whether it is true that the friendly tribes near Agig on the Red Sea have been massacred by Osman Digna's followers; and, whether Major Kitchener has gone to Dongola?

No, Sir; it is not true that the friendly tribes have been massacred. Major Kitchener has gone to Dongola in order to open communications with the Kababish Arabs. If the hon. Member will refer to "Egypt, No. 25, 1884," page 113, he will find Papers on the subject.

India—Revenue Settlement Department—Native Appointments

asked the Under Secretary of State for India, Whether he can inform the House what the answer was which was given to a Memorial or Letter forwarded by Mr. Rungiah Naider Garu in reference to the appointment of Messrs. Tarrant and Thornhill to offices in the Revenue Settlement Department, which offices the writer of the Memorial is said to contend are by the terms of the Royal Proclamation confined to Indian Natives; and, whether it is the case that the noble Lord, the former Secretary of State for India, desired that such infractions of the Proclamation should be pointed out to him?

On the 9th of June I informed the hon. Member for Cavan County (Mr. Biggar) that Mr. Garu's letter had been returned to him for submission through the Government of Madras, in accordance with fixed rules. The Secretary of State in Council has disallowed the appointments of Messrs. Tarrant and Thornhill, which were made by the Madras Government, subject to the sanction of the Secretary of State. Natives of India have no exclusive right to such appointments in the Revenue Settlement Department, nor is there any Royal Proclamation to that effect.

Orders of the Day

Supply—Civil Service Estimates

SUPPLY—considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Class Iii.—Law and Justice

(1.) Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £49,031, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, of Criminal Prosecutions and other Law Charges in Ireland, including certain allowances under the Act 15 & 16 Vict. c. 83."

Whereupon Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £45,031, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, of Criminal Prosecutions and other Law Charges in Ireland, including certain Allowances under the Act 15 & 16 Vict. c. 83."— (Mr. Small.)

said, he wished, in a few words, to direct the attention of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to a case which had been under the notice of the Irish Executive Government for the last six mouths, but in regard to which it had been found impossible to extract from them, up to the present moment, any other than a formal answer. He referred to the case of a man called Brian Kilmartin, who was now undergoing penal servitude for life at Chatham. The facts of the case were these. On the 5th of April, 1882, a land bailiff, named Kernaghan, was shot at, at 10 o'clock at night, on the Island of Arran, in the county of Galway, The year previously the same bailiff had been shot at, and a man named Varney was accused of the crime, and put on his trial; but, although the bailiff Kernaghan positively swore that Varney com- mitted the offence, the jury acquitted him. On the 5th of April, 1882, this bailiff was shot at a second time, and, on his information, Brian Kilmartin was arrested, and lodged in gaol. He had been placed upon his trial in the month of December at the Winter Assizes at Sligo, and, on the unsupported evidence of Kernaghan, he was found guilty, and sentenced to penal servitude for life. He must go back now to what happened in the month of May, 1882. A young man named Thomas Gauly, between whom and Kilmartin there was a strong personal resemblance, and who resided on the Island of Arran with his mother, was evicted by Kernaghan. He suddenly fled from the Island and went to America, without telling his friends anything of his intention. He lived at Boston for a year, at the end of which time he died. On his death-bed he sent for a Roman Catholic clergyman, the Rev. Father Curran; and a little before his death, under the tremendous sanction of the last Sacrament, he confessed that he was the man who shot the bailiff Kernaghan, and that he was the man who had committed the crime for which Brian Kilmartin was now undergoing his sentence of penal servitude for life. Father Curran reported the matter to his ecclesiastical Chief, the Archbishop of Boston, at whose recommendation Father Curran lodged an affidavit, embodying the facts, with the British Vice Consul. The Committee had, therefore, these three facts—first, the statement of the doctor who attended the young man Gauly; secondly, a certificate of his death and burial; and, thirdly, the affidavit from the Rev. Father Curran that a man, in confession, had made a statement that he was the person who had fired the shot. There was also a certificate from the Archbishop of Boston that Father Curran was duly ordained, and that any statement he made was worthy of complete belief. These documents fully established the guilt of Gauly, and the innocence of Kilmartin. Several months ago he (Mr. Sexton) had called attention to the case at the instance of the Rev. Father O'Donoghue, the parish priest of the Island of Arran, who was thoroughly convinced that Gauly was the man who fired the shot; that the man now undergoing penal servitude had nothing to do with the matter; but that it was a clear case of mistaken identity. He had frequently applied to the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to know what was to be done; but, up to the present, he had failed to receive anything beyond a formal answer. He thought that was a favourable opportunity for extracting from the Government a statement of their intentions; and he would impress upon the Committee that there were two points which went a long way towards establishing Kilmartin's innocence. In the first place, the bailiff Kernaghan must have been a person with a very defective power of identification; because, having been fired at on a previous occasion, he fully identified a particular person as the man who fired at him; but the man was unanimously acquitted by the jury. The time at which the shot was fired was 10 o'clock on a very dark night, when the identification of the assailant must have been a matter of difficulty, if not of impossibility. There was a further fact, that the man Gauly fled from the Island soon after the arrest of Kilmartin; that he was a man who, in his personal appearance, strongly resembled Kilmartin; and that he, together with his wife and mother, had been evicted from their farm by this very bailiff. Further, there was conclusive evidence that he had confessed his guilt to the Roman Catholic clergyman who attended him, and who administered to him the last rites of the Church. He (Mr. Sexton) had never heard a more conclusive case; and he asked the right hon. Gentleman to inform the Committee what he proposed to do with regard to it.

The hon. Member for Sligo (Mr. Sexton) has given an account of the additional documents with perfect accuracy, so far as Gauly's confession, which was made some little time before his death, is concerned; and I am also ready to admit that the hon. Member has not spoken too highly of the character of the Rev. Father Curran, who is a gentleman beyond all suspicion; but I am, nevertheless, obliged to give an unfavourable answer to the appeal which has been made to me. The case has been very carefully gone through, as is necessary when the only fresh element in the matter is a declaration of guilt, unsupported by other circumstances on the part of a person who has not been tried. It must be quite clear to hon. Mem- bers that the mere fact of the confession is not sufficient to absolve a person who has had a regular trial, because it is a very common thing for persons to charge themselves with crime. [Mr. SEXTON: On their death bed?] Such a thing is not unknown at all. Persons have been known to charge themselves with crimes even upon their death bed, especially in cases where it is possible that the person who made the declaration may not have regarded the act as highly criminal, and where his feeling for the person who had been condemned on account of such act was a feeling of genuine sympathy and pity, and not impossibly of admiration. That being so, it was necessary to go into the case very carefully, and to see what bearing this declaration of Gauly's had on the evidence. The case was carefully gone into by the Judge who tried it. All the papers were sent to the Chief Secretary, whose sole function it is to represent the mercy of the Crown, and the power which the Crown has of retrying the case. [Mr. SEXTON: Who was the Judge who tried it?] Judge Lawson. [ Cries of "Oh!" from the Irish Members. ] Yes; Judge Lawson, than whom, I must say, there is no abler nor juster Judge. The Lord Lieutenant went carefully into the case himself; and as an application had been made to me in this House, and as it was not improbable that the question would come before the House upon the Estimates, His Excellency submitted the papers to me, and I studied them with great care. I may say that I entirely concur with the judgment of His Excellency and of Judge Lawson that the case stands quite complete, and separate from the confession of Gauly, and that that confession does not shake the case as it stands in the very least particular. I regret very much that this decision has been come to; but we have felt ourselves bound to arrive at it; and I do not consider that the House of Commons is a place where cases can be tried over again. I cannot, in the least, concur in the opinion of the hon. Member that the evidence of the bailiff was unsupported. I think it was supported by very material testimony indeed. I repeat that I am sorry His Excellency had to arrive at this decision; but I believe he could arrive at no other.

was bound to say that the statement of the right hon. Gentle- man was very different from that which he had a right to expect. It was extremely disappointing in its result, and very extraordinary in its substance; and if the right hon. Gentleman had given such careful and exhaustive study to the case, he might have spoken for five minutes longer at the Table for the purpose of informing the Committee what the points were which had induced the Government to arrive at that decision. The right hon. Gentleman said that the identification of this unfortunate man by Kernaghan, the bailiff, was not unsupported; but he had not told the Committee how it was supported. His (Mr. Sexton's) opinion was that in the essential facts of the identification the evidence of the bailiff, Kernaghan, stood alone. On a previous occasion, the same man, having been shot at, fully identified a man named Varney as his assailant; but the identification was so weak, and so little worthy of credence, that, although the bailiff swore positively, and the jury had both men before them, one in the dock and the other in the witness-box, they unanimously gave a verdict of acquittal. How did the right hon. Gentleman explain that fact? There was another fact; this youth Gauly, who died in Boston, had been evicted from his farm, together with his mother, a few months before the bailiff was fired at, and evicted, too, at the hands of this very individual. There they had evidence of motive in regard to the man who confessed his guilt. It was not asserted that Kilmartin, or any member of his family, ever suffered any wrong at the hands of Kernaghan; whereas, on the other hand, the man Gauly had sustained a grievous wrong at the hands of the bailiff. How did the right hon. Gentleman deal with the sudden flight of Gauly? There was no doubt that Gauly had suddenly fled from the country, without informing his family or his friends where he was going. Then, again, was it denied that there was a strong physical resemblance between the youth Gauly, who fled to America, and the man Kilmartin, now lying in Chatham Gaol? Was it denied that the attack took place at 10 o'clock on a dark night, when even the sharpest man might very well have been mistaken? The right hon. Gentleman had said that it was common for persons, who were ill or dying, from motives of sympathy, or admiration for prisoners who were found guilty of crime, to make statements which were untrue. He thought that such a case would be heard of very rarely indeed; and would anybody who was acquainted with the Catholic religion, who knew that a man on the point of death, confessing to his priest under the sacred seal of the Sacrament, the most solemn and awful ceremony known to persons who professed the Roman Catholic faith—would anybody tell him that a man, under such circumstances, would be prepared to enter eternity, and appear before his Maker with a falsehood upon his lips, or that he would accuse himself of a crime which he had not committed, necessarily believing that such an accusation would condemn him to eternal damnation? Any man who was acquainted with the forms of the Catholic religion must be of opinion that the confession made to Father Curran was a sincere and honest confession of guilt, and must be driven to the conclusion that the youth Gauly, who died in Boston, was the man who fired the shot, and not the unfortunate man who was now undergoing penal servitude for life. On considering the whole of the evidence, documentary and otherwise, only one conclusion could be arrived at.

confessed that he had heard the reply of his right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary with regret. The right hon. Gentleman did not seem to imply that there could be any doubt as to the facts. This was the first he had heard of the case; but, from the statements which had been made, it certainly appeared to him far more probable that the man Kilmartin was not guilty of the crime. The probability was extremely strong that a confession made upon a death-bed was a true confession; and he therefore hoped that the case might not be ended in that House, but that there might yet be some fresh inquiry. It was not very long ago that in England a man imprisoned for murder was released from imprisonment upon the confession of a man named Peace, who was himself of notoriously bad character and a convicted murderer. The case was inquired into, and Peace's confession was accepted. In this case the doubt was in favour of the prisoner; and if there were to be an error at all, it was far better that it should not be on the side of keeping an innocent man in prison.

said, he hoped that the Government would take up the matter seriously. He had no doubt in his own mind that the man now in prison under a sentence of penal servitude for life was as innocent of firing at, and attempting to murder the bailiff, as the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary himself. He had not the slightest hesitation in saying that all the circumstances, apart from any case of proof accepted at the trial, showed that the man who had since then accused himself must probably have been guilty of the crime which he confessed; whereas there was no evidence whatever, except the identification by the bailiff, to criminate the man who had been convicted. There was primâ facie evidence that the man who made the confession was guilty, and not the man who was in gaol. He had had a good deal of experience from time to time in regard to this class of confession—statements made to priests and others by persons on the point of death. He knew perfectly well that the greatest solemnity prevailed on such occasions, and it was absurd to present to him the idea that a Catholic would have confessed to his priest that he had been guilty of an attempt to murder an individual, for which another person was suffering at the time, if he was altogether innocent, or that he would have died leaving his spiritual adviser under that impression. The impression conveyed to his mind was that it was much more likely the jury and Judge Lawson were wrong. To ask him to believe that a true case had been put forward on the trial of Kilmartin, or that the verdict of the jury was right, when upon his deathbed, or immediately before it, the man Gauly had confessed to his priest and spiritual adviser, under the seal of the Sacrament, that he was the guilty person, was perfectly absurd. He ventured to say that there was no place outside the House of Commons where a confession, under such circumstances, would not be received as the truth. He hoped the matter would not be lost sight of for a moment by Her Majesty's Government. He was not in the habit of mixing in disputes of this kind, or even of speaking in the House on subjects upon which he had no strong feel- ing; but he was prepared to say deliberately—although, of course, his assertion might be taken for what it was worth—that having had great experience in cases of this kind, he was as convinced as he was of his own existence that the individual now under sentence of penal servitude for life was a perfectly innocent man, and that the man who had accused himself was the only guilty man in the matter.

wished to express all possible respect for the religious feelings of hon. Members who professed the Roman Catholic faith. It was well known that he was opposed to the policy of the Church of Rome; but no man ever heard him express any disrespect for the religious feelings of hon. Members belonging to that Church. But, as an English Member—the hon. Member for Manchester (Mr. Jacob Bright)—had taken the same view as hon. Members from Ireland who had spoken, he (Mr. Newdegate) wished, as an English Member, to express his sincere hope that the House would not attempt to arrogate to itself the privilege of pardon which was vested in the Crown. Let the Minister of the Crown exercise that privilege, and be responsible to the country for the exercise of it; but he deprecated most sincerely the idea of the House arrogating to itself functions superior to those of a Court of Law. He had himself, under the Act of 1866, been subjected to pecuniary penalties for prosecuting a person who arrogated to himself the right to sit in that House until he had gone through the forms prescribed by law. He lamented that circumstance, and, perhaps, it had no bearing upon the present case. This was a case in which the Crown had exercised an undoubted discretion vested in itself, and in its immediate advisers; and that which he deprecated was that the House should attempt to constitute itself a superior tribunal, not only to the Courts of Law, but superior to the Crown, so far as the privileges of the Crown were concerned, He maintained that if the House of Commons was to lend itself to either of those courses it would be distinctly violating the fundamental terms of the Constitution, and it was upon that ground, and because he held that the Minister of the Crown was sufficiently responsible, that he could see no reason why the House should incur the danger of a just imputation of transgressing and invading the functions and the duties of another Estate of the Realm.

wished to call the attention of the Committee to the fact that the position taken by the hon. Member for North Warwickshire (Mr. Newdegate) was not that which was taken up by the Chief Secretary. On the contrary, the right hon. Gentleman went into the merits of the case. He would further remind the hon. Member that the Irish Members were not attempting to interfere with the exercise of the mercy of the Crown. They had no power to do so, even if they felt inclined, and they were only calling upon the Crown to exercise that mercy. With regard to the general principle, it was one of the platitudes of Parliament that Parliament was not a Court of Appeal. It was a platitude which had no meaning except in the mind of the hon. Member. It was one of the highest functions of that House to represent every grievance of every subject of Her Majesty throughout the Realm, and it was the right of every Member to ventilate those grievances and see them redressed. If any hon. Member was conscious of any injustice done by a Court of Law, it was his duty to bring it before Parliament as a high Court of Appeal. The platitudes of the hon. Member for North Warwickshire had now been as often repeated as the celebrated illustration of King Charles's head by Mr. Dick, which was so familiar to everybody. Parliament was the highest Court of Appeal in the Realm, and every Member had a right to bring any case of grievance into that Court of Appeal. He had been much surprised at the answer of the Chief Secretary, and his surprise was not unmixed with indignation, although the answer of the right hon. Gentleman was characteristic of the whole attitude of the Government with regard to the administration of justice in Ireland. It was a mistake to substitute the blind fury of revenge for the calm strength of men who were anxious to govern in accordance with justice. The Chief Secretary, as a literary man, and accustomed to write about various matters, might be supposed to have something of a sympathetic nature; but he had noticed that whenever the Chief Secretary spoke about the re1i- gious feelings of the Irish people he invariably introduced something that was absurdly and grotesquely wrong. There was not a man who had any knowledge of the feeling of the Irish people who did not know that a man on the brink of the grave, receiving the last Sacrament, and being on the point of death, would not be prepared to perjure himself. He maintained that such an assertion was so grotesque as to be almost beyond the bounds of imagination. He trusted that the right hon. Gentleman would pay attention to these remarks. [Mr. TREVELYAN: I am doing so.] The right hon. Gentleman must be even an abler man than he gave him credit for if he was able to pay attention to the debate and carry on a conversation at the same time. What he (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) asserted was, that anybody who had any acquaintance with the feelings of the Irish Catholics would be prepared to say that it was not within the bounds of reason and probability that a man who was receiving the last Sacrament would be guilty of an atrocious lie, and perjure himself by confessing a crime of which he was innocent. He challenged the hon. and learned Solicitor General, now seated beside the right hon. Gentleman, who, although not a Catholic, knew something about Ireland and Irish Catholics—he challenged the hon. and learned Gentleman to get up and say he agreed with the Chief Secretary that it was at all probable an Irish Catholic, receiving the last Sacrament, and within a few hours of his death, would pledge himself to what he knew to be a wilful lie. That was a deliberate challenge. Such an assumption could only show the grotesque ignorance of the man who made it in regard to the feelings of the Irish people. If the right hon. Gentleman were speaking of the religious feelings or sentiments of the Hindoos or Mahomedans of India, among whom he had spent some years of his life, he would not have been guilty of so great a misrepresentation. He saw another right hon. Gentleman upon the Front Opposition Bench, who was in Ireland once as Chief Secretary (Sir Robert Peel). He appealed to the right hon. Gentleman to get up and say whether he agreed with the Chief Secretary that an Irish Catholic, within a few minutes of his death, would receive the Sacrament of penance and forgiveness for all his sins, and then would add to his soul the sin of a lie on his death bed? Would the hon. and learned Solicitor General,, or the right hon. Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel), deny that they had in this case, besides a confession made under solemn and convincing surroundings, a motive on the part of the man who confessed the crime. In the second place, there was the case of the man, which went to prove the truth of his story as well as his own confession. He had absconded from the Island almost immediately after the crime was committed, and there was evidence that before doing so he made no communication with his relatives or friends. In the third place, there was the fact that, in addition to the confession, the man who was convicted bore a strong resemblance to the man who confessed, and the fact that Gauly ran away in the interval between the arrest of Kilmartin and the trial was a strong additional testimony of the consciousness in his mind that he was guilty. They had the fact that the men resembled each other, the further fact that the crime was committed in a dark hour of the night, that the identification was confined to one witness, and that he was a witness so weak on the question of identification that on a previous occasion his evidence against the person whom he accused of a similar crime was disbelieved by the jury. He would venture to say that there was not a single Member of that House who had listened to the case who did not consider that the Chief Secretary's attitude in this matter was shameful to the Administration of which he was a Member. He knew that a great deal of crime had been committed in Ireland between the years 1882 and 1883. He deplored the fever of crime which had taken place; but it ought to be remembered that, as had happened in France, the red terror had been succeeded by a white terror equally terrible, so in Ireland the red terror had been succeeded by a white terror, and there was not a man who did not believe that Her Majesty's Government were now retaining in penal servitude a man who was wholly innocent of the crime imputed to him.

In dealing with a matter of this kind, it certainly requires the calmest exercise of judicial faculties, and I hope that it will not be approached in the spirit of the speech to which we have just listened. We are, however, used to the violent and abusive language in which the hon. Member for Galway (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) has indulged.

Sir Arthur Otway, I rise to Order. I wish to know whether the expression which the right hon. and learned Gentleman has used is in Order? The right hon. and learned Gentleman has spoken of the violent and abusive language of my hon. Friend.

I cannot say that the words used by the right hon. and learned Gentleman are out of Order. I have often heard language to the same effect used in this House.

I should like to know what hon. Members opposite would say if I applied the epithet "shameful" to them, as the hon. Member has applied to the conduct of my right hon. Friend? He has distinctly charged my right hon. Friend and the Government of Ireland with exercising a white terror. Probably the hon. Member does not consider that violent and abusive language. I do; and I say that habitually the language used by the hon. Member, and by hon. Members sitting by him, towards my right hon. Friend is violent, abusive, and most unjustifiable. [Cries of "Oh!" from the Irish Members. ] Well, that is my opinion. I dare say that hon. Members opposite do not share it. I am quite as much against white terror as hon. Members opposite; and I am glad to hear, for the first time, that they do not approve of red terror. At the same time, I must say that I have heard very little from those hon. Gentlemen in denouncing red terror since I have been in Office. I can only say that this is not the spirit in which a question of this kind is to be approached. It is a very serious thing to reconsider, in a matter of this description, the deliberate decision of a Judicial Tribunal. I say, in spite of what has been affirmed by hon. Gentlemen opposite, whether it be the Irish Government, or whether it be the English Government, there is no duty they undertake with a graver sense of responsibility than that of revising or inquiring into the sentences passed by the Judges. Although, of course, I do not deny for a moment the right of any Member of Parliament to bring forward a matter of this kind, still I assert that it is most inconvenient, and almost impossible, for this House, upon ex parte statements, or .even upon an argument upon the case, to arrive at any proper decision upon the matter. Now, I have every day to deal with such matters, and I can assure hon. Gentlemen that if they were to attempt to discuss the questions I have every day to deal with, days would not suffice for discussing and arguing, in a public Assembly, the various points which are raised in a string of questions of this kind. What is the present case? As I understand it, a man has been convicted upon evidence which, apart from this confession, has never been challenged. Nobody says that the evidence given at the trial was not such as might well have satisfied the jury; and if it satisfied the jury, then the sentence was justified.

We impeach the evidence of the bailiff, which was the sole evidence in the case, on the ground that his previously sworn evidence, in identification of a man alleged to have committed a similar crime, was not believed by the jury, and the prisoner was acquitted.

The hon. Member may impeach the evidence; but surely, in such a case, the evidence of the man who was shot at was very strong evidence. What is now wanted is to get in the confession of another person, who says that he committed the crime. It is supposed, apparently, that the confession of this man is an unexampled and conclusive case. Now, instances of confessions of this character, entirely unfounded, are very numerous.

The hon. Member chooses to say "No." I, who have to deal with these matters, say "Yes."

On the whole, I should say that dying declarations are a great deal more suspicious than other confessions. ["Oh!"] Really, if hon. Members opposite will only be calm and patient, and hear what I have to say, they will have ample opportunity by-and-bye of replying to me. The man who is dying has nothing to suffer in this world, at all events. ["Oh!"] If hon. Members opposite wish the matter to be discussed, they are pursuing a very improper method of disposing of a question of this kind. I am only endeavouring to say what my experience of cases of this kind—cases in which there has been no question of Party sentiment, or religious prejudice—has been. It would, however, be entirely ridiculous "to discuss the question on the basis on which the hon. Gentleman has put it—that the declarations of Irish Catholics are to be treated otherwise than those of English Protestants. I regard the one with neither more nor less favour than the other; but we are bound to pay respect to all the circumstances which surround it. In the first place, the confession of a man that he has committed a crime, for which another man has been convicted and punished, is a very serious matter indeed. No doubt, such a confession throws a grave primâ facie doubt upon the conviction. But it is not, and ought not to be, regarded as conclusive. It is nothing of the kind There are great temptations, under certain circumstances, to make a confession of that character. I have known several cases of confessions made by men under such circumstances.

I have answered the word "dying" already. I say that dying confessions are not to be regarded differently from a confession made by a man who is not dying, because the man who is dying has nothing to fear, so far, at least, as this world is concerned. Dying confessions are most of all suspicious on occasions of this kind. I have known how confessions have sometimes been made. It may have been that the man who confessed had already received penal servitude for life, and he would know that he had no more favour to expect; but he thinks that he can benefit a friend by making a confession of this kind. Such declarations have been made from time to time, and I have had to examine them, and I have found them totally unfounded. Hon. Members would be astonished if they knew, as well as I do, the circumstances under which confessions of this kind have been made. The motive is not difficult to conjecture. The man knows that he has nothing to suffer in making such a confession. He is already beyond the reach of justice; and if under a sentence, for instance, of death he knows that he has nothing more to fear. He wants no protection against the consequence of making a false confession. Therefore, I say, having had a considerable amount of experience in matters of this kind, that they must all of them be carefully examined. No doubt a confession arouses a strong presumption, in the first instance, against the sentence. It, therefore, becomes necessary to inquire into the whole facts of the case, and see whether the circumstances of the case itself corroborate the confession. I have had to consider cases in which the surrounding circumstances have corroborated the confession, and the man who has been innocently convicted has been pardoned. But there have been cases of true confession, and cases of false confession; and it has required the most careful judgment and the most anxious exercise of the judicial faculty to determine to which of the two classes of cases the confession belongs. It can only be done by a very careful and impartial examination, and by considering the confession together with all the facts which led to the conviction. If it were once assumed that those charged with the duty did not bring to the performance of the task those qualities which are necessary to its performance, the assumption would condemn the system of administering the prerogative of mercy. It has been found that the administration of the prerogative of mercy can only be effectually discharged by leaving it in a very few hands. We cannot dispose of matters of this kind by a debate—even if it be most calmly and carefully conducted—in a popular Assembly. We could not hope to arrive at a fair and just conclusion upon it without a most laborious comparison of particulars in each individual case. I believe Earl Spencer will not deliberately refuse to give weight to the important circumstances of a confession of this character. Indeed, if it were believed that Earl Spencer would not examine into the surrounding circumstances of the case, there would be no use in arguing the matter further. If, on the other hand, hon. Members opposite are disposed, as I believe the majority of this House will be disposed, to entrust the Executive Government with the discharge of this duty, and to leave the matter within their responsibility, then I believe the House will be of opinion that, however right it may have been to call attention to such a case, the ultimate judgment must rest with those who alone are capable of forming a judgment upon it.

said, that as the hon. Member for Galway (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) had referred to him he should like to say a word upon the subject. The Home Secretary had commenced his remarks by saying that it was necessary to approach the subject in a calm and judicial spirit, and then he proceeded to point out that his experience upon the subject gave him a vast superiority over any other man in the House. From that point the right hon. and learned Gentleman, instead of approaching the question in the calm and judicial spirit he had suggested, proceeded to use language towards the Irish Members, which, if it had been used against the Lord Lieutenant and the Irish Government, would have been received with a torrent of disapprobation. Now, any hon. Member who had sat in the House during the last three months must have heard cases submitted to the House which had certainly startled English Members. He did not shrink from that declaration. The hon. Gentleman had talked about white terror. There could be no doubt whatever that the system of Government in Ireland at this moment, and during the last three years, had been most repugnant to English feeling; and what must it be to the Irish people? [A laugh.] The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Home Secretary sneered and laughed at his remark; he was in the habit of doing so; but it would not have the least effect upon him (Sir Robert Peel), nor would it prevent him from saying what he was entitled to say in that House. He would only take this one case which had been brought under the attention of the House of Commons. He knew the difficulties which his right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary had to contend against. No doubt he had to deal with difficult cases day by day, and he admired the admirable way in which the right hon. Gentleman had dealt with them, and the tact and temper which he had displayed. He had told the right hon. Gentleman so himself on more than one occasion; but here was a case where the hon. Member for Sligo (Mr. Sexton) told them that a person whom he believed to have been really guilty, on escaping to America and dying abroad, confessed that he was guilty of the commission of a particular crime. Upon his death bed, in the presence of a Roman Catholic priest, this man declared that he was the person who committed the crime, and that it was not the person who had been convicted in Ireland. His right hon. Friend, nevertheless, said that he attached no weight or trust to such a death-bed confession. The right hon. and learned Gentleman the Home Secretary said that in regard to death-bed confessions he would have attached just as much weight to that of a Protestant as that of a Catholic. Now, he (Sir Robert Peel) had had some experience of Ireland and the Irish people many years ago; and he was bound to say that in his humble judgment, if a Roman Catholic upon his death bed, and in the presence of his priest, were to make a declaration that he himself had unhappily committed a crime for which another had been convicted, he (Sir Robert Peel) would be far more inclined—and he said it as a Protestant—to place weight and confidence in the statement of that man, than he would be in a similar declaration made by a Protestant. He had lived for years in Catholic countries, and he firmly believed, if this man Gauly made the statement in question to a priest in the hope of receiving absolution after having escaped from Ireland in consequence of an attempt to commit murder, that his right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary, and the hon. and learned Solicitor General for Ireland, would do well to consider whether it might not be necessary, not, as his hon. Friend the Member for North Warwick-shire (Mr. Newdegate) said, to refrain from interference, but for the House of Commons to take the matter into their own hands. They did not seek to take from the Government the exercise of the prerogative of mercy, nor the faculty which rested in the Crown of granting pardon. This was the case of a man sentenced to penal servitude for life, and he thought the House of Commons might well express an opinion upon the subject. He hoped the hon. and learned Solicitor General would address the Committee in a very different spirit from that in which the Home Secretary, who always had his sneers and his flouts whenever anybody differed from him, had addressed it, and that he would address himself to the point which had been submitted from the Irish Benches—namely, that the Government should exercise the power they had of inducing the Sovereign of the country to consider a question which in the Irish mind was entitled to consideration, and grant to this unhappy man a pardon.

said, that a case had occurred not long ago in Manchester in which an Irishman was convicted and sentenced to penal servitude for life on a charge of murder—namely, shooting a policeman. Afterwards, a man named Peace was tried for another murder, condemned, and subsequently hung for it; and that man `confessed that he had committed the murder for which the Irishman had been sentenced to penal servitude. Upon that confession, of which there was no corroboration or anything else, the Government pardoned the man under sentence of penal servitude, and even compensated him for the sufferings he had undergone. Surely this was a similar case, if it was anything at all, of mistaken identity. Did anybody in that House mean to say for a moment that the identification by the bailiff who had sworn to the man was so undoubted that it might not be a case of mistaken identity? It was not a case of political dispute, but something more—namely, of human life; because the case of a human being kept during the whole period of his life in slavery—for penal servitude was slavery—was surely worthy of something more than an answer stating that there had been a comparison of papers by lawyers, and a balance of probability without any evidence whatever. Would it be too much for a rich country like this to send over to the priest at Boston, to the doctor who attended Gauly, and to the others who were acquainted with the facts of the case? It would be remembered that for the murder of a policeman in the attack on a police van at Manchester, several persons were convicted, including a man named Maguire, who was found guilty and sentenced to be hung. It happened that he (Sir Edward Watkin) was on intimate terms with one of the Judges who tried the case, and he saw that Judge off from the Manchester railway station on his way to London. He remarked to the learned Judge, having heard the evidence in Court, that he did not believe the man Maguire was guilty. The Judge—it was Sir John Mellor—said that he himself had the gravest doubt upon the subject, and that he would require more conclusive evidence than had yet been given to convince him that Maguire was one of the persons who had murdered the policeman. The learned Judge further said that he intended to write to the Home Secretary upon the subject. By following up all the circumstances, it was afterwards proved to absolute demonstration that it was impossible for the man Maguire to have been in the Manchester Road on the day the policeman was murdered; and on the Report of the Judge that he had grave doubts in his own mind, and on the new evidence obtained, the man was ultimately pardoned, and through the kindness of the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was then Secretary to the Admiralty, was reinstated in the ranks of the Marines, to which he had formerly belonged, and, he believed, had been compensated for the sufferings he had undergone. He mentioned that as a case which had occurred within his own knowledge; and he would ask, in the present case, was it too much for this country, instead of balancing probabilities on documentary evidence, to send to the priest and the doctor in Boston in justice to a man who would otherwise be doomed to a life of slavery?

I think the very few observations which I made early in the debate have been quite justified by what has occurred since. The discussion has shown how inconvenient it is to try a case of this kind over again in the House of Commons; for the hon. Member who has just spoken practically tried this case over again, not from any new evidence he has brought forward in regard to the case itself, but upon an argument in connection with a case that occurred in Manchester some years ago, in which it was shown that there had been a case of mistaken identity. He, therefore, contends that there may have been a similar case of mistaken identity here. That only shows how extremely inconvenient it is to argue a case of this sort in a popular Assembly, and, above all, to argue it without Notice of the intention to discuss it. In a matter of this extreme importance, it certainly would have been well if the hon. Member for Sligo (Mr. Sexton), being determined to take a course which I must say I deprecate, had given Notice of his intention.

The case has only just been brought before me; but I may remind the right hon. Gentleman that he has had six months to give an answer to the representations made to him.

I do not know what the date was when the case was first brought to my notice; and as a matter of fact, in answering the appeal of the hon. Member for Sligo, I purposely abstained from entering into the facts of the case, because I think we should, as far as possible, recognize the principle that the question of dispensing the mercy of the Crown should not become a matter of debate in this House. But this debate has now gone on for some time, and statements have been made by hon. Members opposite, on the full faith that they are correct, which have been accepted by other hon. Members chiefly sitting on this side of the House, and by the right hon. Baronet opposite the Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel). Those statements have been accepted as premisses from which to argue the case; and, therefore, I may say that when I remarked that this bald statement on the part of the poor man Gauly that he had committed the crime—a statement made without any circumstances whatsoever, that had any bearing on the trial, I spoke with a full knowledge of what the circumstances of the trial were. Now, the hon. Member for Sligo says that the case rests upon the unsupported evidence of the bailiff who identified Kilmartin as the man who fired at him. In the first place, the identification of a person who has attempted to commit a murder, or has committed a murder, is not in itself necessary. Frequently a man has been punished for committing a murder who has not been actually seen in the act of committing it. But here you have, at any rate, the man who was fired at stating that he did identify his assailant. Nor is it the case, as the hon. Member for Sligo has been informed, that Kilmartin is a man who might easily be confused with Gauly. Kilmartin, judging from the evidence in the papers, and I am not going to put forward any point which I have not absolutely ascertained—Kilmartin was a very remarkable looking man indeed, and that fact strongly weighed upon the mind of Judge Lawson in coming to his decision, and also upon Earl Spencer in accepting Judge Lawson's decision. In the next place, besides the direct identification, there was a considerable amount of strong corroborative evidence. A perfectly reliable witness had seen Kilmartin in what he called his stocking feet or "pouchetts," which meant that he had no boots on. Now, the marks of stockinged feet answering to those which would have been made by Kilmartin were traced from the scene of the murder to Kilmartin's house. That is a piece of evidence of which I have a clear recollection, although there is a great deal more, of an important nature, which I do not remember. Then, again, Kilmartin's house was searched, and some extremely suspicious things were found there, or on the immediate premises. I remember that, among other things, a cartridge and a mask were found. Recollect that I am not trying the case; but I am merely giving a few of the strong points which remain in my mind to show that there was a great deal of corroborative testimony. Against this evidence there is the single statement of the man Gauly that he committed the murder, and nothing else.

I mean the attempted murder. The only corroboration of that statement is that Gauly had fled from the country, and might have had a motive for committing the crime. It is very difficult to unravel these crimes; but to say the least it was possible, when we remember what the machinery of crime has been in Ireland, that there may have been men who have been selected as the instruments of crime, and it may have been the case, in this as in other crimes in Ireland, that a man had been selected who may have had no special quarrel with the person sought to be injured. With regard to the declaration made by Gauly, I must say that I do not think it showed any ignorance of Ireland on my part to have said, or now to repeat the observation, that there are men there, perhaps many men, who would regard a person who committed a crime that would be called a political crime, as, indeed, I have heard crimes, called in this House—who would regard a person of that sort with sympathy, with pity, and even with admiration, and would feel that he was doing a justifiable act in accusing himself in order to get that person off. I hope hon. Members will not jump at the conclusion that I am saying anything offensive. I state it as a matter of fact, quite apart from the religious question. Putting the religious question aside, I believe that a man who, like Gauly, is said by hon. Members opposite to be a murderer in intention would be capable, from motives of sympathy and admiration for a man accused of a crime of this description, of making a false statement that he had committed the crime. The Irish Government, by the light thrown upon the evidence by the confession of Gauly, on considering Gauly's declaration, have come to the conclusion that it does not in the least degree shake the evidence that whatever knowledge Gauly might have had of the crime, Kilmartin committed it, or took part in it. I may say, however, if it will be satisfactory to hon. Members opposite, that the Government have no objection to send an adept to the spot in order to make special inquiries about Gauly; but I am satisfied that anyone who is accustomed to investigate criminal charges upon similar evidence to that on which Kilmartin was convicted, and who afterwards saw Gauly's confession, would come to the conclusion that Gauly's confession has not in one whit shaken the strength of the evidence which convicted Kilmartin. I purposely abstain from answering further the observations of the hon. Member for Galway (Mr. T. P. O'Connor).

said, the suggestion which the Chief Secretary had thrown out was a most remarkable one. The right hon. Gentleman had suggested that a man, on his death bed, just before going into the presence of his Maker, at the moment of accomplishing the most solemn act of the Roman Catholic religion—more solemn, perhaps, than a Protestant could realize—had, for what might be called the sake of glorification, accused himself of a crime of which he was entirely guiltless.

I did not say it was for the purpose of glorification; but I said that perhaps the confession was made out of sympathy or admiration for another person whom he was anxious to save from a terrible fate.

said, the explanation of the Chief Secretary did not, in his mind, alter the case at all. That a man under such circumstances, just before his death, in the presence of his priest, should deliberately accuse himself of a fearful crime of which he was guiltless, knowing that his name would be handed down with infamy to his family and in the locality in which he had lived as that of a man who had committed a fearful crime, was a proposition which he ventured to say might be submitted to the right hon. Gentleman himself, from Dublin Castle, for the purposes of Irish justice, but would not convince one single independent person in the House of Commons. He did not wish to say a word against the Home Secretary, for it would be difficult for any impartial person to find fault with the present administration of the Home Office. The right hon. and learned Gentleman had on more than one occasion proved that he possessed a generous and merciful disposition, and he was always desirous to lean to the side of mercy, and give a convicted person the benefit of a doubt. But in reply to the evidence given at the trial, which the Chief Secretary had just quoted, as to the remark about the appearance of Kilmartin, the absence of his boots, and other details, the Home Secretary must know perfectly well that cases were constantly arising where there was apparently the most crushing circumstantial evidence, and yet that evidence was absolutely compatible with the complete innocence of the prisoner. A case occurred the other day which he wished to call to the mind of the right hon. Gentleman—the recent case of a man named Siddell, which occurred somewhere in the North, at Newcastle or Durham. He was a man who was charged with being concerned in a murder with another man, and against him the evidence was perfectly crushing. The jury found him guilty, the Judge sentenced him to death, and, as far as he (Lord Randolph Churchill) remembered, the Judge concurred in the verdict; and yet, within a very few days after that trial, the Home Secretary accidentally discovered that Siddell was absolutely innocent, and in the interests of justice he was given a free pardon, the pardoned man having only a few days before been convicted of wilful murder and sentenced to be hanged. When an astonishing case of that kind could occur, it showed the importance of thoroughly investigating such cases, and ought to put them on their guard as to the nature of some of the verdicts that might be found. Although there might be strong corroborative testimony in Kilmartin's case, he fairly thought the confession of the man Gauly ought to be investigated with special care by the Home Office. No doubt, there were death-bed confessions of persons who were about to undergo a capital sentence to which it would be almost impossible for the Executive Government to attach any value. It was not, however, necessary to go into that point—namely, that when a man was convicted, and about to be executed, he might make a statement of the innocence of someone else in the nature of a death-bed confession which it would be impossible for the Government to act upon. But this declaration was not a death-bed confession of that character; it was one of a person who had escaped from all the consequences of his act, who could not be got hold of by the police, and who had not been suspected of committing the crime; and, moreover, it was made when the man was lying upon his death bed from natural causes. It was made in the presence of a Roman Catholic priest, whose respectability was vouched for, not only by the Archbishop of the Diocese, but by the British Vice Consul. He dared say that the Roman Catholic priest, Father Curran, had never heard of this man before; but he had published the story told by Gauly because he felt it to be true. He maintained, therefore, that when they had a deliberate statement of that kind made in the presence of a priest, and without fear of arrest, it threw the gravest doubt upon the corroborative evidence on the other side; and he thought the Government were bound to investigate the matter thoroughly, especially when a man had been condemned to the awful penalty of penal servitude for life. Even if it were necessary to send out a special Commission to Boston to make a further investigation he was certain the House would not grudge the expense. The Chief Secretary, to a certain extent, had acceded to the demand, because he had stated that he was going to send down an adept to the locality where the attempted murder was committed to inquire into the facts of the case; but he was sure the House of Commons on both sides would support the right hon. Gentleman in sanctioning an extension of the inquiry if there was any possibility of relieving a man who had been unjustly condemned to a most fearful punishment.

said, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel) and the noble Lord who had just addressed the Committee had quoted the fact of the confession having been made before a priest, as if it added to the importance of the man's declaration. In the name of religious equality he asked the Committee to discard that fact from their minds in any decision at which they might arrive. He claimed, in the name of religious equality, that the case should be judged by Her Majesty's Government as if the man were a Protestant, and that no weight whatever should be attached to the fact of his having been a Roman Catholic, or having confessed to a priest. He would make no observation upon the possible conduct of a Roman Catholic priest; he would not enter into that subject. But this he did claim—that in the name of religious equality there should be no favour shown in this case on account of a confession having been made to a priest; and he trusted that the right hon. Baronet the Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel) and the noble Lord the Member for Woodstock (Lord Randolph Churchill) would not be deaf to that appeal. Both of their speeches attached to this confession a peculiar gravity, because it was made before a Roman Catholic priest. That was distinctly inviting the Committee to depart from the principle of religious equality, because if a confession was to have an extraneous weight given to it from the fact that it was made to a priest, there would at once be established a violation of the principle of religious equality as between a Roman Catholic and a Protestant. Hon. Members, no doubt, knew that. [Mr. SEXTON: Hear, hear!] Would not a Protestant who had not confessed to a priest have been under a disadvantage under similar circumstances? [Mr. SEXTON: No.] If the hon. Member denied that, he clearly attached no weight to the fact of the confession having been made before a priest. Two speeches, however, had been made by English Members, in which peculiar emphasis was given to the confession of a Catholic as distinguished from the confession of a Protestant, and because it was made before a priest. Therefore, he claimed that the fact of this confession having been made to a priest should be discarded from the mind of Her Majesty's Ministers, and from the mind of the Committee, or otherwise they would attach to a Roman Catholic confession a peculiar virtue which would not be coincident to the confession of a Protestant. He thought he had made that position perfectly clear, and he further maintained that since the Long Parliament no House of Commons without evidence had ever entered into questions which had been decided by the Courts of Law, in minute detail. Perhaps the Long Parliament might have appointed a Committee to try this case over again; and what he deprecated was, either the notion that the Committee should follow the precedent of the Long Parliament, or, without a tribunal, should presume to decide upon the case.

It appears to be the general feeling of the Committee that this is a case which could only be properly discussed in the House upon exceptional grounds—the grounds of necessity. The discussion, however, ought not to take place on the grounds of necessity. A very strong feeling has been manifested with regard to the possibility of an error, which is inherent in all human affairs, having occurred; but I wish to remind the Committee that my right hon. Friend has, in deference to that feeling, undertaken to adopt a step which is not usual, and which is of great importance. We all admit that in a case of this kind, where a doubt is raised as to a question of identity, there ought to be an exhaustive inquiry, and that nothing which applies to the case ought to be left uninvestigated. On that ground my right hon. Friend has stated that he will undertake to send a competent and suitable person to the spot where Gauly lived, to institute an examination into all the circumstances relating to Gauly which may have any bearing on the commission of the crime. It was quite a mistake—an unintentional mistake I am sure—on the part of my right hon. Friend the Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel), when he said that the Home Secretary had treated the matter as one of minor importance.

The right hon. and learned Gentleman spoke of Gauly's confession as a bald statement.

It was a bald statement of course. It was a statement put forward without corroboration or collateral evidence. What my right hon. and learned Friend said, was that a statement of that kind did not constitute a strong presumption, or provide strong primâ facie evidence, and, therefore, that it ought not to be absolutely received; but it ought to be made the subject of careful examination. What I wish to point out to the Committee is that the pledge which has been given by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary will embrace that careful examination. The noble Lord says that my right hon. Friend ought not to grudge even the expense of sending a person to Boston if that would tend to elucidate the truth. I quite agree with that, and if it should be found that the sending of a person to Boston would tend to elucidate the truth, it shall be done. But my right hon. Friend has pointed out that the measure which is evidently the best measure to be taken, and he has engaged that the matter shall be fully inquired into, and that, so far as human means can go, there shall not be left an element of uncertainty in the case; because, on the one hand, there is this primâ facie presumption which the Home Secretary frankly admits, and, on the other hand, there is a great mass of corroborative evidence which, in the view of my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary and the Lord Lieutenant, and the Judge who tried the case, has not been met by the examination they have made. A thorough examination will be made, whether it involves sending to one place or another. What I hope is that under these circumstances, and with that admission, it will be felt that no advantage would arise from pursuing the subject further, for the Committee may confidently rely on the engagement of my right hon. Friend.

said, he thought the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister had considerably altered the complexion of affairs. With regard to the pledge given by the right hon. Gentleman, both as to the nature of its details and its extent, it was very different from anything they could extract from the doubtful language of the Chief Secretary. He hailed the pledge with satisfaction, and he would express a hope that, in sending an expert to the spot, the Government would select some person of known and unimpeachable character. He was himself proceeding to Boston shortly; he would see Father Curran and the Archbishop, and he should be happy to do what he could to have all the facts placed at the service of the gentleman who might be sent by the Government to make the inquiry.

said, he was obliged to his hon. Friend the Member for Sligo (Mr. Sexton) for having brought the matter under the notice of the Committee. His hon. Friend had not done so until all other means had been exhausted. He had himself forwarded a Memorial to the Chief Secretary some months ago, and he did not think that the Irish Members could, for a moment, be accused of a desire to try the ease in the House of Commons until they had exhausted every other means. There was one circumstance connected with the case which he had been told not to bring forward unless it was absolutely necessary; but he thought it was absolutely necessary, after some of the remarks which had been made by the Home Secretary and the Chief Secretary. The circumstance in question had reference to the manner in which this confession came to the knowledge of the near relatives of Gauly, who had accused himself on his deathbed of having committed this crime. His relatives were in a highly respectable position, and the papers were forwarded to them—if necessary, he would give the Government the name; but naturally they had no desire to be mixed up with the case. It was painful for them that such a thing should have occurred; but they had thought it their duty, and a matter of conscience, to forward the papers to their parish priest, who had since taken great interest in the case. He really believed that when the Government fairly inquired into the matter, they would arrive at the conclusion that the confession was an honest and sincere one. It was the very last thing the family of Gauly would desire, that his name should be connected with a crime of this kind; but. however painful it was to them personally to stir up the matter, they had considered that they had no alternative but to place the papers in the hands of their parish priest in Ireland. He must say that the Irish Members were under many obligations to the noble Lord the Member for Woodstock (Lord Randolph Churchill) and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Huntingdon (Sir Robert Peel) for the great assistance they had afforded in the matter. That assistance was of the utmost importance to the Irish people, because there was a general impression in that country that justice to Ireland was not generally conceded in that House.

Question put, and negatived.

Original Question put, and agreed to.

(2.) £7,561, to complete the sum for the Court of Bankruptcy, Ireland.

said, he thought the time had now arrived when the Committee should hear some statement from the Government in regard to the course they proposed to take with reference to Mr. George Bolton. That gentleman had just obtained a verdict against his hon. Friend the Member for Mallow (Mr. O'Brien) from an Orange jury at Belfast for certain alleged charges of libel. That, however, did not in the slightest degree change the position Mr. Bolton occupied in that House. Neither the charges made against Bolton at Belfast, nor the verdict of the Orange jury of that town, had in the slightest degree altered the position of Bolton so far as Her Majesty's Government were concerned. Two days had now elapsed since the verdict, and, of course, Her Majesty's Government had had ample time to communicate with their Legal Advisers, all of whom were Members of that House with the exception of Mr. Naish. He would, therefore, ask them if they would state what course was proposed to be taken in reference to Mr. Bolton?

I suppose that the affairs of any person who is in the Bankruptcy Court may be said to come under this Vote. I will only, therefore, remind the hon. Member of one or two facts in order to show him that he is premature in his application. Wednesday was the first day on which my right hon. and learned Friend (Mr. Naish) and myself could take action in this matter. The debate upon Mr. Bolton's affairs lasted until long after post time on the Tuesday, and I remember distinctly stating that the comparative leisure which Wednesday would give us would enable us to approach the question. That letter, written on Wednesday, would obviously only reach Dublin on Thursday for the consideration of the Attorney General, who, of course, would approach the matter from a legal point of view, and the Under Secretary, who would approach it from an administrative point of view. The matter has been discussed both by letter and by telegram, and it is maturing towards a decision. But it would be wrong altogether to hurry it on. Undoubtedly, and above all, it would be extremely wrong to come to a decision until the views of the Irish Government have been ascertained in the matter. We fully agree that it is a matter in which the views of the Government should be clearly ascertained with the utmost expedition, because the decision to be adopted is one of the premises which are already before us. At all events, before the Report is taken of the last Vote, the right hon. Gentleman at the head of the Government has promised that the decision of the Irish Government on the question of Mr. Bolton's suspension shall be announced. The statement of the Prime Minister appeared to be received with satisfaction by hon. Members opposite, and it may be regarded as a binding bargain on both sides. From that bargain I do not suppose that any hon. Member would for a moment insult the Prime Minister, by saying that he had any intention of receding.

Mr. HEALY rose.

I do not wish to interrupt the hon. Gentleman; but I wish to point out to him that the person in reference to whom he has made this inquiry is not an officer of the Bankruptcy Court, and it would be necessary, in discussing the Vote, to connect the discussion with some member of the Bankruptcy Court. The hon. Member has now asked a question; the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary has replied to it, and it will not be in Order to continue the discussion in reference to the affairs of this gentleman upon this Vote. The fact that a person has presented a Petition in Bankruptcy does not give a right to any hon. Member to discuss the question of that bankruptcy in connection with the present Vote.

said he did not intend to continue the discussion; but he would submit that the conduct of Judge Walsh would regularly come under the Vote. Time after time Judge Walsh had made statements in regard to Bolton, and, therefore, it would be in Order to call attention to the conduct of Judge Walsh. He had risen, however, merely to express a hope that after the statement of the Chief Secretary, no further postponement by Judge Walsh would be allowed to affect the decision of the Government. It must be borne in mind that Judge Walsh, who had already granted two postponements of 10 days in succession, might be prepared to propose another.

Vote agreed to.

(3.) Motion made, and Question proposed,

said, he desired' on this Vote, to call attention to the case of a very hard-working, intelligent, and deserving class of men—the clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office in Ireland. They complained that in regard to their position they were not well treated as compared with that of other public servants in Ireland. Their principal and most pressing complaint had reference to classification. They had minor grievances as to the maximum salaries of the first class clerks, and the annual increment being less than in other Offices; but he would pass those minor grievances by. In 1874 a reorganization of several Public Offices in Ireland took place, including the Registry of Deeds. As regarded other Offices, this reorganization was not final. Subsequently, a further change was made in their favour by the abolition of the third class of clerks, and the limitation of classes to two. It was not necessary to point out to the Committee how very beneficial this reduction of classification was to the men in whose favour the change was made. By it promotion was stimulated, and a man of merit saw his way within a reason-able number of years to attain to the first class. He did not know for what reason the Registry of Deeds clerks were omitted from the reorganization. In this Department the three classes still existed; and the result was, that while in the other Offices a salary of £300 was attainable in 16. years, in the Registry of Deeds it would take some of the second, and all of the third class, from 31 to 33 years to attain it—more than double the service in other Departments. On this point he begged to refer to the evidence of the Registrar given before the Royal Commission in 1878, of which he had had the honour to be a Member. The Committee consisted of eminent legal authorities, and, among others, of Vice Chancellor Chatterton, who, in examining Mr. M. F. Dwyer, asked—

"According to the present system it would appear that it would take a man 22 years in the Department, as I make it out, before he reaches the maximum of £300 a-year. Supposing there was no distinction between the second and third classes, and that they were to go on up to the maximum of the second class, that is, to £300 a-year by £10 annual increments from £90, before he could attain the maximum of £300 a-year, I think he would be 21 or 22 years in the Department? Answer: I think you are correct in that.—1413. And that is, supposing he went on without any stop? Yes.—1414. Would it be an unreasonable thing to say that a man at the end of 21 or 22 years' service should be entitled to a salary of £300 a-year? I do not think it would.—1415. Considering the duties to be discharged by these men? I do not think it would, and it is very painful to me to see a number of meritorious officers at the small salary of £200 a-year doing first class duties without even any approximate prospect of improvement in their position."

Now, as the Office was at present constituted, there was a very slender prospect of promotion for many members of the third, even to the second class, and none to the first class. In one group there were several clerks of nearly the same age, whose service did not vary to the extent of five years. Of this group the senior reached the second class after a service of 10¼ years; the 11th in number, and the last promoted, reached it after 20 years and 10 months. At that rate, it would require a service of 28 years to enable the last of the group to reach the second class. He had already a service of over 17½ years. On referring to the Report of the Royal Commission, he found this passage—

"It is a Department which requires to be officered by a superior class of clerks who should have every fair inducement to make it their permament employment, and to look to promotion in it as their only reward for long and efficient service. The entire landed property of Ireland is dependent upon this Department for the security of its titles, and the services to be performed in this respect are of high importance to all who have any dealings with land. It takes many years of training to fit a clerk to discharge the higher duties of the Office. We have had statements from the different classes of clerks employed in the Office laid before us, and have also examined representatives of these classes, selected by themselves. They all complain of the slowness of promotion in this Office in comparison with other Departments of the Civil Service, and they attribute this slowness to the division of the clerks into three classes, and to the small number of first class clerks. We have inquired into the necessity for the present classification, and find that there is no distinction in the nature of the business performed by these different classes. The only use, then, of the division into three classes is that it may afford a check upon the advancement of persons not entitled to promotion, and may enable promotion to be awarded to men of special merit. We do not attach much weight to these reasons as regards the division between the second and third classes; and we think that they are more than counterbalanced by the delay it causes in the increase of the pay of deserving officers and the discontent thereby produced. We, therefore, recommend that the present second and third classes be united as a second class, the salaries to commence, as at present, at £90, and to advance by yearly increments of £10 to £300, the present maximum of the second class."

Would the Committee believe that that Report was issued in 1880, and that, notwithstanding repeated applications, not one single step had been taken to improve the position of these gentlemen occupying posts of responsibility and discharging these very onerous duties? There could be no doubt that an Office of this importance, through which the whole land of Ireland might be said to pass, required the fullest consideration on the part of Her Majesty's Government, and he could not conceive why its claims should remain in abeyance, while the claims of other Departments of the Civil Service, which certainly discharged duties by no means so responsible nor fraught with such consequences, were attended to. For his own part, he considered that the Office demanded the fullest attention on the part of Her Majesty's Government. He might mention that the search given in the Registry of Deeds negatived the existence of any encumbrance not appearing on its returns. And then with regard to the accuracy of the work, purchasers and lenders had the security of a £10,000 bond given by the Registrar, and two bonds of £2,000 each given by the two Assistant Registrars. while the personal monetary responsibility of the clerks was secured by Statute 2 & 3 Will. IV. c. 87, s. 8. There was no other Office with such responsibility. The importance and magnitude of the work done in the Registry of Deeds Office might be judged of from the fact that in 1880 there were registered 18,414 deeds, representing the consideration of £15,000,000 sterling. In 1881 there had been a diminution of the amount of work, but it had since then increased. Again, had the Purchase Clauses of the Irish Land Act of 1881 been in operation the work would still farther have been increased, because it would have been necessary to register two documents in each of the 600,000 tenures. As a further illustration of the magnitude of the transactions of this Department, he could inform the Committee that property had passed on the security of its searches and certificates to the extent of many hundreds of millions sterling in value. Now, he wished to point out to the Committee and to Her Majesty's Government that the relief sought in this case would cost but little to the country; and at this point he would ask permission to refer to the second Report of the Royal Commission, page 24, which stated that the entire income would be sufficient to counterbalance the expenditure. The words of the Report were these—

"But the entire revenue of the Office derived from duty stamps, seals, and fee stamps, appears from the evidence before us to have been at all times sufficient to counterbalance the expenditure; and inasmuch as we are of opinion that the revenue derived from duty stamps, seals, and fee stamps should be expended exclusively on the maintenance of the Office, we do not consider that the deficiency of revenue from 1864 to the present time, made out by taking fee stamps alone into consideration, could be relied upon by the Treasury as affording any answer to the claim of the Office against the surplus fees realized before 1864."

Now, in addition to these there was the sum of £40,000 from fees earned, and now in the Consolidated Fund, by Statute 2 & 3 Will. IV. c. 87, s. 35, expressly permitted to be expended in maintenance and improvement. This money was ordered to be invested in the name of the Office, which it would be perceived stood in an entirely different position from other Offices seeking improvement, inasmuch it was able to pay its way, and had funds available to meet the expenditure necessary. Those funds were invested in Government securities. From what he had said he thought it was clearly established that the character of the Office entitled it to improvement; and as he had shown that it required improvement, and that its financial position permitted the carrying out of such improvement without expense to the State, he hoped the Secretary to the Treasury would consider the case of these gentlemen. He had himself very large and constant dealings with the Office, and he was bound to say that in the whole course of his practice he had never met with a more efficient, intelligent, and hardworking class of men. They devoted the whole of their time to the duties of the Office, they were always at their post, and he never heard against them a single charge of neglect, which, he thought, could hardly be said of any other Public Office.

said, he was very glad his hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Findlater) had called attention to what had been for years justly the subject of complaint on the part of the clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office, Dublin. He desired to supplement what had been stated in respect to the unfair scale of remuneration given in the Registry of Deeds Office, and the gross act of injustice on the part of the Treasury in with holding and applying, in contravention of statutory provisions, the surplus of £42,000, of which they had obtained possession. It should be borne in mind that so far hack as 1880 a Royal Commission had investigated these complaints, and suggested that the Treasury should grant the trifling addition of pay which was asked for by the copyists and other clerks in the Office. He used the word "copyists " advisedly, because the hon. Member for Monaghan, in calling at- tention to the ease, did not dwell on the grievances of a body of clerks in the Office, who were specially pointed out in the Report of the Commission. These unfortunate men were mere copyists, receiving 1½ d. per folio of 72 words transcribed. They were paid no salary, like the copyists of the Courts of Justice; they received no compensation for the other work they might do in the Office; but, in addition to that, the Treasury required them to transcribe the heads of Memorials, which often amounted to two folios, and for that they were not paid a single farthing. Again, these transcribers had, as the Committee would be aware, to do their work on parchment which they had to prepare at a considerable expenditure of time, and for that preparation they were not allowed any payment whatever. Now, the Commissioners had alluded to this matter most forcibly in their Report; they pointed out that it was not fitting that men should do work for which they were not paid, and that the grievance was one which demanded early consideration. That Report had been sent into the Treasury as far back as the year 1881; but nothing whatever had been done to remedy the existing state of things, and the copyists were left at the miserable pay of 1½ d. per folio. The Commissioners also suggested the mode in which the management of the Office might be improved, and the unnecessary loss of time and money to which those transacting business at the Office had been and were still subjected, might be saved. Yet nothing had been done. The Committee ought not to pass this Vote until they had a clear and satisfactory explanation of this culpable neglect. It would not do for the Secretary of the Treasury to say there were no available funds. The sum of £42,000, with its accumulations, thus wrongfully received by the Treasury, was, as a matter of right, specially intended to be applied in aid of the suggested improvements. Let him remind the Committee that, under the 2 & 3 Will. IV. c. 87, s. 35, it was provided that no greater sum should be charged in fees than would amount annually to a sum of money sufficient for the current expenses of the Establishment. But there had been an excess over the expenditure of the Office, and the Treasury had taken that excess, and, instead of applying it to the bettering of the arrangements of the Office, and for the use of the Office, they had put it into their own pockets, so to speak, and applied it to their own purposes, contrary to the statutory provisions. He asked what was the meaning and object of appointing Royal Commissions, if their recommendations when printed were to remain on the shelves of the Treasury covered with dust and without the slightest attention being paid to them by Her Majesty's Government? He trusted that some satisfactory answer would now at last be forthcoming from the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury in respect of this matter, which, as he had said already, vitally concerned every person having dealings with land in Ireland. Registration was a matter made compulsory in that country to give validity. It never was intended, indeed it was expressly provided, that the duties levied in respect of this compulsory registration from the public should not be applied otherwise than in the proper maintenance of the Registry Office, or for the benefit of those dealing with land in Ireland. The conduct of the Treasury in the matter might, if a private individual had so acted, been fairly characterized as a fraudulent breach of trust.

said it appeared to him that the claim of the clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office was almost, if not absolutely, irresistible; it appeared to him that the charge against the Treasury in relation to these matters was two-fold. First, it was that they did not fairly remunerate the officials of the Office, whereas the recommendation of the Commissioners was that the remuneration of the officials in the various Departments in Ireland should be made to correspond as far as possible. The second charge appeared to be that while they underpaid the officials they overcharged the public in respect of fees. It appeared that the Treasury had accumulated a sum of more than £40,000, which they had put into the Consolidated Fund, and which they had used for Imperial purposes, contrary to the intention of the Act of Parliament, and that while doing so the officials of the Department were left in a position very much inferior to that of the officials of other Irish Offices—that was to say, the officials of the Local Government Board, the Board of Works, the Paymaster's General's Office, the National Education Office, and others. Now, the Commission which satin 1880 recommended that the third class clerks in the Office should be merged with the clerks in the second class, and thus afford relief to the inferior clerks. But there were three classes of clerks in the Deeds Office, the result of which was that promotion was very much retarded, and he understood that some of the clerks had worked for 20 years without getting anything like adequate pay. If the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury could plead that the revenues of the Office were insufficient, if he could plead that the cost of increasing the salaries of the clerks in this Office would constitute an additional public burden, why, then, he might have the sympathy of the Committee. But he could scarcely say anything of that kind in this case, because the question would then be asked "Where is this £40,000?" If the Treasury did not intend to give any part of that sum for the equalization of the salaries of the clerks in the Deeds Office with the salaries of the clerks in other Departments in Ireland—why, then, if they insisted on paying the money into the Exchequer, and not acting up to the spirit of the Statute, Irish Members were perfectly justified in the charge they made. The revenue from the registration of deeds was sufficient for the maintenance of the Office. No one would contend that the Treasury ought to make a profit out of this transaction, and therefore he hoped that the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Findlater) would follow up his observations by a Motion, and that he would have the courage to carry it to a Division, because it was of no use raising questions of this kind unless the opinion of the Committee was taken, and unless something was done. But when the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury rose to speak on this Vote, he should be glad if he would give the Committee some information as to the mechanical improvement some time since proposed to be introduced into the Office. He understood that an instrument was being introduced for the purpose of mechanically registering all the deeds in the Office, and doing away with the services of clerks altogether. That, as far as he could remember, was the object of the patent. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman had himself investigated this marvellous mechanical contrivance, and could state to the Committee whether the public were to have the advantage of it? He would be glad to know whether the Treasury had completely abandoned this scheme, or whether they were still considering it? He trusted the hon. Gentleman would consider the appeal which had been made to him on behalf of the clerks in the Office in a favourable spirit, and that he would carry out the recommendation of the Commission, which, as he understood it, was that the clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office should be placed on an equality with the clerks in the other Departments.

said, he had not heard lately much about the ingenious invention to which the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Gray) had referred. His impression was that, although the ingenuity of the plan was well recognized and admired, it was practically unworkable, and would not be introduced. With regard to the clerks in this Office, the change would be analogous to that adopted in all the other branches of the Civil Service—namely, there would be a large introduction of the lower division of clerks. He would point out that the figures before the Committee showed that the expenses of this Office, having regard only to the effective charge, was something between £18,000 and £ 19,000 a-year, and that there was a non-effective charge of between £2,000 and £3,000 a-year, so that the whole charge of the Office was £21,000 a-year. Against that charge of £21,000 a-year, the receipts for fees for the last year amounted to £12,000, so that there was absolutely an excess of expenditure over revenue of something like £9,000. He admitted that last year was a bad year as regarded the Revenue. It was true that the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Findlater) attempted to bring in aid of the deficiency the duties charged; but they were no part of the fees of the Office any more than the stamps in Chancery would be part of the fees of that Office. The duties were part of the general Revenue of the country. The fees for work done were those which strictly related to the Office. The duties had to be paid when the deeds were registered; but they formed no part of the income of the Office, and if the Office were abo- lished to-morrow, the duties on Memorials would still have to go to the Revenue. With respect to the £40,000, that was a very old story, and dated as far back as 1864, and with regard to which he might say that the Treasury had acted perfectly within their rights. With regard to the complaints that had been made respecting the position of the clerks, he had to say that the Government would wish to remove the obstacles which existed in the way of their receiving some advance and promotion; but that could not be done without removing some of the superior clerks, and the superior clerks resisted their removal as much as the lower clerks desired it. Many of those clerks had served for a considerable number of years, and he, at one time, believed it quite possible that some of them might be willing to retire on superannuation terms, and communications were accordingly made to the Office with that object. But it was found that the proposal could not be carried out; that the clerks had no desire to retire; and, consequently, the Treasury were not justified, at all events for the present, in compelling them to do so. They were efficient servants of the public; they were doing their duty well; and, therefore, for the time, they would be left in their present position. He thought, however, that something might be done hereafter in the direction indicated. With regard to the position of the transcribing clerks, it was, no doubt, extremely deplorable that persons of education and trustworthiness should labour at the low rate of 10 d. an hour; but all he could say was that whenever a vacancy occurred there were always two or three applications for it. There was, in fact, a full supply of such men ready to work on those terms both in England and Ireland. It was natural that copyists who entered the Service on these conditions should, after a few years, ask for an improvement of their position; but the fact was that the work of transcribing was purely a mechanical operation, and however much the Government desired to see persons of this respectable and intelligent class adequately remunerated for their work, they were quite unable to add to their pay in the interests of the public.

feared the Secretary to the Treasury (Mr. Courtney) had not yet even glanced at the Re- port of the Royal Commission. If he had, he would have found a full and detailed answer to those arguments on which he rested his defence. What answer did he give to the complaint of the copyists? Their case was that they were obliged to write that for which they were not paid. In point of fact, under the Treasury Regulations, there were deducted from the folios written by the clerks the headings to the Memorials, which formed a considerable portion of the clerks' work. The Irish transcribers, who were, according to the Secretary to the Treasury, gentlemen of charater and position, were, under the Treasury Regulations, forced to do work at the rate of 94 words to the folio. He (Mr. P. Martin) denied that that was the case in England. In England, the transcribing clerks were paid at the rate of 1½ d. for 72 words, and the headings of the Memorials were not deducted. He certainly was astonished to hear the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury gravely stating that the duties and fees specially paid for registration formed no part of the fees of the Office, but were a portion of Imperial Revenue. Forsooth, said he, if this Office was abolished the fees would remain. Evidently, the Chief Secretary did not understand on and in respect of what those duties and fees were levied and paid. He appeared to consider them as ordinary stamp duties. A deed was stamped according to its value in both countries, under the same Act of Parliament; but in Ireland, in addition to that, it was insisted that there should be a Memorial of a deed prepared, and on that Memorial another duty stamp should be affixed; it was not a stamp duty on the deed, but a stamp duty on the Memorial. In addition to all this, in Ireland, the poorer country, a duty must be paid on the demand for a search. There were also fees on affidavits charged. If these special fees and duties were accounted for, this Office, instead of showing a deficiency, would really show a surplus. He was rather surprised at the Secretary to the Treasury falling into these extraordinary and confusing blunders, because, if the hon. Gentleman had paid the slightest attention to the Report which he received from the Royal Commissioners, he would have found the matter very plainly set forth. As he (Mr. P. Martin) endea- voured to point out a moment ago, the hon. Gentleman would have found, if he had carefully studied the Report in question, that the charges imposed on the public in respect of the Registry Office consisted of two classes—firstly, the fees taken in the Office; and, secondly, the stamp duties payable to the Crown in respect of Memorials such as he had described, and in respect of register searches. They did not appear in the account; if they did, so far from the balance being against the Registry Office, the balance would be in its favour. He maintained that the Treasury at the present moment were wrongfully with-holding from the Irish public £42,000, of which mention had been made. It was a most singular thing that the Treasury officials, in withholding money of this description from the public, should have had recourse to a statement such as the Committee had listened to, because, in the very Report to which reference had been made, it was held that the fees and duties received ought to go towards the maintenance of the Office. The Royal Commissioners said that—

"It is plain from the language of the deputation that the Office fees of the Registry of Deeds were never intended to form a source of Imperial revenue, but were intended to be applied for the benefit of persons dealing with lands in Ireland, and the proper maintenance of the Office; but, not with standing the provisions of the section, we have evidence that sums amounting to upwards of £42,000 have been received by the Treasury on account of these excess of fees."

Under these circumstances, he contended that it was trifling with the common sense and judgment of the Committee for the Secretary to the Treasury to tell them that the expenditure of the Office had been in excess of the receipts. Up to 1881, £42,000 received in emoluments was invested and applied to Imperial sources; and he asked the Secretary to the Treasury to give the Committee the accounts since 1881. He believed, that if those accounts were given, they would show that, even in the recent bad years, there had been an excess of receipts over the expenditure in the Office in question; and he certainly trusted that his hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Findlater) would move to reduce the Vote.

said, the Secretary to the Treasury had argued that certain fees could not be taken into account or placed to the credit of the revenue of the Office; and he had said that, if the Office were abolished to-morrow, the duties payable to the Crown would remain the same. Was that the fact? If the Office were abolished to-morrow, the stamp duties would, no doubt, remain the same; but what would become of the duties now charged upon Memorials? As he understood it, no such thing as a Memorial existed in England, except in connection with particular legal arrangements for the registry of deeds in Yorkshire and Middlesex. [Mr. COURTNEY: There are many Memorials.] He was not talking of the deeds registered in the Court of Chancery; but he was talking of the register kept in Dublin of all transactions in relation to land. What he wanted to fix the attention of the Secretary to the Treasury upon was this particular point. If the Office were abolished, would these payments still come to the Crown? If they would not, was it not manifest that they should be credited to the Office, and not to the general Imperial Revenue? He asked the hon. Gentleman to explain the positive statement he made that, if the Office were abolished, these fees—by these fees he meant the Office fees payable on Memorials, and payable for searches in the Office—would still be payable to the Crown. What right would the Crown have to receive the fees if the Office were abolished? If they were only fees payable in connection with the Office, and not general fees chargeable and payable for Imperial purposes, how could the Secretary to the Treasury contend that they ought not to be paid to the Office? If the hon. Gentleman's contention be wrong, a grave question of principle was involved in the with-holding of the sum of £42,000. Of course, if there was a deficit, the public would have to meet it; but if, on the contrary, there was a surplus, the Office ought to be credited with it. He imagined that the Secretary to the Treasury would admit that if his (Mr. Gray's) contention were right, and the stamp duties on Memorials and the fees of 21 s. for searches were put down to the Office, the revenue of the Office would show a surplus, and not a deficit. If it be the fact that, if these sums were credited to the Office, there would be a surplus, that surplus should, according to the whole argument of the hon. Gentle- man, be devoted to the Office. He (Mr. Gray) imagined that the hon. Gentleman would not consent to that; therefore, it became a matter of extreme importance to decide the question whether these particular sums should or should not be credited to the local Office, and not to Imperial purposes. He contended that the fees should be credited to the Office; and he wanted the Secretary to the Treasury to tell him whether he would have any objection to give the House a Return showing the revenue in connection with the fees—that was to say, the amounts which he acknowledged should be credited to the Office, and the amounts payable in stamp duties on Memorials, and for searches which some people thought ought to he credited to the Office, so that they would know exactly how this Office account stood, and whether they had good ground to make good their contention that the Treasury ought to refund the £42,000, and whatever other accumulations might have taken place since 1881? If, after crediting the fees to the Office, the account still showed a deficit, his (Mr. Gray's) argument, of course, went by the board. [Mr. COURTNEY: I have no objection.] Then he would move for the Return. He did not think the hon. Gentleman had sufficiently recognized the difference between the stamp duty on a deed, which, of course, went to the Consolidated Fund, and the stamp duty in connection with a particular local Office procedure. Where they had a local Office exacting stamp duties which were not generally charged elsewhere, it was manifest that those charges ought to be credited to the Office.

said, the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Gray) had said so well a good deal of what he was about to say that it was not necessary he should occupy the Committee at any great length. He would not accuse the Secretary to the Treasury of deliberately trying to confuse their minds; but the hon. Gentleman certainly appeared to wish to confuse their minds by stating that the stamp duties on conveyances would not, of course, be paid to the Office. They wore all agreed about the stamp duties on conveyances; but, apart from that altogether, it seemed to him that the stamp duty on Memorials could not exist unless Memorials were registered. It seemed to him that no pay- ment for a search could be made unless there was a registry in which that search could take place; therefore, they ought to have a complete and honest statement—not a vague statement about £12,000 or £14,000—of what was received in every kind of way. They would then know what was the income of this Registry Office, and be able to make up their minds as to the future arrangement that ought to be made. The Secretary to the Treasury never shrank from what he said, and the objection he had taken to the proposal which had been made by hon. Members was, that if all the payments made in the Office were credited to the Office, there would still be a deficit. If there would be a deficit, how was it there was a surplus of £42,000; how had that money been accumulated? He (Mr. Warton) thought there might also be given an account of what had become of the £42,000. He supposed it was absorbed in the general Revenue of the country. Well, now, a point with regard to the remuneration of clerks had been raised. There was no doubt that whenever a post was vacant there was always a large number of applications for it, and he thought it would be throwing away the money of the country if they were to make extravagant payments for very humble services; but it was one of the elementary evils of the social condition of the present day that there were so many hundreds of thousands of persons who wished to be writers and clerks. The fact was, that there was a sort of con-tempt thrown on the handycraftsman, and therefore it was that so many people were found to refuse to work with their hands. Discontent came, and that discontent did not fail to find expression. He sympathized with the argument of the Secretary to the Treasury as regarded the remuneration of clerks, subject, however, to one exception. The Secretary to the Treasury compared the payment of 1½ d. a folio with the payment of 10 d. an hour. He (Mr. Warton) was not going to say how many folios a scribe could write in an hour; but there was this difference between the two systems of payment—that a man who was paid 10 d. an hour, wrote accordingly; but if they told a man that he was to be paid at the rate of 1½ d. per folio, and then gave him a number of words to write for which he was not paid, that was a distinct breach of faith. It would be well to remedy such a little matter, because, when men received such very small salaries, every penny or half-penny was of importance to them, and if any emoluments were deducted, the employés became dissatisfied. It was not fair that, if men were paid 1½ d. for every folio, that they should write a single word that did not form part of the total. If men were paid upon the piece system, they ought to receive payment for every bit of work they did. It was only natural if, upon the piece system, a man ought to receive 1 s., but as a matter of fact only received 4 d., that he should become discontented. Honesty was the better policy, as far as the Government were concerned, and it was far better that they should say that 1½ d. a folio would not be paid when they really did not give it. A little justice in that respect would be a good thing, and the Secretary to the Treasury ought to take good care that men in the service of the Crown were not defrauded out of anything which was their due.

confessed that he heard with great surprise and dissatisfaction the statement of the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury, especially that portion of it which related to the clerks of the Registry Office. The hon. Gentleman had said that the clerks were not men of very superior intelligence. That was quite true; but, at the same time, there was no Public Department in Ireland which was so satisfactorily worked as the Registry of Deeds. He (Mr. Small) had been acquainted with the working of the Office for many years, and he was hardly aware of any mistake made by the clerks. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Courtney) had not as yet explained to the Committee why it was that in almost every other Public Office in Ireland—the Local Government Board Office, the Office of the Board of Works, the Paymaster General's Office, the National Education Office—there were first and second class clerks, while there were only third class clerks in the Office of the Registry of Deeds. He certainly did not think that the clerks in the other Offices required any greater intelligence than those in the Office of the Registry of Deeds. As a matter of fact, the Office of the Board of Works was unsatisfactory and inefficient, whereas the Registry of Deeds Office did its work very satisfactorily. The Local Government Board was distinguished for doing nothing that they could possibly avoid doing. The Paymaster General's Office and the National Education Office were Offices with which he was not well acquainted. The hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury said that in a very short time he thought the Office of the Registry of Deeds could be worked by one or two Registrars who would supervize a number of clerks of the same standing as those now employed. [Mr. COURTNEY: No.] He understood the hon. Gentleman to say that one or two Registrars and an Assistant Registrar with a number of clerks, would be sufficient to do the work of the Office; but perhaps the hon. Gentleman would kindly state what he did say?

said, he would be glad to do so. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Small) asked him why it was that third class clerks were employed in the Registry of Deeds Office, whilst first and second class clerks were employed in other Public Offices in Ireland? He had previously stated that the Government wished to remove the obstacles that existed in the way of the clerks receiving some advance; but they could not do anything without taking steps at the same time for the removal of the superior clerks. Great responsibility was thrown upon the Registrar, and it was thought that if an Assistant Registrar and a limited number of first and second class clerks were appointed, the work of the Office might be performed very satisfactorily.

said, he could not see very much difference between what the hon. Gentleman had now said, and the observations he (Mr. Small) thought he had made originally. The hon. Gentleman spoke of a limited number of first and second class clerks, together with an Assistant Registrar, being drafted into the Office; but why should not the superior clerks in the Office be made first class clerks, and the clerks of an inferior grade be made second class clerks? He failed to understand whether the mode of admission to the Office of the Registry of Deeds was different to the mode of admission in any other Office he had mentioned. He was aware that the admission into the Registry of Deeds Office was by a very open system of competition; but he was not aware whether that was so with regard to any other Office. If there was not the same open competition in the Board of Works and the Local Government Board Offices, and so on, he could easily understand how it was there were so many third class clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office, and none in the other Offices. The Registry of Deeds Office, as a matter of fact, was a popular Office, and that, no doubt, was the reason why the clerks discharged their duties so extremely well.

said, he thought that the stamp duties would at all times be sufficient to counterbalance the expenditure of the Office; indeed, the Royal Commissioners were of opinion that they would, if all the Duty and Office fees went towards the expenses of the Office. He admitted the courtesy of the Secretary to the Treasury; but he could not allow that the hon. Gentleman had at all satisfactorily answered the different points which had been raised. He, therefore, moved to reduce the Vote by £1,000, in order to test the feeling of the Committee by a Division.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £11,670, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office for the Registration of Deeds in Ireland."— (Mr. Findlater.)

said, he was surprised to find that Irish Members should expect, after what took place with regard to the Register House, Edinburgh, that the Secretary to the Treasury would listen to their case. He entirely sympathized with the case put forward on behalf of the clerks in Dublin; but their case was very much less strong than the case of the clerks in Edinburgh. The third class clerks in Dublin began at £90 a-year, rising by £ 10 a-year to £200; but the unfortunate third class clerks in Edinburgh, though beginning at £90, only rose by £5 a-year to £160. At the same time, the latter did more important work than the clerks in Dublin, not only doing all the work the clerks in Dublin did, but also preparing all the minutes of the deeds sent in for registration, which was not done by the clerks in Dublin, but by solicitors who charged largely for the work. The clerks in Edinburgh re- ceived a less income and a less yearly increment than the Dublin clerks, and they could not expect promotion in less than 25 or 30 years. Still, he did not think that because the Edinburgh clerks were badly treated it would be right to treat the Dublin clerks badly, and, therefore, he should support the Motion for reducing the Vote. He thought the Irish case was one which the Secretary to the Treasury should carefully consider; and he hoped that by helping to vindicate the case of the Dublin clerks, he might do something to induce the hon. Gentleman next year to look with a more favourable eye on the claims of those unhappy clerks who did the national work in Edinburgh, and were worse paid than they would be in any private office in the country.

observed, that the hon. Member (Mr. Dick-Peddie) had several times taunted the Irish Members upon their action with regard to Scotch Votes; but he would remind the hon. Member that the Irish Members had all voted with him, except the hon. Member for Cavan (Mr. Biggar), who was well-known to be a rigid teetotaller in respect to financial matters. They had voted in favour of the Scotch clerks; but he did not at all agree with the hon. Member, on the merits of the case, that the Dublin case was not so strong as that of Edinburgh, because the clerks in the Registry of Deeds Office in Dublin performed duties to which there was no parallel in England or Scotland. The Office in Dublin was recognized as one of the most important and most valuable Offices in the country, in which no mistakes were made, and in which the clerks performed duties of a most laborious and important character, but were worse treated than the clerks in any other Office. A Bill had been passed some time ago, to give them some additional remuneration, on the representation of his hon. Colleague (Mr. Findlater); and the very fact that a Bill had to be passed showed how these clerks had been treated. If this was an Office of the Board of Works, or some other routine Office, there would be no difficulty whatever in giving the clerks what they wanted. The Board of Works did nothing; it was hated by everybody, and got everything it wanted; while a body like the clerks of the Registry of Deeds Office, who were admitted to be efficient, against whom he had never heard a breath of complaint, and with regard to whom, on the contrary, solicitors and suitors were loud in eulogium, were refused by the Government what they had asked for with great moderation. He did not wish to disparage the Scotch clerks. He had voted in their favour; but, at the same time, he certainly thought the clerks in the Dublin Office occupied a peculiar position, and ought to be treated with regard to that fact. In comparison with the duties they discharged they had not been fairly treated by the Government, and if they looked at the onerous and responsible duties cast upon them, he certainly thought there was no body of men in the country who more deserved the consideration of the House and the Treasury.

pointed out that the Bill to which the hon. Member had referred was necessary because of an Act of Parliament. These clerks were paid according to commercial principles, having regard to what they would receive for similar duties in a private office, and the question was, whether that plan should be adhered to, or whether an appeal should be made to Parliament for a special and a compassionate allowance? The receipts of the Registry of Deeds in Dublin did not at present pay the expenses of the Office; but there were accumulations from the time when the Office was remunerative. With regard to what the hon. and learned Member for Bridport (Mr. Warton) had said, the rate of pay was 1½ d. a folio, and the clerks had accepted their position with a full knowledge of what the remuneration would be.

agreed with the hon. Gentleman as to the proper principle of paying these clerks, though he did not much like the commercial principle. He considered 1½ d. a folio a low rate of pay. The Attorney General charged for bills of costs at the rate of 4 d. a folio, and, of course, he got a good profit.

asked whether the Secretary to the Treasury would produce a Return, if moved for, showing a statement of the revenue derived from duty stamps, seals, and fee stamps on all the documents, so that they might test the question whether they were applicable to the expenses of the Office?

said, the issue was not, as the Secretary to the Treasury supposed, whether these clerks should be paid on commercial principles or not. That was only a very small portion of the total issue. The issue, as it appeared to him, was whether, considering the nature of their duties, these clerks should be given advantages equal to those given to clerks in other Departments. That was a very different thing from whether they should be paid only upon commercial principles, or receive a compassionate allowance. He was not at all in favour of that course; but he was in favour of paying what was fair, judging by the current rate of pay. The question at issue was whether these clerks should be paid adequately, and he contended that they should be, but were not. An important point was whether the revenues of this Office were dealt with in consonance with the spirit of the express words of the Act of Parliament. The Secretary to the Treasury had not explained how he maintained his assertion that the special duties charged in this Office in connection with the services of the Office should not be credited to the Office, and that if the Office did not exist the fees would still have to be paid. That was what the hon. Gentleman had specifically stated. Then as to the commercial principle, that was, no doubt, a very admirable sentiment, and came very well from the hon. Gentleman. Was the hon. Gentleman ready to abide by that principle generally, or did he only apply it to these poor scriveners—these animated machines? How about the Head of the Office? Who was the Head of the Office, and was he appointed by the late Government on commercial principles? He was a broken-down editor, and he was appointed solely because he had for years and years constituted his paper the tool and organ of the Whig official class in Dublin. When, in consequence of public opinion deserting him, his paper was reduced to a worthless condition, and practically to bankruptcy, the Government rewarded this gentleman, on commercial principles, of course, by giving him the Headship of an Office of which he knew nothing at all, and a salary of £1,000 or £1,200 a-year. He was certain that when that gentleman entered the Office he had not the most remote notion of how a deed was registered, and his sole claim to the office was that he had been the proprietor of a paper in Dublin which he had made the tool of the Government, and which became no longer useful for that purpose, because the people would have nothing more to do with it. In saying that he was not animated by any personal feeling, for the paper had disappeared for 10 or 15 years, deserted by the people. He held that the commercial principle should be applied to the entire Office, if applied at all, and he contended that any man who had served for a long time in any Public Department should be allowed an opportunity of becoming a permanent official and of rising to other posts when they became vacant. It was most discouraging and demoralizing to such men to find persons from outside put over their heads, not on commercial, but on political principles.

Question put.

The Committee divided: —Ayes 28; Noes 45: Majority 17.—(Div. List, No. 198.)

Original Question put, and agreed to.

(4.) Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £83,430 (including a Supplementary sum of £25,340), be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Irish Land Commission."

said, that it was an unfortunate thing to have to rise to speak on this matter, when there was no one connected with the Irish Office on the Treasury Bench; but he wished to draw attention to two or three matters in connection with this Vote, in regard to which he had already given Notice to the House. He observed, in the first place, that there was a very large decrease in the Vote this year of nearly £70,000, the amount last year having been £157,381, while this year it was £88,090. That decrease was, of course, due in a large degree to the fact that the fair rent cases appeared, judging from the statistics, to be in a fair way to being all settled. He noticed that, according to a Return dated June 30th, of 114,544 cases, the Land Commission claimed to have disposed of 105,058 cases, leaving about 9,000 cases still to be disposed of. In reality, of course, they had only disposed of about 74,000 cases, as over 30,000 had been either withdrawn or dismissed. His complaint that night was that the Committee were asked to discuss this Vote without having any information as to the character of the Sub-Commissioners, except a simple statement by the Chief Secretary, that certain gentlemen would no longer continue Sub-Commissioners. There was no printed document to which they could refer, giving the names of the gentlemen who were to continue and those who were not to remain. That was not a proper way in which to discuss this Vote, and he must complain of those who were responsible in this matter for not having provided the House of Commons with information of a precise and adequate character respecting the gentlemen who were charged with the responsible duties of fixing fair rents. It was true the Chief Secretary had stated that certain gentlemen were to be dismissed; but they were left to work out piecemeal and by subtraction those who were to remain.

said, he had given the names of the gentlemen who were not to be continued; but there was no occasion to give those who were to remain.

said, his impression was the other way; but, at all events, his point was, that merely giving a statement in the House which no one could carry away in his head was no way in which to deal with this matter. The Government were at no loss for funds, and to print a small slip or document giving the names of those who were remaining or leaving could not have been too much even for the intelliligence of the Irish Office. He had been at some pains to find out which gentlemen were to be continued—without reference that was to the seven years' men—and he must say that anything more calculated to infuse distrust into the minds of the Irish tenants he had never imagined. With regard to the Commissioners, it was most extraordinary that the Government had dismissed everyone whose term would elapse on the 31st of August, who was trusted by the tenants, and had kept on everybody who had been the subject of complaint on the part of the tenants. All whom the Tory Members had assailed had gone down before the landlords' advocates; whereas men like Mr. Grey, Mr. Meek, Mr. Davidson, and others of that stamp, who had given satisfaction, to a large extent, to the Irish tenants, had gone "where the woodbine twineth." Everyone attacked by the right hon. and learned Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Gibson) and the hon. and gallant Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman) had gone, while those Commissioners, whom he (Mr. Healy) and his Friends had assailed, remained in office. Who had been left at that moment. Let them consider the residuum. He proposed to give a biographical account of the gentlemen who were to be retained. There was, first of all, Mr. Burke, a Protestant gentleman, son of an Inspector of the Local Government Board—that in itself being, of course, a recommendation for him to be appointed to fix rents—a Conservative and a strong landlord partizan. The very fact that he was the son of a Local Government Board Inspector made him almost a man sent from Heaven with a stamp of extra fitness to discharge the duties of the office. Mr. Burke was a barrister. Hon. Members would not be able to discover that fact from having seen his name in the papers, because he (Mr. Healy) could not find that he ever held a brief, but they would discover it if they put themselves to the trouble of looking over The Law List. Well, Mr. Burke was, of course, a Conservative in politics—a strong Tory partizan—and what could be a higher qualification for any man to fix rents in Ireland? Well, Mr. Burke was No. 1. Then he came to the name of Mr. M'Devitt. Now, if there was any person in Ireland in whom the people of that country had no confidence, it was Mr. M'Devitt. He was the son of a tenant farmer; but he had discarded that position in life, and he was now imbibed with the worst prejudices of the class in whose ranks he aspired to enter, and whose favour, to a certain extent, he appeared to have obtained. At any rate, he had the confidence of Her Majesty's Government, and they had continued him in the service of the Crown as a fit and proper person to fix rents. He had already described Mr. M'Devitt's visit to Ulster; and when he considered the letters that had been written to the newspapers, and the hue and cry raised in the country about Mr. M'Devitt, he was certainly amazed to find that Earl Spencer should fly in the teeth of the opinion of the people of Ireland by continuing this man in office. Of course, Mr. M'Devitt had a conscience, but it was a landlord's conscience, and whenever the interests of the tenant had to be balanced against those of the landlord, Mr. M'Devitt's qualms of conscience always weighed him down upon the landlord's side. While they dismissed men like Wild, Meek, Davidson, and Grey, they continued to employ men like M'Devitt. If they desired to employ certain officials, who were notorious landlords' men, why did they not mix up half-a-dozen of them with half-a-dozen tenants' men, so as to do the thing with some appearance of fairness and decency? Mr. M'Devitt, like Mr. Burke, had been called to the Bar; but he was a barrister under false pretences. He had made a representation to the Benchers that he had no intention of practising in Ireland; but as soon as he had succeeded in getting called to the Bar by the Benchers, Mr. M'Devitt practised at the Bar like any other Irish gentleman. The North-West Bar, which Mr. M'Devitt had joined, had marked their disapproval of his breach of faith by having "blackbeaned" him, and therefore he had been appointed a Sub-Commissioner. Those were his credentials; but he believed that Mr. M'Devitt had a further claim in the assistance he had given at a recent Tyrone election on behalf of the Liberal candidate. His claims to the confidence of the tenants were absolutely nil, although he professed to have worked in their behalf prior to the passing of the Prevention of Crime Act of 1881. At the outset of his career, no doubt, Mr. M'Devitt declared himself the friend of the tenant; but at the moment it became necessary to obtain a position as a friend of the landlords, Mr. M'Devitt was not ashamed to wheel entirely round. He passed on now to the next gentleman, also a barrister, Mr. Reardon. Mr. Reardon, like Mr. Burke and Mr. M'Devitt, never had any practice at the Bar, and, of course, as the Government were at great straits to get gentlemen to act as Legal Commissioners, they had been obliged to fall back on the brigade of briefless barristers who hung about Dublin, and to shove them anyhow into the position of Legal Commissioners. Mr. Reardon's principal claim to office was that, on several occasions, as representing the Commission on which he had served, he had been burnt in effigy by the tenants. Mr. Reardon had, accordingly, been appointed a Sub-Commissioner. Now, a gentleman who had been burnt in effigy should, undoubtedly, enjoy the confidence of Her Majesty's Ministers. Certainly the fact ought to increase his credit with Earl Spencer at Dublin Castle, because that noble Earl had over and over again been burnt in effigy; and it ought to require no other credentials whatever to entitle a man to an appointment as Legal Commissioner. Then he came to the next gentleman, Mr. Doyle. Mr. Doyle happened to belong to the county, the borough of which he (Mr. Healy) had represented for some time—namely, Wexford. Mr. Doyle was also a Legal Commissioner, and he was a Legal Commissioner because he had never had a brief in his life. That fact, of course, gave him unquestionable claim upon Her Majesty's Government. The mere fact that a man was required for the office of Legal Commissioner, and that persons could be found who never held a brief, undoubtedly constituted at once a very strong reason why Earl Spencer should employ them. Mr. Doyle further had the influence of his Conservative friends who were very powerful in Dublin Castle, and Mr. Doyle had very little difficulty in retaining his position. Mr. Doyle's legal light was, in the first instance, not recognized, and his original appointment was that of Agricultural Commissioner; but having gained experience as a fixer of rents, from a landlord's point of view, Mr. Doyle suddenly blossomed out as a Legal Commissioner, and was now continued in that capacity. He now came to the gentlemen who were appointed to act as Lay Commissioners. First, there was Mr. Walpole. Of Mr. Walpole he would only say that if the voice of his own tenants could penetrate into that House, Mr. Walpole would never have been heard of as a Sub-Commissioner. He was a Tory in politics, and a notoriously bad landlord, distrusted by every man who had been brought in contact with him. His decisions were appealed against and dismissed. But it would be found that Mr. Walpole possessed everything that ought to constitute a Landlord Commissioner. Then came Mr. Barry. Mr. Barry was a Catholic gentleman; but it was remarkable in Ireland how the Government picked out all the "Shanneen" Catholics they could find if they desired to appoint any man to any office of profit. Mr. Barry was a Catholic landlord, and he had shown himself, throughout his judgments, one of the greatest and bitterest enemies of the tenant farmer. It seemed as though the Government, having exhausted all the bigoted Protestants they could find, fell back upon the rotten Catholics; and he must say that this system of governing a people by men whom the people themselves detested and despised was a remarkable feature of the Government of Ireland. Her Majesty's Ministers appeared to have employed a microscope in order to discover and drag out their agents by that means from utter obscurity. As long as there was an objectionable man left in Ireland, Earl Spencer would get hold of him and utilize him in building up the foundation of peace and order and security in Ireland, at any rate, for the next 15 years. The next man was Mr. Bamford. Mr. Bamford was a land agent, and a detested land agent, and, therefore, as a matter of course, he had been appointed by Her Majesty's Government; and Mr. Bamford had been sent round upon estates, in which he was himself personally interested, in order to fix rents upon his own relatives. The manner in which he had fixed those rents upon tenants, who were his own relatives, had already been brought under the notice of the House. Of course, a man of such a character was bound to be employed as a Sub-Commissioner. Mr. Mowbray, another Sub-Commissioner, was, as far as he recollected, a Scotchman. Of course, in dealing with Irish rents, they must naturally have a Scotchman. The first thing to do in Ireland was to subject the Irish people to the judicial influences of a Scotchman; that appeared to be one of the great principles of Her Majesty's Government. Even the Chief Secretary represented a Scotch borough; but whether he was a Scotchman himself, he (Mr. Healy) was unable to say. Of course, that fact might have had nothing to do with the appointment of Mr. Mow- bray. Mr. Mowbray's first claim to the appointment was that he was a Scotchman; secondly, that he was a Tory; and, thirdly, that he was Secretary to the Agricultural Society of Ireland, which was a Landlords' Association. Mr. Mowbray's conduct on the Bench had been of such a character that the tenants regarded him as their worst enemy; and, therefore, Mr. Mowbray had been continued in his position as Commissioner, while such men as Meek, Davison, Crane, and Grey had been got rid of. There was still another—namely, Mr.Lynch—who, strange to say, although a barrister, had not been appointed a Legal Commissioner. He could not understand why Mr. Lynch had been appointed a Lay Commissioner, because Mr. Lynch, like all the other gentlemen to whom he had referred, had never held a brief. He, therefore, failed to see why he should not have been appointed a Legal Commissioner. By some strange freak the Government had only appointed Mr. Lynch a Lay Commissioner. He (Mr. Healy) thought it was a great mistake. He did not know whether Legal Commissioners drew higher salaries than the rest; but the fact that Mr. Lynch had never held a brief had not been sufficient to insure his promotion. He certainly saw no reason in the world why Mr. Lynch should be allowed to remain among the common herd of Lay Commissioners. What Mr. Lynch did not know about land would fill a library. Mr. Lynch, being an extremely young man, had had no real agricultural experience whatever, and, having had none, he was considered fit to adorn the position of Lay Commissioner. He had now gone through the list of the gentlemen Her Majesty's Government proposed to continue in the office of Sub-Commissioner; but he would ask why, in the name of common sense, gentlemen of this kind had been continued, and why other gentlemen had been dismissed? The inference was plain. Why had Mr. Meek been dismissed? Why had Mr. Wild gone? Why should they never hear again of Mr. Davidson, of Mr. Grey, of Mr. Crane, and others? It was because the Government had found it inconvenient, in view of the Tory attacks upon them, and especially of the attacks in "another place," to continue them; and the Commissioners who were dismissed were those who had acted with the greatest fairness towards the tenants. The conduct of the House of Lords in this matter had been the curse of the Land Act. In the House of Commons the friends of the tenants had never been able to bring forward their grievances, because the Rules of the House, and the time which was at the disposal of private Members, were such that even with constant attempts it was impossible to bring the grievances of the people before the House. But noble Lords, who were themselves interested in land in Ireland, when they found the Land Commissioners acting improperly, from a landlord's point of view, had only to put down a Motion on the Books in order to bring on a discussion. Everybody who knew him knew that he had never had, nor was ever likely to have, an acre of land in his life. He had, therefore, no more interest in this matter, from a personal point of view, than the first man they might meet in the street; but Members of the House of Commons could not bring their grievances fairly forward, and speak on behalf of those they represented, while noble Lords in "another place," the moment they found that things were going in a way they considered improper, as landlords, had only to put down a Motion on the Books of the House, and in a jiffy apologetic speeches came from Lord Carlingford and other noble Lords who represented the Government, but who were totally unfitted to speak on Irish subjects. The consequence was that the attacks on the Commissioners conducted in the House of Lords had been sufficient to intimidate the Sub-Commissioners who had been endeavouring to do their duty. Their decisions had been distinctly attacked in that House. Motions had been put down which enabled certain noble Lords to bring the question forward; and the result was that every Sub-Commissioner who had acted with any approach to fairness had been dismissed. They might call it dismissal, discontinuance, or suspension, or anything else they liked in the vocabulary of official phrases; but he called it dismissal, and dismissal because they were attacked in "another place" by noble Lords who belonged to the Tory Party. In the House of Commons, the only facility they had for attacking the Commission or the agents of the Government was once a-year, when the Vote for the Land Commission was brought forward. He ventured to assert that if the Government had been willing to pay attention to the complaints and demands of the Irish people, instead of pinning their faith on the complaints of noble Lords, that very few of the gentlemen who had been continued in office would have been acting now as Sub-Commissioners. This was the state of affairs. They had created a gangrene in the minds of the tenants of Ireland. They thought they were settling the Land Question. Aye, they were settling it with sticking-plaister—underneath the old sore was running; and, although it might be that by their Prevention of Crime Act, for a time, they might be keeping down the real public sentiment upon the abortive work of the last few years, these sticking-plaister remedies would yet be found to be utterly futile. They could not keep the country in its present position, straight-waistcoated as it was. He would like to call the attention of the Committee to what happened the other day at the Limerick Convention. At that Convention the question of the rents fixed by the Sub-Commissioners was considered by a representative body in the most calm and moderate manner. It was an expression of opinion by tenant farmers; and what was the opinion expressed by the delegates? The County of Limerick was one of the most prosperous and comfortable in the whole of Ireland, enjoying as rich a soil as any county in the country. But at that Convention the delegates expressed their opinion by resolution that sooner or later a strike would come against the judicial rents imposed upon them by the Sub-Commissioners. Of course, having passed that resolution, no notice was taken of it. The Government might treat the matter lightly, because anyone could govern in a state of siege; but they would find in the end that it was deserving of their serious consideration. Nobody admired more than he did the straight up-and-down way in which the Chief Secretary endeavoured to address himself to his duties. He had never attempted to depreciate his uniform courtesy to the Irish Members; they were treated by him at all times with fairness, as far as fairness could be exhibited by the partizan of one side towards the partizan of another; but, at the same time, while he admired the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman, and believed that he endeavoured to discharge his work with official conscientiousness, as far as his mind would enable him to address himself to the work, from every practical point of view the right hon. Gentleman was just about as fit for the position he occupied as he (Mr. Healy) would be to govern the entire world. There was a total want of sympathy on his part with the Irish people; a failure to appreciate and to understand what it was they wanted. As a matter of fact, the right hon. Gentleman was altogether in the hands of a few first-class clerks in Ireland, and if he wanted to carry on any new idea, he dared not initiate it or take it in hand. It was impossible for the right hon. Gentleman to say—"I will have this or that done." He was immediately put off by some first-class clerk in Dublin, with a salary of £750 a-year, who said—"You cannot do that; that would be altogether against the rules. You must continue Mr. M'Devitt, but we cannot have Mr. Meek or Mr. Grey; because in Dublin Castle we understand all these things, and you do not. You may understand something about India and a little about Devonshire, or the Border Burghs; but you do not know anything about Ireland." The result was that the right hon. Gentleman followed humbly in the track into which he was directed. Now, he (Mr. Healy) wished to know whether this was a Land Act passed for the people or not, or were the Government prepared to depend upon the Land Act when they had got the Prevention of Crime Act no longer in operation? That was the point to which hon. Gentlemen opposite and the Radicals of England must address themselves. They could not coerce the people of Ireland for ever, and sooner or later they must give up their coercive régime. Next year they would have the Representation of the People Bill to consider, and they knew, from the Prime Minister, that it was impossible to pass a Redistribution Bill in the same year; but surely it would be harder to pass a Prevention of Crime Act. Already hon. Members were beginning to appeal to their constituents. The hon. and learned Member opposite the Member for Chelsea (Mr. Firth), who had voted steadily all through for the Prevention of Crime Act—

said, he was sorry to interrupt the hon. Member; but it was quite a mistake to represent him as having steadily voted all through for the Prevention of Crime Act.

said, he accepted the statement of the hon. and learned Member; but, nevertheless, he had the impression that the hon. and learned Gentleman, and a good many of his Friends, had voted steadily for the Prevention of Crime Act. They now found that it was necessary to go to their constituents, and it was wonderful how they were beginning to appreciate the statistics of Ireland in regard to the decrease of crime. As their only reliance must be the Irish Land Act, why on earth could not they see that it was necessary to have it carried out honestly and fairly? He had never been an advocate of the justice of fixing rents; he believed they could not do it. He had never voted for the Land Act, because he believed that it was an impossible settlement of the Land Question; but he had endeavoured to improve the Act as much as possible. But the fact that it was an impossible settlement of the Land Question was no reason why its administration should be given into the hands of landlord partizans. If there were to be partizans of the landlords let them act in a straight up-and-down manner, and have partizans appointed on the side of the tenants. If they were to have 40 partizans of the landlords, let them have 40 partizans of the tenants. He ventured to think that out of the 70 or 80 men the Government had appointed, they had not appointed more than a dozen who represented the tenants' side of the question; and the moment any one of them gave a decision against the landlord, he was instantly dismissed at the instance of some noble Lord in "another place." The landlords did not know what a deep debt of gratitude they owed to the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Gibson). He ventured to think that by the action of the right hon. and learned Gentleman on the Land Act alone he had saved the landlords, at least, £1,000.000 a-year, and by his constant and untiring efforts on their behalf he had saved them hundreds and thousands of pounds in the shape of an adequate reduction of rents. The landlords did not realize the service of their best friends; but the unwearied patience of the right hon. and learned Gentleman on their behalf had simply astonished him (Mr. Healy). The tenants had arrayed against them the Whigs and the Tories combined, and, with the exception of a dozen or a score of the people's advocates in that House, there was no one to present their cause to the country. With the House of Lords closed against them; with all the entire hierarchy opposed to them; with Earl Spencer a landlord, Mr. Vernon a landlord, and Mr. Justice O'Hagan an invertebrate Whig, the entire body of the Land Court were in favour of the landlord and against the tenant. He believed the Government had never made a greater mistake than they had in their conduct in regard to this Commission. He ventured to think that, before many years were over, the whole of this business would have to be done over again. At the end of 15 years the rents fixed for the first general term would come to a close; but he was of opinion that long before 15 years there would be a revision of rents, and, if that were so, the landlords would only have themselves to thank for it. They had appointed a set of gentlemen upon the Land Commission, in whom nobody had confidence except the landlords. Every man who had evinced a disposition to befriend the tenants had been chassed, while every man who was necessarily a friend of the landlords had been continued in his post. At the present moment they had 17,000 appeals lodged for hearing, and out of them only 6,000 had been disposed of. When they had only been able to dispose of 6,000 appeals in the course of three years, and when they had 11,000 left, he left it to the calculations of any statistician in that House to say what would be likely to be the state of things. Out of the decisions which as yet had been taken to the Court of Appeal, how many had been confirmed before Mr. Justice O'Hagan or Mr. Vernon? About one in 20. How many were altered? All the other 19. And how were they altered? By the rents being raised in almost every single instance. Landlord appeals had been increased by the system of rent-raising initiated by Mr. Justice O'Hagan. When an appeal was made, in almost every case the old rent had been imposed. The real rent reducers, the real Sub-Commissioners, were the gentlemen who signed the "No Rent" Manifesto. The tenants were buoyed up with the false hope of their rent being reduced 10, 15, or 18 per cent; but by the present system of rent-raising the old rent, or very nearly so, was reverted to in the Appeal Court. The Prime Minister had admitted that he would run the Land Act against the Land League, and so the right hon. Gentleman ran the Act against the Land League. The bayonet, false alarms, the gibbet, the cell, and exile reduced the Land League to comparative quiescence, and from that moment the rent regulation fell from 28 to 24 per cent, until at last in the Appeal Court they were left at 15 and 10, and even 5 per cent. In certain instances, as he had noticed the other day, they had stood higher than they had ever been before. Landlords like the Marquess of Waterford and Mr. Blennerhassett, the Member for Kerry, had sent in applications to have their rents raised. He should like to have seen them send in such applications when the "No Rent" Manifesto was in force. These things would not have been done "in the brave days of old." The Government Sub-Commissioners would have looked twice at these petty little mountain grazing plots before they attempted to raise the rents of the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Waterford). What was the conclusion drawn from all this experience? It was this. As long as the tenants of Ireland depended on the sense of justice of the British Government, so long would they be baffled, beaten, and defeated; but whenever they attempted to raise an agitation, whenever they showed themselves desperate and determined, then, and then only, would their claims receive attention.

said, the Land Commission arrangement was a sham from beginning to end, the supposed valuation of land which was going on being a pure pretence. It could not be anything else, looking at the work the Commissioners had to do, therefore this Vote was a pure waste of money. Only the other day he saw a statement in a newspaper to the effect that 197 Irish estates had been, in one place, valued in four hours, the Commissioners having had a drive of six miles out and six miles back again for the purpose. How was it possible that such an extent of land could be valued in so short a time and under such circumstances? It was simply impossible. He had heard, also, that as much as 600 acres of grazing land in Tipperary had been valued in a space of two or three hours—nearly a square mile. How was such a thing possible? It was not to be done—the whole thing was the merest farce. Seeing what the Judge of the Appellate Court had been able to say before the House of Lords Committee, he (Colonel O'Beirne) could not think that this was a Court which valued land as carefully as it should. When the Prime Minister was introducing his Bill, he stated that the Court which was to fix the rents was to be a Judicial Court; but that statement had not been verified. They knew what had happened since 1881. A number of Commissioners had been appointed for political reasons—it was quite true, as the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had stated, that this was much more of a Political Court than a Land Court, and that "Political Court" ought to be its proper name. He protested most emphatically against this waste of money; and, if anyone would support him in moving a reduction of the Vote by £5,000, he should only be too happy to propose it. There was one observation made by the hon. Member for Monaghan with regard to the Appellate Court, which had struck him (Colonel O'Beirne) as unfair. The hon. Member had said the Court was more an institution for raising rents than anything else; but the fact was that by far the larger proportion of the rents submitted to the Court had been confirmed or lowered. That was the case in the Province of Connaught, at any rate, whatever it might be in the rest of Ireland. He had it from persons connected with the land in that Province. He did not wish to say more on the subject than that—he was satisfied with entering a protest against what appeared to him to be nothing more or less than a sham.

said, he did not how far it was desirable to raise a discussion as to the working of the Land Commission on this Vote; but his object in rising was to take exception to some observations which had fallen from the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) with regard to one of the Sub-Commissioners, Mr. M'Devitt. He did not know much about the working of the Commission; but he was sure that Mr. M'Devitt was an honest, conscientious man, who might be depended upon to do his best as between landlord and tenant. The hon. Member for Monaghan had also said that the House of Lords had been averse to the Land Act. To a certain extent he (Mr. Lea) was bound to agree with the hon. Member, because, no doubt, whilst the Act was passing through the House of Lords it was altered to an appreciable extent; and, further, there could be no question that the discussions which had taken place in that Chamber from time to time had had the effect of intimidating the Land Commission. He had been sorry to see discussions taking place in this House regarding the operations of the Commissioners. Mr. Grey—to whose conduct reference had several times been made by Questions in the House—had been dismissed in consequence of his working of the Act in Donegal; and the result was that nothing would ever drive out of the minds of the tenants that Mr. Grey was in favour of them, and that he had been sent away because his decisions had been favourable to them. They would never be able to wean the tenants from the belief that Mr. Grey was dismissed, not because he was less capable than the other Commissioners, but because he was supposed to be just in his dealings with the peasantry. This gentleman had been engaged in deciding cases in the West of Donegal, one of the poorest districts in the whole of Ireland. Since his removal another Commissioner had beard cases there, and had given valuations of a very similar kind; and, strange to say, a second Commissioner had given decisions there of a somewhat different character. The public had been made acquainted with this difference. He did not know under what procedure it had taken place; but, of course, it had given rise to the opinion that the Chief Commissioners had been influenced not to permit gentlemen of Mr. Grey's views to try the cases of the tenants. He (Mr. Lea) could not believe that the Chief Secretary was responsible; but probably the right hon. Gentleman dealt too much with the head Commission, in Dublin, who saw the Questions put to him in the House from time to time, and were, to a certain extent, intimi- dated. He believed the system of intimidation had done very much to prejudice the fair working of the Land Act.

wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant whether it was convenient that acting land agents like Mr. James Green Barry—the land agent of Lord Emly—paid as servants by landowners, should have to do with the consideration of tenants' applications? Was it possible that men receiving salaries could properly sit as Land Commissioners to adjudicate between landlords and tenants? He must press for an answer to that, because, if the facts were as he stated, it must be apparent to the Committee that no system of Land Commission carried on in such a way could have the confidence of the country. The right hon. Gentleman might tell him that Mr. Barry did not sit to adjudicate rents in the district in which Lord Emly owned land; but, in whatever part of Ireland he sat, unless he (Mr. Lawson) was misinformed, he was the agent, and the paid agent, of Lord Emly and other landlords; and it was utterly impossible that a man who was receiving a portion of his daily bread—a large portion of his daily bread—from landlords who derived their livelihood from largely-increased rents, could do justice when he came to adjudicate on these matters. When a man was made a Land Commissioner, he ought to give up other occupations—certainly those connected with land. If a man took an ordinary public office, he was obliged to give up other occupations. An ordinary official could not even receive a salary from the Government, and come here and perform the duties of a legislator. The two things were incompatible; how, then, could a man receive a salary from a landlord, and then go and adjudicate, as a servant of the Government, between landlords and tenants? He could not do it; the position of such a man was absolutely untenable. If he were as snow or ice, he could not escape calumny. And yet the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had shown that several of the Commissioners were circumstanced in tins way. Mr. Vernon himself was agent to Lord Pembroke—the richly-paid agent of the largest landlord, and bound to him by more or greater monetary ties than he was to the Land Commission. How could a man like this adjudicate fairly between landlord and tenant, when his first duty, his first love, was to the landlords who paid him? Would the right hon. Gentleman answer this simple question—was it possible that paid land agents could adjudicate fairly between landlords and tenants?

Sir, the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) has made a speech to which I listened with interest and considerable admiration of the great fertility of criticism which it displayed in regard to gentlemen who had been retained as Sub-Commissioners in Ireland. But I do not propose to follow the hon. Member into the details of his criticisms, in the first place, because I consider it would be extremely unfortunate that we should discuss—at any rate, that I should discuss—in this House the fairness or unfairness of people who hold a judicial position. It was another matter when there were 70 or 80 gentlemen who had to be taken out of the ranks of private persons in Ireland, and taken on very short notice—[Mr. HEALY: Hear, hear!] Obviously, on very short notice. How could it be otherwise when 70 or 80 men had to be appointed as Judges who had never been Judges before? It was very possible that out of this number—nay, it was almost certain—that there must be many who would not possess a judicial temperament. But it was a very different matter when, after two or three years' experience, three gentlemen of the very considerable qualities of the Land Commissioners in Ireland, having watched the proceedings of these gentlemen, have picked out from among them, for recommendation to the Lord Lieutenant, those whom they consider to possess judicial faculties. The hon. Member uses the word "dismissed" in connection with the Sub-Commissioners, and says that it will be impossible to invent any words which will veil the fact that the 50 or so gentlemen whose appointments had been discontinued were practically dismissed and discredited because of the decisions they had given. Sir, the position of the Irish Government was this—the work which this large number of Sub-Commissioners was appointed to perform had been nearly accomplished. It was absolutely necessary, in the interests of public economy, that the Commission should be largely reduced in numbers—should, in fact, be reduced to less than half its size—and, under these circumstances, it was absolutely impossible that the whole number of the Sub-Commissioners could be retained. It was absolutely necessary to select from the total number about a third. That is the state of the case, and I think that, under these circumstances, I have been quite justified in deprecating the use of the word "dismissal." The Chief Commissioners inform me, in view of this debate, that what has most struck them, in the enormous majority of the decisions that have been given by the Sub-Commissioners, is the absence of any trace of partizanship; and they are very anxious that from this Bench, at any rate, there should not be said one disparaging word of the gentlemen whose appointments have not been continued. It was necessary that out of a large number a few should be selected; and the Lord Lieutenant, who was charged with the function of making the selection, made it after most careful consultation with the Commissioners, and, for the main part, I may say pretty well entirely on their advice. Now, perhaps the most eloquent—certainly the most pointed—sentence of the hon. Member's speech was that in which he described the Land Commission. His description is still in the memory of the Committee, or of such part of the Committee as heard it; and I must say that I think that, pointed as it was, the hon. Member did not convince the Committee that such men as Mr. Litton, Mr. Vernon, and Mr. Justice O'Hagan can be called a Board who are in the interest of the landlords as against the tenants. I believe these three gentlemen may be thoroughly trusted to make suggestions which can be relied upon by the Irish Government; and, carefully as I listened to the criticism of the hon. Gentleman, I cannot say that my confidence in their recommendations was at all shaken. I will take, for instance, the case of Mr. M'Devitt, who was referred to as a man whom the tenants could not trust. Now, Mr. M'Devitt was a gentleman who was thoroughly conversant with the Land Act to begin with. He wrote an exposition of it in the early part of the history of this question which, in a very short time, ran through four editions. He was recommended by the Bishop of Raphoe.

That is no disqualification for the Land Commission. The Bishop said that, in addition to his legal qualification, he had an intimate knowledge of the land tenure of Ulster, and possesses one quality that is sure to win the confidence of all——

Really, I must ask to be permitted to go through my task without interruption. The Bishop said—

"He possesses one quality that is sure to win the confidence of all—that is, scrupulous honesty of purpose. From what I know of him, I believe it would be difficult to find anyone who would take greater pains to discharge conscientiously any duty entrusted to him."

The hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Dawson) objected to the re-appointment of Mr. Barry, and described him as a pure landlord's man, who could not be trusted to do justice between landlord and tenant.

I beg pardon. I mentioned his as a typical case, describing him as an agent. He is a personal friend of mine, and I certainly was not objecting to him as an individual. What I desired to point out was, that a land agent, whoever he may be, is hardly the person calculated to be a disinterested adjuster of rents.

The hon. Member states it as a fact that Mr. Barry holds an appointment as land agent. I should be sorry to say, in the face of that, that Mr. Barry has given up his agency; but I certainly understood that he had.

I do not say that this gentleman is not an agent. The subject is one on which I should like to inform myself before making a statement; but my impression is certainly not the same as that of the hon. Member. I should be very glad to abandon my opinion if it turns out that the hon. Member is right and I am wrong. It is difficult to imagine a per- son who has a more intimate knowledge of matters affecting Irish land than Mr. Barry. So far back as 1869 he was an advocate of the reform of the system of land tenure as it then existed; and I am told that when he was acting as land agent the property under his management was one that was singularly, if not entirely, free from eviction. When I consider these things, and when I look at the Gentlemen who recommended him—whether they are Members of Parliament or Members of the House of Lords—and when I remember also that the Archbishop of Cashel, Dr. Croke, recommended him, I must say that the retention of Mr. Barry as a Sub-Commissioner can in no sense imply that the Land Commissioners, in their recommendation, or the Lord Lieutenant in his acceptance of that recommendation, has done anything which ought to induce the tenants to look with suspicion on the Sub-Commissioners. Then, as to Mr. Vernon himself, whom the hon. Member describes as a land agent, it is very true that he is still an agent, but he is the agent of Lord Pembroke, and the property with which he has to do is in the nature of ground rents. I do not know that it would be too much to say that Lord Pembroke had no agricultural tenants on the property over which Mr. Vernon is agent; but, as a broad assertion, it may be stated that Mr. Vernon, when appointed as Laud Commissioner, gave up the agricultural agency of the Marquess of Bath, and, I believe, several other agencies. The hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) remarked that the noble Lords have very great advantages for starting questions connected with the Land Commission. Now, with that part of his speech I must own I have sympathy. I do not quite know what one may say about what passes in "another place." Remarks are made in "another place" as to what passes here with very great freedom; but we, I suppose, are bound by much stricter Rules than prevail there. In so far as advantage has been taken of facilities afforded for debate in "another place " for throwing discredit upon the Sub-Commissioners, who are, as I think, doing their duty in Ireland, it has been excessive and very unfortunate. Noble Lords have taken advantage of their privileges much too frequently, and I have no doubt that their conduct in that respect has had a disturbing influence, so far as it has gone, upon the minds of the Sub-Commissioners. It is because I do not wish to lay myself open to similar charges that I do not propose to speak in detail of the Sub-Commissioners who have been re-appointed. I conceive that the effect of a hot discussion on the proclivities of any given Judge has always a tendency—human nature being the same on the Bench as off it—to disturb the balance of that Judge's mind. But the hon. Member says that those Sub-Commissioners who have been attacked in the House of Lords have been removed. Well, Sir, on that point, again, I do not wish to enter; but this I will say—that if all the Sub-Commissioners who have been attacked in this House and in the House of Lords, from one side or the other, had been removed, we should have had no Sub-Commissioners at all. [Mr. HEALY: Oh, oh!] Yes; I think that is hardly too broad an assertion to make. During the past year, no doubt, owing to my earnest expostulations, there has been a happy suspension of those attacks on the Sub-Commissioners, which used to be made from more than one quarter in this House at Question time. Months and months may be said to have passed with scarcely a complaint of the conduct of the Sub-Commissioners; but it was not so in the early days of the Commission. Then, scarcely a day passed without some remonstrance as to the course taken by these officials. The hon. Member made some remarks, which, I must say, did not meet with the general approbation of the Committee, as to the Appeal Court. I do not refer to his remarks as to the number of appeals. That is a matter of statistics, and has attracted the observation of everyone interested in Ireland. The number is to be regretted, and it would have gratified the Government very much if they had been able to establish two Courts to get on with the appeals more quickly than they have been doing. But, when you pass on to the procedure of the Court and the character of its decisions, I do not think the hon. Member at all carried with him the unanimous adhesion of the Committee. He described the Appeal Court as a "rent-raising" Court. He stated that in one case out of 20 the rent remained as it was, and that in 19 cases out of 20 they were altered. Well, on that point I have not by me accurate statistics; but, as it is a question of assertion against assertion, I would venture to say that he has been misled, and greatly misled, by the feelings with which he regards the decisions of the Appeal Court. As a matter of fact, the Court is far from being a rent-raising Court. The amount to which it has raised rents is quite as likely to be counted by hundreds as by tens of thousands. Taking Ireland through, I think that, so far from 19 rents out of 20 having been altered, it will be found that decidedly those which have been confirmed are a large proportion of the total number of cases. On that point, however, I speak more from general observation than from statistics. I will try and ascertain exactly how the case stands; but I do not hesitate to say that the sweeping condemnation the hon. Member passed on the Appeal Court was one which did not meet with the adhesion of the Committee. The hon. Member speaks of the real effective Land Commission being the body which issued the "No Rent" Manifesto. He says that Manifesto had great influence; that soon after its issue large reductions were made, and that the reductions have now come down to a very small figure. Sir, it is quite true that during the very first months the reductions were distinctly larger than they have been at any other period; but I believe the reason of that was a very simple one—namely, that the worst cases, to a very large extent, came into Court first. There was a fall very soon, but that fall, after the very first period, has been extremely slow; and I have no reason to think that at this moment there is any fall at all. I believe that at present the reductions of rent are on an average of 18 or 19 per cent, and that is very little below the figure at which they have stood during almost all the period the Sub-Commissioners have been sitting, with the exception of the very first months. The hon. Member says that certain noblemen and gentlemen have lately contrived to get their rents raised. Well, I must say that considering the enormous number of cases that have been brought into Court, and considering that on some estates in Ireland the tenants were very lightly rented, that it would be a very serious imputation against the Sub-Commissioners if the rents were not oceasion- ally raised. I think that to make a general observation to the effect that rents have been raised, and that, therefore, the decisions have been unjust, is to make a charge against a Judicial Body which should not be made. The hon. Member says that in these matters I am in the hands of first class clerks who are paid £750 a-year. In this case, at any rate, it is not so. I do not deny that I am in the hands of certain gentlemen who understand these matters better than I do; but they are not first class clerks with salaries of £750 a-year—they are the Land Commissioners who are paid £3,000 a-year. I trust to these gentlemen, and if it be possible to get three persons who represent the average opinion and the average judgment of Ireland as between landlord and tenant, they are the persons, and it is upon their recommendation that the appointments have been made. There is not one appointment with regard to which our hands have been forced. The original recommendations may have been modified—no doubt they have been modified by discussion—hut the 10 or 15 gentlemen who have been selected out of the entire body of Sub-Commissioners are those who have acquired the confidence of the three Land Commissioners. The hon. Member says that the Act of 1881 was passed in order to pacify Ireland, and he asks me whether I think that it has done so. I do not know, but at any rate I should be right in saying this—that the work which has been done by the Land Commission is a gigantic work. It has been probably in amount in excess of that which was expected even by those who took a favourable view of the operations that might be anticipated from the Land Commission. In the course of two years no less than 105,000 cases of fair rents have been disposed of. Some 74,000 have been actually fixed, and 70,000 agreements have been arrived at under the auspices of the Court—that was to say, that in 144,000 cases a lease of 15 years and a judicial rent has been given to the tenants, with a reduction on the previous rents of £540,000 a-year. That represents only the direct work of the Commissioners. The indirect work is recorded nowhere except in the rent books of the various estates where arrangements have been made between landlord and tenant under the knowledge that, if arrangements are not made in an amicable manner, they must be made under litigation. The Land Act has proved so far a real land settlement for Ireland. If that be so—and I believe it is—the effect which it must have on the country will be a pacifying effect. I do not know what result it may have upon the political movement in which the hon. Member and his friends take so much interest; but I know that the Irish tenant farmers now entertain a sense of security such as they have ardently wished to enjoy, and such as they have never enjoyed before, and that, at the same time, even on the very worst estates in Ireland, they have been able to obtain that reduction of rent which the English and Scotch tenants have obtained by economical causes. These are propositions which can hardly be denied. As I have before stated, I am unwilling to enter into any discussion on the personal merits of the gentlemen who have been selected for appointment; but I believe they represent the result of the most careful observation on the part of the Land Commissioners during the last two years, and I am certain that the Commissioners themselves, who have been the advisers of the Government in this matter, have been actuated alone by the love of justice towards Ireland.

said, that this Motion was one of such extreme importance that he did not like to allow the opportunity to pass without making a few brief observations upon it. The Land Act was now the law of the land, and the position which he had always taken up in reference to it had been uniform and consistent—namely, that since it had been placed on the Statute Book it was entitled to be regarded fairly and reasonably by all members of the community, and that it was bound to be administered by those who were responsible for its administration impartially, temperately, and fairly, not in the interest of one class, but in the legitimate interests of all parties concerned. He had never swerved from that attitude towards the Land Act since it became law, and it was not his intention to do so now. But he thought it should not be open to objection if he were to point out where the administration of the Act had failed to substantiate the statements of its authors. When it was passing through Parliament, they were told it would only apply to exceptional, few, and rare cases in Ireland; that was stated in speech after speech by right hon. Gentlemen on the Treasury Bench; but, as a matter of fact, they found that the Act had been applied to almost all classes of estates in Ireland; that no class of property and no class of rent had been in the slightest degree exempt from the operation of the Act. They had been told over and over again by the Prime Minister and others that the old properties were safe, and that it was only the new proprietors who had abused their rights who would be called into question under this Act. But that was not their experience of its administration. Some old proprietors had been brought into the Land Court, and they could undoubtedly point to substantial reductions made in their rentals. It would appear, without going into details, that those who had been rack-renters got off best, and that the man who had not raised his rents at all, inasmuch as it was thought wise and politic to have reductions, had his rent reduced; and if a man had raised his rent to a rack-renting level, his rents were, of course, reduced too, but rarely had he been reduced below the level from which he had succeeded in raising them for himself. The hon. Member for Donegal (Mr. Lea) had mentioned what was at that moment a rather prevalent theory on the other side of the House. The hon. Member had had a fling at the action of the House of Lords. He did so most temperately, as if he were not standing upon strong ground; he alluded to the changes made in the Act when it was passing through the other House of Parliament. He need not go into the details of those changes; but he presumed that the hon. Member had some belief in Earl Granville and in Lord Carlingford. Now, those eminent statesmen had pointed out that when the Land Bill was emerging from the House of Lords, it was emerging with distinct improvements effected by the changes made in it by the other House. That was the statement made by responsible Members of the Government with reference to the few and limited alterations to which the House of Lords had subjected the measure. If the Prime Minister, in the progress of the discussion on the Land Act, with his boundless resources of language and his absolutely illimitable ingenuity, had foreshadowed what would be its actual working, as they now knew it by experience, he had a strong suspicion that the right hon. Gentleman would have had considerable difficulty in making a statement which would be acceptable to the House. With respect to the gentlemen who had been appointed as Sub-Commissioners—a very important and serious appointment—he was bound to say that the system of having temporary Judges without stability in their appointments, and without any guarantee whatever for their independence, appeared to him to be radically unsound. It was, in his opinion, quite absurd to have men, invested with the most tremendous judicial discretion, hanging upon the breath of the Government for the bread they ate day by day and month by month; and it was a perfect miracle to him that the administration of the Act had not utterly broken down under the logic of facts. He declined to go in detail into the very disagreeable task of canvassing the particular merits of the Sub-Commissioners. He presumed that the Government had proceeded upon some system of selection, and that they had acted, as had been stated by the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Trevelyan), on the recommendation of the Land Commissioners. If that were so, he supposed they had tried to discharge this most difficult and delicate function in the best way they could. He did not mean to say that if other people had had the selection of these gentlemen, that the very same names would have been found on the list. But he declined to go into that question. He had now come to that point of experience with regard to the Land Act that he preferred not to indulge in prophecy, but to wait for further experience of its operation. He found that some of those Sub-Commissioners, whom he believed would turn out fairly good, had not come up to that very moderate expectation, and that those from whom he expected nothing had not proved to be quite so deficient. No one could say that he was using the language of exaggeration. He had not used words of greateulogy on the one side or severe condemnation on the other—he simply said he had been somewhat disappointed in the expectations he had formed. He did not like to ask any questions on one subject of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. It seemed to him, however, that Lord Monck occupied a very curious position; and he inferred from the fact that a Bill was to be introduced that he was within the last days of his judicial cereer. He did not know the position in reference to the new Bill for the appointment of a new Land Commissioner; but he supposed that some information on that subject would one day be forthcoming. He did not like to go beyond negatives on that occasion; but he supposed they would be told in due time who was the remarkable person pointed at. He should be glad to know when they might look for a reduction of the enormous expense of the administration of the Land Commission. He had always understood that there would, in a year or two, be a considerable reduction of expense, and that at the end of seven years there would be a still further reduction, and that it might be assumed that then the matter would settle down to something like a normal state. There was one figure quoted by the right hon. Gentleman which ought not to be forgotten. It was stated that the Land Act had done very little; but it had had one tremendous effect—namely, that of reducing the rents by over £500,000 a-year. That was a great fact which should not be forgotten in considering this question. The right hon. Gentleman had mentioned—he did not know whether he intended to make any charge against the Irish landlords—that the English tenants had gained their reduction of rents by the operation of economic laws; and he seemed to point out that the Irish tenants were gaining a similar reduction by the operation of the Land Act. But he (Mr. Gibson) would make this remark—that the English tenants had gained a reduction of rent by the application of economic laws which could not be resisted or controlled, while the Irish landlords had had to submit to a reduction by putting aside economic laws. There had been in England nothing like the demand for land which existed in Ireland; the Irish landlords, therefore, were compelled to submit to the reduction of their rents in the face of that demand, whereas the question of rent in England had been simply settled by the operation of the law of supply and demand. At that period of the Session he did not propose to discuss the Rent Purchase Clauses, which were, of course, a very tempting subject; but he was bound to say that the Bill dealing with those clauses might, as to several of its clauses at least, very well have been kept alive. Upon that subject there was no considerable difference of opinion; and while he believed that the Guarantee Clause had not many friends in any part of the House, he thought there was a substantial agreement of opinion upon other parts of the Bill. He thought it was a matter for regret that some efforts had not been made to get rid of the controversial matter, and to adhere to those parts of the measure in regard to which but little controversy was likely to arise. If the Guarantee Clause had been dropped, no doubt many other things might have gone with it; but there were other portions of the Bill which might have done something substantial to remove friction in the working of the Purchase Clauses of the Land Act, and which might have tended to modify the present deadlock in the land market. Even at that late period of the Session he should be glad to welcome any effort that could be made, or any suggestion that could be offered, for the removal, or the modification at all events, of the present dead-lock in the Irish land market, which everyone must deplore, and the modification or removal of which would be well worth a substantial expenditure of Imperial funds.

said, there were some observations in the speech of the right hon. and learned Gentleman who had just sat down to which he desired to reply briefly. The right hon. and learned Gentleman had told them that the Prime Minister, when he introduced the Bill, had held out a promise which induced the House to pass that measure, and that that promise had never been fulfilled. But there was nothing very extraordinary in that. It was the business of everyone who introduced a Bill to the House of Commons to hold out hopes that the Bill would not be so bad as certain persons thought it would be; and the Prime Minister had, in order to tempt the Irish landlord to swallow the pill, to make certain promises which had not been realized, and which could not be realized. The right hon. and learned Gentleman had told the Committee that the reduction of rents, brought about as between England and Ireland, had been effected by different means. The argument of the right hon. and learned Gentleman was that the demand for land in Ireland was so much greater than in England. But that was the argument on which the Land Act of 1870 was founded, and on which the Act of 1881 was also founded; it was that the demand for land had raised the rent above its ordinary price and produced rack-rentals. The consequence was that the Irish landlords had had to yield to Acts of Parliament when they would not yield to the force of economic laws. Then the right hon. and learned Gentleman had gone into the question of property, and had concluded his remarks upon that subject by saying that he would not prophesy; he had, in fact, adopted the maxim—"Do not prophesy before you know." That was the principle upon which the right hon. and learned Gentleman acted, and he had very prudently done so on the present occasion. Then he said that £500,000 a-year of reduction in Irish rents had been made; but he did not tell the Committee what proportion that amount bore to the amount of the reduction of rents in England, and whether that proportion was more or less than the proportion which the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland stated had been brought about by economic laws in England; so that he thought the right hon. and learned Gentleman had left that part of the case in the same position in which he found it. The right hon. and learned Gentleman had addressed himself to the Motion before the House in a general sense; and he did not think he had produced the case of any landlord to show that the landlords had been greatly injured. But he had not said one word as to whether the tenants had been injured, or whether they were satisfied with the working of the Act. Now, that brought him to the statement—perhaps the cardinal statement made that evening by the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—that the Land Commission was a representative body of the tenants of Ireland, as well as of the landlords of Ireland. But where, he asked, did the right hon. Gentleman discover that? Would he give the Committee the name of one Land Commissioner who was the representative of the tenants of Ireland? There was the first Commissioner, whom he knew to be a distinguished man in every sense, as a lawyer, a man of letters, and, as the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had called him, a poet. He did not wish to say one word derogatory of that gentleman; but he himself had stated that he did not know much about the value of land in Ireland, and that he was simply the administrator of the law; he knew nothing as to whether rents ought to be raised or reduced; all he had to do was to consider the evidence laid before him. But he was bound to express the opinion in his behalf that his sympathies were as much for the tenants as for the landlords; and that when he (Mr. Synan) was personally acquainted with him, that, perhaps, they were more with the tenants than with the landlords. But how could anyone in the position which he now occupied be said to be a representative of the tenants? Surely that could not be maintained, because he was a Judge to administer the law, and he would perform his office without sympathy either for one class or the other, simply carrying out the law upon the evidence before him. The second Commissioner was a lawyer, a mediocre lawyer, bearing no proportion in respect of abilities or attainments to those exhibited by the Chief Commissioner. Could the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland tell the Committee that he was a representative of the tenants of Ireland? This gentleman sprung from the landlords. He did not know whether his sympathies were with the landlords or with the tenants; but he had spent a few months in that House, and certainly had shown himself to be conversant with the Act of 1881. But what evidence had he given in that House, or what evidence had he given since his appointment, of his being the representative of the tenants of Ireland? Surely, then, it was absurd to say that either the first or second Commissioners were representatives of the Irish tenants. Now with regard to the third Commissioner. He had been an agent for the collection of ground rents; there was a good deal of agricultural land in his district; but, surely, from his whole life and associations, Mr. Vernon must be rather a representative of the landlords than of the tenants of Ireland. Indeed, when there was a difference of opinion between the Commissioners, he had almost always sided with the landlords as against the tenants, and he had succeeded to this extent—that he always managed to get the Court of Appeal to decide in his favour. Now, he had gone through the qualifications of the Commissioners one by one, and he trusted that he should never hear again that they constituted a Body representative of the tenants of Ireland. What was the opinion of the tenants themselves? Did they think that the Land Commission was representative of their interests? He was not going into any cases; but he could say that the Irish tenants certainly did not regard the Land Commission in that light. And now he came to the question of appeal, on which subject he could not go to the same length as his hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had gone. He said that the rents in one case out of 20 had been left the same as before they came into Court. Now, so far as his (Mr. Synan's) experience and knowledge of the matters published to Members of the House, and which he had seen in the newspapers, went, the Commission, unless where overruled by the third Member of the Commission, who was a landlord Commissioner, generally adopted the decision of the Sub-Commissioners; but that did not prove that the Sub-Commissioners were right. He had a word or two to say to the Committee as to what the tenants of Ireland thought upon this question. Let him allude to what had been stated by the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for the University of Dublin (Mr. Gibson). The right hon. and learned Gentleman had stated—and he (Mr. Synan) was astonished to hear him—that the House of Lords improved the Bill of 1881. He (Mr. Synan) thought he knew something about the Bill, and also about the Bill of 1870. Who destroyed the Improvement Clause of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy), the very thing that the tenants of Ireland complained about, the very thing that constituted the grievance of the tenants? Who destroyed the effect of the clause suggested by his hon. Friend but the House of Lords? That was certainly an improvement of the Bill in a wrong direction; and if the right hon. and learned Gentleman meant that, he (Mr. Synan) agreed with him; but if he meant to say that they improved the Bill in the tenants' direction, surely the proof was palpable that the tenants of Ireland had lost all confidence in the Bill and the administration of the Bill since the decision of the Court of Appeal in the case of "Adams v. Dunseath," upon the Improvement Clause of the Act of 1881, which Improvement Clause was the act of "another place." Well, now he came to the general question as to the action of the Sub-Commissions. He did not propose to go into the individual merits of the Members of the Sub-Commissions; beyond the legal Members of the Sub-Commissions he knew nothing about the Commissions. He, however, knew this—that he recommended that it was his duty to recommend several men in his own county whom he thought ought to be on the Sub-Commission. The men he proposed were large working farmers; but every recommendation of his was rejected, and they were, he thought, rejected on the ground that the sympathies of the men were with the tenants, and not with the landlords. He did not mean to say that their sympathies were not with the tenants, but they certainly had no prejudices against the landlords; but every man who was known to have sympathy with the tenants, and who was a working farmer himself, was, to his (Mr. Synan's) knowledge, rejected. He did not complain of that; he did not blame the Irish Government; he did not mean to say that the Lord Lieutenant knew anything about these men; His Excellency took the recommendations submitted to him by Members of Parliament, by landlords, and by others. He (Mr. Synan) understood that the Members for Ulster had the nomination of the whole of the Sub-Commissioners, so far as the North of Ireland was concerned. He did not deny that the Lord Lieutenant made the appointments faithfully and honestly; but then what was the body that appointed; to whom did the Lord Lieutenant refer the appointments? Viris custodes custodiet? What did the two lawyers of the Land Commission know about the merits of the men who were submitted to them so far as the valuation of land was concerned? Nothing whatever; how was it possible they could know anything about it? Mr. Vernon might know the merits of the men with whom he was personally acquainted; but he could not know anything about the others who were recommended, and what he (Mr. Synan) had said about the third Member of the Commission, both in and outside that House, he was quite prepared to repeat. Mr. Vernon's sympathies were decidedly with the landlords; and if he was to be the person who was to have the nomination of the Sub-Commissioners, what was the meaning of telling him (Mr. Synan) that the Sub-Commissioners were really men who sympathized with the tenants? He did not want to say there were not excellent men on the Sub-Commissions, numbering 24. The Commissions, however, had now been reduced to 10; and what was the character of the 10? He would not say anything about it himself; but his hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had expressed his opinion. The hon. Member had told them that the Sub-Commissioners, who were to be dismissed on the 18th of August, had sympathies and leanings with the tenants, and the hon. Gentleman had stated that to the Committee as a grievance. The hon. Gentleman (Mr. Healy) considered the statement he had made well founded; and surely he ought to be a good judge, inasmuch as he had taken great interest in the Land Act, and knew the opinions of the tenant farmers in Ireland as well as any man. He (Mr. Synan) had a great knowledge of the tenant farmers himself, he had mixed with them all his life; but his hon. Friend (Mr. Healy) had the unanimous sympathy of the tenant farmers of Ireland wherever he went, and he told the Committee that every man on the Sub-Commission who sympathized with the tenants had been dismissed, while only those were being retained who had landlord leanings and proclivities. Now, he (Mr. Synan) came to another point of a general character, and he mentioned it because it had been forced upon him; he mentioned it because the Chief Secretary (Mr. Trevelyan) had said that the Land Commission was a representative Body of the tenants of Ireland; but it was nothing of the kind. When did the Committee think that the 10 Commissions would have disposed of the cases of the 600,000 tenants of Ireland? If they deducted the 100,000 lease-holders there would still be left 500,000 tenants. The 24 Commissions which had been sitting up to this had decided only 100,000 cases, while 70,000 cases had been decided out of Court. If, therefore, 24 Commissions could only decide 100,000 cases in three years, how long would the 10 Commissions be occupied in deciding the remaining cases? The right hon. Gentleman could work the matter out for himself. What was the goal at which they were aiming, and at which the right hon. Gentleman endeavoured to aim by the Bill he introduced a short time ago, but which he dropped so very hastily? Was it peasant proprietory? If so, how could they have peasant proprietory until they had fixed the judicial rents of the tenants of Ireland? Would any man of the 400,000 or 500,000 who had not gone into Court come to any arrangement with his landlord as to number of years' purchase that he was to give for a rack rent? Why, the most remarkable instance had occurred in his own county. The Earl of Devon had his land for sale, and he was willing to take less even than the 20 years' purchase which the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary, by his Bill, fixed as the value of Irish land. Why, some of the tenants refused to make an offer; some of them would give 10, some of them would give 12; but he did not know that any of them went as far as to offer 16 years' purchase. This was only a single instance of the impossibility of arriving at a settlement of the question upon the present system. He did not mean to say that some of the tenants were not as unreasonable as some landlords; but was it unreasonable for any man to ask how a tenant and landlord could come together to fix the number of years' purchase which should be paid for a holding when the judicial rent of that holding had not been fixed? And by the scheme the Government had just framed they were postponing the settlement of the question until the remote future. He had given the Committee a rule of-three sum, and if they worked it out they would find that the 10 Commissions would be 15 years in deciding the remaining applications for the fixing of judicial rents. It was impossible to obtain a peasant proprietary in Ireland until the judicial rent of the different holdings had been fixed; and yet the Government would stop, by the very thing they were now doing, the progress of their Bill of 1881. The Government were, by their own action, defeating the object of their own Bill. His hon. Friend the Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had said that the judicial rents which were now being fixed were rack rents, and that an amendment of the law was necessary. He did not go as far as his hon. Friend; but he did go the length of saying that some of the judicial rents were rack rents, and he would give a proof of his assertion. In his own county there were two estates lying side by side, on one of which the judicial rents had been settled. In the one case the tenants went into Court and came out with a reduction of about 5 per cent, the land there being very good. Upon the adjoining estate, however, the landlord had settled with his tenants. The land was of the very same character as that in the first case, and yet the landlord had granted reductions of rent of 10 per cent. Did they mean to tell him that under such circumstances the tenants would go into the Land Courts; but even if the tenants were disposed to go into the Courts, the Government had so limited the number that many cases could not be decided for years to come. He was sorry to say that tenants would not go into the Courts. He knew many leaseholders who had refused to go into Court, even where the landlord had given his consent; they would sooner deal with the landlord outside the Court than go to the Court and come out with what they considered rack rents. What had produced this feeling on the part of the tenants? A want of confidence in the Sub-Commissions. He did not say that the Sub-Commissions were not useful. Where there was a rack-renting landlord the Sub-Commissions were most valuable, because the tenants had some chance at all events of having a fair rent fixed. Unless, however, the tenants had confidence in the Sub-Commissions they would not resort to the Land Courts, but would prefer to arrange with their landlords. He believed in the indirect benefit of the Land Act rather than in its direct benefit. The Act had induced landlords to make arrangements with their tenants; but by what they were now doing, and by alleging that the Land Commission and Sub-Commissions represented the tenants as well as the landlords of Ireland, the Government were making the greatest mistake they ever made. They were destroying the benefit of their Act. They were postponing its operation to the remote future, and doing much to prevent the establishment of that peasant proprietary which they were all anxious to see. He was afraid that unless the administration of the Act was vastly improved there would be another land agitation as violent as that which had just closed.

said, he should confine the few remarks he had to make to one portion of the subject. It would be in the recollection of the Committee that by Clause 19 of the Land Act an attempt was made to encourage the building of labourers' cottages on the farms of Ireland. He noticed that in their Report this year the Land Commissioners stated that the 19th section of the Act had not been operative to any large extent. The number of orders made by the Sub-Commissioners under this section, during the year ending August, 1883, was 260, and in the preceding year 226—that was to say that in round numbers, up to August of last year, about 500 orders were made by the Sub-Commissioners for the erection or repair of labourers' cottages; and, supposing the progress to be about the same up to August in this year, about 700 orders had been made. Now they came to the subject of how these orders had been carried out. His hon. Friend the Member for Waterford (Mr. Leamy) succeeded in passing an Act making and putting a heavy penalty upon the occupier who, having obtained a reduction of rent himself, and having been ordered to provide for his labourer, failed to do so. But he added a condition which, unfortunately, was not accepted by the Treasury. He suggested that the Land Commissioners should have the power of appointing Inspectors to see that their orders were carried out. The Treasury objected, and obliged the hon. Member to withdraw that provision from his Bill, and a very unfortunate interference it was on the part of the Treasury. When the Labourers' Act was passed last year a clause was introduced seeking to remedy that evil by making the Sanitary Authority—that was to say the Boards of Guardians—responsible for the carrying out of the orders of the Sub-Commissioners, and the Land Commissioners stated in their Report that they had in every instance communicated the order to the Union concerned. He hoped that by a Return that would shortly be furnished to the House the Committee would be able to form a correct opinion as to how many of the orders had been carried out. He was perfectly certain that it would turn out that not half of the 600 or 700 orders had been complied with; because, although the Act said that the Sanitary Authority should do so and so, there was no one to see that any given Board of Guardians put the Act in force in its Union, unless the labourer himself came forward. Now, they knew that the labourer was generally in a very dependent position, and that, therefore, he was not likely himself to come forward and complain of the inadequacy of his dwelling. It was very much to be regretted that the action of the Treasury had marred the effect of that clause, and the question now was what legislative enactment could be passed to remedy the defect. He thought his right hon. Friend (Mr. Trevelyan), in his capacity as President of the Local Government Board, might do something; he might have the attention of Boards of Guardians called to the necessity of putting the clause into operation, and of employing the relieving officers, who were also sanitary officers, for the purpose of seeing that the orders made under the section were carried out. He thought, also, something might be done by hon. Members opposite, because there was no doubt that if there had existed any public opinion on this subject many cottages would have been built before now. Boards of Guardians in Ireland represented to a very great extent public opinion. The hon. Member for Sligo (Mr. Sexton) on a recent occasion attacked very warmly the Board of Works, because they did not carry out in a proper spirit Acts which had been passed for the benefit of the Irish people. Now, here was an Act involving no expense upon the Treasury, no responsibility upon the Boards of Guardians, except that of seeing that an occupier who had obtained a reduction of rent should share that reduction, in a sense, with his labourers. Hon. Members opposite had possession of the platform and of the Press to a great extent in Ireland; and, therefore, they could do a great deal—and he hoped they would—to secure the operation of the clauses affecting labourers' dwellings. He was sorry to see the other day in Coutny Limerick an advocate of the labourers complaining that the Labourers' Act was not put in force in a certain Union, the farmers in which Union were opposing the operation of the Act. He hoped the Chief Secretary would see that the 19th clause of the Land Act was made operative.

said, he thought that from the action of the Sub-Commissions in Ireland lately, and from the manner in which the most popular of those Commissions were about to be dealt with by the Government, there was a plain moral to be drawn which the Irish people would not be slow to draw; and that was that it was an evil day for popular interests in Ireland when political agitation in that country declined. The Government professed to be very anxious for a return of peace and quietude, and of what they called law and order in that country; and from time to time they quoted, with great pleasure, statistics tending to show that that was the course which events were now taking. But what did the Irish people see concurrently with all this? They could see that as crime declined, and as peace and order were restored in Ireland, in the same proportion the reduction of rents which the Sub-Commissions had been making declined. When Ireland was alive, when the people were determined, and when there was a serious agitation for popular rights and common justice and relief from oppression, the rack rents came down pretty fast; but now that a period of comparative quietude had come it was remarked that the reductions of rent had dwindled down from 25 per cent to 18 and 15 per cent. He had no doubt whatever that as the condition of Ireland improved, the reduction of rack rents or unfair rents would become smaller and smaller until they did not amount to more than 10 or 5 per cent. Now, they were told by the Chief Secretary (Mr. Trevelyan) that the difference in the amount of reductions made by the Sub-Commissions was owing to the fact that there was a rush into the Land Courts in the earlier stages of the business, and that the worst cases were the first to be dealt with. How did the right hon. Gentleman make that out? Undoubtedly there was a great accumulation of cases when the Land Courts commenced their sittings, but how did the Chief Secretary make out the allegation that the worst cases were the first to be dealt with? He (Mr. Sullivan) maintained that the cases taken first were average cases and that the cases 'were taken in the order in which they came. There was no selection made of the worst cases, none whatever, and he challenged the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to make good his allegation. But if it were true that the reductions of 25 per cent made by the Land Commissions in the early stages of their inquiries were the consequence of the rush that was made into Court the Government stood convicted. The Government were convicted of preventing the Irish National Land League submitting test cases. It was declared by the Leader of the Irish people, and by the Leaders of the Irish National Land League, that they intended to submit to the Irish Land Commission a set of test cases on the very opening of the Commission's business, and for so saying and doing the Leader of the Irish people was thrown into prison. That was one of the counts of the indictment against him—namely, that instead of allowing the rush into Court he intended to have submitted to those Courts a series of test cases. It was for recommending the Irish people to await the result of the test cases that the hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of Cork (Mr. Parnell), and others who acted with him, were thrown into the cells of Richmond and Kilmainham Gaols. Therefore, he (Mr. Sullivan) thought that the explanation on the part of the Government lay very badly indeed in their mouths. Now, with reference to some of the Sub-Commissions which were about to be discontinued, the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary did not like the word "dismissed." It was a very remarkable fact—and nothing the right hon. Gentleman could say would ex-explain it away to the satisfaction of the Irish people—it was a very remarkable fact that the Sub-Commissions in which the tenantry of Ireland had the most confidence were those which were to be discontinued. They did their business in the most impartial and most proper manner; but it happened, nevertheless, that the services of the gentlemen in whose decisions the people of Ireland had the greatest confidence were to be dispensed with, while the pets and favourites of the landlords, and of the Irish Tories and Orangemen, were to be continued in office. The Chief Secretary was very fond of the dismissed gentlemen, no doubt; but they might apply to him, with singular appropriateness, the old saying:—

"Perhaps it was right to dissemble your love; But why did you kick me downstairs?"

Taking the case of M'Devitt, the right hon. Gentleman said he was highly recommended—highly spoken of and written of by, amongst others, eminent and respected Catholic Bishops in Ireland. He (Mr. Sullivan) did not see anything very astonishing in that. It was not with what had been said about these gentlemen before their appointment that they had to deal, but with what was to be said of them now that the Irish people had had some experience of their way of thinking and way of acting. It was within the recollection of all that gentlemen of very excellent reputations indeed had been appointed to various public offices in Ireland, and had very soon changed. That was their experience in his country. It was a well-known fact that men soon changed their colours and their minds, or, at least, their mode of action, after commencing to put Government pay into their pockets. Therefore, the question was not "What sort of a character had Mr. M'Devitt before he became a Government placeman? "but "What character has he earned for himself since he has been in the Government service? "His (Mr. Sullivan's) contention was that this gentleman's conduct had not been such as to cause the Irish people to prefer him to any of the Sub-Commissioners who had been dismissed by the Irish Government. The Committee heard a great deal about the Chief Commissioners. They, too, were all excellent and able men; but he recollected very well that the very moment the names of these three gentlemen were first mentioned to the House, it was said by Irishmen who knew them all that one man was, in reality, the whole Commission, and that man was the representative of the landlords—Mr. Vernon. It was said and believed at the very first, and experience from that day to this had confirmed the judgment, that that one man would rule the Commission. Mr. Litton—whom he (Mr. Sullivan) had had the pleasure of knowing in the House—was a very excellent gentleman, a fair-minded, just man; but he was no match, in a contest of this kind, for Mr. Vernon—a representative of the landlord party—a very extensive land agent. So with regard to Mr. O'Hagan. He was a very estimable man, no doubt; at one time a man of patriotic and national proclivities—a man who wrote some beautiful poetry, full of national sentiment, which would live long after the character of its author, as a patriot, had departed, which would live in Irish literature long after the man himself had been gathered to his fathers. But the man who, in his youth, or in his manhood, as the case might be, had written national poems, or national letters, or national articles, was about the last man he (Mr. Sullivan) would trust after he had become a placeman in the pay of the British Government; because the memory of his former reputation would be always before him, and he would be always trying to convince his colleagues, wherever he might be, that he was no longer a Nationalist, no longer a patriot, and that he could be relied on as much as any other man to do the work that the British Government had appointed him to do. So it was with the Sub-Commissioners, and so it was with the Chief Commissioners. And now they came to this—that Ireland, being again forced down in one way or another—the stress of public agitation in that country having somewhat abated—had to submit to constantly-decreasing reductions of rent in the Land Court. The reward of the Irish people for this so-called return to peace, law, and order was this coming down of the Land Commissioners—this falling-off in their mode of dealing with unfair rents. What was the lesson the Irish people had to derive there from? The people read these things broadly and roughly; but they read them, he thought, rightly on the whole. The moral they would draw from the whole set of circumstances was this—that if they wished justice to be done to them, as justice did yet remain to be done, they must keep up agitating, and make their enemies, as they had made them before, afraid of them. He was old enough to remember in Irish history periods in which there was no political life. He remembered the time of depression which followed the Famines of 1848 and 1849, and the traitorism of the Keogh and Sadleir party, who betrayed the interests of the Irish people on the floor of that House. He remembered the hush of misery and despair that came over the country; and this also he remembered—that during the whole of that time nothing was done for Ireland. Nothing was done until the people took heart again, and rose to a certain sense of their position in their own country. They had won something, and he was glad of it—proud of it. He bad never denied it—he had stated on Irish platforms, as he stated here, that the Land Act had been a great Act of Emancipation for the Irish tenantry, and for the whole Irish nation, not merely because of the reduction of rents that it had brought about, but because of the lifting up of the hearts of the Irish people, who found that, after all, not-withstanding the mighty forces arrayed against them, they could yet conquer as they had conquered in the past. The Irish people, up to this, however, had only conquered half justice, and he counselled them not to subside and suspend their efforts, but to go on with open and fearless agitation for their rights. If they did, in time they would win the other half measure of justice which was their due. That was the moral he drew from existing circumstances, and that was the moral he trusted the Irish people would draw from them. It was not well, he maintained, for the Government to teach that moral to the Irish people—to teach that, in proportion as they subsided and held their peace, and were not organized, so did the desire of the British Parliament to do them justice decline, and that it was only as they rose in agitation, and almost set the country aflame, that that House, and those who ruled it, would listen to their demands, however just and reasonable they might be. He had heard that night that about £500,000 per annum had been saved to the tenantry by the action of the Irish Land Act. He did not doubt it—he was glad of it—but every penny of this money was their own. They had got nothing from anybody—nothing which did not belong to them. He had heard the taking of this money from those who lately had been receiving it stigmatized as "robbery." Aye, there was robbery in the case, hut the robbers were those who had been taking the £500,000 out of the pockets of the Irish peasantry, with no justice for it except the permission of the law of the land. That there was that permission he granted. But what was this law of the land? It was law made by landlords to enable them to plunder the peasantry. He had heard hon. and right hon. Gentlemen in that House speak of the Irish servant girls in America, England, and elsewhere, sending over money to Ireland to sustain their poor relatives. The fault found with these servant girls was that they no longer sent this money over to go into the pockets of these hon. and right hon. Gentleman. Where had these earnings gone hitherto? Why into the pockets of the Irish landlords. Such was the old system—of so cruel and infamous a character was it that it extracted not only from the poor people at home, working and living on the soil, the fruits of their toil, but it put under contribution their sons and daughters who had fled to other lands to sustain themselves, and to escape the misery and poverty that they had experience of at home. It was a fact that in years gone by the rack rents in Ireland were paid, to a large extent, out of the earnings of the young men and young women in England, America, and Australia. Thank God that that system, if not quite ended, at all events had been broken down; and, he asked, with what face could these rack-renters—whose names appeared in the Blue Books as such, whose names were on record and would stand in these official volumes, in everything but the strict legal sense, as those of convicted thieves—with what face could these people stand upon the Benches of that House, or anywhere else, and censure the Irish people at home and abroad for their efforts to mitigate this oppression and end this cruel law? If he had unduly detained the Committee, it was because he had wished to put before it this plain fact—that he felt himself, and believed that others felt also, that the cause of this proportionate diminution in the reduction of rents was the peace and quietness and absence of excitement in Ireland, and he hoped there would he an end to that. Not that he counselled disorder. not that he counselled criminal acts; but he did counsel organization and legitimate public action, and did tell the Irish people that failing in that they would fail in everything, and that maintaining that as they ought to maintain it they would obtain from this House of Commons or from any House of Commons, and from this Government or from any Government which might follow it—they would ultimately obtain, in spite of all the powers arraved against them, the full measure of the rights they were so justly entitled to, and for which they had so long and so patiently struggled.

It is not my intention to trespass for long on the time of the Committee; hut when an hon. Member below the Gangway, without your interfering at all, Sir, speaks of a party in this country as a party of "convicted thieves," and with his finger deliberately points to hon. Gentlemen sitting on these Benches, emphasizing the expression, I think it is only right that I should rise, not to say much as to what has fallen from the hon. Member, but to say that I do not much care about his opinion; that I do not think we are "convicted thieves;" but that I, and those who believe with me, are strongly of opinion that there are convicted thieves in Ireland, and murderers and associates of murderers, and that they are sitting, not where I am sitting, but not very far off——

I rise to Order. I wish to ask you, Sir, whether the hon. and gallant Member is in Order in saying that he believes there are not only convicted thieves, but murderers and associates of murderers, sitting, not where he sits but not far from him?

I think the expressions used by the hon. and gallant Member highly improper, and I must call upon him to withdraw them.

The hon. and gallant Member will withdraw the ob- servation, if he applied it to any hon. Member in this House.

Sir, I wish—[ Loud cries of "Withdraw !"]—I trust I may be allowed to say what I have to say. I wish to remark that, as the words "convicted thieves" were applied to the Bench on which I sit, I did think I might be allowed to use some strong expression in reply. I acknowledge that I used a strong expression—a stronger one than that used below the Gangway. The words "murderers" and " associates of murderers "were stronger than "convicted thieves," and, therefore, I beg to withdraw and to apologize for having used the expression.

I must say I listened very carefully to the remarks of the hon. Member for Westmeath (Mr. Sullivan), and did not understand him to apply the observation to which the hon. and gallant Member takes exception to anyone in this House. If I had, I certainly should have called him to Order.

said, he was sure the Chairman would allow him to use 15 seconds in the remarks he was about to make. He could assure him that not only were the words to which he had called attention used, but the words were accompanied with a gesture—the hon. Member had pointed to the place where he (Colonel King-Harman) sat. It was because of that that he had taken it that the expression was applied to that part of the House where he sat. If it were not so, he apologized most distinctly and decidedly for what he had said. If, however, he was right in his suspicion that the observation was applied to where he sat, he was sure the Chairman would support him in saying that, while he withdrew the expressions he had used, and apologized for using them, there had been, at the same time, some excuse for his indignation and for using the words he did. It was not his intention to go into the question as to whether or not the Land Commissioners in Ireland had done their duty; it was far too late in the Session to venture upon such a subject. He had very strong opinions on the subject, and he believed those opinions were tolerably well known, at any rate, to the right hon. Gentlemen who represented the Irish Government. He believed the working of the Land Act had been contrary to the declaration which the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister made when he brought in the Bill and when he put it to the House. The Prime Minister had said that no damage would he done to the landlord interest, and he was supported in that statement by a noble Lord in the House of Lords, who said that the landlord interest would be rather improved by the measure than otherwise. But they knew perfectly well what had happened. They knew perfectly well that the landlord interest had been reduced by from 25 to 30 per cent all over Ireland. They knew perfectly well that it had not been a question of whether rents were high or rents were low, but that the Sub-Commissioners, wherever they bad gene, had obeyed an unwritten, although a perfectly understood, law, which was that the landlords' rents were to be reduced whether they were high or whether they were low. It was perfectly well known that in Ireland where there had been two landlords side by side, one a rack renter and the other a fair and considerate man—one having raised his rents during the had times 20 per cent, and the other never having raised his rents at all—the man who had raised his rents had had them reduced 20 per cent, while the same, if not a greater, reduction had been made in the case of the man who had never raised his rents. It was a well known fact—hon. Members below the Gangway knew it as well as he did, and hon. Members sitting by the side of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant knew it as well as he did—that the good landlords, so called, had suffered far more than the bad landlords. It was perfectly well known that the operation of the Land Act had been this—that the man who had bought his estates under the Landed Estates Court, or when it was established, or had acceded to them at that time, and had raised his rents to an exorbitant extent, rendering the introduction of some Land Act or other imperative, was the man sitting in his saddle rejoicing; whilst the man who had always worked with his tenantry and had done the best he could for them, not asking rents which were too heavy, not raising them when he could do so, was the man who was now suffering poverty because of the action, he would not say of the Government, but of the Sub-Commissioners appointed by the Government. He would not say more about that. The Government brought in the Land Act, and appointed three Commissioners, whose names commanded, to a great extent, the respect of Irishmen of all classes. The Land Act had been accepted by them in the belief that the three Commissioners to whom he referred were a true and legitimate sample of the Officers who were to be appointed under it. After that, a number of Sub-Commissioners were appointed such as the Irish people never could, and such as he did not believe the House of Commons ever could, have expected. It had been shown that the appointment of these men was wrong, and that the men were not fit to go through the evidence they had had to go through, and to deal with the extraordinary perjury and malversation they had had to deal with during the past two or three years; yet these men, being men of honour, though, perhaps, prejudiced in one way or another, had come round, and had not gone on reducing rents in the way in which they had done when they were inclined to accept the sworn testimony of those from whom, at first, they had to take evidence. He did not mean to go on on this particular subject, but merely made these observations in commencement of what he had to say. In the Vote for the Land Commission they had to take an item for the chief agent for the land sales, and he said that, while they could not go back, and while he did not seek to go back—he wished they could, of course; but he knew that what was done could not he undone—in the matter of the appointment of the Commissioners and Sub-Commissioners, he did want to go back on the question of the Commission for the Sale of Land. He was glad to see the First Lord of the Treasury in his place, for he was sure the right hon. Gentleman would agree that he (Colonel King-Harman) had a right to speak on that question, as he had had the honour of speaking to the right hon. Gentleman not long ago upon it in Committee. It was said, when the Land Act was passing through, that the Irish landlords would not be prejudiced by it—that their rights would not be disturbed, and that the land would, if anything, be made of greater value than it was before. Now, what was the fact? They knew perfectly well—they saw it from the Returns he held in his hand bearing on the value of land—that if a landlord wished to sell his estate he could not get more than 10, 12, or 14 years' purchase for it, whereas, before the Land Act was passed, he could get 22, 24, or 25 years' purchase. How was that? He was not going to inflict a long speech on the Committee, and he did not believe in long speeches. He believed in making a few short statements, and one short statement he would make was this—that a very few years before the Land Act was passed, there was a certain gentleman of the name of Murrough O'Brien appointed a Commissioner by the Church Commission to regulate the sale of lands to tenants who held under the Church Body. Mr. Murrough O'Brien used to go down and value these lands, and he valued them, generally speaking, at from 24 to 25 years' purchase. He (Colonel King-Harman) was putting this at he very lowest average he could possibly adopt. After the Land Act was passed, Mr. Murrough O'Brien went down on behalf of the Land Purchase commission, and wherever he went the tenants, after listening to him, considered that from 10 to 12 years' purchase was as much as they were entitled to offer for the land. They were told to believe that the establishment of a peasant proprietary was the only means of pacifying Ireland; but could it be believed that Irish landlords would be disposed to part with their lands at 10 or 12 years' purchase, when their tenants, four or five years ago, were forced by the same man who now valued the estates at 10 or 12 years' purchase to give 24 or 26? He (Colonel King-Harman) was at a loss to know how these things could be reconciled. The facts were certainly as he stated, and he did not think the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister could put them in any other way. If this question were deferred to a time when there was a possibility of more thoroughly considering t, he would he able to mention several cases in support of his statement. He would be able to show the extraordinary way in which the Purchase Clauses of the Land Act had been administered. He had been from the first, even before he Land Act was passed, an advocate of the extension of peasant proprietary in Ireland. When sitting some years ago, immediately behind where the Prime Minister was now sitting, speaking in support of a Motion for a Select Committee by the right hon. Gentleman the present First Commissioner of Works (Mr. Shaw Lefevre)—then an unknown Member of the House—he had made the suggestion that a certain sum of money should be applied each year towards the solution of the problem of peasant proprietary. He believed he had proposed that for 10 years £1,000,000 a-year should be applied to the purpose. At the end of that time they would see whether the plan succeeded. £10,000,000 would not have been much to have spent, even if the plan was a failure, whereas, if the experiment had turned out a good one, the gain would have been very great. But the House of Commons in its wisdom would not listen to that system. What was now going on in Ireland made a peasant proprietary impossible. They might wish for it; but the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister could not expect, not only in the interest of the landlords in Ireland—who had been forgotten and forsaken, and, he might say, trampled upon by the Government—but in the interest of the mortgagees, and those who had embarked their money in land securities, that 9 or 10 years' purchase would be accepted. All the landowners wanted was to have a fair and proper mode of sale. He did not say they wanted to force sales, for he did not think it would be right to do that; but he did think the majority of them would be glad to sell and get out of the country as fast as they could. Whether that would be good for the country he did not know—and he would not tell hon. Members below the Gangway whether he was leaving or not—but he would tell the Prime Minister this, that if he really wished to carry out the Purchase Clauses of the Act—if he really wished to benefit the people of Ireland by these clauses, if he really wished to act in a fair and legitimate manner to those who were interested in this subject, he should look into the matter. If he would look into it, he would see that the Purchase Department of the Land Commission was not carried on properly by those gentlemen who were associated with it. He assured the right hon. Gentleman that, personally, he had not a single word to say against the gentlemen who had to do with the Purchase Department of the Land Commission. He did not know them—he had only seen one of them, Mr. O'Brien, once. He had, however, watched the matter very carefully, and had thought over it, and he was perfectly certain that the idea of these gentlemen was that it was their business to induce the tenants to give as little as possible for the land, to grind down the landlords in such a way that they would accept, under duress, the smallest sum of money to turn out. In support of his statement, he would mention one case—that of a gentleman who he knew could be trusted, and who was an honourable man. He had known him for many years; but he had not been in communication with him upon this matter, and he had the facts from that gentleman's solicitors. Mr. Arthur Costello, a member of one of the oldest families in Mayo, held some property in a wild district where the Land League had considerable authority, and during two or three years he had received no rent. Driven into a corner, his mortgagees pressing him hard, he asked the tenants if they would purchase their holdings, and after some negotiation they said they would give him 16 years' purchase. Would any hon. Member say that 16 years' purchase was a fair sum to give for land which was not over-rented?—and no one accused Mr. Costello of having over-rented. The tenants were prepared to give that, and they applied to the Land Commission for the two-thirds of the money required which they were entitled to have under the Land Act, they being prepared to provide the other one-third. In the cases where they were not prepared to put down the money themselves, the local bank was ready to provide it. Could there be a better proof that the security was good enough for the Government to advance two-thirds, when the local bank—which was only a branch of a larger bank—was prepared to advance the remaining onethird? The Land Commission sent down Mr. Murrough O'Brien, and the result was that the Land Commission told the landlord that they did not consider the laud worth 16 years' purchase, but only 12 years' purchase. Were Irish landlords to be beaten down in that way to 12 years' purchase? Did the noble Marquess (the Marquess of Hartington) suppose that his property, or the property of his father, would be sold at 12 years' purchase? If he carried this matter to a Division, no doubt the noble Marquess would vote against him; but he should like to know whether the Duke of Devonshire's property would be sold on those terms? In Heaven's name, were Irish landlords to be crushed down in that way? If the Government were going to carry out their Land Purchase scheme, they must put fair and honest men on the Land Commission. Having mentioned Mr. Murrough O'Brien's name, he should move to move to reduce this Vote by the sum of £750, the amount of that gentleman's salary. He was not going to impute anything dishonest to Mr. O'Brien, for he believed him to be as honest a man as could possibly be; but he was a man of the strongest possible political opinions, and believed that landlords ought to be brought to their knees and driven out of Ireland. He was, therefore, not the proper person to hold the position he was now in.

said, Mr. Murrough O'Brien was a gentleman whom he did not know by sight. With regard to the valuations of laud in 1874–5–6, he must say that during those years the price of land reached a very high point in Ireland. Mr. O'Brien valued the Church land; but he did not calculate the tenants' rights, although he did estimate the tenants' improvements. Since he did that, the Church Lands Act had been passed, and that provided that tenants' improvements should be excluded, so that his valuations in 1874–5–6, of 24 and 26 years' purchase, included not only the fee simple of the land, but the entire improvements. He regretted deeply that tenants should have had to pay such enormous prices for land. In his own county they had had to pay 28 and even 30 years' purchase, and they were still suffering extreme poverty. But in connection with the remarks upon Mr. O'Brien, they must take into consideration the entirely altered circumstances between 1874 and 1883, when he valued under the Land Act. With reference to Mr. M'Devitt, the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had stated that one reason why that gentleman was maintained on the Land Commission was owing to speeches he had made in connection with the contest in Tyrone; but he was not aware that that gentleman had made any speech in connection with that contest. With regard to Mr.Wyllie, he believed the Land Commission could not have an abler lawyer or a more upright man than Mr.Wyllie in connection with the work of the Commission; and he regretted that some other men were to be removed from the Commission. He had inquired as to their removal, and the explanation was that they were of recent appointment, but were to be displaced. There were 85 in all; but 55 must go, and he deeply regretted that men like these, and Mr. Maguire and others, had been removed. With respect to the Appeal Court, he had looked carefully into their decisions, and he would undertake to say that the variations in the rents fixed by the Commissioners, and confirmed by the Appeal Court, would not amount to £1,000 all round. The hon. and gallant Member for Dublin County (Colonel King-Harman) had referred to the Purchase Clauses for small improvements. No one regretted more than he did that the Government had allowed the Purchase Clauses Bill to fall through. That was a great loss to Ireland; and he thought that, no matter what might have been the difficulties of the Session, the Government ought to have passed, at least, some of the clauses of that Bill. That would have given great relief to the state of affairs in Ireland, and he only hoped that one of the first things the Government would do next Session would be to reintroduce that Bill.

said, he believed that hon. Members on both sides were in favour of promoting the efficacy of the scheme for purchasing land in Ireland; but he considered the Bill as it stood inefficacious. He did not wish to cast any reflection on Mr. Murrough O'Brien; and what he wanted to imply by his Motion was that the Purchase Clauses ought to be most carefully considered during the Recess, so that a really useful measure might be brought in, and not a Party measure.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £82,680 (including a Supplementary sum of £25,340), be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of the Irish Land Commission."— (Colonel King-Harman.)

said, he thought the hon. and gallant Member for Cork County (Colonel Colthurst) had done well in pointing out that the average of Mr. O'Brien's valuations for the Church Commission was 22⅓ years' purchase. Those might be taken as representing the landlords' interest; but since then there had been agricultural depression, and that had brought down the value of land considerably, and also the landlords' interest in the land. He, for one, entirely disagreed with the Motion to reduce the Vote by Mr. O'Brien's salary, believing that when that gentleman fixed the landlords' interest in the land in Ireland at only 10 or 12 years, or, at the outside, 14 years' purchase, he fixed a fair level. He wished now to call attention to the present position of the Commissioners. The hon. and gallant Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman) had said the original appointments of the Sub-Commissioners were not to be found fault with; but that subsequent appointments were extremely bad. It was a remarkable thing that a Gentleman sitting on the landlords' Benches should not have made himself acquainted with the practice in regard to these appointments; and it so happened that the reductions made by the original Sub-Commissioners were considerably greater than those made by the subsequent Sub-Commissioners. He was, therefore, surprised to hear that the subsequent Sub-Commissioners were not so satisfactory as the original Sub-Commissioners. It had been stated that the Sub-Commissioners who were not to remain, had been discontinued because their appointment was of more recent date; but whoever had informed the hon. and gallant Gentleman, he could not agree that these Sub-Commissioners were discontinued simply because their appointments were of more recent date than the appointments of those who were to be continued. He had a list of the dates of the appointments of those who were to be continued, and also of those who were to be discontinued; and he found that one of the gentlemen, Mr. Davidson, who was discontinued, was appointed in November, 188l, and the fact that he was one of the first who received an appointment, showed that the date of his appointment had nothing whatever to do with his discontinuance. He was well known to be a fair man and a friend of the tenants, and that, perhaps, had more to do with his dismissal than the mere date of his appointment. Then he found that of six Sub-Commissioners who were appointed in December, 1881, four had been retained, Mr. Wyllie being one of the number appointed at that time. He would like to know why that gentleman had been discontinued? Again, while the Legal Commissioners appointed since then had been continued, none of the Legal Commissioners appointed in April, 1882, were now on the Commission. Of the non-Legal Commissioners appointed in 1881, three had been dismissed, and six continued; and it was a singular thing that all those gentlemen who were appointed in 1881, and had been now continued, were all gentlemen who notoriously sympathized with the landlords.

rose to Order, and asked whether it was right for an hon. Gentleman to say that Judges appointed by the Government—although they were not sworn Judges—were notoriously in favour of the landlords, and sympathized with any one class?

The observation of the hon. Gentleman did not reach my ear. If the hon. Gentleman spoke in any way disrespectfully of the Judges, that would be very improper.

said, he would quote the words of the hon. Member. He said "the Judges who were reappointed to the Land Commission were notoriously sympathizers with the landlords," implying that they were corrupt.

challenged the accuracy of the hon. and gallant Gentleman's statement. He had not implied that these gentlemen who had been reappointed were corrupt.

said, he was speaking of the gentlemen who had not been reappointed.

said, the hon. and gallant Gentleman had entirely mistaken him, because his contention was not that the gentlemen who had been reappointed were gentlemen who acted unfairly, but simply that they were sympathizers with the landlords. He was endeavouring to show the Committee that a number of gentlemen had been continued on the Commission as Sub- Commissioners not because, as had been stated by the hon. Member for Tyrone (Mr. T. A. Dickson), of the date of their original appointment, but simply because their reappointment or non-reappointment had fallen into the hands of the Chief Commissioners, they being gentlemen who sympathized with the landlords, and who recommended gentlemen for appointment who were of their own way of thinking.

again rose to Order, and said the hon. Gentleman was repeating what he had previously stated, and asked whether the hon. Member was in Order?

I think it will be better for the hon. and gallant Gentleman to reply to these observations and explain his views, when the hon. Member for Ennis has concluded

, resuming, asked for the protection of the Chairman against the interruptions of the hon. and gallant Gentleman. The hon. and gallant Member had grown suddenly very fastidious as to the use of Parliamentary language, and a few minutes after accusing Gentlemen of being "murderers," it was strange that he should carp at his language. With regard to the Land Commissioners, the Lay Commissioners were not entitled to associate with the Legal Commissioners in the decision of legal points; but he thought that if the law was fairly interpreted, they were entitled to associate with the Legal Commissioners in the decisions of such points. Under the Land Act, he believed, it might fairly be assumed that the Lay Commissioners, instead of being virtually merely valuers, as they now were, and entitled only to consult with the Legal Commissioners on question purely as to the value of land, were as much entitled to consult with them on other points which arose as the Legal Commissioners to consult with the Chief Commissioner, Mr. Justice O'Hagan The present composition of the Land Court and the Sub-Commissioners' Court was very different now from what it was at first, the plan of attaching mere valuers to each Court having been found to work badly, and having, therefore, to be discontinued. But he feared that under the present arrangements, the non-Legal Commissioners were little better than the official Valuers originally appointed in 1882, and he thought that if they were deprived of the right to consult with the Legal Commissioners, the same state of things would come about, and the same state of dissatisfaction which arose before would recur, and, in like manner, the non-Legal Commissioners would have to be discontinued. The hon. and gallant Member for Cork County (Colonel Colthurst) had called attention to the manner in which orders for the erection of labourers' cottages, made out by the Sub-Commissioners, had been disregarded. An Order had been made for a Return showing the number of such orders, and he wished to ask whether the Solicitor General for Ireland would be able to include anything like an accurate estimate of the orders that had been complied with? If all the orders of the Sub-Commissioners for the erection of labourers' cottages had been complied with, the necessity for a sham Labourers' Act would have been obviated. The number of orders that had been made by the Sub-Commissioners was also, he thought, below the number that ought to have been made; and that was so apparent to the Chief Commissioners that, he believed, twice, if not three times, new orders had been issued for the direction of the Sub-Commissioners who had drawn attention to the matter. He hoped the recommendations made by the Chief Commissioners upon this matter would not be lost sight of. But there was another point in relation to this Vote to which he would, in a few words, call the attention of the Committee, and that was with regard to the effects of the operation of the Act in respect to the leaseholders. This was a question of particular importance; and although he did not propose to discuss it at length, he could not but express his great regret that when the Land Bill of 1881 was introduced in two successive Sessions in that House it had been rejected by enormous majorities, and that Her Majesty's Government, although some of their Irish Legal Advisers had a contrary opinion, should have gone in the face of the almost unanimous desire of the Irish Members, and concurred in the rejection of that salutary proposal to amend the law. He sincerely trusted that when the question of the admission of the labourers to the benefits of the Land Act was again brought forward in that House, another and a better state of feeling would have arisen, and that those who might be in power at the time would see their way to the acceptance of the recommendations of the Commissioners of the Irish Land Act. There was another point to which he would also call attention, and that was to the enormous increase that had taken place in the number of appeals from the Sub-Commissioners' decisions. The appeals in the Chief Commissioners' Court numbered altogether something like 17,000, and the number remaining was about 11,000. At this rate of progress, it was quite evident that the number of appeals to the Chief Commissioners, unless some additional machinery were brought into play, would not be disposed of for a great many years to come, and that, in point of fact, the statutory term under the Land Act would almost have expired before that result could be achieved. The hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy) had called attention to the manner in which these decisions were given. He had stated that in about 19 out of every 20 appeals the rent had been raised. He might say, with all deference to his hon. Friend, that this estimate was accurate to this extent—that in 19 out of 20 appeals which had originated with the landlords the rents had been raised. If, in connection with this point, the number of appeals by the tenants were taken into consideration, he was disposed to think that the estimate of his hon. Friend was by no means inaccurate. He had noticed that, in a great many instances, the amount to which the rents fixed by the Sub-Commissioners had been raised had been extremely ridiculous. He knew instances in which something like an increase of 5 s. on a rental of £20 had been made. In looking over the opinions that had been from time to time expressed before the decision of the House of Lords by some of the Chief Commissioners, he found that it had been laid down by them that changes should not be made on the granting of leases by Sub-Commissioners, unless the Court should be of opinion that the rent fixed by the Sub-Commissioners was substantially wrong. But, instead of this principle having been adhered to, they found that the Chief Commissioners had gone down into the country and made changes in the rent that were of so trifling a character as to be merely vexatious. What object, he asked, could the Chief Commissioners have in making these trivial alterations? It was always an invidious thing to attribute motives; but one thing was quite certain, and that was that, whatever the motive of the Chief Commissioners might have been, the effect of these alterations on their part had been to stimulate the number of appeals, and to encourage the landlords throughout the country to rush into the Appeal Court, in the hope that their rents would be, at least, slightly raised, they being well aware that the tenants, in a great number of instances, were too poor to be able to appear with advantage in the Court of Appeal. There was another point, and it was one of the few that had been advanced by the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman) in which he agreed, and that was that, in a large number of instances, the greater the rack-renter, the better off was the landlord likely to be when be came into Court. He had known instances in which the rent charged had been six times the valuation put upon the holding, and in which it had been reduced to three times the valuation, and he ventured to think that if, in the first instance, it had only been three times the valuation, it would have been reduced to the actual valuation, or to something very near it. This was the state of things which practically prevailed all over the country, and it was notoriously true in the case of those who had only in very recent times become the owners of land which had been chiefly purchased through the medium of the Landed Estates Courts, and who had raised the rents so as to give them-selves a dividend of 5 or 10 per cent on the outlay they had made, purely from selfish motives, and who ought to have those rents reduced proportionably to the merits of the case. There were a few points in the Vote which were more in the shape of mere matters of figures, to which he desired briefly to direct the attention of the Secretary to the Treasury. He found on Page 289, which gave the details of the summary of the Vote, that there was one accountant who had a salary of £610 per annum. He wished to point out that the minimum figure was £600, and that the annual increment of the income was £25; consequently, he was unable to see how it was possible that the salary could be £610, unless the person in receipt of it had commenced at that figure? There was also a number of other inaccuracies noticeable throughout the details of the Estimate. For instance, there was a sum of £333 put down as the salary of an agency clerk. Now, in that case, the minimum salary was £300, and the annual increment £15. That being so, he failed to see how it was possible for the figure of £333 to be reached. Then there was an item under the head of Deputy Superintendent of Church Property, and his salary was stated at £255. The minimum, according to the Table given, was £350. There were other and similar instances running through the page, and he hoped the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury would be able to state how it was that these inaccuracies occurred?

said, he could at once explain the apparent discrepancies pointed out by the hon. Gentleman. The accountant referred to was appointed on some date such as the 1st of January, and his salary would be £600 for the year ending on the 1st of January following. The Estimate, however, gave the salary for the official year from the 1st of April to the 1st of April following, and the salary of the officer from the 1st of April to the let of January—or whatever the date might be—would be at the rate of £600 per annum, and would then begin to run at the rate of £625 per annum, so that the sum payable from April to April would be £610, as stated in the Estimates The other differences referred to were to be accounted for in the same way.

said, he did not wish to detain the Committee more than a few minutes longer. There was, however, one point with regard to the action of the Land Commission in his own constitency which be desired to mention. He referred to the action of Mr. Thomas Walpole, one of the Assistant Commissioners. In the district in which that individual was best known the idea of retaining him upon the Commission was regarded with anything but favour. He was a man who, in the opinion of the people of that district, was utterly unfit for the post he held. His relations to his own tenants had been of the most unsatisfactory description. He was a man who, some five or six years ago, had foisted on one of those tenants, a man named Higgins—an igno- rant man—an agreement for a lease, which, however, had never been executed, the terms of that agreement being of an exceptionally hard and aggressive character. The yearly rent was £15, and the value of the holding was only £8 per annum. The first clause of the agreement was against burning anything but bog, and the penalty was £25 per acre. The next was against disposing of turf, and the next against cutting timber, the penalty being £1 per acre. In consideration of liberty to reclaim the bog, which was very much to the benefit of the landlord, the tenant was required to forfeit all right to compensation under the Land Act of 1870, or any other Act which might be passed. The other clauses of the lease were also particularly hard; but that which was to exclude the tenant from the benefit of the Act of 1870, which had been passed, and any other Act which might be passed for the relief of the tenant, showed the kind of man the landlord was. The tenant refused to execute the lease or any other with such covenants. But Mr. Walpole handed the man a draft agreement, and gave him to understand that those were the terms on which he was to hold, and no other. A. short time afterwards, the land of the tenant being practically at the mercy of the landlord, he added some acre and a-half to the holding, and at once raised the total valuation to £10, and, at the same time, raised the rent by £4, making the total £19. When the tenant applied to the Assistant Land Commissioners, he was met by the alleged agreement, and although he repudiated it and had never signed it, and although the draft agreement was never dated, the case was decided against him on the assertion of the Assistant Commissioner landlord. The tenant took the case to the Land Commissioners themselves, and they in turn refused him any relief. This was only one illustration of the treatment Mr. Walpole's tenants had received at his hands, and it was not to be wondered at that, under these circumstances, the tenants generally throughout Ireland should regard him as a man from whom they were not likely to meet with even-handed justice. So much with regard to Mr. Assistant Commissioner Walpole. The next matter to which he desired to call the attention of the Chief Secretary was one with regard to which he thought he should be able, at least, to excite the surprise of the right hon. Gentleman. In order not to make the story too long, he would confine himself to the reading of a short statement which he had received from the tenant whose interests were affected. The tenant was a Mr. George Hetherington, and he said—

"I served an originating notice in time for the first sitting of the Land Court under the Act of 1881, and my case was listed for hearing at Mary borough in July, 1883, when the Court dismissed the case owing to Mrs. Dix"—who was the landlord—"being a middle landlord, and having only a profit rent of about £7 per year."

Some years ago, there was a very celebrated series of letters written by a gentleman who was now a County Court Judge in Ireland, and who acted as Special Commissioner for The Times, in regard to the Land Question in Ireland. That gentleman devoted a considerable portion of those letters to the task of showing that the great curse of Ireland at that time was the middleman landlord. What he then said about the middleman landlord was perfectly true. Well, Mrs. Dix was in the position of a middleman landlord, and she drew only £7 profit out of the particular holding referred to. Mr. Hetherington went on to say that—

"The Sub-Commissioners refused to come out and inspect my farm, although I am paying a rent of £155 per year for 63 Irish acres, the Poor Law valuation of which is £80 per annum, £20 of this being for buildings, leaving the Government valuation of the land only £60. My valuator, Mr. William Grange, auctioneer and land valuator of Portarlington, valued the farm at £81 odd, to which valuation he swore at Maryborough. I lodged an appeal against the decision of the Sub-Commissioners, which was heard before the Head Commissioners in Dublin on the 19th of June last, after two years' waiting, and then they decided it in the same way as the Sub-Commissioners in Mary borough in July, 1882. The Sub and Head Commissioners all admitted that my rent was too high; but, owing to the small profit, they said they could not think of reducing the rent. I was under the impression the Act was passed to give redress to tenants who paid exorbitant rents, irrespective of how their landlords held their holdings or what head rent they paid; and if such is not the case, I hope you will bring this defect in the Act under the notice of the Legislature with the view of having it redressed. Here am I, an unfortunate tenant, paying a rent of nearly 100 per cent. over the Government valuation, and what my own practical valutor swore it was worth, and because my landlady holds as a middle one, I must continue to be rack-rented without redress."

This was the statement of Mr. George Hetherington; but he had had confirmation of the story from quarters altogether independent of the tenant. He thought the Committee would agree with him that anything more monstrous than what had happened in this case could hardly be imagined. Here was a Tribunal that had been established for the purpose of fixing, when necessary, what was a fair rent. The Sub-Commissioners admitted that the rent demanded was not a fair rent; but they found that if they reduced it the middleman would hold the land at a loss, and, therefore, they who were appointed to look after the interests of the tenant, refused to make any reduction, but left the tenant to pay a rental which they themselves acknowledged to be exorbitantly high. This finding of the Assistant Commissioners was upheld by the Chief Commissioners of the Land Court. Under these circumstances, he should be disposed to support a Motion for the reduction of the Vote; but, of course, he could not think of giving his support to that which had been moved by the hon. and gallant Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman) in his interesting and singularly sober statement, which was calculated to attract the attention of all who heard it, and which had led him (Mr. A. O'Connor) to look into the record of the Land Commission, which he held in hand, to see how the hon. and gallant Gentleman had himself fared at the hands of the Land Tribunal against his own tenants in support of appeals; but as the hon. and gallant Member was no longer in his place, he would not further refer to that matter. He must say, however, that he could not understand the ground on which the hon. and gallant Gentleman had moved to reduce the Vote, except it was that he objected to Mr. Murrough O'Brien, because he had not thought the land was worth as many years' purchase as the hon. and gallant Gentleman had estimated it to be worth. He (Mr. A. O'Connor) trusted that some Official on the Treasury Bench would give the Committee an undertaking that the statement he had read, as having been written by Mr. George Hetherington, of Ballintougher House, Monasterevan, would receive some consideration at the hands of Her Majesty's Government.

said, if the hon. Member for Queen's County would put his request in reference to the Land Commission in the form of a Question, it would be much better, because, when applications for opinions on particular cases had to be taken from the Parliamentary Reports taken in that House, the result was not always so satisfactory as hon. Members might wish. With regard to the remarks the hon. Member had made in reference to Mr. Walpole, he (Mr. Trevelyan) had been informed that the rent at which the tenant alluded to sat was actually £5 less than the rent Mr. Walpole paid the head landlord.

said, it had this to do with it, that when Mr. Walpole proposed an agreement to a tenant holding under him, giving him a farm at a rental of £5 less than he himself was paying to the head landlord, it was not unnatural that he should ask for and expect some concession on the part of the tenant. This, therefore, was a matter that had to be taken into consideration when the Committee were asked to criticize the terms of an agreement Mr. Walpole had made with one of his tenants. When the agreement in question was referred to the Sub-Commission, the Sub-Commissioners decided that it should stand, and after that it was confirmed by the Court. The observations he should have made in answer to the speech of the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman) he did not now think there was any occasion for him to make; but he believed he should have been able, had it been necessary, to have put a very different face on the case from that which had been put upon it by the hon. and gallant Member. He was bound, however, to say, in justice to Mr. Murrough O'Brien, that he had found in the case referred to that where that gentleman had sanctioned the sale to the tenant, the purchase was at the rate of 20 years' purchase. The real difficulty in those cases was that the tenant was unwilling to give the 20 years' purchase which the hon. and gallant Member had put as the standard. Mr. Murrough O'Brien had been considered as rather an enthusiast in favour of the peasant proprietor, and not one who would be likely to throw any difficulty in his way. With regard to what had been said by the hon. and gallant Member for Cork (Colonel Colthurst), he (Mr. Trevelyan) thought it a very good suggestion that the Local Government Board should call the attention of the Boards of Guardians to the powers given under the Labourers' Act.

said, the speech just made by the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary certainly seemed to him a marvellous piece of logic. The argument of the right hon. Gentleman seemed to point to this—that if the tenant paid a rack rent it was right that he should continue to pay it, however exorbitant it might be, if it so happened that, in consequence of any reduction in that rental, the intermediate holder as between the landlord and the tenant in occupation would be compelled to pay more than he was himself receiving. This, putting it shortly, was the argument which the right hon. Gentleman was putting before the Committee as applicable to all cases where it was said that the tenant was paying £5, or any other sum, less than the middle landlord was paying. When the right hon. Gentleman was interrupted by the hon. Member for Queen's County (Mr. A. O'Connor), who had very pertinently asked, "What has that to do with it?" he (Mr. Trevelyan) had emphasized his argument by saying he thought it had a great deal to do with it; so that, according to the right hon. Gentleman's view, the immediate occupier ought not to be relieved of the rack rent in any case in which the giving of such relief would injuriously affect the interests of the middle landlord. If the Chief Secretary wished to initiate the very extraordinary principle that the payment of a fair rent was not to apply fully if it were found to be injurious to the middleman, he would be going entirely outside the principle of the Land Act, and leaving untouched an evil which the Land Act was intended to remedy. The statement just made by the Chief Secretary was a very serious one, and he ought either to make his meaning quite clear, or else to qualify what he had been saying. There was one point which he (Mr. Gray) wished to put to the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury. A case was recently tried before Chief Justice Morris. It was a case in which one of the parties, named Bromfield, was a tenant of Lord Congleton. The point was this—whether the holder of a lease could not claim the full benefit of the Land Act, except where the entire land was in the hands of the immediate lessee. The case of the tenant Bromfield was as follows:—He got a lease in the year 1880 from Lord Congleton, and was middleman as regarded the entire property, which was all occupied by sub-tenants. A good deal of the land fell out of the hands of the sub-tenants at that time, owing to death and other causes, and came into the hands of Bromfield's father and Bromfield himself. But, when his lease was almost expired, he had to consider whether he would evict all the sub-tenants or leave them alone. He adopted the plan of leaving them alone. The sub-tenants claimed to have a fair rent fixed, and were now statutory tenants. For the portion of the land in his own possession, Bromfield also claimed a similar right; but the Court ruled that he had no locus standi, but that he would have had if he had evicted all the tenants and got all the land into his own possession. He (Mr. Gray) wished to ask whether this was really the law?

said, the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant had just stated, in reference to the arguments used by the hon. and gallant Member for the County of Dublin (Colonel King-Harman), that he need do no more than make a cursory reference to what had been urged. But hon. Members on that side of the Committee were anxious to hear some more explicit answer to the points that had been raised, especially with regard to what had been stated in reference to Mr. Murrough O'Brien. That was a matter on which the right hon. Gentleman had not given a satisfactory reply. The Committee had not been told why it was that when the tenants had agreed with the landlord for what must be considered not an unfair price for the land, and had applied for the money under the Purchase Clauses of the Land Act, that gentleman had recommended the Commissioners not to allow the money, because he did not approve of the price. The price was 16 years' purchase, and Mr. Murrough O'Brien had said it was not worth more than 11 or 12 years' purchase, the result being that the sale had not been carried out. If this was the course that was to be pursued in these cases, he was afraid it would not be of much use to try to sell land under the Purchase Clauses of the Land Act. He would like the Committee to be informed what was the reason of this remarkable change? Mr. O'Brien was for some time an agent under the Church Commissioners for valuing land, and for naming the price which the tenants were to pay for it; and in that capacity he had valued it, in some cases, as high as 26 years' purchase. But now that he represented the Land Commissioners, he was valuing it at 11 or 12 years' purchase. Now, it must be evident that the real value of the land could not have changed to that extent in so short a time. One hon. Member had endeavoured to explain the difference by saying that the tenants' interest in the land had reduced its value—that was to say, that the tenants' interest must be taken out of the valuation; in other words, the hon. Member allowed that the Land Act accounted for a diminution in value of 50 per cent.

said, the hon. and gallant Gentleman who had just spoken had not carried his argument far enough. He should have gone a step farther, and shown that in this case the property was the same which, at one time, had been valued by Mr. O'Brien at 26 years' purchase, and, at another time, at 11 or 12 years' purchase. The hon. and gallant Gentleman clearly did not understand the position, which was simply this. The land valued by Mr. O'Brien at 26 years' purchase might have been the property of a Corporation, such as the Church Commission, who might have allowed the tenants to acquire a very considerable interest in their property; and, again, the land might have been tolerably good. Church lands generally were good; and 26 years' purchase of such land, held upon liberal conditions, and at a low or moderate rental, from a Corporation not accustomed to disturb its tenants, might have been a very proper valuation; whereas 12 or 14 years' purchase of land of low quality, and rack-rented, might be a very high value. There was no comparison between the two cases.

said, that could not be applied as a basis of valuation. One lot of land might be had for 12 years' purchase, if it were fully rack-rented, and of poor quality; another lot of good land, which yielded a profit on the rent, and was moderately rented, might be had for 26 years' purchase. It was entirely a matter of business, and the land valued at 26 years' purchase might be a better investment than that valued at 14 years' purchase. What the hon. and gallant Gentleman should do, in order to establish a bias in the action of Mr. O'Brien, would be to show that the tenants paid the same rent, had the same interest, and that the quality of the land was equal in both cases. Until the hon. and gallant Member could show that, he did not think he was justified in bringing against Mr. O'Brien the charge that he was acting malâ fide. If Mr. O'Brien did not exercise some discretion as to the money to be advanced, he would not be fit for his office at all, and landlords and tenants would have nothing more to do than to arrange a value between themselves, and get the money from the Treasury; all they had to do was to place upon the land a value so high that three-fourths of the amount would pay the landlord. The Treasury was, of course, right in securing itself against transactions of that kind; and Mr. O'Brien had not to consider whether the rent of the property was fair, but whether the property constituted a full security to the Treasury for the amount which they were called upon to pay.

said, he thought the Committee were entitled to some information as to why some of the Sub-Commissioners had been reappointed, and others dismissed. He should like to know on what principle the Land Commissioners or the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had acted in this matter?

said, he could not afford the hon. Member any more information on this point than that the Land Commissioners watched, with the greatest care, the action of the different Sub-Commissioners. When cases came up on appeal, they were able to form a correct estimate of the fitness of the Sub-Commissioners, and would be guided thereby in their recommendations. With regard to the case referred to by the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Gray), he had not laid down in his observations any doctrine of law; he had simply explained the decision of the Land Court in the case, and defended the gentleman in question from what he imagined to be the effect of the very imperfect account of the case given by the hon. Member.

said, he could express no opinion on the case, which he understood was before the Law Courts.

said, before the discussion on this Vote came to an end, he desired to make a personal explanation. He had learned that it was the opinion of the Chairman that the expression "convicted thieves," used by him (Mr. Sullivan) some time since, was un-Parliamentary when applied to Members of that House. In that case, he begged to say he most unhesitatingly withdrew it, because be never desired in any way to contravene the Rules of the House. Further, he begged to say that in using that phrase he had no intention whatever to apply it to any Member of the House.

said, he was glad the hon. Member had withdrawn the phrase; and, as he had done so, it did not appear to him necessary to say anything more on the subject further than that it would have been not only un-Parliamentary, but highly improper, if the hon. Member had applied it to any hon. Member of the House. Had he supposed the hon. Member meant so to apply it, he should at once have called upon him to withdraw it.

Question put, and negatived.

Original Question put, and agreed to.

(5.) Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £86,094, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Commissioners of Police, the Police Courts, and the Metropolitan Police Establishment of Dublin."

asked why the Vote for the County Courts, Ireland, was not taken next in its regular order?

said, it would be better to go on with this Vote next. His object was to save time, and he did not think the discussion of the Vote would occupy more than an hour or an hour and a-half.

said, he was not quite sure that the hon. Gentleman the Secretary to the Treasury was right in his estimate of the time that would he occupied in discussing this Vote. The Vote might open up some large questions, in the discussion of which many hon. Members would wish to take part. The subject was in itself a difficult one, and ought not, in his opinion, to be considered at 1 o'clock in the morning. His own opinion was that the discussion on the Vote should not be taken then.

said, the question he desired to raise on this Vote had reference to the conduct of the police in the matter of the arrest of Mr. Chance. The complaint which he and his hon. Friends had to make was, that two individuals, one of them at least a gentleman, had been arrested by policemen in the service of the Government on a charge of entering a house for an unlawful purpose, and that these persons on being arrested were taken to the police station, and then instantly discharged. Now, the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland had stated that if the persons interested in this matter were not satisfied, they could bring their action for damages; that the Government would simply stand aside and take no steps in the matter. But they had had from the Government no real explanation of the conduct of the police in this affair. He would ask the right hon. Gentleman to be good enough to say whether, if an action for false imprisonment were brought against the police, the Government would or would not defend it and pay the damages, if the verdict went against the police? He had yet to learn that the Government would not do this in Ireland. They were informed that the Lord Lieutenant had no control over the local police; but the right hon. Gentleman had given them no satisfaction whatever. The question was whether the police in Ireland had power to take up whomsoever they chose on flimsy charges, and march them with ignominy through the streets to the police station without giving them any satisfaction. He put the case to the English Members, whether British liberty was held at so cheap a price that any policeman might arrest a man on a totally false charge, drive him to the station-house and then, instead of bringing him before the magistrates, having ascertained who he was, turn him loose into the streets? He had put that case to the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and he said that any respectable lawyer would take the case up. But the question was, would the police be defended by the Government if an action were brought? The police, however, had a bogus story to tell in this matter, and the Government, of course, defended them. He had often observed the right hon. Gentleman's receptivity of mind with respect to the statements of the police; a policeman had only to make a statement and the right hon. Gentleman swallowed it at once. He asked whether he was prepared, in this instance, to accept the policemen's statement as against that of persons equally credible? Policemen in Ireland were regarded as very superior persons, no doubt; but he had yet to learn that a policeman was necessarily a man of high character, and that his account of his own conduct in the streets was to be received without question. Now, the statement of Mr. Chance bore the stamp of truth on the face of it. He went to a woman to get evidence against Mr. George Bolton in connection with the trial at Belfast. Was it likely that anyone wanting to get evidence against Mr. Bolton would say that he came from Inspector Malone? But the Government had accepted that statement on the part of the police, and the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary was willing to allow the matter to rest solely upon that statement. This was not the way in which matters were usually conducted in this world; if people could get off on their own statements alone, every thief and burglar would escape punishment. But the Government took the statement of the incriminated parties in this case, and had no regard whatever for anything said on the other side. His case was dual—Did the Government approve the arrest; and, secondly, if the action were brought would the Government defend the action and pay the damages, if damages were awarded? In order to give the right hon. Gentleman an opportunity of replying, he would move the reduction of the Vote by the sum of £1,000.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £85,094, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Commissioners of Police, the Police Courts, and the Metropolitan Police Establishment of Dublin."— (Mr. Healy.)

said, he believed that what had passed on this subject in the House up to the present time was that the hon. Member for Monaghan had, four or five days ago, read out a telegram giving, he supposed, Mr. Chance's view of what had passed. He (Mr. Trevelyan) had since read a longer telegram giving the official account, in which the essential point was that the police were under the very decided impression that the Carroll family had been frightened by people whose identity turned out to be different from that which they supposed it to be. He thought then, and he thought now, that under those circumstances, with that information before them, the police were in the right to interfere. He should compare the case to that of a man who was arrested in the act of getting into his own house through the balcony; it would be a parallel case if, under those circumstances, the policeman pulled him down, and took him off to the station-house, and then discovered that having lost his latch-key he was merely getting into his own house. He was informed that under such circumstances, if a complaint were made by a person so arrested, an official inquiry would be held. He understood that Mr. Chance maintained that he had not been properly treated, and that his story was not the same as that represented to the police by the Carroll family. However, he would consult with the Solicitor General for Ireland as to whether an inquiry should be advised. He was informed that an action for unwarrantable arrest would lie; but he hoped the matter would not go as far as that.

said, he trusted he should be in Order in drawing attention to the question of the continued postponement by the Government of any action with regard to the recommendation of the Royal Commission appointed by the late Government to inquire into the extension of the boundaries of the city of Dublin. The people of Dublin were situated in this way with regard to the police reserve—they had to pay a contribution towards the police maintenance of 8 d. in the pound, while the Metropolitan Police were scattered over a vast area. Now, that was one of the hundred disabilities the city laid under from the want of an extension of the boundaries, and an increase of the area of taxation. A. Commission was issued some time ago, and the Corporation was represented by the present Solicitor General for Ireland (Mr. Walker), and, therefore, very well represented. The net recommendation of that Commission was that the city boundary, for the purposes of police and other things, should be extended, and that the outlying townships should be brought within the city area. From that day to this, not a single thing had been done, and if a case was wanted to show the sore of legislation there was in regard to Ireland it was this—Whatever was just, whatever was reasonable, and whatever was equitable was put off from day to day, and from year to year, while the most obnoxious things and regulations, totally opposed to the interests and wishes of the people, were immediately put in force. He would like to know if there was any chance whatever of this Liberal Government giving any effect to the recommendations of the Royal Commission of the late Government? He had nothing to say against the police in Dublin, indeed, in his official capacity of Lord Mayor of Dublin, he did what he could in a time of great disturbance to bring about a rapprochment between the city authorities and the police; he did everything he possibly could in order to preserve the order of the city, and to try and bring about a unity of purpose, by saying a kind word between the police and the authorities. But he had this, nevertheless, to complain of, that there was no sympathy between the police and the people. He saw the other day that magnificent demonstration in London conducted with marvellous regularity and order, simply because of the conduct of the police towards the people. Why, if there had been a similar concourse of people in Dublin, and if the police had been called upon to preserve order, there would not have been the same results. He would mention a case to illustrate the way in which the Dublin police failed to discharge their duty. On the occasion of any popular demonstration the police of Dublin afforded no facility whatever for keeping order. Recently a banquet was given to the Parliamentary Party; but the utmost confusion arose in the streets, in consequence of the complete absence of the police. If His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, however, had been going to the Mansion House, policemen would have been stationed at different parts of the route taken to preserve order. On the occasion to which he referred, thousands of people collected around the Hall; but the police did not turn up until the confusion had almost become appalling. On another occasion there was a reception in Dublin of a distinguished actor, Mr. Barry Sullivan. On that occasion, though the railway authorities applied for the services of the police to keep order, the police were conspicuous by their absence. While the police were always prompt to strain their duty in matters that were obnoxious, they were never present to give assistance to the Civil authorities whenever it ought to be given. In conclusion, he asked the Chief Secretary (Mr. Trevelyan) if he could hold out any hope of an extension of the boundaries of Dublin according to the expressed wish and recommendation of a Royal Commission which had held a long and arduous inquiry?

said, he had a question to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary, with regard to a question which had already been raised by the hon. Member for Monaghan (Mr. Healy). It was a very important question, involving official sanction to the new practice about to be introduced of arresting men and bringing them to the station, and then refusing to prefer a charge against them. The right hon. Gentleman quoted, in justification of a proceeding of that kind, the case of a man who, being found under suspicious circumstances, might be arrested and brought to the police station, and then set at liberty. He (Mr. Gray) thought it was very dangerous for the police to act in such a manner; and he would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman, or possibly some official connected with the English Administration could tell him, whether, if a man arrested under suspicious circumstances demanded to be charged, or asked the Inspector at the station to prefer the charge against him, the Inspector could refuse to enter a charge? That was the point at issue in the case of Mr. Chance. If a man be arrested through some mistake of a constable, and was content then to suffer inconvenience and annoyance, and be set at liberty, there was little to be said. He could quite understand a policeman in ignorance arresting a man and then setting him at liberty, although he believed that to be against the Rules of the Force. He had always been under the impression that there was a regular Rule, both in England and Ireland—certainly in Ireland—that when a policeman set hands on a man and took him into custody, he had no discretion to liberate him; and manifestly such a Rule was very necessary, if for no other purpose than to guard the police against terrible temptations. A policeman might be open to a bribe, and money might be offered to him to liberate a man. He had always understood that when once a policeman took a man into custody and laid hands upon him, that he was bound to bring him to the police station, and that, having done that, he was bound to make some charge against him. In such a case as that instanced by the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary in justification of the arrest of Mr. Chance—the case of a man arrested on his own premises because he was found under suspicious circumstances, and the police thought he was a burglar, he wanted to know, and perhaps the Home Secretary would tell him, would a subordinate police officer dismiss that man and refuse to enter a charge against him if the man claimed to have a charge entered against him, in order that, in a summary manner before the magistrate next morning, he should have an opportunity of clearing his character? It was one thing for a man to be dismissed with his own consent, in fact condoning the offence of his arrest; but this was not such a case. Mr. Chance, when he was arrested and brought to the station-house, asked the Inspector to enter a charge against him, in order that, on the following morning, he should have an opportunity of clearing himself before the magistrate. The Inspector, however, refused to enter the charge, and insisted upon Mr. Chance going away and taking his own remedy by law. Would such a practice be allowed in England? He hoped the Home Secretary would tell them whether be would permit a policeman to arrest any man, and then, if that man wanted to have a charge entered against him, he would permit a subordinate officer to refuse to enter a charge, but to turn the man out? He thought that such a practice, if allowed, was manifestly fraught with the greatest danger; it was fraught with the greatest possible temptation to the police, who were open to temptation like other human beings. By such a practice they would open the door for very grave abuse; and he could scarcely believe that such a practice, which had been followed in the case of Mr. Chance, would be permitted in England.

said, he knew from experience in Courts of Justice that it was by no means uncommon in England for an Inspector to refuse to take a charge against a person brought to the station—not at all an uncommon thing. If a mistake had been made and the Inspector refused to take the charge, the man would be set at liberty. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Carlow (Mr. Gray) had asked if an Inspector would not be obliged to enter a charge if the man arrested insisted upon it? He (the Solicitor General) would certainly say the Inspector would not be bound to enter a charge if it was clear a mistake had been made. An Inspector who believed a mistake had been made would not keep a man in custody a whole night, because the only effect of that would be to aggravate the wrong and increase any possible damages that might be given. It sometimes happened that when a person insisted upon a charge being entered the Inspector made a note of the fact that the man was brought in, but he had refused to enter the charge. If it was perfectly clear that no offence had been committed, the Inspector certainly would not enter a charge.

said, the point was this. If a man was taken to the station on some serious offence—loitering for an unlawful purpose, or for burglary, or for assault of some kind, or perhaps for murder—was it in the power of the constable who arrested the man to refuse to make the charge, but to turn him loose? If a policeman saw him (Mr. Healy) in Palace Yard, and, thinking he was loitering about Westminster Palace for an unlawful purpose, arrrested him and took him to the nearest police station, would the constable be at liberty, on his own motion, to turn him out in the street on finding who he was? Who was it who was supposed to have discretion in such matters?

said, that if a policeman saw a man getting over the area railings, he would think possibly that it was intended to make a felonious entry of the premises, and he would arrest the man. The man might be the owner of the house, who had lost his latchkey, and took this method of getting into the premises. The policeman, however, would be perfectly right in arresting him and taking him to the station. If the man satisfied the Inspector that he was the proprietor of the house, and that though he was entering in an unusual manner he was not there for an unlawful purpose, it was quite plain that he would be immediately discharged. It would be a monstrous absurdity to insist that the proprietor of the house should be charged with burglary. The Inspector, by discharging the man, would show his common sense. If the man said, "I will he charged with burglary," it would not be a reasonable request. If, of course, the policeman acted in any improper manner—if there had been no reasonable grounds for doing what he did, he would be punished by the Police Authorities; and if he was not sufficiently punished, an action for unlawful arrest would lie. Of course, these were not details with which he (Sir William Harcourt) was every day conversant; but, so far as he knew, the practice in England was the same as that elsewhere.

said the right hon. and learned Gentleman (Sir William Harcourt) had put a case of an extreme character; and, of course, if a man was seen, at 2 o'clock in the morning, climbing over area railings, everyone would say a policeman was justified in arresting him. It was another question altogether whether it was a suspicious circumstance for a solicitor and an attendant to be pursuing certain investigations in broad daylight. He accepted for the moment the statement of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secre- tary (Mr. Trevelyan) that he would grant an inquiry; but what he wanted to know was, whether the Government—if the inquiry was against Mr. Mallon, the Head of the Police, and if Mr. Chance was not satisfied—would assume the position of judicial bottle holder as regarded damages, if in an action brought against the policeman damages were given? That question had not been touched upon that night. If such a case as that described by the Home Secretary occurred in London—that of the arrest of a man found climbing over the area railings under suspicious circumstances—everyone would say it was quite right to defend the policeman who made the arrest, in the event of an action for false arrest being brought. But the question involved in the arrest of Mr. Chance was totally different. This was a matter occurring in broad daylight, and a solicitor was not a man who was likely to act in an illegal manner. Mr. Chance and Mr. Meiklejohn entered Carroll's house to make inquiries from her respecting the case in which Bolton and the Crown were mixed up, and a policeman stepped in and arrested them for, so far as he (Mr. Healy) could see, no earthly reason at all. The question he had now to put was, whether the English practice was or was not to be followed in this case, and whether the Government would, in case an action was brought against the constable, defend him, and pay his damages if any were given?

said, the answer to the question of the hon. Member practically depended on the result of the inquiry. It was quite certain that if it was stated that hereafter the Government in all cases would defend any action that might be brought against its servants the effect would be to give to those servants too much latitude and induce them to act rashly at critical times. On the other hand, to say positively that the Government would not back up its servants would cause their servants to act timidly on occasions when they ought to act boldly. Every case must be judged by itself. In this case an inquiry would be held, and the whole thing depended upon the inquiry.

said, that as to the nature of the inquiry he would consult with his right hon. and learned Friend the Home Secretary, so as to see what would be done in England under similar circumstances. The object of granting the inquiry was to give full satisfaction to all concerned, and to give them the assurance that the case had been treated fairly. He would take good care that the inquiry should be in every respect fair.

asked leave to withdraw his Motion. He supposed, however, the Government would tell them before Report what the nature of the inquiry would be?

agreed with his hon. Friend (Mr. Healy) that it was only fair the Government should undertake to tell them what the nature of the inquiry would be before the Report stage.

said, he and his hon. Friends only wanted to know what the nature of the inquiry would be. Personally he had no desire to delay the Vote that night, and he would be satisfied if the Government gave them an answer to-morrow.

asked the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary to say something about the Dublin Commission?

said, it was impossible to bring forward, at that period of the Session, a Bill dealing with the Dublin boundaries in the manner recommended by the Commission to which the hon. Gentleman referred. Answering a question put to him a few days ago by the hon. Gentleman the Member for the County of Carlow (Mr. Gray), he stated that at the beginning of next Session—the Session which would commence in the usual course in February next—he should be prepared to bring forward a Borough Funds Bill, to bring about the very limited result of enabling the Dublin Corporation to spend Corporation money in the interests of the Corporation. He did not think he could go further than that.

said, there was not so much contention in this matter as the right hon. Gentleman seemed to suppose. The Royal Commission which inquired into the question of the extension of the Dublin Municipal Boundaries sat for some weeks, and their recommendation was perfectly clear and lucid, and it was very improbable that its carrying out would create any contentious agitation.

said, he did not wish to discuss the question of the boundaries at that moment; but he wished, in the mildest possible manner, to convey to the right hon. and learned Gentleman the Home Secretary, who possibly did not take any profound interest in the question of the boundaries of Dublin City, and who had on previous occasions taken care to inform the House that he never read Irish newspapers, that the Irish Parliamentary Party had resolved, that so far as it in their power laid, no Bill for the reform of London should pass unless the Government would give a pledge to endeavour to carry a Bill embodying similar principles in regard to the Metropolis of Ireland. Now, he could not allow this Metropolitan Police Vote to pass without a word of protest against the whole Dublin police system. He had very little concern with the amount of money which the Government might think fit to vote for the maintenance of the expenses of the Force called the Dublin Metropolitan Police Force; but it so happened that this Force was maintained not merely out of Imperial funds, but to a large extent out of local funds. Dublin City and the Dublin Metropolitan District, which extended beyond the City, was taxed to the nominal amount of 8 d. in the £ for the maintenance of this Force; but not only had the people to pay that direct tax, but they also had to pay indirect taxes, which he calculated brought the rate which they had to pay for the maintenance of the Dublin Metropolitan Police up to a sum equal to about 1 s. 2 d. in the £. A cruelly unjust and oppressive tax was maintained in Dublin simply because the proceeds of it went towards the maintenance of the police—he alluded to the £100 licence paid by every pawnbroker in the City of Dublin. He need not explain to the Committee that pawnbrokers did not pay that tax out of their own pockets; they must levy it on the poor whose goods they took in pawn. The tax had been condemned as a thing which could not be justified by a Royal Commission or by a Committee—he was not sure which—he believed it was a special Committee of the House of Commons which investigated the whole question of the Pawnbroking Laws. The tax was only paid in Dublin, and there was no excuse for its maintenance there except that the £100 a-year paid by the pawnbroker was added to the local contributions towards the maintenance of the police. The Government did not care to re-open the question of the local contributions towards the Police Force, because they knew perfectly well that an overwhelming case would be made out against the present system. To levy so cruel a tax as this upon the poorest of the poor was exceedingly unjustifiable; and he thought the Chief Secretary ought to consider whether he could not modify the system in some way. It was patent to everyone that the Force was not kept up to prevent crime, or to maintain order, but purely as a Governmental gendarmerie. He contended that there was no reason why Dublin should not be placed in the same position in regard to its police as every other City in the United Kingdom, except London, which, of course, was governed in a very exceptional manner in every respect. All the great cities which corresponded with Dublin—Manchester, Edinburgh, Glasgow, and Liverpool—had their police under the control of the Local Authorities, and they were maintained exclusively from local rates. Now, he wanted to know whether the Government intended to maintain in Dublin this exceptional system in perpetuity? The police in English towns were liked by all the people, except the professional criminal classes. The great body of the population looked to the policeman as a friend, they went to him for information and for assistance in various ways, and his experience of the police in London and in the great English towns was that they were extremely civil and attentive, and desirous to make themselves agreeable to those with whom they came in contact. The Dublin Metropolitan Police, however, were trained in a totally different school; they were trained to regard not only the criminal classes, but the whole body of the population, as the natural enemies of the police. They treated the people with a brutality that was unnatural to them; but it was taught them; and one of the main causes why they struck last year was the amount of drill they were sub- jected to by their late Chief Commissioner (Mr. Talbot), who was a pure martinet, and quite unable to govern them or any other force, and whom the Government were obliged to dismiss with an annuity. What reason was there for training the police as military men? There was no reason. It made them neglect their ordinary police duties, and they were not of very much use as detectives. They simply regarded themselves as a species of Governmental body guard; they were not a. municipal or local force. He had pointed out before that if the local officials wanted anything done they could not control the police; but in English towns, the entire body of police being the servants of the Local Authorities, they were governed by that Body for all local purposes, including sanitary purposes. The Lord Provost of Edinburgh, two years ago, asked him if the Dublin Municipal Authorities had control over their police, and, on his replying that they had not, the Lord Provost said that until they had they could not hope to keep the City in a good sanitary condition, adding that it was because the Edinburgh authorities had control over the police that they had a good sanitary system. The result of the system in Ireland was demoralizing. It caused the people to dislike the police, and it imposed a grievous burden on the people; and, at the same time, it was said the Exchequer gave them large contributions, for which they ought to be grateful. But the Government gave money only for their own police, and taxed the people for the remainder. The Municipal Authorities could maintain a better local police force at less cost than they were now compelled to bear for this inferior force. They had to provide this money, and impose a heavy tax on the poor to provide it. They had to pay duty for every carriage in the police district, and the Government took all the fees, while the Local Authorities had to bear the rates and pay for the wear and tear of the hackney carriages of the Government. The Government took the sum paid for carriages, and then put it in the Consolidated Fund as part of the contribution to the local expenses. The time would, he believed, come when the Government would have to apply to the Dublin police the same principles as those which were applied and were satisfactory in every other town in the United Kingdom. When were they going to do that? The police themselves were dissatisfied, and they had struck and brought the Government to their knees, and would do so again as soon as it suited them. He found a Vote put down for "extra pay;" but he thought that ought to be put down as "strike money," £7,500. The police would say they did not see why they should not have another £7,500, and the Government would be absolutely helpless, and would have to swear in Emergency men and special constables. The only duty the police who did not strike had to do was to arrest special constables and take them off to gaol. He himself happened to be in gaol at the time, thanks to the attention of the Judges, for a so-called misdemeanour—though he did not acknowledge that he was a misdemeanant at all—and he remembered being very much amused by seeing bodies of special constables brought in every evening and locked up, having been sworn in in the morning only. If the Chief Secretary had not caved in to the police, Richmond Gaol would have been full of special constables. The whole thing was, in itself, perfectly ridiculous; but it was not a ridiculous matter to the people of Dublin. He thought the right hon. Gentleman should give some hope of a better system, and that the whole system would be reconsidered and placed on a more reasonable basis. With regard to the subject of boundaries, he wished to point out that while a reform was being considered Dublin was suffering. It was surrounded by a ring of towns to which all the wealthy people were migrating, and the result was that Dublin itself was suffering every year from a heavier burden of taxation, from which the wealthier inhabitants escaped by going outside, although they had a share in all the benefits of the City, and thrived by them. Every man who went outside the City threw an additional burden on those who remained, and he could assure the Committee that a terrible amount of injury was being done to the City by this being allowed to continue. The authorities were naturally disinclined to incur any extra expense while the Commission was sitting, and unless the Government stepped in and gave some assistance nothing could possibly be done. That was a state of things created by the Government, and not by any default on the part of the Local Authorities. The remedy of the right hon. Gentleman was this—he said they had the power which English authorities had, to promote a Bill; but that was simply a power enabling various Local Authorities interested to enter upon a Parliamentary contest which would probably cost Dublin something like £25,000; and, no matter who the victor might be, that would probably leave the state of affairs somewhat worse than it was already. It would largely benefit Parliamentary agents on this side of the Channel, but that would be all at the expense of the Irish people; and if the Government felt themselves called upon to introduce a Bill for the reform of the Government of London, the case was at least as strong for Governmental intervention in Dublin. There was a precedent in 1859 which could not be quoted in regard to London, and it would materially increase the difficulties of passing the London Government Bill if the Government convinced Irish Members that the best way to obtain redress for Irish grievances was to block the London Government Bill.

said, he did not propose to deal at length with the remarks of the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Gray); but it was quite impossible, having regard to the public safety, that the control of the police in Ireland should be in any hands but those of the Chief Executive Authorities, and the time had not yet come when a change could be made in that respect. As Chief Secretary he could not enter into the question of taxation in Ireland; that was a matter for the Chancellor of Exchequer, and not for an Executive Officer; but as to the other subject, his opinion and that of the Government at large was that they could not entertain any proposition at that moment for making over the police or Constabulary in Ireland to any other management.

said, he thought £50,000 a-year was a pretty penny to pay for the police; and if they were not to have the control of the police they had better have that money back. It was all very well to put the matter off by avoiding any statement; but the people of Dublin would take the matter into their own hands. The English people would never see anything in any argument from Ireland, and he thought the best plan for the people of Dublin to adopt would be to refuse to pay this money. Were the Government prepared to remit this £50,000 a-year to the Corporation of Dublin? If the Corporation of Dublin had the control of the police in their own hands they could do the work with a small number of men and at a less cost. The Government gave police protection to some of their own people, and he thought every Nationalist in Dublin ought to claim police protection. If every man in Dublin claimed police protection the Government would require 400,000 policemen, and what would be the position of the Government then? This was really a very serious grievance, and the time would come, before very long, when the citizens of Dublin would refuse to have these police, and refuse to pay this money.

said, he did not wish to persist in his opposition; but he was satisfied the time would come when Dublin would no longer submit to this burden. They regarded this as a most injurious and most unjust system, and they would probably adopt the course of declining to pay this tax until they had the control of the police in their own hands.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Original Question again proposed.

Motion made, and Question put,

"That a sum, not exceeding £35,094, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Commissioners of Police, the Police Courts, and the Metropolitan Police Establishment of Dublin."

The Committee divided: —Ayes 19; Noes 73: Majority 54.—(Div. List, No. 199.)

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported.

said, this left four Votes—the County Court Officers, the Constabulary, the Prisons, and the Reformatory and Industrial Schools. If they were to take the Reformatory and Industrial Schools that would leave three to stand over till to-morrow. Of course, at that late hour (2.15 A.M.) he would not press another Vote if there was any strong objection to it. Hon. Members, however, must consider the period of the Session. Formally he would move the Reformatory Vote.

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £51,944, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1885, for the Expenses of Reformatory and Industrial Schools in Ireland."

said, he really must ask the Government not to press the Vote at that hour of the night, for the reason that there was no question which was more interesting than the position of these industrial establishments in Ireland. All the elementary industrial schools required to be looked after and fostered in Ireland. Ireland, far more than other countries, required the development of its industrial schools, and the subject was one which deserved a very different sort of discussion from what they could expect to have at that hour of the night. He would, therefore, ask the Government to allow the Chairman to report Progress, and ask leave to sit again.

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

Committee also report Progress; to sit again To-morrow.

Revenue, &c. Bill—[Bill 300.]

(Mr. Courtney, Mr. Herbert Gladstone.)

Committee

Bill considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Clauses 1 to 11, inclusive, agreed to.

Clause 12 (Licences for the sale of tobacco in railway carriages).

said, that, in this clause, he saw something which struck him as requiring some explanation. The clause referred to tobacco and snuff, and the words he could not understand had reference to sale. They were "personal, mechanical, or otherwise." He could comprehend a "personal" sale; but what other means of selling could there be? How could there be a "mechanical" sale, and of what use could the words "or otherwise" be?

confessed the words the hon. and learned Member had called attention to had rather puzzled him when the clauses were submitted to him by the Commissioners of Inland Revenue, who were responsible for them. The words referred to certain methods by which cigars or cigarettes might be sold—ingenious arrangements that persons could adopt in the belief that they were not personally selling these things. A penny was dropped into a box, and out came a cigar or cigarette.

said, he must move that the words "or otherwise" be omitted, as they were sheer nonsense. He should have thought that every mode of selling cigars or cigarettes must be "personal;" at any rate, he was certain they must be either "personal" or "mechanical," therefore it was absurd to retain the words "or otherwise."

Amendment proposed, in page 6, line 34, to leave out the words "or otherwise."— (Mr. Warton.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause."

That is a sufficient answer. I shall not divide the Committee.

Amendment negatived.

Clause 13 (Payment of sum due to Exchequer from Post Office in respect of expenses for grant of Government annuities. 16 and 17 Vic. c. 45. 27 and 28 Vic. c. 43. 36 and 37 Vic. cc. 44, 67.)

said, that in this clause it was cited that the fees were paid into the Exchequer. As a matter of fact, they were not paid into the Exchequer, notwithstanding that the Post Office made a profit of many millions every year.

said, the question was merely one of the presenting of accounts between the two Departments—the Exchequer and the Post Office.

Clause agreed to.

Remaining clause agreed to.

Bill reported, without Amendment; to be read the third time To-morrow.

Criminal Lunatics Bill.—[Bill 295.]

(Mr. Hibbert, Secretary Sir William Harcourt.)

Consideration

Bill, as amended, considered.

It is desirable to send this Bill up to the House of Lords without delay. I would, therefore, propose that it be now read a third time.

Bill read the third time, and passed.

East Indian Unclaimed Stocks Bill.—[Bill 269.]

(Mr. J. K. Cross, Mr. Courtney.)

Second Reading

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."— (Mr. J. K. Cross.)

wished to say just one word on this Bill. He had the other night ventured to ask a Question of the Government with regard to the measure in the absence of the hon. Gentleman in charge of it. It was understood, though it could not be stated by any Minister in the hon. Member's absence, that everything in reference to the East India Company was to be withdrawn from the measure?

Yes; I said so the other night.

Motion agreed to.

Bill read a second time, and committed for To-morrow.

Cholera, &c. Protection Bill.—[Bill 303.]

(Mr. Gray, Mr. Dawson.)

Committee

Bill considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

The Amendments in my name are simply for the purpose of improving some clauses—to which the hon. and learned Member for Stockport (Mr. Hopwood) objected—for applying the Act to Ireland. I hope the Government will not object.

Infants Bill.—[Bill 308.]

(Mr. Bryce, Mr. Horace Davey, Mr. Anderson, Mr. Staveley Hill.)

Consideration

Further proceeding on Consideration, as amended, resumed.

Question proposed,

"That the words 'while the marriage is subsisting, and before any decree or order for divorce or judicial separation has been made,'— (Mr. Warton,) —be inserted before the word 'each,' in page 1, line 12."

said, the first Amendment was in his name to page 1, line 12. He was glad that, through a fortunate accident the other evening, he was now enabled to move the Amendment with an argument which, he thought, would prevail with the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for the Tower Hamlets (Mr. Bryce), who had taken a very strong objection to the Amendment, and one which he (Mr. Warton) felt the full force of at the time—

Does the hon. and learned Member rise to move the Amendment on the Paper?

Then the hon. and learned Member has lost his right to speak. A division took place on it on the last occasion.

I should be glad to make an explanation, as the point is an important one.

The hon. Member, having already spoken to the Amendment, will not be in Order in speaking again.

Question put.

The House divided: —Ayes 2; Noes 61: Majority 59.—(Div. List, No. 200.)

said, in his next Amendment of the clause he proposed to leave out the words "or persons," and he submitted it was rather important that this should be adopted, considering that in the 2nd clause the reference was to "guardian," in the singular; and he thought that to agree with the word "guardian," the word in this clause should be "person," not "persons." There might be too many "guardians," as each of the parents would have the right of appointment of guardians by deed or will, and it would be better to have one guardian on behalf of each parent. On looking back to that part already passed, it would be observed that the survivor of the guardians might alone or jointly appoint a guardian—it did not say "guardians;" if it did, then in this place they should read "persons." He presumed there was some meaning in putting "guardian" in the singular, and supposed it was to have one guardian, while the other guardian would be the surviving parent. But, then, when the "hereinafter provided" was arrived at, it was found that any number of guardians might be appointed—there was no limit whatever. He really thought that to prevent too many guardians being appointed, persons who might quarrel about the training, the religion, or the estate of the infant, it would be far better to strike out "persons" and make the clause agree with the 2nd clause.

Amendment proposed, in page 1, line 13, to leave out the words "or persons."— (Mr. Warton.)

Question proposed, "That the words 'or persons' stand part of the Bill."

said, in Clause 2 any guardian included any possible guardian; and in this clause it was necessary to keep to the wording, because if only one guardian were appointed and he died there would be no guardian at all.

Question put, and agreed to.

said, since he had put down the first of the next two Amendments he had looked into the matter, and found it was possible that a male infant, if it became married, might become exempt from the control of its guardian. He, therefore, begged to move the Amendment standing next, and, perhaps, the shortest and simplest way to explain it would be to read the clause as it would stand with the Amendments put in—

"Each of the parents of any infant may by deed or will appoint any person or persons to be guardian or guardians of such infant after the death of the survivor of such parents; and where guardians are so appointed by both parents they shall act jointly, &c."

In line 15, he proposed to insert "where," instead of "the guardian or." It was necessary to make such an alteration in order to make sense of the clause, for if the clause remained as it stood each parent might appoint a guardian; and what was meant was that these guardians should act jointly with each other, and not with any other guardians.

Amendment proposed, in page 1, line 15, to leave out the words "the guardian or," and insert the word "where."— (Mr. Tomlinson.)

Question proposed, "That the words 'the guardian or' stand part of the Bill."

said, he was willing to agree to this Amendment.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in page 1, line 15, after the word "guardians," to insert the word "are."— (Mr. Tomlinson.)

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in page 1, line 16, after the word "appointed," to insert the words" by both parents they."— (Mr. Tomlinson.)

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in page 1, line 16, to leave out from "with" to end of sub-section."— (Mr. Tomlinson.)

Amendment agreed to.

said, the next Amendment was merely a matter of drafting. He had omitted to mention an old Irish Act.

Amendment proposed, in page 2, line 9, after the word "has," to insert the words "in England."— (Mr. Bryce.)

said, he was not acquainted with this old Act of the Irish Parliament; but he would ask the hon. and learned Member if there was any section corresponding to that in the Act of Charles II. for England?

said, the next Amendments were consequential on that just accepted.

Amendment proposed,

In page 2, line 10, after the words "twenty-four," to insert the words "or in Ireland under the Act of the Irish Parliament, fourteen and fifteen, Charles the Second, chapter nineteen."— (Mr. Bryce.)

said, he presumed that the Section 6 mentioned was the same as Section 8 of the English Act.

assented.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed,

In Schedule, page 3, line 8, insert—"14 and 15 Charles 2, c. 19.—An Act for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries and Tenures in Capite, and by Knights' Service. Section six."

Amendment agreed to.

said, he hoped the House would be kind enough to allow him to take the third reading now.

rose to Order. He wished to know, in reference to the request made, whether the expression generally used, "the permission of the House," meant in such a case the unanimous wish of the House, or whether the Question could be put if any Member or Members objected?

It does not mean the unanimity of the House, but the general pleasure of the House.

Bill read the third time, and passed.

Motions

Vagrants

Return ordered, "of the number of Vagrants relieved in each Union in England and Wales, the Unions being arranged in order of Union Counties, on the first Wednesday in each of the first six months of the year 1884, with the totals for the period of six months in the year for each Union and each Union County, together with totals in respect of each Union County, and of England and Wales for each day included in the Return (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 86, of the present Session)."— (Mr. R. H. Paget.)

House of Commons (Counts-Out)

Rating of the Metropolis

Irish Land Act (Orders)

Chancery Examiners' Office

Committee to consider of the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, of any compensation that may be granted, under any Act of the present Session of Parliament, to persons holding the office of sworn clerk to the late Chancery Examiners on the abolition of that office (Queen's Recommendation signified), To-morrow.

Navy and Army Expenditure, 1882–3

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

1. Resolved, That it appears by the Navy Appropriation Account for the year ended the 31st March 1883, as follows, viz.:—

(a.) That the sums expended for certain Navy Services exceeded the Grants for those Services, and that the deficits on such Grants amounted together to £1,427,161 4 s. O d., as shown in column (a) of the Schedule hereto appended;

(b.) That the sums received in respect of Appropriations in Aid of the Grants for certain Services fell short of the sums estimated, and that such deficiencies s. 4 d. as shown in column (b) of the said appended Schedule;

(c.) That the sums received in respect of Appropriations in Aid of the Grants for certain Services exceeded the amounts estimated by the total sum of £48,481 6 s. 8 d. as shown in column (c) of the said appended Schedule;

(d.) That surpluses arose on the Grants for certain Services, and that such surpluses amounted together to £150,636 0 s. 6 d. as

SCHEDULE.

No.

Navy Services, 1882–3, Votes.

(a) Deficits on Votes.

(b) Deficiencies of Appropriations in Aid.

(c) Excess of Appropriations in Aid.

(d) Surpluses on Vote.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

1

Wages, &c. to Seamen and Marines

1,508

12

1

19,969

15

3

2

Victuals and Clothing for ditto

57,340

11

4

16,484

15

3

3

Admiralty Office

666

11

8

2,175

7

5

4

Coast Guard Service and Naval Reserve

13

0

10

3,100

11

10

5

Scientific Branch

1,607

17

0

8,097

16

2

6

Dockyards and Naval Yards, &c.

121,174

5

2

160

16

5

7

Victualling Yards, &c.

413

6

0

568

12

2

8

Medical Establishments, &c.

1,401

3

9

12

6

10

9

Marine Divisions

17

6

8

1,168

7

7

10

Sec. 1

Naval Stores

91,394

4

5

160

16

6

Sec. 2

Machinery, Ships built by Contract, &c.

6

14

0

76,197

11

9

11

New Works, Buildings, and Repairs

17,581

11

9

31,395

13

4

12

Medicines and Medical Stores

355

19

0

2,663

10

7

13

Martial Law, &c.

764

6

0

9

16

7

14

Miscellaneous Services

23,998

16

2

444

4

3

15

Half Pay, &c.

96

4

4

4,988

0

5

16

Sec. 1

Military Pensions and Allowances

10

13

5

879

6

2

Sec. 2

Civil Pensions and Allowances

463

5

6

28

6

11

17

Army Department—Conveyance of Troops

1,126,338

3

9

10,011

18

4

Amount written off as irrecoverable

3,873

1

11

1,427,161

4

0

1,264

17

4

48,481

6

8

150,636

0

6

£1,428,426

1

4

Amount authorised to be applied towards making good deficiencies

151,900

17

10

Deficit chargeable to the Vote of Credit Forces in the Mediterranean

£1,276,525

3

6

shown in column (d) of the said appended Schedule.

2. Resolved, That to provide in part for the first two above-mentioned sums (a) and (b), amounting together to £1,428,426 1 s. 4 d. the Commissioners of Her Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application of the fourth above-mentioned sum (d) of £150,636 0 s. 6 d. and of £1,264 17 s. 4 d. out of the third above-mentioned sum (c) of £48,481 6 s. 8 d.

3. Resolved, That the application of such sums be sanctioned.

4. Resolved, That it appears by the Army Appropriation Account for the year ended 31st March 1883, as follows, viz:—

(a.) That the sums expended for certain Army Services exceeded the Grants for those Services, and that the deficits on such Grants amounted together to £934,418 5 s. 7 d. as shown in column (a) of the Schedule hereto appended;

(b.) That the sums received in respect of Appropriations in Aid of the Grants for certain Services fell short of the sums estimated, and that such deficiencies amounted together to £36,885 0 s. 2 d. as shown in column (b) of the said appended Schedule;

(c.) That the sums received in respect of Appropriations in Aid of the Grants for certain other Services exceeded the

SCHEDULE.

Votes.

Army Services, 1882–3, Votes.

(a) Deficits on Votes

(b) Deficiency of Rects. below Estimate.

(c.) surplus of Receipts above Estimate.

(d.) Surpluses on Votes.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

1

Pay of the General Staff, Regimental Pay and Allowances, and other Charges

164,975

17

2

1,380

0

9

2

Divine Service

3,637

9

8

11

0

8

3

Administration of Military Law

291

11

4

1,351

0

11

4

Medical Establishment and Services

14,720

1

11

318

10

4

5

Militia Pay and Allowances

5,044

13

7

7,858

10

3

6

Yeomanry Cavalry

2,381

19

10

7

Volunteer Corps

4

10

5

17,252

17

9

8

Army Reserve Force (including Enrolled Pensioners)

491

2

9

1,980

4

2

9

Commissariat, Transport and Ordnance Store Establishments, Wages, &c.

66,745

7

11

417

13

10

10

Provisions, Forage, Fuel and Light, Transport &c.

283,672

10

10

27,165

4

10

11

Clothing Establishments, Services, and Supplies

211,346

14

9

2,759

16

6

12

Supply, Manufacture, and Repair of Warlike and other Stores for Land and Sea Services

116,953

12

3

25,241

0

8

13

Superintending Establishments of and Expenditure for Works, Buildings, and Repairs at Home and Abroad

16,358

1

10

16,618

0

1

14

Establishments for Military Education

6,949

13

7

10,876

3

1

15

Miscellaneous Effective Services

7,522

16

10

875

18

17

Carried forward

869,574

11

4

33,077

13

6

54,231

6

2

58,318

15

11

amounts estimated by the total sum of £55,182 9 d as shown in column (c) of the said appended Schedule;

(d.) That surpluses arose on the Grants for certain Services, and that such surpluses amounted together to £81,094 8 s. 3 d. as shown in column (d) of the said appended Schedule.

5. Resolved, That to provide in part for the first two above-metioned sums (a) and (b), amounting together to £971,303 5 s. 9 d. the Commisioners of Her Majesty's Treasury have temporarily authorised the application of the fourth above-mentioned sum (d) of £81,094 8 s. 3 d. and £36,885 0 s. 2 d. out of the third above-mentioned sums of £55,182 9 s. 1 d.

6. Resolved, That the application of such sums be sanctioned.

Votes.

Army Services, 1882–3, Votes.

(a) Deficits on Votes.

(b) Deficiency of Rects. below Estimate.

(c) Surplus of Receipts above Estimate.

(d) Surpluses on Votes.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

£

s.

d.

Brought forward

869,574

11

4

33,077

13

6

54,231

6

2

58,318

16

1

16

War Office

3,593

10

1

49

9

0

17

Rewards for Distinguished Services, &c.

288

16

10

3,247

1

6

18

Half Pay

7

10

0

14,188

3

2

19

Retired Full Pay, Retired Pay, Pensions and Gratuities, &c. including Payments allowed by Army Purchase Commisioners

22,540

14

6

3,807

6

8

20

Widows' Pensions

1,311

3

1

21

Pensions for Wounds

1,656

7

8

22

Chelsea and Kilmainham Hospital

47

11

0

667

16

3

23

Out-Pensions

30,796

7

3

385

15

8

24

Superannuation Allowances

172

0

5

2,231

12

4

25

Militia, Yeomanry Cavalry, and Volunteer Forces, Retired Pay

2,440

18

11

Amount written off as irrescoverable

4,945

11

8

934,418

5

7

36,885

0

2

55,182

9

1

81,094

8

3

£971,303

5

9

Amount authorised to be applied towards making good deficiencies

117,979

8

5

Deficit chargeable to the Vote of Credit Forces in the Mediterranean

£853,323

17

4

Resolutions to be reported To-morrow.

House adjourned at five minutes after Three o'clock.