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Commons Chamber

Volume 355: debated on Friday 17 July 1891

House of Commons

Friday, July 17, 1891

Questions

Questions

Deccan Agricultural Relief Act

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for India whether, with reference to the proceedings of the fourth Provincial Conference of the Bombay Presidency, which sat at Poona on the 11th of May last, the attention of the Secretary of State for India has been drawn to Resolution No. 6 on the subject of the Deccan Agriculturists Relief Act, which states that the Conference viewed with alarm the proposal to abolish the conciliation system under the Act, and whether, as desired by the Conference, the Secretary of State will direct that the most recent Reports of the special officers connected with the working of the Act be published, with a view to enable the public to submit their representations to Government in the matter?

The Secretary of State has seen in the newspapers the statement referred to in the first paragraph of the question. The subject of the Deccan Agricultural Relief Act of 1879 is now under the consideration of the Government of India, and until an expected Despatch is received from them, no action will be taken by the Secretary of State in Council.

Postal Arrangements for the Lincoln District

I beg to ask the Postmaster General when the new postal arrangements for the Lincoln district will come into operation; and if he can now name the parishes in the Wragby, Rasen, and Louth sub-districts which will be transferred to the Lincoln Post Office under the new scheme?

* : The new arrangements will be carried into effect on the 10th proximo. The following places will be transferred to the Lincoln Postal District, namely:—Now served from Wragby: East Barkwith, Hainton, South Willingham, Benniworth, Ranby, Wickenby, Lissington, Bleasley, Barlings. Now served from Louth: Burgh on Bain, Donnington on Bain, Gayton le Weld, Grimblethorpe. Now served from Market Rasen: Claxby, Usselby, Saxby, Ormsby, Normanton by Spital, Glentham.

Rights of Queen's Ships in Cape Town

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether Her Majesty's ships are accorded in peace prior rights to dock accommodation at Cape Town, and, if so, whether such rights are secured by statutory authority, and under what Act; whether Her Majesty's ships would in war be secured prior rights to such dock accommodation, and, if so, what is the precise nature of the authority under which such prior rights are secured to Her Majesty's ships in war; and whether the authority and control of the Admiral (commanding Her Majesty's ships) over the ports of Cape Town and in Simon's Bay will depend in war, as well as in peace, upon the Colonial Government, and, if not, under what Statutory Authority, or by what method of procedure, can the Imperial Government confer upon the Admiral full and complete authority and control over these ports in war?

* : The Admiralty have no statutory prior rights to the use of the dock at Table Bay, whether in time of peace or war. They did not subsidise it, and it is private property. It is understood, however, that the dock company will give all facilities for docking Her Majesty's ships. As the security of the colony from attack in time of war would largely depend upon the efficiency and mobility of our squadron in Cape waters, it is scarcely necessary to consider whether statutory powers would be required to insure the prompt docking of Her Majesty's ships when necessary under such circumstances. The Colonial Government have announced themselves prepared at all times to give prior rights of anchorage in Simon's Bay to Her Majesty's ships, and to afford them all possible facilities, and this is the existing arrangement. In time of war I can hardly believe that there would be any unwillingness on the part of the Colonial Authorities to give the Admiral all necessary jurisdiction over the ports of Simon's Bay and Cape Town, even although that jurisdiction might not be based on a local statute.

Cyprus

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to the Report of the Chief Collector of Customs in Cyprus, published in the Parliamentary Papers, 1889 (p. 41, Session 1887–8), in which he states that

"A marked feature of the import trade has been the decline of imports from Great Britain since the discontinuance of the weekly mail service from Alexandria;"

and, whether, in view of the fact that the imports from the United Kingdom were, in 1883, £107,281, in 1890, £78,277, and that the British shipping entered and cleared was, in 1883, 108,038 tons, and in 1890, 40,480 tons, the Government will reconsider their refusal to re-establish a weekly mail service between Cyprus and Alexandria?

The remarks quoted from the Report of the Chief Collector of Customs in Cryprus appear to have misled my hon. Friend, as there has been, in fact, no decrease of trade between Cryprus and England. The import and export trade has risen since the mail subsidy was discontinued from an average of £100,000 a year to an average of £132,000 a year. As to the decrease of British tonnage, it does not represent a decreased amount of shipping intercourse between Cyprus and England so much as the less frequent visits of the British-owned steamers passing between Egypt and Cyprus, since they ceased to be subsided for running. The general tonnage entered and cleared has risen since the subsidy ceased. The question whether the mail subsidy should be renewed is a separate one, and it is not at present proposed to re-open it.

Underground Work-Rooms

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if it is the intention of the Government to deal with the question of underground work-rooms commented on by Major Rae, Inspector of Factories in Birmingham and whether, having regard to the women and girls stated to be employed, the difficulty of ventilation, the necessity for the use of artificial light all day long, and the very defective sanitary arrangements, some steps will be taken at an early opportunity to remedy what is stated to be "an increasing evil"?

; The Factories Bill now before Parliament does not prohibit the use of underground work-rooms, but the existing law provides for their proper sanitation under the supervision of the Local Authorities, and it is proposed by the Bill of this Session to give power to the Secretary of State, if a Local Authority is in default, to direct the Inspector of Factories to remedy the default at the cost of the Local Authority. I hope that this power may be effective in remedying such insanitary conditions of work as are referred to in the Report of the Inspector.

Malta

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies in view of the fact that the new Constitution for Malta of 12th December, 1887, contained a provision for the appointment of three unofficial members of the Executive Council, to be selected from the 14 unofficial members of the Council of Government, so that the Executive Council should not consist exclusively of the seven official non-elected members of the Council, and that, in a Despatch to the Governor of Malta, dated 20th March, 1890, the Secretary to the Colonies stated that, in the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown, the Executive Council of the Government of Malta can lawfully meet and transact business, notwithstanding that for the time being there may be no unofficial members of the Council, whether he will submit to the House the Despatch of General Wilkie (No. 23, of 23rd February, 1890), to which the Despatch of the 20th March, 1890, was a reply; can he explain why the Despatch of 20th March, 1890, was only published in Malta on 21st April, 1891; whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that, at the general election held in Malta in June last, 13 out of the 14 members were elected either without opposition or by enormous majorities to represent the views of those who desire that the Constitution of the 12th December, 1887, may be so amended that the Executive Council shall be unable to transact business unless it consist of the full number of official and non-official members; and whether, taking into consideration this practically unanimous desire of the electorate of Malta, and the views of the Law Officers of the Crown embodied in the Despatch of 20th March, 1890, the Secretary of State for the Colonies will reccommend that the Constitution of 12th December, 1887, shall be so amended as to carry out what was understood at the time of its promulgation to be one of its most important provisions?

It hardly seems worth while to present a copy of General Wilkie's Despatch, but the hon. Member shall be furnished with a copy if he desires it. The Secretary of State has received no explanation from the Governor on the subject of the publication of the Despatch referred to in the second paragraph of the question. Twelve out of the 14 Members returned at the late election have, in their electoral addresses or otherwise, expressed themselves in favour of an amendment of the Constitution in the sense indicated in the third paragraph. The Secretary of State does not intend to recommend such an amendment, the effect of which would be to enable the elected Members by refusing to accept seats in the Executive Council (a course which they have already more than once adopted) to paralyse the administration of the Government.

American Duties on Tin Plates

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the fact that nearly 25,000 men have been, or will be, thrown out of employment owing to the increased duties now levied on tin plates by the United States of America; and whether the Government will consider if any steps can be taken to alleviate the widespread misery which must ensue?

* : I am aware that there is a temporary stoppage of tin plate works in Wales, involving it is said about 20,000 men. It appears, however, that the exports of tin plates to United States have been nearly double their usual amount during the first six months of this year, namely 260,000 tons compared with 139,000 tons in 1890, so that this overproduction was likely to cause a decrease of work for a time. It seems uncertain what course may be adopted at the works when the month has elapsed, but there is nothing at present to justify the apprehension that any distress will result beyond what can be dealt with by the ordinary channels.

Tenure of Fishermen's Houses in Scotland

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate if his attention has been called to a case recently tried in the Sheriff Court at Banff, at the instance of the widow of John Innes, of Portknockie, bearing on the tenure of fishermen's houses; if he has noticed Sheriff Gutherie Smith's remarks in a note to his interlocutor in the case, describing it as

"a type of a large class of cases existing all along the North-East seaboard, illustrative of the miserable condition under which the fishing community live, and for which the Fishery Board has urgently asked that a remedy should be found, but hitherto in vain;"

and if the Government contemplate any legislation to remove the grievance to which the Sheriff refers?

* : The hon. Gentleman was good enough to draw my attention to this case some days ago, and I have therefore been able to inform myself about it. The litigation was not between the proprietor and the fisherman, but was a domestic dispute between the son and heir of the fisherman and the fisherman's widow, the former of whom seems to have for the most part paid for rent and repairs. The learned Sheriff seems to have assumed that the widow would have gained her case if there had been a written title to the house: but, as the son was his father's heir, this cannot be said to be obvious, for I fail to gather in what way the possession by a fisherman of a written title would of itself alter the succession to his house. The case, therefore, seems to have been the occasion rather than the cause of expressions of opinion by the learned Sheriff on the general question of title, in which he takes a good deal of interest. On the estate in question, as the hon. Member is aware, the proprietrix is willing to give a lease to any of the fishermen who wishes it, and it is, therefore, difficult to find in this condition of things, or in this particular case, a cause for statutory interference.

Great Yarmouth Board of Guardians

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether, in view of the recent disclosures made at the Great Yarmouth Police Court with reference to the late election of guardians, it is his intention to hold an inquiry into that matter; and whether he will bring in a Bill next Session to provide for the election of guardians by ballot?

* : At Yarmouth proceedings were instituted against several persons for offences in connection with the voting papers in the election of guardians and convictions have been obtained. The charges were of a criminal character, and the persons charged have been tried by the proper judicial authority. There is not, therefore, any ground for an inquiry by the Local Government Board. I cannot undertake to bring in a Bill next Session providing for the election of guardians by ballot.

Gungunhama Envoys

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to a statement from Lisbon, that three Ambassadors from Gungunhama signed a declaration at Lourenco Markues on 21st May, which was witnessed by (amongst others) Her Majesty's Consul and the Consuls or six other Powers, in which it is asserted that Gungunhama denies ever having sent Envoys to this country; whether Hulululu and Umfette, who are now in this country, and who allege that they are Envoys to Her Majesty from Gungunhama, have produced any credentials in confirmation of these allegations; and whether he knows who pays for the maintenance of these two Zulus whilst residing in this country?

I am aware that such a statement has been made; but so far as our knowledge goes no such declaration has been made on behalf of Gungunhama. The two natives now in England have not informed Her Majesty's Government that they are on an official mission from Gungunhama, and have consequently not been asked whether they have credentials. We have no knowledge as to the payment of the expenses for their maintenance.

Sugar Bounties

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the French Government has recently altered the Sugar Laws in such manner that the bounties are now less than they were formerly; also if there has been a new German Law passed which will come into force next year which reduces the bounties for the three following years, and further reduces them for two years thereafter, from which date they are to cease entirely; and if he will obtain and lay upon the Table of the House a statement of the recent legislation and regulations made by Germany and France which affect the Sugar Bounties?

The facts are as stated by the hon. Member. As regards France, a Bill lately passed reduces the bounty paid to the manufacturer to about 1s. 10d. per cwt. This rate is about one-third of the bounty paid at the time of the Sugar Conference. In Germany a Bill has passed the Reichstag which reduces the bounty from August 1, 1892, to July 1, 1895, when it will be further reduced, and on July 1, 1897, it is to cease altogether. After July next the duty will be from 6d. to 1s. per cwt. There is no objection to laying on the Table the two laws referred to.

Severe Sentence—Case of Henry Edwards

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the im- prisonment for three months of a man named Henry Edwards, at the last Carnarvon Quarter Sessions, for common assault; whether, if the prisoner had been dealt with summarily, he could have been convicted for a larger term than two months for that offence; whether, in delivering sentence, the Chairman is correctly reported to have referred to previous convictions which had not been proved against the prisoner; and whether the Home Secretary will take any steps to inquire whether, under the circumstances, the sentence ought to be reduced?

Henry Edwards was charged with the offence of unlawfully wounding, for which he could not have been summarily tried. The jury found him guilty of a common assault. In passing sentence, the Chairman followed a practice very common at Assizes and Quarter Sessions, and referred to the previous character of the prisoner as disclosed by the Calendar, which contained nine previous summary convictions. These could not have been the subject of counts in the indictment or of evidence at the trial. The sentence appears to me to have been proper and lenient.

Vienna Postal Union Convention

I beg to ask the Postmaster General whether he is now in a position to give a brief statement of the results of the Postal Union Convention held at Vienna?

* : The main work of the Congress, which has dealt with some 200 proposals, has been that of completing and consolidating the Postal Union and its system. It has arranged for the accession of Australia and New Zealand to the Union on October 1 next, and has signed a new Convention, under which Her Majesty's Government will be free in important particulars relative to foreign and colonial postage. As regards the most important questions arising under this head, I am already in communication with the Treasury. The Congress has adopted extended limits of size (1ft. by 8in. by 4in.) for sample packets sent all over the Union; has facilitated the adoption of a higher limit of weight than the present where desired; has relaxed somewhat the rules as to printed matter, circulars, visiting cards, &c.; has extended the facilities of the public in regard to postcards; generalised the system of reply-paid postcards, and arranged that unpaid postcards shall be delivered as letters instead of being stopped and destroyed. It has made provision for carrying out all over the Union the system of collecting trade charges, arranged for the exchange of closed mail bags with ships of war on foreign stations—a matter of much interest to seamen and officers of the Navy and their friends; has made rules for the prepayment of letters posted on board mail packets at sea or in port, and has laid down a uniform practice as regards charges on returned unpaid letters, and the time during which undelivered letters shall be kept before return to the writers. It has instituted a central clearing-house for adjusting postal balances, and so saving labour and charges for remittance; agreed upon means to be reciprocally adopted for repressing throughout the Union attempts to defraud the revenue by using forged or cleaned stamps, and has so simplified the complex accounts relative to transit correspondence for places outside the Union as to allow considerable amelioration of the relations of such British colonies as the Cape with the outer world. There have been numerous alterations of internal order and régime, with which I need not trouble the House.

St. Katharine's Chapel, Regent's Park

I beg to ask the hon. Member for Penrith (Mr. J. W. Lowther) whether he can state what is the sum devoted to religions services at St. Katharine's Chapel, Regent's Park, out of the funds of the charity; whether three chaplains are employed, and for what period each has to be in residence; what are their duties, and whether they hold other offices; and whether any change has been made in the use of the charitable income?

The sum devoted to religious services at St. Katharine's Chapel is, according to the last accounts received, £368. No chaplains are employed. The brothers of the hospital are required by the rules of the hospital to perform the service, two of whom must be in Holy Orders, and must reside during three-quarters of the year. One of the present brothers appointed before 1878 appears from the Clergy List to hold a benefice. The Commissioners are not aware of any change in the use of the charitable income.

Regulation of Street Traffic

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will consider the best means of regulating street traffic so as to prevent the great inconvenience and danger caused to the public from large covered vans and drays passing along crowded thoroughfares at all hours of the day; and whether the drivers of such vehicles are required in any way to prove their ability to drive safely before they are entrusted with the care of these vans and drays?

The police of the Metropolis have no power, under existing statutes, to prohibit or divert the passage of covered vans and drays through crowded thoroughfares. The employers are responsible for selecting competent drivers, and the law does not require that their competence shall be proved to any public authority.

Registered Letters

I beg to ask the Postmaster General if he will consider the desirability of altering the regulation by which any one sending a telegram to a person at a registered address must add the letters c.o., thus in most cases doing away with any advantage of the registered address?

* : The subject has already been under my consideration, but I regret that I do not see my way to alter the regulation to which the hon. Member refers. In practice it has been found that if the words "care of" or the letters co. are not used, it is difficult to distinguish the registered portion of the address, and that the public suffer from the confusion which arises.

Warwick Municipal Charities

I beg to ask the hon. Member for Penrith whether a draft scheme has recently been issued by the Charity Commis- sioners relating to the Warwick Municipal Charities; whether he is aware that, at the meeting of the Warwick Town Council, on 14th July, one of the Council gave notice of an important resolution relating to the proportion of the representative to the Co-öptative Trustees, which he will move at the next meeting of the Council on 11th August; and whether the Commissioners will postpone any final decision as to the scheme until after they have had an opportunity of learning what takes place at such Council meeting?

The answer to the first question is in the affirmative. The Commissioners are not aware of any notice to the effect stated having been given at a meeting of the Warwick Town Council held on the 14th inst. On June 18 the Commissioners directed a print of the scheme to be forwarded to the Town Clerk, the receipt of which was acknowledged by him with an intimation that it would be submitted to the Town Council. The Commissioners are anxious to learn the views entertained by the Town Council with regard to the scheme before its establishment, but they do not understand why those views cannot be communicated to them at an earlier date than that mentioned by the hon. Member.

Tinned Salmon

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been directed to the poisoning of six persons, resulting in the death of one, in consequence of having eaten tinned salmon; whether it is a fact that many cases of acute gastric irritation and tin poisoning have been reported from time to time consequent upon the consumption of tinned fish and shell fish (lobster); and whether, having regard to the evidence given in the case referred to by Dr. Arthur P. Luff, an expert, before Dr. Danford Thomas, steps will be taken to inquire into the subject for the protection of the public and the safeguarding of legitimate trade?

* : I must ask the hon. Member to postpone this question. I have not yet received the information that will enable me to answer it.

Christ's Hospital

I beg to ask the hon. Member for Penrith whether a deputation from the Governors of Christ's Hospital has recently waited upon the Charity Commissioners in the matter of the claims of Naval Officers to have the custom continued by which a certain number of the children of Naval Officers were admitted to the Foundation of the Hospital by special presentation; and whether the Charity Commissioners have come to any decision in the matter; if not, whether, having regard to the anxiety of many parents concerned, the Charity Commissioners will make known their decision at the earliest possible moment?

The answer to the first paragraph of the question is in the affirmative. The proposal of the Governors, however, could not be carried into effect except by means of a further scheme amending the scheme lately approved by Her Majesty, and involving considerations, partly financial and partly educational, of great importance to the interests of the Hospital as a whole. If any such scheme should be undertaken by the Commissioners (and on this point no decision has yet been arrived at) a draft will be published in the usual way for criticism and objection.

Pencil Manufacturers

I beg to postpone my question to ask the Secretary to the Treasury if his attention has been called to the alleged fact that several of the English pencil manufacturers who sent in samples of goods to the Stationery Department had the parcels returned to them unopened; and whether it is a fact that several English firms, who had been contractors, before preference had been given to Guttknecht, Bavaria, had their parcels of samples returned unopened?

The Convict Münch

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has now considered the Petition presented on behalf of the German convict Münch, whose execution has been fixed for the 21st instant, and when he proposes to communicate his decision to the condemned man?

The Petition in favour of the German convict Münch only reached me to-day. I wish to give to it the fullest consideration, but I hope to announce my decision either this evening or to-morrow morning.

The Customs

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware of the delay which has taken place in the introduction of the seven-hours system into the Long Room of the Customs; and whether steps will immediately be taken to place the Second Division clerks in that Department upon an equality in such matter with the other clerks of the same rank in Her Majesty's Customs?

There has been no avoidable delay in the introduction of the seven hours system into the Long Room of the Customs. That system has been authorised, but cannot be fully introduced until the staff has been further reduced.

South Kensington Science and Art Department

I beg to ask the Vice President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he is aware that a week's notice to leave has been given to two writers who, some time back, were sent by the Civil Service Commissioners to the Science and Art Department at South Kensington, while that Department purposes to retain several temporary clerical assistants who, though they had passed no examination and had not been certificated by the Civil Service Commissioners, were first employed there about the same time; and whether, having regard to the fact that the giving of such preference to temporary clerical assistants over Civil Service Writers would be not only directly in contradiction to the pledge given by the Vice President of the Council on Education to the House on 4th July, 1890, on the subject, but also be a step towards the revival of the patronage system, he will at once cause instructions to be issued that preference is in no case to be given to such temporary clerks over duly qualified and certificated Civil Service Writers?

Notice to leave was given to two copyists as stated in the question, and also to eight unregistered writers, in consequence of the work on which they were engaged coming to an end. It is true that other unregistered copyists are being retained, but they are engaged in work of a different nature from that in which the discharged men were employed. The two copyists would have been retained, and transferred to some other work, in place of unregistered writers, if one of them had not been very irregular in his attendance, and in the case of the other, if he had not shown himself unqualified for the new kind of work which would be required of him. Unregistered writers are never engaged by the Science and Art Department, except to meet an emergency when the Civil Service Commissioners inform that Department that they cannot supply copyists, and it would obviously be very inconvenient to constantly transfer the closing portions of temporary work, from men who had been instructed in it, to others who had to be taught. Nothing has been done contrary to the statement which I made in this House on the 4th of July, 1890.

Liverpool Postmen

I beg to ask the Postmaster General whether he is now able to give an answer to the Memorials recently addressed to him by postmen employed at Liverpool and elsewhere?

* : In reply to my hon. Friend, I am able now to give a general outline of the new arrangements which, with the assent of the Treasury, I am now prepared to make. In London the two classes of postmen, wherever two classes exist, will be amalgamated into one class, so that the men, instead of waiting for vacancies in the higher class, will be able to progress without interruption from the minimum to the maximum of their scale. The scale moreover, in the case of each of what are called the four suburban divisions will at its maximum be raised by 2s. a week. Thus more than 600 men who now rise on two classes to 30s. a week will henceforth rise on a single class to 32s., and more than 700 men who now rise on two classes to 28s. a week will henceforth rise on a single class to 30s. Similarly 300 men whose maximum is now 24s. will rise to 26s. An increased rate of pay by the hour will also be given to the auxiliary postmen, and some of their number will be granted one week's leave in the course of the year. In the country, as in London, the division into two classes, where two classes exist, will be done away with, and the scales will at their maximum be raised in no case by less than 2s. a week, and in some cases by more. This applies to the town postmen. The rural postmen—that is, the postmen who ply between town and villages—have hitherto received fixed wages. For the future they, like town postmen, will, with few exceptions, be paid on scale, and their wages will rise considerably above what they have hitherto been. In the case of rural postmen, moreover, the period of their annual leave of absence will be extended from one week to a fortnight. Another alteration of great importance, applicable to all country postmen, town and rural alike, is that they will henceforth be paid extra for all work done on Sunday, and this payment will be at the rate of one hour and a quarter's pay for one hour's work. Thus, not only will they for six days' work be paid higher than they have been paid hitherto for seven, but if employed full time on Sunday they will receive pay for a further additional day, and that at a somewhat higher rate than for ordidays. Yet one more alteration I may mention—an alteration which is applicable to all postmen in London and country alike, both town and rural. Their uniform hitherto has not included boots, and boots will henceforth be supplied, or, rather, an annual allowance in aid of boots. As regards good-conduct stripes, the regulation of which, I am aware, has not given entire satisfaction, I am not yet prepared to announce a decision; but, good-conduct stripes apart, I cannot but think that the concessions already announced, the cost of which will considerably exceed £100,000 a year, will appear to the House as not unhandsome, and will be accepted with satisfaction by the persons concerned. I may further add that I am now in communication with the Chancellor of the Exchequer as to the best mode of recruiting the body of postmen in large towns and the conditions of entry.

The Albert University

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, and, if so, when, the proposed Charter of the Albert University in London will be placed upon the Table prior to its grant, in pursuance of "The College Charter Act, 1871"?

The draft Charter of the Albert University is still under consideration by the Privy Council Office, and has had to be returned to the petitioners for amendment. As soon as it is settled it will be laid before Parliament in accordance with the provisions of the College Charter Act, 1871, and previous to its being submitted to Her Majesty.

Rating of Public Elementary Schools

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, having regard to the great inconveniences and hardships attending the present state of the law relating to the rating of public elementary schools, and the strongly expressed desire for an amendment, Her Majesty's Government are prepared to introduce a Bill early next Session to provide for the exemption of public elementary schools from the payment of rates?

Her Majesty's Government propose next Session to deal with the question of the rating of public elementary schools, with a view to mitigating the burden upon them, while at the same time doing justice to all concerned. It is a difficult and complicated question, requiring much consideration as to the shape which legislation should take.

Irish Mails

I beg to ask the Postmaster General, seeing that at present the mail leaves Kill, County Waterford, in the morning, and that it is impossible to answer on the same day letters received in the morning without travelling in some cases 10 miles, whether he will direct an inquiry to be held to see if some arrangement cannot be arrived at to obviate the great inconvenience from which people living in the Kill postal district now suffer?

* : I had already instituted an inquiry into this matter, and I hope shortly to be in a position to decide whether a later despatch can be afforded to the district of Kill.

I beg to ask the Postmaster General whether he has received a Memorial from the Cork Incorporated Chamber of Shipping and Commerce with reference to the acceleration of the mails to and from the South of Ireland; whether he is aware that under the present system the English mails are due to arrive in Cork only at 11.45 a.m., and are seldom delivered for an hour afterwards, leaving barely an hour for reply by the 2.10 p.m. mail; whether, under the new arrangements just entered into, the English mail will reach Londonderry (about the same distance from Dublin as Cork, and with a much inferior train service) at 11.10 a.m.; and whether steps will now be taken to so accelerate the morning mail to Cork as to give a reasonable interval for reply by the mid-day mail from that city?

I have just received the Memorial from the Cork Incorporated Chamber of Shipping and Commerce to which the hon. Member refers, and I shall be prepared to consider it as soon as the necessary Reports called for reach me. In the meantime, I may point out that one reason why the communication between Dublin and Cork occupies a longer time than between Dublin and Londonderry is that the distance from Carlisle Pier to Kings-bridge terminus is greater than from Carlisle Pier to Amiens Street. As soon as arrangements, which I believe are in progress for accelerating this transit through Dublin, are accomplished, there will, I hope, be very little difference in the time to Cork and Londonderry.

May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman cannot take steps to accelerate the mid-day delivery in Cork?

I beg to ask the Postmaster General whether he has received a Memorial, signed by over 126 of the principal inhabitants of the district, including the Roman Catholic clergymen, asking for an improvement in the postal arrangements of Rathcoole and Kilcorney, County Cork, and for a daily delivery of letters; and whether, in view of the facts set forth in the Memorial, he will endeavour to meet the wishes of the people of the locality?

The hon. Member himself sent me the Memorial in question on the 14th instant. It shall receive careful consideration.

Haulbowline

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the following paragraph, which appeared in the Cork papers of 1st July, is correctly transcribed from his letter on the 24th June—

"In the interests of the Public Service every possible use will be made by the Admiralty of the present establishment at Haulbowline;"

and, if so, whether he will state when and under what circumstances any practical use will be made of the Haulbowline Dockyard?

The quotation from the letter in question is correct, and the letter further described the conditions under which the dockyard at Haulbowline would be used. I cannot, however, inform the hon. Gentleman exactly under what circumstances we shall make use of the establishment at Haulbowline, as the repair of Her Majesty's ships depends upon contingencies which it is impossible for me to forecast. At the present moment the basin is full of torpedo-boats.

I beg to ask the noble Lord whether all the torpedo boats of the Blue Squadron, now assembled in the Cove of Cork, are located in the floating basin in Haulbowline Dockyard, and were taken there for the purpose of getting a thorough overhauling; and whether, on its being, found necessary to supplement the dockyard staff now or during the coming Naval Manœuvres, preference in employment will be given to the experienced local dockyard artizans at Passage West and Rushbrook, Cork Harbour?

* : Arrangements have been made so as to enable the torpedo-boats taking part in the manœuvres to use temporarily the basin at Haulbowline as a shelter. The torpedo-boats have undergone the usual overhauling before being commissioned, and it is not necessary that they should be again subjected to it. I cannot undertake to promise that local workmen in private yards shall be employed; but I can assure the hon. Gentleman that I am quite as anxious as he can be to utilise an establishment upon which such large sums have been expended. I doubt if it will be necessary to temporarily supplement the existing establishment, but if it is the class of workmen brought in must necessarily be regulated by the nature of the work on which they have to be engaged.

H.M.S. Triumph

I beg also to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether H.M.S. Triumph, Guardship at Cork Harbour, in addition to taking in stores recently at Devonport, did also undergo the periodical overhauling and repairing in that dockyard, as did also H.M.S. Shannon; and, if so, in view of the letter of the First Lord to the Cork Chamber of Shipping, dated 24th ultimo, will the Admiralty consider the advisability, from an economic point of view, of employing a permanent staff of skilled workmen and of labourers in Haulbowline Dockyard, with a view to repair and refit vessels of Her Majesty's Navy when necessary?

The Triumph and the Shannon were repaired in Devonport Yard; but, as I stated early in the year, in reply to a question by the hon. Member for Mid Cork, there were other matters requiring attention in addition to simple repairs, which could not be undertaken except in one of the large dockyards. The question of having a complete permanent dockyard staff at Haulbowline has been already fully considered from an economic point of view, and if any economy could be secured by the further development of the establishment I should be only too glad to give effect to any proposals with this object in view; but at present I regret that I cannot sanction any further development of the works at the dockyard beyond what has been already authorised.

Burial Ground of Wells, Carlow

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the attention of the Local Government Board of Ireland has been called to the neglected condition of the old burial ground of Wells, in the Barony of Idrone West, County Carlow; is the Board aware that cattle, swine, and other animals travel over and disturb the graves; and whether any steps have been taken by the Carlow Board of Guardians to erect an enclosing wall, after being repeatedly called on to do so by the inhabitants of the neighbourhood?

The Local Government Board are informed that the Board of Guardians instituted steps to have the burial ground referred to enclosed, but have failed to come to an agreement with the occupier of the adjoining land as to the boundary limits. The clerk of the Union states that for some years no Report has been made to the Guardians as to the alleged trespass of animals on the ground.

The Recognisances of Messrs Dillon and O'Brien

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state what amounts have been levied, and on whom respectively, on account of the estreated recognisances of Messrs. John Dillon and William O'Brien at Tipperary?

I am informed that in the case of Mr. John Dillon the full amount due by his sureties, Messrs. T. English and W. Hurley, has been recovered from them, namely, £250 each. In the case of Mr. William O'Brien's sureties, the amount so far recovered has been £6 19s. 6d., levied on Mr. John Bourke.

Irish Evictions

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether, since the introduction of the Redemption of Rent (Ireland) Bill, his attention has been called to the action of certain landlords, who have taken proceedings for the eviction of lease holding tenants who would otherwise obtain relief under the provisions of the Bill; and whether, having regard to the fact that the proceedings in question have been taken in respect of arrears of rent which the present Bill proposes to revise, he will introduce a clause making the provisions of the Bill retrospective, so as to cover all cases in which proceedings for the aecovery of rent have been taken since the 1st of January, 1891, or whether he will introduce a clause staying such proceedings until the Bill becomes law?

No information has reached me of the kind referred to by the hon. Gentleman in the first paragraph of the question. As regards the second paragraph, I beg to point out that the Bill mentioned in no way proposes to deal with arrears of rent.

Dunmanway Model School

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland how it happened that Mr. McSwiney, the assistant teacher at the Model School, Dunmanway, has been summarily dismissed from the service under the National Board of Education in January of the present year; whether Mr. McSwiney has taught in schools under control of the Board for 24 years, without any complaint being made against him; and on what grounds the Commissioners declined to pay the quarter's salary to Mr. McSwiney, which they guarantee to every teacher who is dismissed without previous notice, and against whom "misconduct, or other sufficient reason," cannot be alleged?

The Commissioners of National Education report that under the rules of the Board the services of Mr. Sweeny and the other assistant at Dunmanway Model School had to be dispensed with from the 31st December last owing to a permanent decrease in the average daily attendance in the school. No specific notice is needed in such cases, as from the existing rules an assistant is aware that a reduction of the average in the first of the quarters is necessarily followed by his services being dispensed with at the end of the second quarter should the reduction continue.

Cork Militiamen

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. whether the cess payers of the County, or a portion of the County, of Cork have been condemned to pay £1,000 indemnity to Constable Timothy Courtney, who was severely beaten, and unfortunately lost an eye, in a conflict with a number of drunken Militiamen, at Whitegate, County Cork, on the 21st ultimo; and whether it is usual for civilians in any locality to be made responsible for outrage or misdemeanour perpetrated by military?

The Education Grant to Ireland

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on what day will Irish Members be allowed an opportunity of discussing the allocation of the grant to Ireland corresponding to the grant to England for the abolition of school fees?

I hope there will be a good opportunity next Session for discussing the matter fully.

I think the hon. and gallant Member cannot have been in the House when I answered this question rather fully the other day. It has been thought on the whole better not to make any allocation this year, but to wait until the full scheme of the Government with regard to free education in Ireland shall have been brought in next year, and if that cannot be passed before the close of the financial year on March 31, then the Government will deal with the matter by Supplementary Estimate.

The River Ilen, Skibbereen

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been directed to a resolution unanimously agreed to by the Skibbereen Town Commissioners, in the County of Cork, protesting against the construction of a three-arch railway bridge across the River Ilen at Skibbereen, and calling attention to the suffering and sickness which have, in the past, been caused by floods in Skibbereen; and whether steps will be taken to provide a one-span bridge for the Light Railway, and thus prevent any obstruction in the river's course?

I have not seen the Memorial to which the hon. Member refers, but I am informed that the bridge over the River Ilen at Skibbereen will be a one-span bridge, and not a three-span bridge as is suggested by his question.

The Crimes Act

I beg ask the Attorney General for Ireland how many prosecutions of men on strike have been made under the Criminal Law and Procedure (Ireland) Act?

Public Business

I wish to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will explain the meaning of the undertaking he gave last night, and, further, whether he will consider the question of opposing after 12 o'clock private Members' Bills of which notice of opposition has been given?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to make a definite statement on the subject. I certainly understood that the arrangement come to, a fortnight ago was that the time was to be given to Government Business and no other. If we once enter on the question of private Members' Bills there will be no end to it.

The point is whether when a small remnant of time remains after Government business has been disposed of, and before 1 o'clock, a Bill which is almost unanimously desired by the House should not be proceeded with if no one objects. I am inclined to think it is rather hard on private Members that they should not get a chance of influencing the objector, the latter being on the spot. However, the matter is one rather for the House than for the Government.

I am afraid the procedure suggested would involve the necessity of a majority of private Members who may oppose a Bill staying until 1 o'clock in order to make their opposition effective.

I may point out that no Division could be taken. The moment any hon. Member objected the Bill would fall to the ground. Nobody need stop except one single Member who was opposed to it.

Why should Members who are opposed to a Bill be compelled to wait till 1 o'clock for the purely formal purpose of opposing it?

There is no necessity for private Members waiting till 1 o'clock, because the House is perfectly able to deal with all these matters. By little arrangements certain Bills are allowed to pass, and others are blocked as the case may be. There need be no hesitation on the part of Members about this matter.

Unless there is an understanding that these Private Bills will not be taken between 12 and 1 o'clock, a good many Members will be put to inconvenience, and will have to remain in attendance.

Do the Government intend to take up the Infants' Betting Bill on their own responsibility?

* : I understand that if Supply goes on until 1 o'clock the distinct pledge of the Government will come in?

International Copyright

May I ask the Under Secretary for Foreign Affairs if he proposes to lay on the Table the Correspondence between Her Majesty's Government and the Government of the United States in reference to International Copyright?

I should say within a week. I believe it is ready for presentation now.

Corn Sales

Report from the Select Committee, with Minutes of Evidence, brought up, and read [Inquiry not completed].

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 347.]

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to Amendment to Fisheries Bill [Lords], without Amendment.

That they have agreed to Brine Pumping (Compensation for Subsidence) Bill, with Amendments.

TOWN HOLDINGS,—That they do request, that this House will be pleased to communicate to their Lordships a Copy of the Report, &c., from the Select Committee appointed by this House in the present Session of Parliament on Town Holdings.

Orders of the Day

Supply—Civil Service Estimates, 1891–2

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Class II

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £15,624, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1892, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of Her Majesty's Woods. Forests, and Land Revenues, and of the Office of Land Revenue Records and Inrolments."

* (4.15.) : I was engaged in moving the reduction of this Vote by the sum of £100 last night when the proceedings were interrupted. In order to give the Committee some idea of the ability displayed by the Office of Woods and Forests for the work they have to discharge, I wish to point out that there are many farms in Wales upon which quit rents amounting, as the case may be, to 1d., 2d., 1s., and 2s. are levied. When these sums are paid to the Woods and Forests a separate receipt is given in every case, no matter how modest the amount may be, and for each receipt a sum of 4d. has to be paid. I only mention this fact to show the Committee how full of red tape and circumlocution the Office of Woods and Forests is, and as an introduction to a more serious indictment. As far back as 1884 I commenced mining operations in North Wales, and for four years the Woods and Forests took no notice of them. They allowed me to spend large sums of money in erecting machinery and in opening up mines, and it was not until the 6th of July, 1888, that they swooped down upon me and stopped the whole of the works. It is only right the Committee should know that this particular locality has long been marked upon the Government maps as containing lead, silver, and gold. Now, it is well known that the Government claim a royalty upon gold and silver, but when I commenced my mining operations in North Wales, I was led to believe that I should not be interfered with. For many years silver had been obtained in considerable quantities in the Principality. No less than £1,500,000 has been realised from silver got from the mines of Great Britain since 1875, and not one single penny of royalty has been paid upon it. I and my friends, therefore, naturally assumed that we should not be interfered with in our efforts to work for the other precious metal—gold. But the Woods and Forests instituted proceedings against us in connection with our workings. The case was in the Court of Chancery for some years, and ultimately a decision was given, to which I wish to refer as showing the disgraceful state of the law in this country with respect to mining. One would think that this Office of Woods and Forests, composed of men of intelligence, would endeavour to make some attempt to allow the natural resources of Crown property to be developed. These gentlemen, however, appeared to consider that they were already doing quite sufficient work, and that a further development of the resources of the country might add to their arduous duties in a way that was not desirable. They, therefore, object to the development of this particular industry. The Chancellor of the Exchequer has on many occasions been most profuse in his promises with reference to this matter. No doubt his duties are heavy, and occasionally he has to perform, in addition to his other labours, the duties of Leader of the House, but surely between the beginning of 1888 and now there was sufficient time for the right hon. Gentleman to give the interview which he had promised over and over again, not only to myself but to other Members of the House, sitting on both sides, who are pecuniarily interested in the matter. If the right hon. Gentleman will read the communications which have passed, he will see at once that he has failed to keep his promises. We have had great difficulties to encounter in Wales. We have had to contend with the Crown and with the landlords, and the law upon the question is probably unique. The Crown say that they are entitled to all the gold in Wales, but what have they done to justify their title. I maintain that the conduct of the Woods and Forests has been cowardly in the extreme. If the Crown is entitled to the gold and silver in Wales, why not grant licences to those who are desirous of working for these metals, reserving to the landlords what they are entitled to as owners of the surface land? When we went to the Crown for a licence we were told that we must first go to the landowner, and so difficulties were accumulated. But we have struggled away, and some measure of success has crowned our efforts. I claim that we have solved what we consider to be a great problem—the question whether or not out of large quantities of low grade ore we could produce gold at the rate of a quarter of an ounce per ton. It is a small amount, it is true, but we have demonstrated that it can be done, and have at least achieved something which entitles us to some consideration at the hands of the Government. I think it is a great achievement, and one that has been equalled by very few mines in the world, to prove that lodes with ¼ of an ounce of gold per ton can be worked at a profit. We have succeeded in our operations, and we are able to show that there are large bodies of similar ore in the Principality which may also be worked to a profit. Dr. Le Neve Foster, Inspector of Metalliferous Mines, Reports to the Home Secretary upon the condition of these mines; but if the Home Secretary is asked a question respecting them in this House, he says that he has nothing to do with them, and that they are in the Department of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Chancellor of the Exchequer when questioned as to the embargo placed upon gold mining by the law of the land intimates that the Attorney and Solicitor General are responsible, and the Solicitor General, on the other hand, expresses regret that the matter is not in his Department and adds that he has nothing to do with it. In this way we have been sent from pillar to post, and have been unable to obtain the slightest satisfaction. There is one matter in regard to which the Attorney General is greatly to blame. He has admitted that the gold and silver in the Australasian Possessions belong to Her Majesty, just the same as the gold and silver in this part of the Queen's Dominions. That being so, why have the Government observed a different rule in the two cases?

Order, order! The rights of the Colonial Governments are not under the notice of the House. It has been settled long ago that the rights of the colonies have been conceded to the colonies themselves.

* : I submit with great respect that under the constitution of the colonies they have the control of the gold and silver in the mines just the same as this country have control.

That being so we have no power to interfere with it. The Attorney General has nothing to say to it, and it is outside the scope of the discussion which can be raised upon this Vote.

* : I bow to your decision, Mr. Courtney, and will not pursue the subject; but I think, and many lawyers in this country also think, that the gold and silver in Wales are no more the property of the Crown than they are in the colonies. The Report of Dr. Le Neve Foster shows that until there is an alteration of the law, all hope of profitable gold mining in this country must be given up. I wish the Committee thoroughly to understand the amount of encouragement we have received in North Wales. The late Sir Warrington Smythe said that from six to eight ounces of gold per ton in Wales would, with economical management, pay for working; but the new adviser to the Crown calculates his royalty on 5 dwts. of gold and silver. According to the sliding scale, out of 20 ounces of silver to the ton you would take something like two ounces, and that two ounces would very often be the profit obtained. Before submitting the sliding scale, surely the right hon Gentleman might have granted me an interview on the subject.

* : I had an opportunity of seeing the hon. Member for five minutes, but he was so busy that I could not lay the matter before him. But to continue. There is a point at which you arrive when the cost of production exactly equals the value of the produce, and I think at that point we ought to receive encouragement in the hope of something better. The cost of removing a low grade ore is 5s. We will estimate that the ore contains 7s. 6d. worth of gold; the cost of obtaining that from the ore is 5s., making a total cost of 10s. Either we must lose the first 5s. or work the ore, in order to reduce the loss to 2s. 6d. instead of 10s., because the net product is 7s. 6d. But we have one who is known in Wales as Job Bowen, who in levying the royalty has not even got a pair of scales, and he does not understand troy weight. I believe he weighs the gold in an ironmonger's shop. He does not afford the Government the slightest protection, and if we were so disposed we might remove large quantities of gold from the Principality. So far back as last August I sent the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer a memorial signed by 73 Members of this House, asking him whether he would be good and kind enough to consider the question of accepting a fair proportion of the profits, instead of taking from us a sum regardless of whether we make a profit or loss. The right hon. Gentleman did not reply except by a private letter.

I directed a letter to be forwarded acknowledging the memorial and stating that I did not accept the allegations in it as proved. If the hon. Gentleman did not receive the letter I will make inquiry.

* : It was acknowledged by a private letter to which I do not propose to refer, and it made a promise which has never been carried out. I was promised an interview if a certain event happened in this House. That event has long since passed, and I have had no interview. I want the right hon. Gentleman to remember that in no country but this are any restrictions placed upon the production of the precious metals. Many years before my advent in Wales, lead and copper ores were sent to Swansea where certain gentlemen, whose names are well known in this House, made enormous sums of money out of the gold they found in these ores. Will the right hon. Gentleman remember that, and will he also remember that the gold contained in the ore we are working today is of no value without expensive machinery to treat it in the immediate locality where it exists. The making of gold a marketable commodity is accomplished by a process subsequent to the obtaining of the ore. The right hon. Gentleman will probably say that the State is receiving a small amount, but I may say that the dividend which we have made on this particular property which we are working is £10,500.

* : On a capital of £210,000. The amount of money paid to the Government has been £1,707, and to the landowner by way of royalty £1,750; so that we have had to pay in royalty about 30 per cent. of the amount we have been able to pay in dividends. That is, of course, irrespective of the Income Tax. It may be said that we have over-capitalised the mine. [Mr. JACKSON: Hear, hear!] The right hon. Gentleman says "Hear, hear!" but I can state that so rich was the ore when the mine was placed upon the market that an offer of £50,000 was made to me for a fourth share. And the right hon. Gentleman has had before him a complete financial statement of the position of the mine, and he knows pretty well that at this moment I am £50,000 out of pocket by my connection with Welsh gold mining. But I have an ambition higher than mere "filthy lucre"; I have the desire to be the projenitor of a profitable industry in the Principality, and even though it is my fad, I will pursue it despite the jeers and sneers from the Treasury Bench. Now, the Woods and Forests Office, before my advent in Wales, had collected 11s. 9d. a year out of this industry. If they think there is no gold in Wales why do they insist on these exorbitant royalties? It is not long since they used to charge 1–10th; we got that reduced to 1–15th, and now it is 1–30th. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, a great financier, announced to the world that we require greater gold reserves in the banks of this country, and he told us that if we had not on a recent occasion got some money from France the result would have been disastrous. Now, we have produced half a ton of gold out of one small mine, which goes to show that we could increase the amount of gold in this country. The salaries and cost of the Office of Woods and Forests is something like 25 per cent. of the whole cost of administering Her Majesty's Woods and Forests. The solicitor, who has a handsome salary besides fees, charges £20 for a licence to search for gold. That is before you can search on your own land, you must pay £20. Besides, if you find gold, the Government do not merely take their proportion, but they require you to treat the ore for gold, and then pay the carriage of the gold to London, together with the insurance. I do think the time has arrived when the Chancellor of the Exchequer, so anxious, apparently, to increase the gold reserve in the banks in England, should encourage this industry and permit us to take out the gold from the mountains in Wales. Will it be believed that the Office of Woods and Forests act under a law passed in the reign of Elizabeth? Surely such an unsatisfactory state of things should be remedied.

It is not within the cognisance of this Committee to discuss alterations of the law. The hon. Member must take the law and start from that basis.

* . The condition of the law is such that a man having a lead mine is protected to the extent of £22 of gold, and if he has a copper mine, to the extent of £15 of gold.

The hon. Member is criticising the law. That is not within the province of the Committee. The hon. Member has power to criticise the acts of the Administration.

* : I complain of the action of the Commissioners of Wood and Forests in not having interested themselves in this work, and I want the law to be altered so that this industry may be developed, and in order to do that, I wished to show the Committee the true condition of the Law. I say this, that the Woods and Forests Office, if they are desirous of developing the industry, are neglecting their duty by allowing the law to be in its present condition.

* : I will not pursue the point, but if the Commissioners of Woods and Forests allow things to remain in such a condition that they cannot collect the revenue, and the Government approve of their conduct, I have nothing more to say. Mr. Courtney, there are certain zinc mines in North Wales, and it has only lately been discovered that there is gold in this zinc, and the Commissioners of Woods and Forests are interfering. If gold is found in small quantities in antimony, manganese, or any other metal or mineral beside copper, tin, iron, or lead, the Crown can claim to be entitled to it, because it does not come within the exemption. In the one mine which is working under such great difficulties at the present time, there are 190 men at work. The Government have granted 447 licences, or leases. It is only fair to assume that, at any rate, a proportion of these 447 mines could have been at work. If 50 or 100 were at work a very much larger number of men would be employed. If the Go- vernment would take 100th instead of 1–30th, and if there were ten mines at work the Government would receive three or four times the amount of revenue which they obtain now. I cannot help thinking that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, who have fisheries to look after in Scotland, who receive handsome salaries and expenses, are naturally, as I should be, perhaps, if I were in their positions, disinclined to add to the amount of their work. They do absolutely nothing to encourage the industry, and they will insist upon taking their proportion of our product without regard to our profit or loss. The Government have declined over and over again to take a proportion of our profit, yet nothing would be easier than for the revenue officers to levy such a tax on our profit as their consciences would allow. The Chancellor of the Exchequer wants a larger revenue of gold. Yet he keeps gold locked up in the mountains of Wales. Does he want the reserves for future generations? Will the right hon. Gentleman, if he has any desire to see this industry developed, issue a Treasury Minute that for five or seven years there shall be nothing more than a nominal charge upon gold and silver produced? At the end of that time, I promise the Chancellor of the Exchequer that a great number of mines would be opened in Wales, and that he will get a reasonable revenue from this industry? If the right hon. Gentleman will not do what I suggest, then I can assure him that it will be my duty to bring the matter before the House in a more formal manner, and I will probably take up time that might with the view of the Government have been more profitably employed.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Item A, Salaries, be reduced by £100, part of the salary of the Chief Commissioner."—( Mr. Pritchard Morgan. )

* : The Government levy a royalty not upon gold, but upon the process which makes that gold marketable, I, myself, believe that if gold mining is to become profitable in this country, it will be necessary to carry it out on a large scale and with every possible economy. I fear that if the Government continue to levy a royalty on the gold produced, it will do much to stifle this industry in its infancy, whereas if they levy it on the profit which results from producing the gold, much will be done to encourage the industry, which would probably in the future afford employment to a vast number of people, and the Crown would receive their share should the mining prove successful. These are considerations which will, I think, be acceptable to the Chancellor of the Exchequer or to any right hon. Gentleman who succeeds him. There are several grounds that might be brought forward in favour of this proposal if this were the proper time for doing so. There is one certainly that might have some weight with the Government. At present there is a mining section of the London Chamber of Commerce being formed. When the Royal Commission make their report I ask the Government not to take any action upon it until the Members of this section have had an opportunity of expressing their views to the Government. I do not think it necessary for my hon. Friend to proceed to a Division.

Everybody will have listened with interest to the remarks of the hon. Member who has just sat down, and who speaks with such authority on this question. I wish to support the appeal that has been made for the levying of a very moderate sum indeed—at all events, at the beginning—on these gold-mining undertakings. As a Member of the Commission of Woods and Forests I must say that there was no blame attaching to that Department, which has merely performed its duty. I believe that there is no other country in the world, however, where these rights over the precious metals exist. They do not exist in America or Australia. I was much struck with the fact mentioned by my hon. Friend that if copper or lead ore is brought into Swansea from abroad, and gold and silver is afterwards extracted from it, no royalty is charged, whilst gold extracted from Welsh ore has to pay a royalty. It may be said it is not a very heavy royalty, but at the same time these duties are a great discouragement to young enterprises. It is to the interest of every one to get gold, and especially in Wales, which is such a poor country, is it desirable to foster any such industry. I think the Commissioners of Woods and Forests are a little too technical and high in their charges for leases of this description. They very often insist upon doing by means of a deed costing £8 or £10, that which any gentleman on his own estate would do for half-a-crown on a stamped piece of paper. I would urge that the charges upon the mining of gold and silver might be revised in a liberal spirit. We all know that in poor countries, where the landlord has land out of cultivation, he will let it for next to nothing to any man who will reclaim it, and then, after a certain number of years, when a profit has been derived from the land he will take a rent which may be a fair rent to take under those circumstances. Surely some system of that kind might be devised with reference to mining in Wales. I am not sure that it would be possible to raise a duty on the profits, because it is extremely difficult to discover what are the profits of a mining concern, and a statement of profits would be open to every species of fraud. I would much rather let at a very low rent or royalty for a certain number of years, and then raise the royalty. I think that an industry of this kind should be relieved from every possible discouragement.

With everything that has been said by the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken as regards the desirability of encouraging and stimulating not only the industry of gold-seeking in Wales but industries generally we all agree. The Government are just as anxious as anybody can be to develop to the largest extent this industry on fair terms. I think, however, that I have a little reason to complain of the tone of the hon. Member for Glamorgan (Mr. Pritchard Morgan). I must say that, having listened very carefully, I came to the conclusion that whenever the hon. Member attempted to make out any case of maladministration against the Commissioners of Woods and Forests he failed altogether, being met with the difficulty that it was the duty of the Commissioners to administer the law as it stands. As far as I could make out, he made no complaint against the administration by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests of the law as it stands.

* : I beg the right hon. Gentleman's pardon. The Commissioners of Woods and Forests have the power, subject to the approval of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to reduce the royalties to the lowest possible amount, but the royalties charged have amounted to 30 per cent. of the profits. I say the Commissioners have no right to insist on royalties which have practically taken from us one-third of the profits we make.

Yes; I am aware the hon. Member said that, but I am not quite sure how he calculates his profits. I suppose he is making some allowance for interest on the large amount of capital employed.

It appears to me that there is a point below which a reduction of royalty would merely tend to swell the amount which the public has to pay for the mines with which the hon. Member is connected, and would not tend to increase the profits of the shareholders. It will be in the recollection of the hon. Member that there sat, for more than a year, a Commission to inquire into the administration of woods and forests. The hon. Member had every opportunity of laying his case before that Commission.

The hon. Member knew that the Commission was sitting. The Government, aware of the importance of the question of mining royalties, appointed a Royal Commission to examine into the whole question. The hon. Member had the opportunity of giving his evidence before that Commission; and, as the matter under discussion is at this moment before the Commission, I think the hon. Member will agree that it would not be seemly on the part of the Government to make any changes before the Commission reports.

* : The Commission has reference to mining royalties generally, and not particularly to those connected with gold and silver. That is a mere incident in their inquiry.

The hon. Gentleman, at all events, gave very full evi- dence before the Commission on this very question. I think I have a right to complain that the hon. Member has hardly done justice to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests in their desire to make a scale such as would meet the requirements laid down by the right hon. Member for Derby. The result of their careful consideration of the matter has been communicated to the company with which the hon. Member's name is associated, and that result is represented by a scale of charges which no one would say is anything but extremely liberal. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby said it would be desirable in the first instance to charge a low royalty. I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree that that should be to some extent conditional upon the value of the material which is being got. If a mine is being worked on the low grade ores there should be a small royalty, so as not to hamper the industry to any unreasonable extent. The first part of the scale imposed by the Woods and Forests is as follows:—

"When the ore or veinstuff crushed or otherwise treated for the extract of gold and silver during any half-year of the term produces (on an average) per ton of ore or veinstuff not exceeding 5dwts. of gold and silver, a royalty of one one-hundreth part in value of the gold and silver obtained."

I contend that 1 per cent. of the profit is an extremely reasonable rate of royalty to charge. Indeed, I challenge the hon. Member himself to say whether it would unreasonably handicap or hamper this industry.

* : I am prepared to say that if the Woods and Forests would accept 1 per cent. all round it would not be unreasonable. But when they insist upon taking 1 per cent. of the product and take from the mine what may be required to make good a loss, I say that is an unreasonable thing. If they said 1 per cent. all round that would be a proposal which I have made to the Government over and over again.

The hon. Member does not quite meet the point, but I think I may take it that the hon. Member does not really deny that a royalty of 1 per cent. under the conditions I have mentioned is a reasonable thing.

That certainly is very strange, because the hon. Member in his evidence before the Mining Royalties Commission expressed his opinion that 1 per cent. would not be an unreasonable royalty to charge. In fact, the hon. Member went further, and said he did not think the gold mining industry of Wales could carry more than a handicap of 2 per cent. on the gross product.

* : The right hon. Gentleman must read the whole of that evidence in order to get my opinion. I said that the industry could not possibly be handicapped by more than 2 per cent., and I suggested that if the Government would not adopt the principle of having a portion of the profits they should have 1 per cent. on private lands and should receive 2 per cent. on Crown lands.

That opens up another question, as to the desirability of raising revenue on the profits. I agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Derby that it would be extremely difficult to fix upon a satisfactory scale or method of levying this royalty if it were to be done on profits. The hon. Member (Mr. Pritchard Morgan), when giving evidence before the Commission, was asked whether he thought a royalty on profits would be preferable to a royalty on products, and his answer was—

"I certainly think it would be if there were no difficulties in the way. I urged the Government to take the royalty in the profits, but I pointed out that difficulties would arise. I said that five or six unprincipled men having property which was valuable might change it into a limited company, and charge £5,000 or £6,000 in fees, and so absorb all theo prfits."

I hope I have shown the Committee that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests have endeavoured to meet the case in a fair manner. They have framed a scale which I think no one can say errs on the side of severity in the case of working low grade ore; and there is every disposition on the part of the Commissioners to do everything they can to develop this industry in Wales and in other parts of the country. I am speaking, of course, of the royalty to be charged on low grade ores.

Yes; I ought perhaps to have read it before. It is as follows:—

"When the ore or veinstuff crushed or otherwise treated for the extraction of gold and silver during any half-year of the term produces (on an average) per ton of ore or vein-stuff exceeding 5dwts. but not exceeding 7½dwts., a royalty of 1–75th part in value of the gold and silver obtained; exceeding 7½dwts. but not exceeding 10dwts., 1–50th; exceeding l0dwts. but not exceeding 15dwts., 1–35th; exceeding 15dwts. but not exceeding 20dwts., 1–25th; exceeding 20dwts. but not exceeding 30dwts., 1–20th; exceeding 30dwts 1–15th."

I ought to say that the proposal was that these results should be taken upon the half year's work. I certainly thought this scale would have met the hon. Member's approbation. At all events, I think the Committee will agree that in view of the fact that the whole subject is at present before a Commission it would be premature on the part of the Government to announce any decision upon the subject. We await the Report of that Commission, which I feel sure will endeavour to stimulate this industry in every possible way.

Some years ago I expressed the opinion that if the Government were to develop the gold industry in Wales they must cease to levy the royalty on the gross production. We have had three years' experience since, and the result is that we have only one gold mine working in Wales, although 400 or 500 licences to work have been granted. At that time the mine of my hon. Friend (Mr. Pritchard Morgan) was producing 5oz. of gold to the ton, but now I doubt whether they will get 5dwt. to the ton. In Wales there are great bodies of low grade ore with only occasional pouches of better ore. Very much the same state of things is to be found in Sutherland-shire, and my hon. Friend is fighting in Wales the battle which we are prepared to fight in Scotland. The cost of mining alone is so much. My hon. Friend does not mine; he tunnels in the hill, and he has a water mill for crushing, and under the circumstances it is possible for the Morgan Mine to pay on 5dwts., but only under such circumstances. Then we have heard of the overloaded Stock of this gold mine. £210,000 is the nominal capital, and what is the price per share to-day? Three shillings. So that for £35,000 you can buy the mine—less than the cost of erecting the crushing machinery. It is not a question of giving bloated capitalists high dividends. What I wish particularly to urge is that if the Government are anxious to develop the gold-mining industry in Wales and in other parts of the country two conditions are necessary: The first is that the royalty should be charged on the net results. We are told that it would be possible for unprincipled owners to absorb too large amounts in fees and salaries, but 99 out of 100 of these undertakings are Joint Stock Companies, because the capital required is so large, and the shareholders will see that their dividends are not prejudiced by the high fees drawn by their Directors. A royalty on the net results will permit the poorer lodes to be worked. After three years of inquiry and discussion the Government are still going on charging royalties on the gross. A royalty of 1 per cent. upon 5dwts. of gold and silver per ton of ore or veinstuff is preposterous. With a 15ft. lode mining 3dwts. to the ton, the cost of milling would not allow of the working. Here and there you come upon a richer lode, and, by combining the two, milling is possible. But into the technical part of the question I do not wish to enter. Our position is simply this—we hold that if the royalty is charged upon the gross production it hinders and prevents the development of the industry, as has been proved by experience. The second point to which I wish to refer is the fact of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests granting licences—upwards of 400 have been granted—without laying down any conditions whatever as to working. The Commissioners ought to lay down the condition, as is done in the colonies and in every gold-producing country, that a certain amount of work must be done or the licence will be forfeited. I do not wish to take up time, but I could point out how the application of similar prejudicial conditions to those we now object to almost crushed the gold-mining industry in the Transvaal during the time that country was under the control of the Colonial Office, whereas under present and more reasonable conditions the mines have since greatly flourished. I am confident that if in this case the Government would be content with a reasonable royalty on the net results the industry would rapidly develop in Wales and other parts of Great Britain, and add very largely to gold production.

I do not think the right hon. Gentleman has given a sufficient answer to the claim of my hon. Friend. The scale, which might be fair as applied to one set of circumstances, would not be so in another set of circumstances.

Well, I must accept the statement of my hon. Friend, for the simple reason that he knows the mine very well, having had charge of it for six or seven years. It is no question of overstocked capital, and we find a third of the profits going in royalties. The principle upon which the royalties are charged has not, I think, been adequately considered by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests. When a mine is situated in the heart of the mountains, 10 or 15 miles distant from railway communication, there is an increased cost in carrying on operations, beginning with the cost of conveying and erecting machinery, and this I do not think has been adequately considered. Then, also, I find that local agents are consulted in the imposition of these rates, getting a percentage on the royalties charged. I do not know whether this applies to this particular mine, and I do not suggest any sort of corrupt motive; but if a man has a pecuniary interest in the royalty on a mine being high or low, necessarily this will influence him. The system is a bad one, and I believe that as long as the local agents have a direct personal interest in the royalties charged we shall never have a fair or reasonable system established.

I only wish to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he will agree to leave the matter open until the minerals section of the London Chamber of Commerce, which is about to be appointed, can place their views before him?

I would prefer that the minerals section of the London Chamber of Commerce should put their views before the Royal Commission now sitting. I cannot, of course, say that the views they express before the Commission will be carried into effect, but their views would be embodied in the Report of the Commission, and I can promise, at all events, that the recommendations that are made upon them shall be attended to without delay. I would remind hon. Members on both sides that in regard to this question the Government are only waiting for the Report of the Royal Commission to decide on what course to take, and it would be premature, if not unseemly, for us to give any pledge at the present time as to taking any particular course of action before considering the Report and evidence to which so much attention is given.

* : But the Royal Commission may sit two or three years longer yet, and what is to be done in the meantime? Unless I get a satisfactory assurance that the Government will take some action at once, I must press the matter to a Division. The scale which has been proposed by the right hon. Gentleman is an absurdity, and I think the Chancellor of the Exchequer, having already had so many statements and facts laid before him, would do well to adopt the suggestion that the Government should charge a mere nominal royalty for the next four or five years—or even three years, so that a chance may be given to push forward this as yet undeveloped and un-tried industry. If the right hon. Gentleman will agree that for three years a nominal royalty shall be imposed I will at once withdraw my Motion.

(5.45.) The Committee divided:—Ayes 90; Noes 134.—(Div. List, No. 360.)

Original Question again proposed.

There is another matter in relation to the administration of the Department in Wales to which I wish to draw attention. The Crown lands in Wales extend over 273,939 acres rich in mineral wealth, and in the administration of this property the people are deeply interested. I have to call attention to what I must condemn as the bad administration of the Office of Woods and Forests in connection with the Gwylwyr Sett Quarry in North Wales. The quarry, which used to employ some 200 or 300 men and was a valuable industry to the locality, has been closed by the lessee, and the general belief is that he has simply desired to obtain possession of the quarry, not to work it, but to prevent its being worked by anybody else in competition with another quarry on the other side of the mountain in which the lessee is interested. I have asked the Secretary to the Treasury many questions in reference to this subject, and I urged, as I wish to urge now, that there should be a clause in these leases requiring the lessee to work a quarry. I wrote a letter to the right hon. Gentleman giving him my reasons for this, and the receipt of that letter he acknowledged, and I also told the right hon. Gentleman that there were neighbouring owners quite prepared to undertake the working of the quarry. The right hon. Gentleman told me, in one of the answers he gave, that it was usual to insert in these leases a proviso that a minimum number of men should be employed in the quarry, and that if they were not employed the Crown should resume possession. He did not say, however, what the minimum was. This quarry had been keeping 200 men in constant employment, and I think Mr. Parry ought to have been compelled to keep at work a number of men proportionate to the size of the quarry. The right hon. Gentleman assured me that a provision would be inserted in the lease for the purpose of compelling the lessee to work the quarry. It is certainly rather remarkable that the lessee of the quarry was a Unionist candidate for this particular locality at the last election. I think it is most important that the properties which are in the hands of the Crown in Wales to the extent of 210,000 acres should be conducted for the benefit of the people of the locality. The right hon. Gentleman said that a minimum number of men should be employed. I am informed that Mr. Parry keeps four men at work in a quarry where 200 men were formerly employed. The right hon. Gentleman will no doubt say that if the quarry is not worked it will he a loss to the lessee; but it is really to the advantage of Mr. Parry to pay a rent of £200 a year merely to prevent anyone else working the quarry and competing with his other quarry. He might lose £10,000 a year by having it worked by someone else. Unless the right hon. Gentleman can present the case in a different aspect from that in which it now appears to me, I must press the matter to a Division. I beg to move the reduction of the Vote by £300.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Item A, Salaries, be reduced by £300, part of the Salary of the Chief Commissioner."—( Mr. Lloyd-George. )

The case to which my hon. Friend refers is one of which I have some little knowledge. It appears that this quarry is to be shut up because a gentleman on the other side of the mountain has a quarry of his own with the trade of which he does not want to have any interference. The idea of employing only two men in a quarry is too monstrously absurd to need any comment. It must be evident that it was the intention of the Office of Woods and Forests to shut up this quarry and keep it from working. This is in keeping with the whole conduct of the Department. I have in my hand some most amusing correspondence in the shape of a letter from an Under Sheriff to the Office of Woods and Forests. He writes acknowledging the receipt of two warrants of execution for Crown rents, amounting to 2s. 2d. each, and he says—

"I do not see that I can seize, as the warrants are addressed to no one. No name has been filled in after the word 'To' at the top of the warrants."

The letter is dated the 10th of March, 1891, and there is the following post-script:—

"Your warrants are dated the 19th of February, 1890, Is this correct? The present Sheriff was not in office at that time. Does this matter?"

The fact is, that the whole administration of the office is of the most disgraceful character, and is quite in keeping with the manner in which the Commissioners have treated the gold industry. They have not been near us to look after the interests of the Crown. The Commissioners get the same amount of money, whether they do much or little, and the interests of the Crown and of the public are totally disregarded by them.

The hon. Member has fairly stated what has taken place with regard to these quarries, and I do not think I can add very much to what he has said. I understand that the fact of the quarry not being worked is owing, not to any desire not to work it, but to the condition of trade. This is only one quarry out of six or seven in the district equally well situated that are not being worked at present. The Woods and Forests Department accepted the best tenant they could get and on the best terms.

The right hon. Gentleman states that there are half a dozen other quarries equally well situated that are not open at this moment. He wrote me a letter stating that he would be glad to have one of them worked by the people of the locality. I am very much obliged to him for his letter, but I may say that when I looked into the matter I found it was a quarry which bad never produced good setts. It is half a mile further from the sea than one with which it would have to compete, and this would involve the construction of half a mile more of railway. I sent the right hon. Gentleman's letter down to the district, and was told that it would be impossible to compete for a moment with the other quarry. With regard to the quarry with which I have been dealing, I say the Department ought to have handed it over on the express condition that the lesser must work it. There was no reason whatever for handing it over to Mr. Parry, unless it was the desire to indulge in a bit of favouritism. I am afraid the matter cannot be remedied now. I can only ask the Woods and Forests Commissioners to enforce such conditions as there are in the lease, although those conditions are really not worth the paper they are written on. I cannot help thinking that the right hon. Gentleman is of the same impression as myself, namely, that the Woods and Forests Commissioners have not acted properly in this matter.

* (6.20.) : I do not know this particular quarry, but I know enough of slate quarries in general in Wales to, know that the "condition of the trade" is a very common excuse for gentlemen in the position of Mr. Parry not working their quarries at all. It is with a view to meet cases of this kind that it is usual to insert in leases of quarries a covenant requiring the employment of a certain number of men. I should like the right hon. Gentleman to tell me what the number of men employed in this quarry is. If there are, as I hear, four, it is a mere colourable working. We perfectly understand the meaning of this dog-in-the-manger policy. It is adopted simply for the purpose of staving off competition. If the Amendment be pressed to a Division, I shall certainly vote for it.

I do not know anything about the merits of this particular case, and, therefore, I cannot form any better judgment upon it than those Members who have taken the trouble to listen to my hon. Friend, but it is quite certain, from what my hon. Friend has said, that in dealing with the Crown lands in the Principality a good deal of natural dissatisfaction has arisen. Crown property in Wales is of a very peculiar character. I am a Member of a Select Committee which during the last two Sessions has been considering the question of Crown property. The case my hon. Friend has brought for ward only confirms the view I formed and ventured to express when the Committee were considering their Report, namely, that a Central Department cannot possibly deal with property of this kind so satisfactorily as it can be dealt with locally. I am not for a moment suggesting that the central administration of the Commissioners is not, under the circumstances, as good as could be expected. I think the result of our careful inquiries conclusively proves that the property of the public is administered by the Commissioners efficiently and economically and, under the circumstances, as well as could be expected—better and more cheaply, in fact, than ordinary great estates are managed. I wish to add also that the administration is honest. The Crown property in Wales consists of 84,000 acres of waste land. The Crown has all the manorial rights over that land, and, of course, owns the minerals under it. It also owns the mines under 189,000 acres of waste land, of which it had formerly the manorial rights. What has become of the surface ownership? Somehow or other there does not seem to have remained any part of the surface which belongs to the Crown. The total receipts of this enormous tract of country are only £14,000 a year. It is clear from the evidence given before the Committee that there exists in Wales a deep-seated feeling that the administration of this great area of land ought to be in the hands of the representatives of the people in Wales itself. I suggested to the Committee that it was in every way desirable that the Crown lands should be locally managed by the County Councils, and the proceeds applied for the benefit of the people. That seems to me to be a conclusion to which we are also irresistibly drawn by this discussion.

* (6.28.) : I wish to ask what are the intentions of the Government with regard to carrying out the recommendations of the Committee on Woods and Forests? That is a matter in which my constituents are very much interested. One of the points on which the Committee made a recommendation related to the contribution by the Office of Woods and Forests to religious and educational purposes. At present they are only allowed to give to Church of England schools. Another recommendation was as to the enclosure of land for public purposes, such as gardens and allotments. The other principal point relates to the amalgamation of gales in Dean Forest; and the avoidance in cases of amalgamation of way-leaves and tolls.

I may inform the hon. Member that it is the intention of the Government to give effect to the recommendation of the Committee to which he has referred, and steps would have been taken to do so this year if time could have been found for the introduction of the Bill. I rather think that the legislation required was of that kind which appertains to Private Bill legislation, and therefore notice would have had to be given before the Bill was lodged. In order to comply with those requirements the matter has necessarily been postponed; but I hope it will be possible to give the requisite notice so as to bring on the Bill next Session.

I desire briefly to call attention to a matter in connection with this subject. It is well known that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests are the owners of a large property, of which the ground rents alone amount to upwards of £237,000. The Committee to which reference has been made recommended in their Report that the management of certain property appeared to be in the hands of Mr. A. Tate, and they added that they were of opinion that one of the Commissioners should take a more active part in the management of the property. The question I desire to ask is, whether anything has been done to give effect to that recommendation; and, if so, who is the Commissioner to whom that duty has been assigned?

was inaudible in the Gallery.

(6.37.) The Committee divided:—Ayes 89; Noes 136.—(Div. List, No. 361.)

Original Question again proposed.

I should like to call the attention of the Committee to the administration of the Woods and Forests Department in regard to the slate quarries in North Wales, and the extortionate charges that are made in the shape of royalties in those quarries. I am informed by competent judges that there is a large amount of undeveloped property of this kind in North Wales that would otherwise be worked if it were not that the industry is so crippled by those exorbitant charges. I am assured by quarry proprietors in this slate district that not one of them has been enabled to make more than 2 per cent. profit during the last 10 years; in fact, some of them have not made a single penny profit during the whole of the time they have been working in the quarries. They have repeatedly made representations to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests with a view of securing the reduction of those royalties, and in consequence some slight reductions have been made, but they have been so slight that they have not been enough to enable the proprietors to work the quarries properly. I wish to ask the right hon. Gentle- man before I move the reduction of the Vote whether he does not think the complaints made by the quarry proprietors are well founded?

This is the first time I have heard of the complaint made by the hon. Member, and I shall be very glad if he will lay before me the necessary facts, in order that I may inquire into the matter. With, regard to the fixing of the rents, I would remind the hon. Member that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests are advised by experts, and there is a universal approval of the competency and fitness of Mr. Foster-Browne, who has succeeded to the post of adviser.

I do not deny the fitness of Mr. Forster. Browne, to advise in connection with matters relating to collieries, but I doubt whether he has had the necessary practical experience to qualify him as an adviser on matters relating to slate quarries.

* (6.50.) : Before the Vote is taken, may I ask what are the hours of the clerks in the Office of Woods and Forests?

* : I would also ask the right hon. Gentleman another question, namely, whether the Solicitor to the Department, who receives a salary of £1,500 a year, gives the whole of his time to the work of the office?

In reply to the hon. Member for Shoreditch, I believe the junior clerks in the office of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests are employed for six hours in the day.

I suppose they take refreshment. But, at any rate, their hours of attendance are what I have already stated. The Solicitor gives the whole of his time to the office, and nothing is paid to him for allowances for the clerks except in the case of money actually expended. In reply to the hon. Member for Carnarvon, I should not like to say that I had so little confidence in Mr. Foster-Browne that I should prefer to take the opinion of someone else, but I will undertake to give consideration to the matter brought under my notice by the hon. Member.

I wish to call the right hon. Gentleman's attention to a grievance existing in the western part of my county. That grievance is that a large number of farms are held by one person, and the result is that there is a great deal of agricultural sweating going on. We should like the representatives of the Crown to consider this question when the existing leases expire.

Question put, and agreed to.

2. £35,174, to complete the sum for the Works and Public Buildings Office.

I wish on this Vote to call attention to the item for the Superintendent of Furniture. The right hon. Gentleman last year or the year before that informed us that the contract would be thrown open to such firms as might desire to tender for the supply of furniture for the Government Offices. Up to the time we began to heccle the right hon. Gentleman on the subject some two or three persons appeared to have had a monopoly in supplying this furniture, and there seemed to be a very comfortable arrangement among the furniture dealers with regard to this subject; but the right hon. Gentleman, in that spirit of fairness and honesty which always characterises his conduct in this House, assured us that he would do his best to have that contract thrown open. The workmen in the trade were, however, unable to obtain a list of the firms supplying furniture, and they asked me to obtain the particulars. I applied at the office, and a promise was made to supply the conditions, but so far they have never reached me or the workmen. I should be glad to know from the right hon. Gentleman the reason why. I should also like to know, too, what are the duties performed by the Superintendent of Contracts for Coals? I drew attention to this item some years ago, when the salary of the official was only £200; it is now £350. It seems to me a very extravagant sum, and one, therefore, which calls for explanation. The Superintendent of Contracts for Candles and Oil gets a salary of £250 a year. What does he do for that? I may perhaps be permitted to conclude by asking the right hon. Gentleman for information as to the hours worked by the clerks in the Works Office.

In the Office of Works the employés are engaged for seven hours a day, and they get their refreshments in the office. The Superintendent of Coals, &c., has to take into consideration contracts to the amount of from £28,000 to £30,000 a year. He also has to inspect the quality of the articles received, and to see that we get value for our money. He is a very hard-worked official indeed. He is not so much a superintendent as an adviser of the Board, and his title, therefore, is rather misleading. The other official to whom allusion has been made has his time fully employed, and, no doubt, he has saved the country a large amount of money, both with regard to making contracts and seeing that they are properly carried out. With regard to what the hon. Member has said as to the furniture, I will look into the matter without delay.

* (7.7.) : I am glad to find that in the right hon. Gentleman's Department there is no Purveyor of Luncheons. I suppose the Department is not quite aristocratic enough for that. I wish, however to call attention to the management of Epping Forest. I find that by the Act of 1878 the name of the First Commissioner of Works is mentioned in connection with the bye-laws, and it no doubt has been inserted in the Act with a view to protecting the rights of the people of London. The bye-laws are to be under his supervision, and are not legal without his consent, Now, one bye-law which is being enforced has not been approved by him.

I may save the time of the Committee if I tell the hon. Member that I have nothing to do with this matter. Under the Act power is given to the Conservators to make bye-laws, and I admit that they have no force unless allowed by the Ranger on the advice of the Office of Works countersigned by the First Commissioner of Works. But the regulation to which the hon. Member refers is not a byelaw.

* : I desire to point out that one bye-law now being enforced has not been approved by the First Commissioner, and, that being so, I contend that the right hon. Gentleman should take steps to stop its enforcement and to end the proceedings which have been instituted against a number of poor people. When I put a question on the subject to the right hon. Gentleman he suggested that I should take legal advice. I have done so. I have consulted the highest legal authority—the Attorney General. He says he cannot assist me. Now, I say it is the duty of the First Commissioner to interfere in this matter. It is one of the things for which he gets his salary, and I shall propose a reduction of his salary if he refuses to protect the rights of the people of London against the enforcement of an illegal bye-law.

* : I say it is a most important bye-law that has ever been made. I have here a list of the bye-laws sanctioned by the right hon. Gentleman and his predecessor, and it does not appear among them. Here are bye-laws about donkeys, and so on, but this is a question of common rights, and one which affects about half the voters. I hope small commoners will not continue to be interfered with by the enforcement of an illegal bye-law.

I rise to a point of order. I have already explained to the hon. Member that my office has nothing to do with this subject. There is no bye-law affecting it.

* : I wish the right hon. Gentleman to give the Conservators notice that they have no business to enforce this illegal bye-law.

* : The right hon. Gentleman is not only generally courteous, but he is always fair, and I am sure he wishes to do the best he can for the people. I therefore trust he will interfere, and—

* : I will not press the subject further, but there is another matter to which I wish to draw attention. I hope that something will he done to improve the condition of the fountains in Trafalgar Square. The right hon. Gentleman the other day, in answer to a question, said the fountains were cleaned out once in three months. These complaints as to the condition of the water have been raised for years, and it surely is now time that something was done to do away permanently with what is undoubtedly a nuisance to the neighbourhood. I am told that the water is pumped up from a well in close proximity to old St. Martin's Churchyard, and that, consequently, its purity is very doubtful. I am also informed that it is pumped into a tank and used over and over again for three months until it becomes very much like thick soup. I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the water could not be obtained as cheaply from the Water Companies, so as to discontinue using water from a well near an old churchyard, and also whether he will give orders for the fountains to be more frequently cleaned out during the summer months than at present?

It is quite true that the water is supplied to the fountains from a well at the back of the National Gallery. It is excellent water, superior even to that of the companies, though that is good, and it is also supplied to some of the public offices—among them mine, and I myself drink it. It is true that the water from the fountains occasionally goes back, but that is not done so often as to render it unfit for use. Of course, the water at the fountains is not fit for drinking, and that is not the purpose for which it is used. As to the more frequent renewal of the water, and cleaning out the fountains oftener than at present during the summer months, I will look into the matter and see whether the suggestion of the hon. Member cannot be carried out.

With regard to the assistant surveyors of the first and second class I should like to know whether under any circumstances they get anything beyond their salaries. Are they allowed to receive fees?

I see you have reduced the number of surveyors from 28 to 22, and yet the charge for the 22 is larger than that for the 28 last year. How is that to be explained?

I have not the particulars here. I will inquire into the matter and let the hon. Member know.

I wish to raise a question as to a certain number of labourers, for the treatment of whom the right hon. Gentleman is responsible. A little while ago I pointed out that the wages paid to certain labourers were less than those paid for similar labour by other employers in the same locality, and the right hon. Gentleman then told me that, in instituting a comparison, I ought to take into account the fact that the men had certain pension rights which, presumably, men in other employments did not possess. My object in rising is to point out that the statement with regard to pensions is almost, if not entirely, illusory. I have been supplied with a number of cases which, I think, will substantiate that assertion.

Will the hon. Member tell me what particular class of labour he is alluding to?

Yes, the labourers in Kew and Hampton Court Gardens. A working foreman named Hollands was discharged after 33 years service and received no pension. Joseph Jacobs, after working in Kew Gardens for 25 years, was discharged as being worn out. This man is now 72 years of age; he has been in the public service for 40 years, having been in the Police Force before being engaged by the Office of Works; and I am informed that he is absolutely starving. Surely a pension ought to have been granted in a case like that. A third man laboured in Kew Gardens for 15 years, and was personally incapacitated by being jammed by some machinery in the gardens. He has received a gratuity of £15, and a sum of £16 odd in respect of his injury. He is totally disabled for work and has nothing to live upon. My next case is that of a labourer who served 18 years, and had one of his eyes knocked out while in the performance of his duty. Yet this man, who is believed to be entitled to a pension for life, has received only a gratuity of £14. Again, there is the case of a woman who worked in Kew Gardens for 25 years. She became blind, was discharged, and is now in a state verging on starvation. My last case is that of a labourer who served for 23 years and then became dumb and paralysed. He, too, was discharged without either pension or gratuity. This man never received more than 10s. per week. Either these persons are entitled to a pension or they are not. If they are, then there is reason to complain that the right hon. Gentleman has not adequately investigated the circumstances; and if they are not, then there is very little in the argument which the right hon. Gentleman put before the House with a view to showing that the conditions of service under the Board of Works are better than those of outside employment.

Some of these cases have been mentioned for the first time to-day, and I have not, therefore, had an opportunity of acquainting myself with the details. But in reply to the general argument of the hon. Member, I may say that some of the labourers employed are entitled to pension and others not, and the very fact that some persons in the cases alluded to by the hon. Member have received gratuities, proves that they are not entitled to pension.

I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for courteously promising to make enquires into the cases I have mentioned; but I desire to call particular attention to the actual language he used, as reported in Hansard. I had called attention to the difference between the rate of wages paid to the labourers employed in Kew Gardens and similar labourers employed in the neighbourhood, and the right hon. Gentleman replied—

"Having regard to the exceptional advantages which labourers in Kew Gardens enjoy in many ways as regards sick pay, attendance of medical officer gratis, pension, and other matters, so far from being Mused, or badly paid, they receive wages really above the average given to others in the neighbourhood."

Upon that I wish to ask whether there are any labourers in Kew Gardens who are entitled to pension, and if so, what work do they do, and after how many years' service do they become entitled to pension?

I think there must have been some slip on the part of the reporter. As far as my recollection serves me—[The explanation was inaudible in the Gallery.]

I should like to point out that the Hansard Report is headed with an asterisk, which is usually understood to indicate that the Member has revised the Report.

I thank the right hon. Gentleman for his promise. Would he desire me to hand him a list of these cases?

* (7.35.) : I have to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question relating to a matter of account. The question really arises on all the Votes. We have here shown what are the minimum and maximum salaries in the Department, but I see that in many cases the maximum salaries are exceeded in the shape of "personal allowance." Two chief clerks get £100 more than the maximum. Is there any favouritism in the "personal allowance," or is it a way of getting over the fixed maximum salary?

I notice that in almost every speech in Supply the hon. Member makes some charge of want of straightforwardness, some want of honesty in the Public Departments. The tone of the hon. Member is such that I am not sure he ought to have any answer at all, but I will explain at once that the maximum is only exceeded when changes are made in the office, and public servants are asked to undertake new work which is not originally a part of their bargain. In such cases it is only fair that additional personal allowance should be given. But in every case in which a personal allowance is given it is carefully scrutinised beforehand by the Treasury. In the case of the two clerks referred to, let me say that formerly there were three principal clerks. Great economy was effected by reducing the number to two. It was felt to be only reasonable to give each of the two an additional allowance.

* : I never intended to make any charge against anybody, and least of all against the right hon. Gentleman, but I must say it is a shocking system that the maximum salaries are so often exceeded, especially when the clerks are already well paid.

Vote agreed to.

3. Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £19,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1892, for Her Majesty's Foreign and other Secret Services."

* (7.40.) : I do not propose to move a reduction of this Vote, because I object to the Vote as a whole. We were told the other day that there is £300 now put on the Accounts for the management of a portion of this fund. I wish to know whether any one else in any other Department receives anything for the management of the fund. Surely the charges for management might very properly appear in the Votes for the respective Departments. We are told that a great deal of the money is used in secret service payments on the Continent, that it is used for the purpose of getting information that cannot be obtained in any other way. That means bribing and corrupting public servants in other countries. Not only is it an inducement to those servants to act illegally and immorally, but it is also an inducement to Foreign Governments to do exactly the same thing in regard to the Public Departments in this country. I have never yet heard that information got in this way is at all necessary for this country, or even for the integrity of the British Empire. I cannot understand why a Christian country like this, with an Established Church, Bishops, and all the rest of it, cannot get on without doing what we admit to be wrong—corrupting public servants in other countries—and therefore I shall take a Vote against this Secret Service Fund altogether.

It is evident the hon. Member for Peterborough has a great deal more information on this subject than my-self. I do not know where he gets his information about the corrupting of public servants abroad, but I presume he has such information; perhaps it would be desirable he should produce it. I am one of those who never have opposed the Secret Service Vote. I think it is necessary there should be a certain amount of Secret Service money at the disposal of the Government. No doubt there is a great deal spent under this Vote which might as well be brought upon the Estimates, because it is not spent in Secret Service in the true sense. There ought to be an assurance given that there will be nothing of this kind in future.

I am not astonished at the remarks of the right hon. Member for Kirkcaldy, but I do not think there is any one on the Government Bench at the present moment who has anything to do with Secret Service. It is only the principal Secretaries of State who can give any assurance on the subject, and none of them are on the Government Bench at the present time. I believe neither the Prime Minister nor the Chancellor of the Exchequer knows anything about the spending of the Secret Service money. There ought to be someone responsible for the whole of the Secret Service money. I believe the Treasury is bound to give an Order whenever requested by a Secretary of State. I do not see how a country can get on without the expenditure of some Secret Service money, but at present there is no satisfactory assurance that the money is properly spent. I think there ought to be a Committee of the House appointed to inquire into the matter.

I should like to throw light on the subject, but I am not able to do so. The Public Accounts Committee, about three years ago, recommended that a declaration should be made by each Secretary of State on the subject, and a form of declaration was agreed to and submitted to the Controller and Auditor General, who accepted it as sufficient.

I do not for a moment say that the Secretaries of State are not as fit as anybody else to make the declaration, but still I do not think the system is a very satisfactory one. I should like to know whether the Secretary of the Treasury possesses any knowledge of the items.

* : We were told that £300 was given to a gentleman in the Foreign Office for managing that portion of the fund spent by the Foreign Office. Does any other gentleman get money for the management of this fund?

I have a Return for the last three years, from which it appears that there was surrendered to the Exchequer in 1887–88, £20,535 15s. 11d.; in 1888–89, £10,896 15s. 8d.; and in 1889–90, £6,178 12s. Of course in the last year the total sum taken was £35,000, and in the first year I have cited £50,000.

* : I am sorry we have not been able to get any satisfactory answer from the right hon. Gentleman as to how the money is spent. I take it for granted that what I say as to the money being used in bribing and corrupting public officials in foreign countries is correct, and therefore I shall divide the Committee against the Vote in its entirety.

I think the Chief Secretary for Ireland will acknowledge that the time has come when a question may fairly be addressed to him as to the expenditure of secret service money in Ireland. I admit there are times when a Minister is prevented from giving any explicit information as to the use of secret service money; but according to the avowal of the right hon. Gentleman in a recent speech, the present condition of Ireland is such that it is scarcely conceivable it is necessary to apply any secret service money to that country. Last month, by proclamation in the Dublin Gazette, the right hon. Gentleman withdrew the operation of the Coercion Act from a considerable part of Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman, in fact, confessed, by his own official act, that there is no longer in Ireland either criminal conspiracy or any resort to violence and intimidation, and an examination of the criminal Returns will show that the offences involved in the sending of threatening letters and other forms of intimidation have almost disappeared. Again, it will be admitted that in Ireland there is no grave crime as it is ordinarily understood, and in such circumstances I think I am entitled to ask whether any of the £35,000 is set apart in the present year for secret service in Ireland, and, if so, what is the amount?

It would not be in accordance with usage to give particulars as to the expenditure of the £35,000. I may say, however, that a sum is allocated to Irish purposes, and is placed in the charge of the Irish Secretary, just as the sum allocated to England is placed in the charge of the Home Secretary. Though the condition of Ireland does not call for the expenditure of the money, I do not think it would be right to make any alteration in the amount of money which for many years past has been allocated to Ireland.

I quite admit that, considering the magnitude of the British Empire, the sum is not large; but Ireland is only 1–300th part of the British Empire; and what I should like to know is whether Ireland receives more than her fair share—1–300th part of the whole. It is upon the public declaration of the right hon. Gentleman that Ireland is in a thoroughly satisfactory condition that I put the question. I cannot stand here and assent to the principle that in the present state of Ireland the information I seek should be refused, and, therefore, I beg to move the reduction of the Vote by £5,000.

Motion made, and Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £14,000, be granted for the said Service."—( Mr. Sexton. )

(8.0.) The Committee divided:—Ayes 34; Noes 90.—(Div. List, No. 362.)

Original Question again proposed.

* (8.6.) : The Chancellor of the Exchequer has now returned to the House, and as he, no doubt, has something to do with the administration of this fund, perhaps I may apply to him for some information as to the purposes for which this money is used. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether any of it is used towards providing those rewards sometimes offered for the capture, dead or alive, of so-called rebels; in short, can he give us any information at all about the fund?

This Vote is for the Secret Service Fund, and, that being so, I am afraid I cannot gratify the hon. Member's curiosity.

May I suggest that £500 of it might be used to pay off the Duke of Fife's debt to the Department of Woods and Forests.

(8.10.) The Committee divided:—Ayes 88; Noes 33.—(Div. List, No. 363.)

Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £7,706, be granted to Her Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1892, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Office of Her Majesty's Secretary for Scotland and Subordinate Offices."

I rise to move the reduction of the Vote for the salary of the Secretary for Scotland by the sum of £500. In taking this course, I desire at the outset to disavow any intention of making a personal attack upon the Secretary for Scotland or the right hon. and learned Gentleman who so ably acts as the representative of the Scotch Office in this House. I most gladly recognise in Lord Lothian's administration of Scotch affairs that keen sense of nationality we Scotchmen feel so strongly. He is one of the first to repudiate that abominable heresy that Scotland is merely an appendage to England, to be regarded in the light of a county, and that not a very large or important one. With regard to the Scotch Office also, I entirely recognise the endeavour to assert Scottish interests, and I am sure if they had a free hand we should have a much better result in Scotch legislation than this Parliament can show. It is a different matter, however, when I come to consider the way in which Scotch affairs have been treated by her Majesty's Government. By introducing certain measures this Session relating to Scotland her Majesty's Government have admitted that some legislation for that country is necessary, and yet, notwithstanding that fact, they have not persevered with those measures, but having taken them a certain distance have withdrawn them. This I know is an old, a longstanding grievance, but I do not think it ever assumed such proportions as during the present Parliament. Let me recall what has been done for Scotland in recent Sessions. I do not allude to small, measures passed sub silentio, I refer to really important legislation. In the sessions of 1887 and 1888 we had nothing, and during these two Sessions we were soothed by the promise that 1889 should be a Scotch Session. Well, 1889 came, and what was the Scottish result of the Session? We got a Local Government Bill for Scotland. But that Local Government Bill was not given to us out of any particular desire to give Scotland Local Government, but because in the previous year improved Local Government had been given to England of which the Act of 1889 was the natural complement. It will be said, "But in your Local Government Act you got something England did not get, you managed to squeeze into the measure a provision which practically gave free education to Scotland." Yes, but we owe no thanks for that to Her Majesty's Government. How did they receive the proposal? Why, exactly in the same spirit as was evinced in the speech of the Duke of Argyll in another, place yesterday, and no less than 56 Members of the Tory Party voted against Scotland having what she wished for in this matter. I would rather take the description of the manner in which Scotland got free education from the words of the First Lord of the Admiralty. The noble Lord said, speaking two or three weeks ago—

"If there is one part of the community where self-reliance is strongly developed, where a national system of primary education is supreme, and where the general population are in a higher condition of comfort than elsewhere, it is in Scotland. Yet in that country the Members of Parliament on both sides of the House positively extorted from the Government at the point of the bayonet a free education scheme."

Well, I think Scotch Members have very little reason to be grateful for free education thus extorted from the Government. Then we had the Scotch Universities Bill, and I think with the exception of the question of the theological chairs, there was very little difference of opinion on either side of the House upon that Bill. That measure was passed, and we have yet to see the result; we have to see the spirit in which the Government will meet the demands of the Commission. We shall expect them in regard to the rehabilitation of these Universities not to take the money out of the funds belonging to Scotland, but from general taxation. So much for the Scotch Session. The energy of the Government in regard to Scotland then died away, and in 1890 and 1891 we have had nothing. The answer, no doubt, will be very much on the lines of what was said by a Member of the Go- vernment a few days ago, that after all, the failure of Scotch legislation has been due to the action of the Scotch Gladstonian Members. Here is one of the points of our complaint, that when Scotch measures are introduced they are thrown upon this Table, and we are told to take them as they are, under penalty of their being dropped altogether.

I do not quite see that the speech of the right hon. Gentleman is addressed to the Vote before the Committee.

This is a Vote to meet the expenses of the Scotch Office, and the Scotch Secretary of State is responsible for Scotch business during the last six years, and what I am doing is reviewing the way in which Scotch legislation has been conducted during the present Parliament.

I will only say that the practice in past Sessions has been for the Government to tell Scotch Members to open their mouths, shut their eyes, and see what would be given them. But that is not the way in which we are prepared to deal with Scotch measures. We shall come to the consideration of these measures with mouths, eyes, and ears open. We have great reason to complain of the action of the Scotch Office, from the establishment of which we hoped such great things. Measures, as I have said, have been introduced, carried a certain distance, and then dropped. What has taken place in reference to the Private Bill Procedure Bill this year? That Bill was no new proposal. In the first place it was brought forward by a private Member, and twice has it been introduced by the Government. It was one of the measures mentioned in the Queen's Speech this year, it passed through the other House, it passed a Second Reading here, and was referred to a Committee and, changed somewhat; it came back to the House, and then, simply because a considerable number of Amendments were put upon the Notice Paper, the Bill was dropped. It was not a very bold course for the Government to take. Having, by the introduction of the Bill, acknowledged there was need for such legislation, they should have proceeded with it, and should have overcome obstacles placed in its way. If the Bill was so important, then the blame is the greater to them for not having passed it. If, on the other hand—as I maintain, was the case—the Bill was one which the Scottish people, as a whole, had no enthusiasm about, and which only created enthusiasm in the minds of a certain section in Edinburgh, who thought they were going to get some benefit out of it, then I say the Government were equally to blame for having introduced it with such provisions as not to secure the general support of the people of Scotland. It is true we think these matters ought to be dealt with in Scotland, but we had a great deal of criticism to offer to that Bill both with respect to the constitution of the Commission, and as to the fact that the cost of Private Bill legislation was not practically cheapened in the matter of fees. Be that as it may the fact that this Bill was dropped in such an extraordinary way is a matter which we have every reason to complain of, and which is another proof of the manner in which Scottish business is conducted. Then there was the very bulky Bill, the Burgh Police Bill, which contained no particularly contentious matter, but which was dropped against the wishes of the Scottish Members. Then there was a whole series of measures connected with fishing matters, in which I take a personal interest. These measures were brought forward and dropped in the same manner. At the very outset of this Parliament, in 1887, the Government brought in in the other House the Salmon. Fishery Bill, thereby acknowledging that there was a necessity for dealing with that matter. But no more has been heard of the measure. Then, let us come to the year 1888. In that year a Bill was passed which established Local District Fishery Committees for England. At this moment there are no less then 16 of these Committees established all round the coasts of England. The other day the Local Government Board was overwhelmed with congratulations at the good work these District Fishery Committees have done, and the great advantage they have been to the fishermen. Well, Sir, no similar measure has been passed for Scotland. The necessity of establishing similar Committees for Scotland has been recognised by the Government, but no measure has been passed. Then, as to the tribunal. Again and again they have admitted that the representative element should be introduced upon the Fishery Board of Scotland; they have introduced a measure containing certain provisions dealing with the matter, they have pushed that measure in a certain distance, and then dropped it. Again, the improvement of mussel fisheries in Scotland is of the greatest importance, as Lord Lothian himself has acknowledged in the clearest and most decided manner. He appointed a Committee of Inquiry on the subject, and in consequence of the Report of that Committee certain provisions—which I maintain were very inadequate—were introduced into a Bill dealing with the mussel fishery question. I would point out how important this is to the fishery interests of Scotland, and how important it is that the Scotch Members should insist upon the question being dealt with without delay. There are some 50,000 fishermen, and for six months in the year they fish with lines, using mussels for bait. In the single fishing village of Eyemouth, in 1885–6–7, the total amount of fish caught amounted to 4,665 tons, and in order to catch this fish 4,022 tons of mussel bait was used, or only 600 tons less mussels than fish caught. The total value of the fish caught was £58,940, and the value of the mussels was £7,664, an amount equal to one-eighth of the value of the fish. That shows how important this question is to the Scotch fishermen. The supply of mussels has decreased in an extraordinary way in recent years, and it is very necessary that steps should be taken to increase it. The Government have been very lax in connection with this question; they have instituted an inquiry, but they have not legislated. In spite of the inquiry and the Bills I have mentioned, we are going back again this Autumn without one thing being done for the benefit of the fishermen. Take the case of the Scottish Fishery Board. So far back as 1889 the Board recommended that an increase should be made in the salaries of their officers, from whom so much more head work and labour has been required during the past few years. I was told in that year that the matter was being favourably considered, and that the only reason it was not dealt with then, was because it was too late to include any increase in the Estimate for the year. During the following years—1890 and 1891—I have had similar answers. I have been assured of the value which the Government attach to this proposition, and yet year after year has passed without one thing being done to meet, what I consider, and what I think the Government consider, a most just demand on the part of these men. Now, I should like to ask what are the reasons for this laxity in the conduct of Scottish business, and what is the remedy for it? I know that some of my hon. Friends will say the reason is that we have not got a legislative assembly of our own in Scotland, and that the remedy is to establish such a body in Scotland. [Dr. CLARK: Hear, hear!] Well, I do not go quite so far as some of my hon. Friends in this matter, but I will say this, that the way the Government, under present conditions, have dealt with Scottish business is the very way to bring about the establishment of such an assembly as I have spoken of. I myself—and I daresay many of my hon. Friends agree with me—am of opinion that desirable as such a change may be, it has hardly yet come within the limits of practical policy, and that it would be more profitable to suggest to the Government some means of dealing with the matter in a manner which they, perhaps, would be inclined to accept. One of the main reasons why the Scottish Office has not been so great a success as we expected, is because the gentlemen who have been connected with the Office have not had a chance, and have been kept out of the inner circle of the Government, where we ought to find them. At this moment what is the fact? There is a large Cabinet of 15 or 16 Members, and not a single Scottish Member in it.

Order, order! That cannot be gone into on this Vote. It is not the fault of the Scottish Seeretary that he is not a Cabinet Minister. This is not a part of the administration of the Scottish Office. The right hon. Gentleman has exceeded in all directions the limits permissible on such a Vote.

Then, I will only observe this, that what we ought to do is to increase the importance of the Scottish Office in every possible way. To it should be entrusted many of those subjects which were kept out of it when the Office was instituted. The Minister who has charge of the Office should have a seat in this House, and be as important a Member of the Government as it is possible to make him. Nothing short of this will satisfy the Scottish Members, and as a protest against the treatment that not only Scottish business receives, but that the Scottish Office has received at the hands of English Ministers and English Conservatives, I beg to move the reduction of the Vote by the sum of £500.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That item A, Salaries, be reduced by £500, part of the Salary of the Secretary for Scotland."—( Mr. Marjoribanks ). (8.48.)

I will not attempt to follow my right hon. Friend in the very discursive speech to which we have just listened, because I think that were I to adopt his mode of dealing with this subject, I should be setting a bad example to hon. Members on this side of the House. Indeed, I am surprised that the right hon. Gentleman should have chosen to lead his Party into so wide and difficult a field, while at the same time he refrained from dealing with the point he ventured to put before the House, namely, the reduction of the salary of the Secretary for Scotland. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to many Acts of Parliament that have been passed, and has also instanced many important measures which have not become law, a fact which he has invariably put down to the fault of the Government; but the Committee will recollect that oftentimes, even when there has been a burning feeling in the country that certain measures ought to become law, that feeling has gradually died away as the measures themselves have become better known and understood. My right hon. Friend adduced the measure as to Private Bill Legislation as an evidence of the great neglect of Scottish opinion on the part of Her Majesty's Government, because they did not push that measure forward in this House as he considered they ought to have done. But the right hon. Gentleman and his Party declared they would have none of the Bill, and this being so, I put it to the Committee, are the Government to be blamed for not keeping the House sitting some three or four weeks longer in order that that measure might be passed into law? I think it will be generally felt that the Government were justified in dropping that measure because they had reason to believe hon. Members would not be inclined to wait some weeks longer to pass a Bill of which many of them did not approve. It must be remembered that many measures become law, which though not strictly Scotch, nevertheless deeply affect the welfare of Scotland, and any measure seriously believed to be really wanted or desired by the Scotch people, always receives the attention of Parliament, and is passed into law. The fact is that the Scotch get what they want, and by a process best known to the Scotch Members the questions involved are in the first instance quietly talked over outside this Chamber, and in the main the agreement of both sides is secured. But why should this Committee be asked to reduce the salary of the Secretary for Scotland? Lord Lothian, who is at the head of the Scottish Executive, is accessible to all, and although I do not stand here as his panegyrist, I think it will not be disputed that he gives a great deal of attention and devotes much of his time to Scotch affairs. The business of his office is always conducted in a businesslike manner, and to the general satisfaction of the Scottish people. I would further say as to the other occupants of office in Dover House, that the staff of officials is in every way well qualified for the duties discharged. On one point I am at one with my right hon. Friend. I should be glad to see Lord Lothian a Member of the Cabinet. He could then exercise more weight in the administration, and bring Scotch affairs more directly under the notice of his Colleagues. There is one other subject I should like to touch upon for a moment, and as to which I should like to obtain the assurance of the Lord Advocate that something will be definitely decided—as to the white fisheries and the salmon interests in the Solway. Difficulties have arisen as to the modes of fishing carried on there, and a promise has been given that this subject shall receive the best consideration of the authorities. I should be glad if I could now obtain a definite promise that a Commission shall be appointed without delay in order that no further vexatious proceedings need be taken, that the fishing rights shall be defined, and that each man shall know where and how he can fish. I will only repeat that my opinion is that when the voice of Scotland is clearly expressed as to the necessity of certain legislation, that legislation, in spite of the 50 Tories who have been said by my right hon. Friend to be against free education, will be carried out as long as there are 10 or 12 Tories sitting on this side of the House.

There is one topic on which I should like to say a word, and that is the subject of the Solway fisheries. The hon. Member opposite and I were both present at a great meeting held at Dumfries, at which a unanimous opinion was expressed by persons of all views on other matters that a Commission should be appointed with reference to a specific case, in which it was alleged that great injustice had been done—I allude to the Town Fort case, and I hope the Lord Advocate may see his way to the appointment of a Commission to inquire into that matter; although the experience of Commissions in recent years in connection with the Solway has been that they have resulted in aggrandising the rights of the owners and diminishing those of the fishermen. With regard to the general question of the administration of Scotch affairs, I contend that we are placed in a position of great injustice as regards the introduction and pressing forward in this House of Bills promoted in the interests of Scotland. I wish to endorse what the hon. Member said as to how we suffer by reason of the Secretary for Scotland not being a Member of the Cabinet. It is perfectly obvious that the lack of representation in the Cabinet renders more or less fruitless the strenuous exertions which no doubt are used by the Lord Advocate in putting forward Scotch reforms. It is impossible to doubt that those Members of the Cabinet who are more particularly identified with English interests push aside claims put forward by a subordinate on behalf of Scotland. Indeed, according to the arrangement of the business of this House, there is not sufficient time to enable adequate attention to be paid to the legislative needs of our country. My right hon. Friend the Member for Berwickshire has cited numerous instances to prove that. We have had this very year the question of Scotch Private Bill procedure, but it has had to be shelved for want of time. The Member for the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright says it is not worth while for this House to sit two or three weeks longer for the purpose of passing that Bill. I think it might have been passed in two or three nights, but even that short period of time could not be spared for this important Bill, although it is almost the only one relating to Scotland brought forward this year.

Order, order! The hon. Member must see that that is not relevant to the Vote.

I am endeavouring to comply with the rules of the House in this matter, but obviously it is difficult to discuss the duties of the Secretary for Scotland and the way in which they are discharged without referring to these legislative matters. The fact is that the failure to transact Scotch business in this House is causing a real and a growing dissatisfaction among Scotch Members. If we cannot get our business done in this House we must get it done elsewhere. We cannot approve of this constant introduction and postponement of Bills relating to Scotland, and the constant, though probably involuntary, omission of the Government to provide for matters which are admitted on all sides to require the attention of Parliament.

* (9.35.) : I desire to say a few words with regard to an important matter which is within the jurisdiction of the Department of the Secretary for Scotland, and that is the subject of mussel and bait fisheries, which are so important for the line fishermen of Scotland. Two or three years ago the Secretary for Scotland took action in this matter. He appointed a Committee, which was presided over by the Member for Berwickshire. That Committee went over the whole of Scotland; it visited places at which fishermen could conveniently attend and state their grievances in respect of the scarcity and dearness of bait; it examined over 100 witnesses; and it reported how easy it would be to establish mussel beds on various parts of the Coast of Scotland. The Committee also drew attention to the mismanagement of existing beds, showed how they might be protected in the interests of the fishermen themselves; they stated that some of these beds were claimed by people who had not a shadow of title to them, and advised that legislative steps should be taken to deal with those claims. The Committee made a variety of recommendations, but what has been the result? What action has been taken upon the Report? This is a vital matter for line fishermen, although to the Government it may appear to be one of small importance. My right hon. Friend to-day gave some instances of the disproportionate cost of bait to the value of the fish. Last year he and other private Members brought in a Bill based on the recommendations of the Committee, but through the influence of the Government and of the Department of which the Secretary for Scotland is at the head, it was blocked. The Government themselves introduced a Bill only to withdraw it again, and the same thing has occurred this year. I trust that some explanation will be given of the neglect of the Government to prosecute this important matter.

* (9.38.) : I should like, if it be in order, to comment on the remarks of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Berwickshire relative to the treatment of Scotch matters by the Government this Session. The two grounds upon which the right hon. Gentleman claimed to be justified in moving the reduction of the salary of the Secretary for Scotland were the failure to proceed with the Private Bill Procedure (Scotland) Bill, and the action of the Government in connection with the Fishery Board Bill. But I am bound to say I do not think it lies in the mouth of my right hon. Friend to complain that the Fishery Board Bill was not proceeded with, for, if I recollect right, the failure to proceed with it was due mainly, if not entirely, to his instrumentality. With regard to the Private Bill Procedure question, it is only fair to state that that Bill was dealt with by the Government in the Select Committee in a most conciliatory spirit, but when it came back to this House in its amended form, so large a number and variety of Amendments were set down on the Paper that the Government felt compelled not to proceed any further with it this Session. I heard the announcement of that decision with great disappointment, but I must confess that the blame for throwing up the Bill lies at the door, not of the Government, but of hon. Members on this side of the House, who by their action made it practically impossible to proceed with it.

I can perfectly understand the satisfaction of the hon. Member for the Stewartry of Kirkcudbright, for although he and his friends are in a minority as far as Scotland is concerned, they are, as supporters of the Government, in a position to have their wishes carried out, even if they are adverse to the views of the Members for Scotland on this side of the House. The hon. Member in his, speech introduced the personality of Lord Lothian, and made a great deal of that. I have nothing whatever to complain of with regard to the intercourse I have had with Lord Lothian. But this is not a question of giving Lord Lothian his due. It is a far wider question we have to deal with. We have to look at the policy of the Government with regard to the administration of the affairs of Scotland. As to what has fallen from the hon. Gentleman the Member for St. Andrews, in laying the blame on the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Berwickshire for the failure of the Government to pass the Fishery Boards Bill, I must say I think the suggestion is neither fair nor generous. There is no man in this House who has greater knowledge of, or is better qualified to give an opinion on matters relating to fishing; and to suggest that a Bill framed by the Government is not to have Amendments proposed or to meet with any opposition is, to say, the least, unreasonable. I know from experience in my own constituency that there is a great desire among the fishermen to have a Bill passed, which if it does not entirely supersede the Fishery Board, will materially re-construct it. The right hon. Member for Berwickshire held that the measure of the Government did not go sufficiently far, and himself introduced a Bill, but the Government refused him an opportunity of discussing it. Yet Ministers, who had the whole control of the time of the House, never put their own Bill down at an hour at which we could express an opinion upon it. I repeat I think the position taken up by the hon. Member for St. Andrews is not a generous one, neither is it reasonable to suggest that there ought to be on our part no supervision and no discussion of Government measures in which our constituents are deeply interested.

* (9.45.) : I rise to point out to the very few English Members who are present that they must not run away with the idea that the grievances of Scotland are confined to salmon and mussels. There are a number of other burning questions that Scotland desires to have dealt with. I confess I should deem it to be a rather strong step to take to move a reduction of the Vote merely on the ground that the Private Bill Procedure measure had not been pushed forward, for, as to that Bill, I do not think the Lord Advocate himself is satisfied with Amendments which have been imported into it by his own friends, and those who have promoted it in Scotland have denounced it unsparingly on account of the changes that have been made in it. It is complained that the quorum which has been fixed on for the newly-constituted Board has been made so large as to render the Board practically useless, while objection is also taken to the exemption of certain classes of measures from the operation of the Bill. Both these changes were introduced on the initiative of supporters of the Government. The ground on which I shall support the Motion for the reduction of the salary is that the Secretary for Scotland does not carry out the functions for which the office was constituted. Whether the Secretary of Scotland is a Member of the Cabinet or not, it appears to me to be infinitely more important that he should be a Member of the House of Commons. Before the office was created the feeling was that Scotch business was administered too exclusively by the Parliament House clique, as it is called. It was felt that the administration by the Lord Advocate and the Solicitor General for Scotland was what the administration of England would be if it were in the hands of the Attorney General and the Solicitor General. What Scotland wants in a Secretary is the analogy of the Home Secretary or the Chief Secretary for Ireland in the House of Commons. Both those Ministers are directly responsible to Parliament for the work of their respective Departments, but in the case of the Scotch Office everything has to be referred to the Secretary for Scotland, who, being in the other House, is not accessible to Scotch Members in the sense that he would be across the floor of the House. I do not mean to dispute what was said by other speakers as to his accessibility to the representations of Scotch constituencies, but accessibility in an office is very different from accessibility across the floor of the House. Another drawback of the present constitution of the office is that it has not concentrated in its hands all the powers it should have. It shares with the Home Office certain functions connected with the Government of Scotland. The Factory Acts are administered in Scotland, as in England, from the Home Office. That may be to a certain extent necessary, although I do not see why, when the Scotch Office is allowed to administer the Alkali and similar Acts, the Factory Acts in Scotland should not be administered in the same fashion. And, again, when we come to purely local institutions, such as industrial schools, the Secretary for Scotland has no jurisdiction; and, further, the Office of Woods and Forests and the First Commissioner of Works have jurisdiction in Scotland. I contend that if we are to have an efficient Scotch Office it should have all the threads of all this business in its own hands. The real source of discontent are, first, that the Minister for Scotland is not in the House of Commons; and, secondly, that he has not in his hands the various ramifications of Scotch business. There is no such reason for this division of functions as there is in the case of the Post Office. I can see no reason for the severance of any of these matters I have mentioned from the Scotch Office; it appears to me to have been an accidental omission; and that these matters were forgotten by the Ministers who drafted the Bill for the creation of the Scotch Office. I do not think the censures passed upon the Department for not pushing forward the Burghs, Health, and Police Bill were justified. That Bill, with its many hundred clauses, was offered to us as an unopposed measure to be allowed to go through after midnight; but that would have been a dangerous course in the case of a Bill bristling with penalties. Among the subjects on which legislation is demanded are the incidence of local taxation, the completion of the system of free education, temperance legislation, and the reform of Parochial Boards.

Order, order! The hon. Member is following what I think to be the very pernicious lead of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Berwickshire. These matters are altogether beside the Vote.

* : I only wished to protest against hon. Members imagining that the mussel and salmon fishery questions were the only ones interesting to the people of Scotland. I shall, on the grounds I have stated, vote for the reduction of the salary, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will press his Motion to a Division.

Though the Motion is in form one for the reduction of his salary, I should think the Secretary for Scotland will not be dissatisfied with the Debate which has taken place, or with the suggestion that his Department has not sufficiently strong powers. My right hon. Friend the Member for Berwickshire complained that Lord Lothian was not a Member of the Cabinet, and was therefore not able to give effect to his views, while the Member for the College Division of Glasgow seemed to think the Secretary for Scotland should not be a peer, and should have a seat in the House of Commons, so as to have a stronger control over Bills affecting Scotland. These criticisms appear to me to be to some extent antagonistic. If the Secretary for Scotland is to be necessarily in the House of Commons, and also in the Cabinet, the present Government will be restricted in its choice to some half-dozen Members. Such a position of affairs would be absurd. The Government have not only introduced the Scotch Universities Bill, but they have passed it. The right hon. Gentleman below me said that the conduct of the Government with regard to the Private Bill Procedure (Scotland) Bill was weak, but I hold that the Govern- ment were justified in refusing to listen to the unpractical and impossible proprosals which were put forward with regard to that measure by the right hon. Gentleman below me. It has been asserted by the right hon. Gentleman that Scotch business has been greatly neglected, and that the interests of Scotland have been disregarded. The right hon. Gentleman is not only a Scotchman, but a Scotch Member, but I am afraid he has other qualifications which almost destroy these admirable qualifications: he speaks as an ex-Liberal Whip. He has contrasted the way in which Scotch business has been neglected with the manner in which it has been treated on previous occasions. He went through one measure after another, and I do not think the remark of my hon. Friend the Member for St. Andrews was altogether inappropriate. The right hon. Gentleman asks why the Scottish Fisheries Bill was dropped. I think he himself ought to assume the responsibility for the rejection of the Second Reading of that measure. Perhaps Scotch business has been neglected; but the point is, whether there has been neglect as compared with the interests of England and Scotland—whether the neglect has been comparative as compared with other portions of the Kingdom? It has been pointed out that the one or two important Bills affecting Scotland have come to nothing. Have no Bills introduced for England come to nothing? What is the use of pressing forward the failure of occasional Scottish legislation unless you press forward some of the failures in reference to other portions of the Kingdom? We ought never to forget that Scotland shares in the general legislation like England. My right hon. Friend has not produced any evidence in support of his contention that the Government have neglected Scottish business. The case of my right hon. Friend has entirely broken down. The present Government have passed a Universities Bill for Scotland; and with regard to the Private Bill Procedure Bill this Session, the measure was changed in Committee in order to meet what I consider the astounding views of my right hon. Friend. The Bill was changed until its own parents would hardly have known it. I do not so much blame the Government for ultimately dropping the Bill as for having listened to the impracticable and impossible views of my right hon. Friend. A more gross misrepresentation of what took place with reference to the Private Bill legislation cannot be imagined. Again, take the case of free education. In Scotland we have had free education for a year and a half, but they have not got it yet in England. How can my right hon. Friend get up and say that Scotland is neglected when, in the greatest domestic legislation of the last few years, Scotland is a year and a half ahead of England and Ireland? With regard to the question of temperance, we have had Sunday closing in Scotland for 30 years or more.

I bow at once to your decision, Sir, and will go back to the main question, the administration of the Scotch Department. I maintain that when the Scotch Department put forward their Bills, they do fairly invite the consideration of all parts of the House, and their action during the present Session shows that in a very marked degree. The Scottish legislation is not brought forward as Scotchmen would like to see it. I say that comparatively Scotland stands well up to the mark arrived at by England and Ireland. My right hon. Friend has entirely failed to prove his strong indictment; and when the Scottish people have time to look into the matter, they will see they have got more beneficial legislation in domestic matters from the present Government than they have got from any Government during the last 10 years.

My hon. Friend the Member for Roxburghshire has based his argument to a considerable extent upon comparative estimates between Scotland and other parts of the Kingdom. He seems to think that as long as he can prove Scotland to be 18 months ahead of England in legislative matters a good case is thereby made out for the Government. In the first place, the standards of comparison can hardly be taken as apposite. What is required for Scotland may not be required for England, and vice versâ. The speech of my hon. Friend shows that he has no proper conception of public feeling in Scotland upon many vital questions which affect the country. Whether the Scotch Office has shown weakness from within, or from causes operating upon it from without, there can be no doubt that the work it has been able to accomplish has not been received very well in Scotland. I do not attach much importance to the fact that the Scotch Secretary is not in the Cabinet. I think far more depends upon how the business is done within the Department, and what my right hon. Friend wants is that the Scotch Department should have control of all the threads of Scotch business, and that it should set to work to carry out the wishes and objects of Scotland. It has been pointed out that we have waited a long time for several measures. There is the Scotch Fisheries Bill, and my constituents are strongly in favour of the Burgh Police and Health Bill. Then there is the question of the extension of Local Government in counties.

I have pointed out several times that this is going beyond the limits of the Vote.

The administration of the Scottish Office, Mr. Courtney, has not, in the opinion of the constituencies of Scotland, overtaken the work that is expected of it by the country, and I hope that before long we shall be able to secure such reforms as will make it an effective instrument of Scottish public opinion.

I must take exception to the views expressed by my hon. Friend the Member for Roxburghshire as to what has taken place with regard to the Private Bill Procedure Bill. The concessions to which he referred were made to the Committee.

The concession I object to was made in this House by the leader of the House in deference to the wishes of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Berwickshire.

The Bill was discussed by an impartial Committee, and I believe the reason why the Bill was dropped was that the Government did not approve of the Amendments adopted by that Committee. I have been a Member of the House many years, and I never remember before a Chairman of a Committee getting up and saying the Government would not accept the Amendments of the Committee. There is a great need for a Private Bill Procedure Bill, but the people do not want such a Bill as the Government proposed. With regard to the Fisheries Bill, it is true that the Government introduced a Bill re-constituting the Scotch Fishery Board; but my right hon. Friend the Member for Berwickshire had introduced a Bill on the same subject, and he made a fair offer that both Bills should be referred to a Select Committee. If that had been done, I think the Bill might have become law. There is one question on which I put a question to the Lord Advocate earlier in the day. It has reference to suggested alterations in the tenure of fishermen's houses in Scotland. A number of fishermen build houses on other people's land. They have no right to do it; but it is the custom, and they go on doing it. A case occurred in my own constituency the other day. A fisherman died, and the widow took possession of the house, and paid the Feu Duty of 16s. a year. She had a son, who insisted on living in the house. She brought an action to have him turned out; and when she went to the Sheriff Court, it was decided that she could not take any steps, because she had no legal title to her own house. Sheriff Guthrie Smith, reviewing the decision, made use of very strong language in regard to such cases, and went into minute details as to how the grievance could be remedied. In these circumstances, as the Sheriff has shown how it can be done, I really think the Government should deal with the matter, even although the Lord Advocate has said that there is nothing requiring legislative interference. The present tenure is perfectly discreditable to any civilised country.

My official duty and the Chairman's ruling constrain me to confine my observations within a much more limited scope than was aspired to, and no doubt filled, by the Member for Berwickshire. I believe, however, I may make one general remark with universal assent. I have not heard one word of adverse criticism of the administration of my noble Friend in his office of Secretary for Scotland—and it is remarkable that only one administrative question has been raised in this Debate, and that not a criticism of the past, but having relation to the future, namely, the suggested inquiry into the state of fishing matters on the Solway. On that subject two views have been presented—one by my hon. Friend the Member for the Stewartry, suggesting a general inquiry; the other by the Member for the Dumfries Burghs, who suggested that the inquiry should be more limited. I have no doubt my noble Friend, who has the subject now under his anxious attention, will give due consideration to the observations from both these quarters. The Member for Berwickshire has given expression to many opinions which will, no doubt, be largely appreciated at Eyemouth; but it is my duty to confine myself to the subject in hand, and that is whether the Secretary for Scotland's salary shall be abated by £500? On that I am happy to collect, from all the speeches that have been made, nothing but a chorus of praise of the official performance of his duties by my noble Friend, and only an extreme anxiety that the powers he has displayed should be extended to other Departments of administration. That occurs to me to be not a reason for diminishing, but rather for increasing, the Secretary for Scotland's salary. As to the legislation of the Session, the Member for Berwickshire ought to have mentioned that he declared with regard to the Government measure dealing with the fisheries that unless they agreed to send his Bill to the same Select Committee the Government Bill would meet with his inexorable opposition from day to day; and note should be taken of the fact that I indicated on behalf of the Government that in these circumstances there would be no chance of debate; and that if the Government assented to his imperious and exacting requirements, the Government Bill would have no chance of success. The Government have been accused of being lukewarm with regard to the Burgh Police Bill. The hon. Member for Glasgow (Dr. Cameron) has addressed some sort of admonition to the Government as to the wide scope of the requirements of the country in the direction of legislation, but he has given one specific piece of information which I am certain those interested in Scotland will take special note of. The Burgh Police Bill was not received in the House with that exuberant welcome from Scotch Members we were led to expect, and the hon. Member for the College Division of Glasgow warned us that it could not be touched with any hope of success, for he would account for sufficient opposition to prevent its passing.

* : I said there was no prospect of it being passed sub silentio —that it absolutely required a reasonable amount of discussion.

A Bill which had been thoroughly discussed in Committee of both Houses! The responsibility for the failure of this Bill does not lie with my noble Friend.

No; it was a purely general and philosophic interest shown in the measure in its application to small burghs. I will not dwell upon the achievements of the right hon. Gentleman himself, as to which he has been too reticent. I pass on to refer to the Private Bill Procedure Bill. That Bill has not been proceeded with, and the right hon. Gentleman was most anxious to say—and it is a point worthy of note—that the fault of the Government has been that they have proposed such good things that it is unpardonable that they have not been pressed. The right hon. Gentleman, I presume, represents the opinion of his next neighbours on the Bench opposite, when he says we ought to have brushed aside all those Amendments which appeared in clouds upon the Paper; but I ask any shrewd practical observer whether the Government could be expected to proceed with the measure in the condition in which it stood when it emerged from the Committee stage? I hope, Sir, I have not deserved your censure—at all events, I have been fortunate enough so far to escape it—in these observations upon subjects somewhat difficult to avoid, after they have been so freely handled in various parts of the House. There remains for me only to say a word in reference to points raised in reference to fishery matters. I am afraid I should be out of order were I to enter into matters to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred, and which are not pertinent to this Vote. The hon. Member for Banff considers he has a fair case to question the action of my noble Friend, because of the result of some lawsuit between the widow and son of a fisherman in relation to the tenure of a house on the north-east coast. I have given the hon. Gentleman a painstaking answer to his question on the subject, which I was the better able to do as he gave me full notice, and I was able to inform myself of the circumstances. I gave, I think, an adequate answer, and I do not find in the circumstances of this domestic dispute a strong case in support of coercive legislation. I am not out of sympathy with the general subject and the wish that every fisherman had a title to his house, which the hon. Gentleman opposite has copiously expressed; but I can only say, as I said at question time, when we look at the circumstances of this individual case, and also to the fact that on the estate in question, which is known to be well administered, any fisherman can get a title to his house if he chooses to ask for it, I do not think that that is a hopeful starting point for an agitation on the subject.

I called attention to the words used by the Sheriff in giving his decision. It is not what I think or what I would like to have.

It is not permissible to criticise the judgment of the Sheriff in free terms; but if the hon. Gentleman will turn to my answer, he will see that in condensed and careful language I gave an indication of the line I should be inclined to take on the subject. I leave this point, for it only arises incidentally; but it is a case in which I think the general good sense of the parties and liberality on the part of the proprietor will afford a remedy without legislative interference. I trust that there is no necessity for a long discussion now. I think that the Debate we have had has given evidence that there is no ground which would warrant the right hon. Gentleman in going to a Division on this question, since he has himself furnished most adequate arguments against the proposal, which, merely, no doubt, for the sake of form, he has placed upon the Paper.

I quite recognise the spirit in which the right hon. Gentleman has answered my criticisms on the administration of the Scotch Office, and the representation of the Scotch Office in Parliament. The right hon. Gentleman is quite right in saying I do not find fault with the intentions of Lord Lothian in regard to Scotch business. But intention is not performance, and for reasons I have referred to the Secretary for Scotland has not been able to carry his good intentions into effect. It seems to me we pay for the performance not for the intention, and if the performance does not come up to the level of the intention we are justified in moving a reduction of the Vote. Our contention is that the Minister for Scotland should be directly responsible to Parliament, and that unless he is responsible to Parliament and the elected Representatives of Scotland it is of very little use having a Scotch Minister. There have been various references to the Fishery Bills introduced, and I do say it is a most audacious statement to say that I am responsible for the non-passing of the Government Fishery Boards Bill. I should like to recall to the Committee how matters stand in regard to the Bill. I introduced a Bill for the third time, and the Government introduced a Bill, presenting in many points a great similarity to mine, and I have always said in regard to that Bill that I had no intention or desire to meet that Bill with any improper opposition or more than fair criticism. All I said was, that if the Government took this particular Bill and said it should pass its Second Reading without discussion after 12 o'clock, then they should extend the same treatment to my Bill, which in many respects was preferable to the Government Bill. My Bill had the recommendation of the Commission, which was kept well in order by the representatives of the Scotch Office, and my proposals could not be very alarming if they passed those lynx-eyed officials. I said, and I say still, that I should not object if both Bills were brought forward before 12 o'clock, when they could be discussed. My hon. Friend the Member for the College Division (Dr. Cameron) has complained that I have only paid attention to Scotch fishery matters, but, as a matter of fact, I did bring forward several instances of failure to deal with Scotch matters, though I own I did not give an exhaustive account of all the points upon which we felt grievance. Then my hon. Friend the Member for Roxburgh (Mr. A. Elliot) has found fault with me because I did not give a long comparative statement of what has been done in legislation for Scotland and England during the last four or five years, but I think if I had attempted that I should justly have incurred your censure, Sir. Then, in regard to what has been said as to the limitation of choice in finding a Minister for Scotland from among Members of this House, I may observe that the appointment need not be limited to Representatives of Scotch constituencies; for instance, the present Chief Secretary for Ireland filled the office of Secretary for Scotland, sitting for an English constituency. I intend to press my Motion to a Division, and I claim for it the support of all Scotch Members. This is not the final stage of Supply, and it is the only mode the Rules of the House permit me to adopt to elicit an expression of opinion. I can only move a reduction of the Vote, and should I be fortunate enough to carry it, my own voice would be among the first to cry "Aye" to a proposal to replace the £500 on the Report stage.

I shall support the Motion of the right hon. Gentleman, but upon limited grounds: first, that the Secretary for Scotland has not a seat in this House; and, secondly, that he has not enough to do. The arguments in favour of the Secretary having a seat here, and showing that it is impossible that he can properly discharge the functions of his office unless he has a closer contact with Scotch Representatives, are so convincing that I need not repeat them, and, on the other ground, I have on previous occasions expressed my view that we should give the Scotch Office more work to do by the amalgamation with it of the Board of Supervision, creating a Department similar to the Home Office for England. I wish to support the appeal of the hon. Member for Banff in reference to the tenure of fishermen's houses on the north-east coast, and I must express my great disappointment that the Lord Advocate has held out no hopes of legislation in that matter. The situation is precisely similar to that in Ireland before the legislation of 1881. These evils have grown out of the custom of the country. You have found a remedy for them in other parts of Scotland, but you have left this deserving class of fishermen on the north-east coast without a remedy. The Lord Advocate says we must trust to the liberality of the proprietor, and that he has offered leases; but just as this was not found a satisfactory solution of the difficulty in Ireland so it will not be in Scotland. All depends upon the terms the landlord offers, and there is no security that justice will be done. As to the Private Bill Procedure Bill I always thought it was a bad Bill, a lawyer's Bill, a speculator's Bill, and I am glad it has been dropped, and I hope in another Session we shall have a more thorough Bill in the nature of delegation, entrusting to local bodies a good deal of the business this House is called upon to transact. I do not regret the loss of the Bill, and I hope to see it re-introduced in an amended form.

* (10.48.) : I labour under the disadvantage of not having heard the speech of my right hon. Friend (Mr. Marjoribanks) or the earlier part of the Debate, but I have gathered from inquiry that the principal feature in what has taken place is that you, Sir, no doubt rightly and properly, called to order every speaker who began to touch upon those questions which are really of most importance in regard to the subject with which we are dealing. One of the most important points, in my opinion, raised in this question is the position of the Secretary for Scotland himself. I desire to join in all that has been said in approval of the general administration of Lord Lothian, and in admiration of the character and abilities of Lord Lothian himself. I also think that no one could be long in this House without coming to the conclusion that it would be impossible to find any one more competent to represent any Department in this House than the Lord Advocate. At the same time, what we complain of—and every year makes the complaint stronger—is that the Secretary for Scotland, who is mainly responsible for the administration of Scotch affairs, is not in this House, and is not, therefore, in close relation with Scotch Members, and not closely amenable to Scotch opinion. That is no fault of Lord Lothian or of the Lord Advocate, but it is a fact that becomes plainer every year. I will not touch on the more theoretical question whether the Secretary for Scotland should have a seat in the Cabinet. I have an opinion of my own on the subject that no rule should be laid down as to whether one office more than another should carry with it a seat in the Cabinet, but I have not the slightest doubt whatever that it is essential for the proper administration of Scotch affairs under the modern system that the principal Minister for Scotland should be in the House of Commons. What is it we have to complain of? We do not complain, at least not in any large sense, of the administration of Scotch affairs, but we do complain that Scotch legislation has been scanty in quantity, and not in accordance with the predominant wishes and feelings of the Scotch people as represented in this House. To give concrete instances I may mention the Burgh Police Bill and the Private Procedure Bill. As to the Burgh Police Bill—

The question before the Committee is the administration of the Scotch Office. No doubt this can be brought into connection with particular Bills introduced this Session, but to go back upon the Burgh Police Bill would be altogether outside this Vote.

* : What we complain of is the absence of the Burgh Police Bill, but I presume I may not refer to it even in that negative sense. Well, I regret it was not introduced, and will not further refer to it. As to the Private Bill Procedure Bill to which I can refer—I am not going to discuss the merits of the Bill—its main object had the hearty approval of nearly all the Scotch Members, that is to say, they approved of its object of having local inquiries in Scotland. But what we complained of was that the tribunal to be established under the Bill was not such as the bulk of Scottish opinion approved. The Lord Advocate has referred to the alteration which was made in the Bill as a concession to this side of the House, but I pointed out at the time that an addition was made to that concession which completely neutralised the effect of it, and for that reason Scotch Members were obliged to continue their opposition. Then, we are told that Scotch Members are responsible for preventing the Bill becoming law through the cloud of Amendments they brought forward to it. But those Amendments were placed on the Paper because the points raised in the Select Committee were only decided in favour of the Government by the casting vote of the Chairman, or a majority of one, and in such circumstances it was only natural that the Scotch Members should again raise those points in the House upon which we were unsuccessful upstairs. On that ground I do not think much fault can be found. The truth is, there was no momentum in the Bill, because its final condition was satisfactory neither to the one side or the other; it was one of those weak compromises having that distinguishing characteristic. The lesson to be learnt from the fate of that Bill, and of others I might mention, is that Scotch legislation passing through this House in order to be successful must be in accord with the predominant wishes and opinions of the Scotch people, and this strengthens our contention that the Secretary for Scotland ought to be in the House of Commons, in order that he may become fully and directly cognizant of those wishes and opinions. I know there is an anomaly in voting to reduce the salary of a Minister of whose administration we have no reason to complain, but this course is the only means open to us of expressing our sense of the evils against which we protest.

We are asked to vote £11,000, and the right hon. Gentleman has moved to reduce the Vote by £500, but the logical conclusion to the speech we have just listened to would be to reject the entire Vote, on the ground that the money is wasted so far as the conduct of Scotch business is concerned. I quite agree that the present system is most unsatisfactory, and the old condition of things, which cost less, was in many respects better than the present. We had the Home Secretary as Minister for Scotland, and we also had a Member of the Cabinet, responsible for Scotch affairs in this House; we had the Lord Advocate as representing the legal side of Scotch affairs, and we had a Scottish Lord of the Treasury. Under the present condition of things, with a Scottish Secretary of State, an Under Secretary and an Assistant Under Secretary, we are as badly off as ever, if not worse; so I say the logical conclusion would be to reject the Vote and go back to the old condition of affairs. Under the old condition of things charges of neglect of Scotch measures were made, just as they have been made to-night, and that Bills for Scotland were passed not in accordance with the wishes of Scotch Members. Now we have a change in the position. We are criticising technically the administration of the Scotch Secretary. Not one word has been said against the mode of administration—I mean against the ability and courtesy of the Secretary for Scotland. The highest compliments have been passed on Lord Lothian. But still, though we have a secretary for Scotland and a Scotch Office, the old condition of things exists, and no matter what is done, we shall still have Scotch objects competing with those of England, Ireland, and Wales, and crushed out by them. Hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House are equally to blame with the Government opposite. They appointed Lord Dalhousie to the Scotch Office: and though I believe they are coming round to our way of thinking, it still will be impossible to get our views carried out. In this congested House it will be impossible to get Scotch objects carried out, and if we want to pass Scotch legislation we shall require to go to Scotland for the purpose. An hon. Member pointed out a condition of things which prevailed here at one time, and which may prevail again. I mean when we had six Members of the House representing one Party in Scotland and 66 representing the other. There might be here in England, as we have now, a great majority of English Conservatives, and there might be only six Scotch Conservatives, yet the principles of those six Scotch Conservatives would be carried out in opposition to the wishes of the 66. This is only another object lesson in the matter of Scotch Home Rule, and will bring home clearly to the mind of the Scotch people that the only way to satisfy the demands of Scotch business will be by giving us Scotch Home Rule. There is one point in which the Secretary for Scotland has, as I think, acted wrongly, and that is in connection with the appointment of certain Commissions. As a rule in appointing Commissions, Governments, whether Tory or Liberal, have sought to give fair representation on them to both sides in politics. On the Crofter Commission, although there were, perhaps, too many of one side, yet both parties were represented. But what is even more important, you had men appointed who were thoroughly well acquainted with the subject dealt with. The Secretary for Scotland has appointed three Commissions during the last two years, and I have to complain that he has not followed the usual method in their appointment. He has appointed persons who do not know much about Scotland, who have been got at, tampered with, and deceived, instead of appointing persons familiar with the wants and conditions of the people. In future, I hope that when Commissions to the Highlands are appointed, men will be selected who know something about the subject, and who cannot be tampered with and deceived. I am glad we have had this Debate, because it proves to me if anything were wanted to show it, the absolute necessity of a much larger measure of devolution than any yet proposed, and that the only way of getting Scotch business transacted is to have it done in Scotland by Scotch Members, and not under the conditions which exist in this House.

This is an opportunity which we cannot allow to pass without renewing our protest against the manner in which the Government have most successfully defeated, and wholly frustrated the object which Scotch Members sought to obtain by the appointment of the Secretary for Scotland, by selecting for that office a gentleman who is not a Member of this House—a person whom we never see or hear, and with whom it is almost impossible to have any communication. The Government have effectually deprived the Secretary for Scotland of that knowledge of the feelings of Scotch Members, and of Scotch opinion, which is absolutely necessary for one in his position, if he is to guide his office in accordance with the opinions of Scotland. Every year that passes emphasises, to my mind, the lessons of the year that has gone before. It is five years since Lord Lothian became Secretary for Scotland. During the whole of that time I have had the honour of seeing him twice. It is obvious to any man of common sense that if Scotch business is to be done, it must be done in that place where Scotch Members are, and although it is somewhat late in the tenure of the present Government to press the question upon them at great length, because, no doubt, their days are numbered, still I trust that their successors will take a lesson from the experience they have had during the past five years, and that the mistake will not again be repeated. I listened to a very singular argument by the hon. Member for Roxburghshire, who said we must not adopt a rule that the Secretary for Scotland shall sit in this House, because it may happen that at the General Election only six Tories will be returned for Scotland, and he asked how out of the six are we to fill three such offices as the Secretary for Scotland, Lord Advocate, and Solicitor General. I admit there is a difficulty in these circumstances, but what a light does it throw upon the relations of the two Kingdoms, that a Party so small as not to be able to furnish a single gentleman fit to occupy the office of Secretary for Scotland shall have the power, through the votes of English Members, of entirely controlling and disregarding the opinions of the people of Scotland. But we have not yet come to the six Members, and I am surprised that that argument should be put forward in a House containing 25 or 26 supporters of the Government. If I had suggested that the illustrious Unionist Party is not capable of furnishing a single person fit to hold the office of Secretary for Scotland, I should almost have considered myself to be perpetrating a libel.

My point was as to the difficulty of selecting a Cabinet Minister out of half a dozen Members.

I object very strongly to one act of Lord Lothian's administration, and that is, that on the 11th June, without notice to the Scotch Members, he, by a stroke of the pen, altered the conditions under which the grant is made to Scotland in lieu of school fees.

The proper time to discuss that is when the Scotch Education Vote comes on.

I will raise the question on that Vote. I wish to call attention to the delay which has occurred in presenting to the House the Government plan of distributing the sum of £190,000 which fell to Scotland during the present year. That is an instance of the manner in which Scotch business is conducted. With regard to the Private Bill Procedure Bill, I do not think it is a matter of complaint that the Government withdrew the Bill. The real blame attached to them for having introduced and having occupied time with a measure, and then having admitted its unsuitability. I cannot join in the chorus which seems to have come from some hon. Members with regard to Lord Lothian. I am not going to say a word against his Lordship, but it seems to me that these smooth speeches rather suggests the idea that these hon. Members are imitating the habits of a well known snake, which before proceeding to swallow its victim first beslavers him.

(11.16.) The Committee divided:— Ayes 71; Noes 107. (Div. List, No. 364.)

Original Question again proposed.

Before this Vote is passed, I should like to call attention to one or two points in the Reports of the Inspectors of Constabulary in Scotland. These Reports contain very valuable suggestions, and without attaching too much blame to any Government, I think there is always considerable risk of these suggestions being buried in Blue Books, however important they may be. They are not supported by the Government, consequently no attention is ultimately given to them. As an example of that I may refer to a subject brought forward by the Inspector of Constabulary and his predecessors for many years, namely, the important subject of the superannuation of police. It was only last Session that that subject seriously engaged the attention of Parliament, and that an Act was passed dealing with it. There are three points contained in the Report of the Inspector of Constabulary that I desire to refer to—though, as they are far from being exciting topics, it would be intolerable in me to detain the House long in dealing with them. The first point the Inspector calls attention to is the interruption of prosecutions in criminal cases by being undertaken by Sheriffs' officers after they have been begun by police officers. I do not say whether the Inspector of Constabulary on that point is right or wrong. Sometimes the Police Authorities rather try to amplify their jurisdiction and draw to themselves too large a share of authority, but I think the Lord Advocate will agree with me that the view of the Inspector is at all events justified; that whether the prosecutions are undertaken by the Sheriff or the police, it seems right that they should be carried on from end to end either by the one or the other. I should like to know what is the right hon. Gentleman's views on that point. The second point is a minor one, as to the men who perform duties at the Government buildings, and are paid by the Treasury. They should be part of the local police force, under the authority within whose jurisdiction the buildings are situated. It is inconvenient, and causes obstruction, that separate men, old and worn out, as the Inspector says, should be employed by way of makeshift. The third point is the most important of the three, and it is as to the police stations and the police cells, which are in many districts in a very insanitary condition. This is a matter that was inquired into lately by a Committee. Certain recommendations were made by the Committee, but, apparently, they cannot have been fully or satisfactorily carried out, because the Inspector complains that several of the cells, and also the stations, are in a very unwholesome and unsatisfactory condition. He also says that it is complained that in order to save trouble two prisoners are sometimes put into one cell when there is plenty of room for accommodating them in single cells. In the case of untried prisoners, it is obvious that that practice might lead to great abuses, for men against whom trifling charges are made, might before trial have to share their cells with a hardened criminal merely to save the turnkey a little trouble. I am sure the Lord Advocate will agree with me that this is an improper thing. I may add to that something which is not in the Inspector's Report, but which has been told to me by an experienced Magistrate of very moderate views, and that is that very often there is no female warder to look after the female prisoners, who are consequently left in the charge of policemen. While I have sincere confidence in the character of the Force as a whole, I must say that that is not an agreeable or fair position in which to place a woman, and I have been informed on high authority that serious abuses have sometimes resulted. These are the three points I wished to bring forward. I have done so with a view of strengthening the hands of the Inspector, who is a most capable and efficient officer. I have a fear that Reports of this nature are too often pigeon-holed unless public attention is drawn to them. I invite the Lord Advocate to give the weight of his authority, and the authority of the Government, to these recommendations, and if that is done I have no doubt that Local Authorities will pay greater attention and respect to the Report.

I wish to ask a question which perhaps is not altogether germane to the Vote. I understand that the Secretary for Scotland has the power of determining the sittings of the Crofter Commission. Some crofters applied to the Commission as far back as 1886, and they have not been visited, nor have their cases been heard and adjudicated upon. In the case of landlords, however, the Commissioners have sat and adjudicated upon the applications so quickly after the applications have been lodged that the tenants have not had sufficient opportunity to prepare their cases. I wish to ask the Lord Advocate if he has any explanation to offer on this matter.

; I desire to call attention to the question of smaller police establishments, and to the recommendation that they shall be reduced and merged into larger forces, a point which I hope will roceive the attention of the Government.

With reference to the first point raised by the hon Member for North-East Lanarkshire, I may point out that this is a question in which it is necessary to harmonise the efficiency and continuity of police duty with the aspect of the question as considered by the criminal authorities. The observations of the hon. Member will be noted. The second point raised by the hon. Member is a question of mixed authority, and as to the police stations and police cells it must be borne in mind that we have to carry the Local Authorities with us. The observations of the hon. Member, however, will not be lost, inasmuch as close attention will be given to the decency and ordinary requirements of such places. As to the consolidation of the police forces, the Committee had an opportunity of considering the question on the Local Government Bill, and 7,000 was the number adopted as the minimum. We must endeavour to harmonise local feeling and the interest of the Local Governing Bodies with the requirements and efficiency of the police force; but no doubt the tendency is in favour of consolidation rather than isolation. In the case of the Crofter Commission it is extremely difficult for the Secretary for Scotland and the Crofters Commission to make a programme which will meet all urgent cases, but the Commissioners have shown a disposition to meet the convenience of all parties concerned.

As the right hon. Gentleman has promised attention to the matters referred to by my hon. Friend, I should like to call his attention to a passage in the Report of the Inspector of Constabulary as to the "more general peace and order" which has accompanied the early closing of public houses. I trust the right hon. Gentleman will call the attention of the Secretary of Scotland to the results of the measure.

I find that the senior clerk in the Scotch Office begins with a salary of £450, which rises £20 annually to £600 a year. But the senior clerk in the Home Office begins at £700 and goes up to £800, while the senior clerk in the Chief Secretary's Office at Dublin begins at £700 and rises to £900. I want to know how it is that the pay in the Scotch Office is so low?

As far as I am concerned, I cannot go into a comparison, but I do not understand that the hon. Member objects to the amount.

I want a reason for the difference of treatment. Of course, I shall not divide the Committee on the matter.

No doubt my right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury will explain the matter on Report.

My view is that we already have too many highly-paid officers in the Scotch Office.

* : The explanation is that the senior clerk in the Home Office has a position equivalent in rank to the Assistant Secretary for Scotland.

I think my right hon. Friend is confounding the principal clerk with the senior clerk. The Assistant Secretary for Scotland gets £1,000 a year, the same officer in Ireland £1,200, and the like officer in England £1,500.

* : The Assistant Secretary for Scotland is not equivalent to the Assistant Under Secretary at the Home Office.

There are three principal clerks in the Home Office who begin at £900 and go up to £1,000. Three senior clerks begin at £700 and go up to £800. I cannot understand why the clerks in the Scottish Office should be treated differently. I do not care what is the amount of salary. I only plead that they shall be all on the same footing.

* : Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wolverhampton is responsible for this scale of pay?

* : No, Sir.

Question put, and agreed to.

5. Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £15,469, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1892, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Fishery Board in Scotland and for Grants in Aid of Piers or Quays."

I should like to point out that to-day we are in the same position as we were last year when we came to discuss this Vote. We have not before us the annual Report of the Board. I know with what satisfaction I have perused past Reports, and with what admiration I have followed the intricate inquiries and excellent work of the eminent men composing the Board. I hope we shall have an assurance from the Lord Advocate that next year the Report will be distributed before we are asked to discuss the Vote.

I sympathise with the remarks of my hon. Friend, and with him regret the absence of the Report, as we particularly wish to know what has been the effect of recent legislation. We know that in the interest of the fishermen on both sides of the Moray Firth, it is essentially necessary to keep the trawlers from fishing near the shore, but the Board have no adequate means of enforcing its bye-laws. In the Firth there are about 10,000 fishermen, on whose labour 70,000 people are dependent, whereas the trawlers which come from Aberdeen, and do the mischief complained of, only employ about 480 men. The great difficulty arises from the fact that the Board only has one small steamer at its command for the whole of Scotland, and it is quite useless to control the trawlers, some of which can go 16 knots. When we were discussing the Naval Vote the other day I pointed out how vessels, too small for ordinary naval purposes, might well be employed for marine police work. I also have to complain of a very large amount which is taken out of the "brand money" for purposes other than those of harbour construction, to which it was originally intended it should be applied. Finally, I should like to know what has been done in the matter of increasing the salaries of the fishery officers. No doubt fresh duties are constantly imposed on these officers. Increased pay has long been promised them, and I hope we shall now have a satisfactory statement.

* (11.57.) : I regret that the Bill for the reconstruction of the Fishery Board was not proceeded with this Session. The question of bait for the fishermen is one of very great importance and urgency on the east coast of Scotland, for the mussel beds there are very nearly exhausted, and last season considerable quantities of mussels had to be imported from Holland. I believe that a small expenditure of money under proper regulations would secure in a few years an abundance of mussel beds round the coasts of Scotland. But before this can be done the Fishery Board must be re-constructed with larger powers, and it should have allotted to it by the Government a certain amount of money for the cultivation of the mussel. I think that if the Government bring in a Bill next Session to establish the Fishery Board on a wider basis and with more extended powers it will pass without difficulty, and will confer a real and substantial benefit on the fishermen of Scotland. The existence of a strong and responsible Board in Edinburgh would also have the effect of relieving the House of Commons from a great deal of discussion which now takes place. Another recommendation which I would make is that a larger amount of money should be placed at the disposal of the Fishery Board for the purpose of harbours. In connection with the scientific portion of the Board's work, there are complaints that the vessel placed at their disposal for carrying on experiments is not suitable for the purpose, and I hope that the Government will consider this matter.

The Report to which the hon. Member for West Aberdeen has referred will soon be ready. I regret that it was not in the hands of hon. Members in time for this discussion. With regard to the question of trawling, I may remind the Committee that the legislation on the subject has established a very liberal line of prohibition. As to the question of enforcing the bye-laws, I quite agree that that is a somewhat important matter; I can only say that it is under the present consideration of the Government, by which I mean not only the Scotch Office, but also the Government Departments concerned. The salaries of the fishery officers, I am glad to be able to say, are to be increased. The salary of the General Inspector will be £300, rising in five years to £350; of the Assistant Inspector's £250, rising to £280; of the next grade of officials £200 to £230; and of the last grade £90 to £120. These alterations will come in force at the end of the current year. Complaint has been made that money which comes from the branding fees has been devoted to telegraphs, but for my own part I am not prepared to join in the suggestion that telegraphs are something extraneous to the interests of the fishing class. There are few things in which the fishermen themselves are more interested than the improvement of telegraphic communication.

I am glad to hear the announcement of the right hon. Gentleman as to the increase of the salaries of the fishery staff.

I must object to the whole Vote. Four years since the Lord Advocate announced that lie was going to bring in a Bill re-organising the Fishery Board. He has not done so, and I think the only remedy we have is to refuse to grant this money. I see that in this Vote there is a sum of £3,000 a year set apart for repairing harbours. Bearing in mind the source from which this grant was originally obtained, the sum should be £9,000 instead of £3,000. I certainly think the Government, in its dealings with the brand fees, are acting towards us in a very contemptible manner. You whittle the amount down as mach as you possibly can, because you know the surplus will go to Scotland, and you will not let us have more than you can help.

I think that although the telegraphs are of great importance to fishermen, a greater proportion of the expense should be borne by the Imperial Revenue, instead of being deducted from the surplus brand fees. We know that during the Naval Manœuvres Her Majesty's ships made good use of the telegraph stations.

I think a strong case exists for increasing the grant for harbours, and I hope the Government will take the matter into its consideration.

Question put, and agreed to.

6. £3,034, to complete the sum for Lunacy Commission, Scotland.

7. £14,222, to complete the sum for the Registrar General's Office, Scotland.

How soon will it be possible for the Registrar General to give Provisional Returns showing the number of persons who are employed (as distinguished from employers) in Scotland?

I quite appreciate the importance of the question raised by the hon. and learned Member, but fear that it will not be one of the first subjects the Department will deal with. It involves going a great deal into detail, and must necessarily take some considerable amount of time to prepare. The Census work is, I believe, in 'a forward state, and I will endeavour to get the information the hon. Member requires.

Vote agreed to.

8. £6,746, to complete the sum for the Board of Supervision for Relief of the Poor, and for Public Health, Scotland.

I wish to ask on this Vote a question with respect to the appointment of medical officers by the County Councils in Scotland. If the legislation on the subject is examined it will be seen that the Government evidently contemplated that in some cases the officer appointed should not be compelled to give the whole of his time to the duties of his office. But the Board of Supervision has strongly urged County Councils to appoint officers who will give the whole of their time to the work, and I wish to know if the Scotch Office sanction the attitude it has taken up.

I am bound to say the view of Parliament was that, wherever possible, having regard to the affluence and importance of the county, the county should procure a medical man who would give his whole time to the supervision of sanitary affairs. The latitude is given only in view of the fact that there are counties with so small a population that to insist on that requirement might defeat the object aimed at. The Board have not refused that grant to such counties, but in regard to the larger counties I think the Scottish Office would not be well advised if they discountenanced the action of the Board of Supervision in endeavouring to get medical officers who will give their whole time to their public duties.

Vote agreed to.

Resolutions to be reported upon Monday next.

Committee also report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next.

Training Colleges (Ireland) Bill.—(No. 391.)

Committee

Order for Committee read.

I very much regret that the hon. Member should object.

I object, because the Bill is an attempt to endow Roman Catholics out of the funds of the Protestant Church of Ireland.

So far from that being the case, the friends of the Protestant Church of Ireland are those who have most strongly urged this Bill on me.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take any step to secure the passing of this Bill by putting it down first on the Orders for Monday or any other day?

I will consult with the Leader of the House on the matter.

Committee deferred till Monday next.

Supply—Report

Resolutions [16th July] reported.

Resolution 1 (see page 1444) agreed to.

2. "That a sum, not exceeding £25,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1892, in aid of the Mercantile Marine Fund."

I should like to ask the President of the Board of Trade when we may expect the Report of the Departmental Committee on Lighthouses, and which he promised some years ago?

* : I did not promise a Departmental Committee.

* : The hon. Gentleman is mistaken; it was a Departmental Committee on the relations between the Mercantile Marine Fund and the Treasury.

Resolution agreed to.

Resolutions 3, 4, 5, 6, and 7 (see pages 1452–1459) agreed to.

8. "That a sum, not exceeding £369,005, be granted to Her Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1892, for Stationery, Printing, and Paper, Binding, and Printed Books for Public Departments, and for the two Houses of Parliament, and for the Salaries and Expenses of the Stationery Office, and the cost of Stationery Office Publications, and of the Gazettes; and for sundry Miscellaneous Services, including the purchase of Parliamentary Debates."

* : I voted in Committee last night with the Government because I thought it unreasonable to reduce a permanent official's salary who was merely acting in conformity with precedent, but I trust the Government will turn their attention to the question whether it is not possible to get just as good pencils in England as in Germany? I believe that in Cumberland and elsewhere quite as good and as cheap pencils can be obtained if the Government show their readiness to reasonably support British manufacture.

I desire, on behalf of my constituents, a great number of whom are engaged in the manufacture of pencils, to enter my protest. [ Laughter. ] I do not see that there is anything to laugh at. It is well known that in and around Keswick pencils are manufactured in large quantities. These pencils are good enough for the London School Board, for the London and North-Western Railway Company, and for many other large Public Bodies, and I do not see why the Government should not go to Cumberland and other parts of England for pencils instead of going to Bavaria.

* : There are matches made in England, but those supplied to the0 House of Commons are made in Sweden.

I have called the attention of the Stationery Office to the question of the supply of pencils. There seems to be a misapprehension in the matter. A very large quantity of pencils used in the Public Service are made in the constituency of my hon. Friend (Mr. J. W. Lowther.)

The pencils used in the Division Lobbies of this House are German pencils.

Resolution agreed to.

Post Office Acts Amendment Bill.—(No. 366.)

Consideration

(12.40.) Order for Consideration, as amended, read, and discharged.

Bill re-committed in respect of Amendments to Clause 7 and of a New Clause (Power to Rural Authorities to undertake to pay loss occasioned by extra postal facilities), considered in Committee, and reported; as amended, considered—

New Clause—

(Criminal diverting of letters from the addressee.)

"Any person not in the employment of the Postmaster General who wilfully and maliciously, with intent to injure or annoy any other person, either opens any letter which ought to have been delivered to such other person, or does any act or thing whereby the due delivery of such letter to such other person is prevented or impeded, shall be guilty of a misdemeanour, and be liable to a fine not exceeding fifty pounds, or to imprisonment not exceeding six months.

Nothing in this section shall apply to a person who does any act to which this section applies where he is parent or guardian of the person to whom the letter is addressed.

A prosecution shall not be instituted in pursuance of this section except by direction of the Postmaster General.

A letter in the section means a post letter within the meaning of The Post Office Protection Act, 1884,' and any other letter which has been delivered by post,"—( Mr Raikes, )

—brought up, and read the first time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Clause be read a second time."—( Mr. Raikes. )

I think the words "or annoy" will lead to great difficulty and trouble, and that it would be well to leave them out.

Subject to the opinion of the Postmaster General, I think the words "or annoy" are unnecessary, because the substantial offence desired to be met will be secured by the words "intent to injure."

I should be glad if the words "or annoy" were omitted, as they do not seem to be necessary to attain the object desired. I am jealous of the prosecution being instituted only at the discretion of the principal official of the Government. I cannot understand why that principle should be admitted. Any one seriously injured ought to have the common right of any subject to redress.

* : If it is the general wish of the House, I have no objection to allowing the words "or annoy" to be struck out. At the same time, I think the clause will not be quite so effective without them. As to the discretion of the Postmaster General in regard to prosecutions, I should certainly prefer that the Public Prosecutor should be substituted for the Postmaster General, but I do not feel warranted in striking out the provision.

I have a strong objection to the clause as a whole, and it was only because of the fact that prosecutions are not to be instituted except on the direction of the Postmaster General that I give my sanction to it. Without that provision the clause might be used as an engine of oppression, especially in Ireland.

* : I took objection in Committee to the clause, and I am bound to say the Postmaster General has done his best to meet the views of those who objected to the clause. But if the opinion of the Chairman of Ways and Means is to prevail I should be compelled to oppose the clause altogether, for the clause might be used as an engine of mischief if not of malice. I hope the Postmaster General will stand firm in the matter.

was inaudible in the Gallery.

Question put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in line 2, to leave out the words "or annoy."—( Mr. Raikes. )

Question, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause," put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in line 3, to leave out the word "either."—( Mr. Hunter. )

Question proposed, "That the word either' stand part of the Clause."

Supposing a letter is delivered to a wrong person. Will that person fall within the punishment provided by this section if he takes no steps in the matter?

It seems to me that a person to whom a letter is wrongly delivered does not come within the clause. The intention is that a person must do something to prevent the delivery of a letter.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment proposed, in line 3, after "opens," to insert "or causes to be opened."—( Mr. Raikes. )

Question, "That those words be there inserted," put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed, in line 9, after "parent," to insert "or person in the position of the parent, or husband or wife."—( Mr. S. T. Evans. )

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

* : I hope the hon. and learned Gentleman will not press this Amendment. I think "guardian" will cover the case. I should be sorry to introduce the question of husband and wife in the Bill. We always deliver letters to the person to whom they are addressed.

But the Bill does introduce the question, for by the Bill it is made a criminal offence for the husband to intercept his wife's letters.

May I suggest that it would be better to leave out the paragraph altogether?

I am bound to say I do not think the words are actually necessary, but the better course would be, rather than tinker with the subsection, to leave it out altogether.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Another Amendment proposed, to leave out from the word "months," in line 7, to the word "A," in line 11.—( Mr. Raikes. )

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Clause."

Some of us cannot assent to this proposition. I think the words are not by any means useless as a guide to a person who proposes to institute a prosecution.

* : If the hon. and learned Member presses his objection it will be necessary to adjourn the Debate.

The Debate will have to be adjourned, as we have not got through the Amendments.

It being One of the clock, the Debate stood adjourned till Monday next; and Mr. Speaker adjourned the House without Question put.

House adjourned at One o'clock till Monday next.