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Commons Chamber

Volume 33: debated on Thursday 9 May 1895

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House Of Commons

Thursday, 9th May 1895.

The House met at Three of the Clock.

Private Business

London And North Western Railway Bill

Order read, for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [25th April]:—"That the London and North Western Railway Bill be now read the third time."

Question again proposed. Debate resumed.

said, the Debate on the Motion had been adjourned for a fortnight in order to enable the directors of the London and North Western Railway Company to reconsider the attitude they had taken up in reference to a certain question which was then alluded to, but into which he was now precluded from entering, as it had been ruled out of order. The hon. Member for Carnarvon had, since the adjournment of the Debate, written a letter to the Railway Company—a copy of which had been sent to every Member of the House—and he had received a reply to that letter from the Company yesterday. He was not going I to enter into the question of policy raised by that letter, and he would only say that the reply of the directors emphasised——

Order, order! The hon. Gentleman is not entitled to go into the correspondence on a subject which has been ruled out of order on the ground that it was not relevant to the question before the House. The hon. Gentleman must confine himself to matters that are relevant.

said, he bowed to the ruling of the Speaker. The object of the Bill was to make certain alterations at Llandudno Junction, in North Wales. He would like to ask the right hon. Member for Dublin University, who was in charge of the Bill, whether alterations in that junction were as likely to be necessary in the future as they appeared to be at present? Was it not the fact that some of the county councils and other public bodies in North Wales had asked competing railway companies to take the place of the London and North Western Railway Company, who had hitherto enjoyed a large and valuable monopoly in North Wales, and was not this action taken because the rates of the Company between Chester and Holyhead were higher than the rates on other parts of the same railway system? He would further ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it tended to the interest of the London and North Western Railway that there should be an estrangement between the Company and people of North Wales, where the Company possessed such valuable privileges? Therefore, in order to give the company a further opportunity of meeting the wishes of the people of North Wales, he begged to move the adjournment of the Debate till Thursday, May 16.

The House divided:—Ayes, 90; Noes, 192.—(Division List No. 65.)

MR. LLOYD-GEORGE rose, when

said, Order, order! The hon. Member has already spoken. The main question is now before the House, and the hon. Member spoke to that on the last occasion that the Bill was before the House.

Upon the point of Order I wish to say, Sir, that I did not speak upon the main question, but upon the question that the Debate; be now adjourned, and the Motion I propose making now is not the main question at all, but a totally different question.

The hon. Member is I think mistaken. When the Bill was called for Third Reading the hon. Member rose and spoke. In the course of his speech, no doubt, he moved the adjournment, but that was speaking on the main question.

On the point of Order may I ask whether the hon. Member would be in Order in moving to re-commit a certain portion of the Bill as regards particular clauses?

I beg to move that this Bill be recommitted in respect of the clauses affecting North Wales.

I think I cannot accept the Motion in that form. It would be impossible to know what was committed to the care of the Committee if the words of the Motion were that it should be recommitted in respect of the clauses relating to North Wales. There might be considerable dispute as to what clauses did relate to North Wales. I think, moreover, to be in form the Motion should be to recommit the Bill to the former Committee.

I beg to move that, the Bill be recommitted to the former Committee in respect of Clauses 13 and 14.

May I ask you, Sir, as a matter of Order, whether it would be possible at this stage of the Bill to consent on behalf of the promoters to these particular clauses being struck out of the Bill with a view of facilitating the progress of the measure, and of allowing the hon. Members who object to these clauses to take the responsibility of their being lost.

It is a matter for the House to decide after recommittal. It is, I understand, the practice of the House, if there is to be any alteration of that kind, to direct that the Bill must be recommitted.

said, he understood that the Bill, by virtue of this Motion, must stand over till to-morrow or Monday, and that it could not be debated now.

What the hon. Member has moved is an Amendment to the Motion for the Third Reading. Being in the nature of an Amendment to the Motion for Third Reading it can be disposed of now.

said, he understood that the right hon. Gentleman who was in charge of the Bill was prepared to accede to this Motion.

said, then they must press it. They objected to any further powers being given to the London and North Western Railway Company in North Wales to make any extension of any sort or kind. The preamble of the Bill declared that it was expedient to confer further powers upon the company as regarded the whole undertaking, and to extend and enlarge their existing provisions. He did not agree that it was expedient that the powers of the company should be extended as regarded North Wales, and he therefore supported the Amendment.

desired to say one word, not in any respect upon the merits of the question, but simply to explain the reasons of the vote which many of them felt bound to give. The Speaker had ruled that the merits, that was to say, the motive which was behind this Motion, could not be entered into. They had accepted that ruling. They considered, therefore, that in the vote which many of them would give, no expression of opinion whatever was involved upon the merits of the question that led to these proceedings, and they expressed no opinion at all upon that point. The vote he should give entirely related to supporting the practice of the House in not bringing into questions of private business matters which the Speaker had ruled did not properly arise on a Bill.

would be the last man to question the Speaker's ruling that it would be out of order to discuss the policy of the company on the Third Reading of this Bill, but he would point out that since this Motion came on a new element had been introduced into the discussion by the company themselves. Yesterday they published a long statement, a copy of which he held in his hand, and he ventured to say a more high-handed statement had never been heard of. [Cries of "Order."] If the words were unparliamentary, he would ask hon. Members to suggest other words, which would mean the same thing. If they were not allowed to discuss that statement, they were left in this ridiculous position—they were asked to vote upon a Bill without being allowed to discuss the reasons which the promoters themselves gave for passing it.

The right hon. Gentleman is really now infringing the ruling of the Chair.

said, he had not the least intention of infringing the ruling of the Chair. As it appeared they could not discuss the question before the House they would have to be silent, but he hoped that by vote they would maintain a not ineffective protest against this Bill.

thought the House was entitled to some explanation from the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman told them he was prepared to delete the Clauses in question, and yet he was not prepared to accept the recommittal of the Bill, which was the only way in which that could be done.

explained, by way of personal explanation, that he did not desire to omit the two Clauses, but if the Bill could be facilitated—seeing that it contained a good many Clauses besides those objected to—if Welsh Members chose to take the responsibility, he would not be against dropping them out. So far as they went, the Clauses were entirely in the interests of the Welsh people themselves.

dissented from the explanation given by the President of the Board of Trade, because he said he sympathised with the Welsh people, and yet was going to vote against them.

I said nothing of the kind. I expressly guarded myself from expressing any opinion whatever.

The House divided:—Ayes, 233; Noes, 106.—(Division List No. 66.)

On the question that the Bill be read a third time,

said, that he must challenge a Division. He and other hon. Members felt bound to protest against this Bill to the very end.

The House divided:—Ayes, 248; Noes, 120.—(Division List No. 67.)

The North British Railway Bill

DR. FARQUHARSON (Aberdeenshire, W.) moved—

"That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the North British Railway Bill that they may provide, if they think fit, notwithstanding Standing Order 163 of this House, that the respective undertakings of the Kirkcaldy District Railway Company and of the East Fife Railway Company may be vested in the North British Railway Company."

said that this instruction involved questions of great importance, and he must express his suprise that no reason had been given for it. The Standing Order it was sought to suspend provided that before a Committee of the House could have power to amalgamate two Companies, those Companies should be called upon by the Board of Trade to prove that half of the capital of the different Companies had been subscribed. If the power which this instruction proposed to give to the Committee were given, it would be a very serious matter indeed to the town of Kirkcaldy and the neighbouring burghs. Therefore he thought he was entitled to ask for the reasons why the instruction was moved. So far as his constituency was concerned, he could say that all business men were opposed to any further powers being conferred on the North British Railway Company, and certainly, if the Bill reached a third reading, he should take the opinion of the House upon it.

agreed that the House was entitled to ask for and to get some reasons for the suspension of this Standing Order. If the President of the Board of Trade concurred in the Motion, he submitted that he ought to give his reasons for so doing.

said he did not know whether his hon. Friend the Member for West Aberdeenshire, who was responsible for the Motion, had any reasons to give for it. Certainly if those in charge of Private Business came to the House and asked for the suspension of a Standing Order they ought to give some reason for it. As no reason had been given he begged to move that "this Debate be now adjourned."

said he was very unwilling to trouble the House with what was an absolutely technical point, but as one of the directors of the North British Railway he would like to say a few words.

The question before the House is that the Debate be now adjourned. I ask you, Sir, whether the hon. Gentleman is in Order in what he is now saying?

I understand that the right hon. Gentleman, is desirous of giving the explanations that have been asked for. Probably in that case the hon. Member for Caithness will withdraw his Motion.

Motion for adjournment of the Debate withdrawn.

continuing, said, that this Standing Order was frequently suspended without a single word being said in the House. It was a question upon which both the authorities of the Board of Trade and the officials of the House were obliged to satisfy themselves, that there was good reason for allowing to a company the special facilities asked for. These authorities had looked into this matter very carefully and had satisfied themselves on that point, otherwise the business would not have been allowed to go through. He did not know whether the House wished him to enter into details with regard to both these railways, and as to the reasons which had induced the Board of Trade and the Speaker's Counsel to assent to the course that was now proposed. The position was this: the whole of the money which had been spent on one of these railways was North British money, and the Standing Order could be avoided altogether by issuing share certificates. The other railway was not yet constructed, and in that case it was rather a matter of transfer of powers than amalgamation. But there was another and wider point raised, which had not been brought forward on this occasion, because the Speaker's ruling in regard to the provious Bill had kept it out. Grave charges of breach of faith were brought against the North British Company, both towards the House and towards the people of the district which his hon. Friend below him represented.

The hon. Member must not proceed to refute charges which have not been raised in Debate.

Order, order. The hon. Member is now proposing to deny charges that have not been made in Debate. In that he is out of order.

observed that this Standing Order, though a very useful one, was frequently dispensed with in special circumstances. This case was carefully considered by Mr. Speaker's Counsel and by the Board of Trade, and they were of opinion that it was a case in which the Standing Order might be dispensed with. It only gave the Committee power to consider whether it ought to be done.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what are the special reasons alluded to?

I should also like to ask what are the reasons.

hoped the right hon. Gentleman would give the reasons, otherwise hon. Member would be voting in the dark. One of the reasons why the Board of Trade was kept up was that its officers should look into these questions and tell the House all about them. What the House wanted was that they should give all the assistance they required. Surely his hon. Friend was right in asking what the reasons were.

If it is in order for me to speak again, I may say that the reasons were stated concisely but clearly by the right hon. Member for Partick. On the grounds he has stated it seemed to be very desirable that the Committee should have power to consider whether the Standing Order should be suspended.

Motion agreed to.

Questions

The Island Of Lewis

I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland, whether he has received resolutions from the landless people in various parts of the Island of Lewis, urging upon Her Majesty's Government the necessity for empowering the Crofters' Commission to apportion at fair rents the land there now lying waste and suitable for crofts; and, whether it is the intention of the Government to take any steps on the lines indicated?

I have received the resolutions to which the hon. Member's question relates. In connection with the question, I may refer to the answer I gave to the hon. Member for Invernesshire on Thursday, the 2nd instant. Under the Scottish Local Government Act of 1894 allotments may be granted to cotters and others under conditions much wider and more generous than those of the English Act. For this reason, and because it is imprudent largely to increase the scope of the Bill, the Government have introduced it in its present shape. I may say that a very large extent of land in the Lewis has been scheduled as fit for the extension of crofters' holdings, which the Bill is framed to facilitate.

Scotch Schoolmasters

I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland if he will state the number of retired Scotch schoolmasters who are in receipt of a pension, their names, the age of each, the term of service, and the amount of pension paid in each case?

It is obviously impossible within the limits of an answer to give the information desired by the hon. Member; but if he will move for it in the shape of a Parliamentary Return, I shall consider whether it may be furnished. The terms of such a Return would have to be stated somewhat more specifically than is indicated in the question, and I shall be glad to confer with the hon. Member as to this.

Official Receivers In North Wales And Chester

I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, what is the total number of times the Official Receiver for North Wales and Chester has attended personally at the Bankruptcy Courts at Bangor, Portmadoc, and Festiniog on public examinations of bankrupts, examinations under Section 27 of the Bankruptcy Act, and on motions by or against the Official Receiver, and what is the total number of similar attendances by the deputy Official Receiver; is he aware that the Official Receiver carries on business for his own benefit as solicitor at Wrexham, while the deputy Official Receiver is practically discharging all the duties of the Official Receiver in the districts of Bangor, Portmadoc, and Festiniog; what is the salary of the Official Receiver; and what is the salary of the deputy, and by whom is it paid?

Since the 1st Jan, 1894, the Official Receiver for North Wales and Chester has made 11 personal attendances at the Courts mentioned, and the Assistant Official Receiver has made 55 attendances. The Official Receiver, like most of his colleagues in the provinces, is not a salaried officer. He is allowed to engage in private practice (not connected with bankruptcy or insolvency) and is paid a fee for each Receiving Order. The average gross remuneration earned by him during the last three years is about £1,000 per annum, out of which he has to pay the salary of the Assistant Official Receiver, clerks' wages, office rent. &c. The salary of the Assistant Official Receiver is a matter of private arrangement with his employer.

Death Of A Lunatic In Belfast Workhouse

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, (1) with reference to the sworn inquiry held in connection with the admission and treatment of Hanna Bella Craig, who died in Belfast Workhouse, whether he is aware that on her admission she was sent to the infirmary, and that on the same night she was ordered to be removed to the lunatic department without any previous physical examination; that when lying in a faint on the floor at midnight she was lifted by two attendants, and while yet unconscious was bound in a straitwaistcoat, and with no covering save her underdress and a single blanket round her shoulders, was obliged to walk barefooted down three flights of steps; that she was then carried in the open air with a single blanket spread over her, a distance of a quarter of a mile, to the lunatic department on an October night; and that she died within a week, and on the night of her death was held down in bed by seven persons, including pauper attendants; (2) whether he has been informed that one of the pauper attendants admitted on oath that she had been upwards of 150 times in gaol; and (3) whether any steps have been taken to prevent such treatment from being given to paupers in future.

The statements in the first and second paragraphs are generally correct except that the girl was covered with a second blanket before her removal to the lunatic department. The Guardians have, since the death of the girl, increased the nursing staff by 10, making the total number of paid nurses 72, and have also directed that no patient shall be transferred from any department of the workhouse to the lunatic ward without consultation by the medical staff.

Railway Passenger Duty

I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, whether it is intended to levy the Railway Passenger Duty on the light railways that may be constructed under the Bill of the Government now before the House, or whether a light railway, like a railway upon the high road, is not to be regarded as a railway at all?

It is not intended to levy Railway Passenger Duty on the light railways which may be constructed under the Bill now before the House, and I propose to move a clause in Committee making it clear that they are to be exempt.

Laundries And The Factory Acts

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, with reference to the statement that laundries are already to some extent under the Factory Acts, how often Section 1, Sub-section 1, of the Factory Act of 1891 has been acted upon as regards laundries; and, when the annual report of the Chief Inspector will be published?

No order has been made under Section 1, Subsection 1, of the Factory and Workshops Act, 1891, either with respect to workshops or to laundries. I hope that the Chief Inspector's report will be published next week.

Telegraphic Communication Be- Tween Sark And Guernsey

I beg to ask the Postmaster General, what would be the cost of laying a cable connecting Sark with Guernsey, a distance of seven miles; whether he has in stock a surplus supply of cable telegraph wire sufficient for the purpose indicated; whether he will again call for a report on the subject of the necessity of laying this cable, in the interests of commerce and navigation; and, whether he will consult the Board of Trade on the subject?

I have had before me all the information necessary to a consideration of the question whether a telegraph cable should be laid to Sark, and I can only express my regret that, under the Regulations laid down by the Treasury, it is not in my power to carry out the extension in the absence of a guarantee either from the Government of Guernsey, or from the residents.

H M S "Sharpshooter"

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty, when the exhaustive trials of the boilers in H. M. S. Sharpshooter will commence; and whether he will state the nature and conditions of those trials?

The Sharpshooter has been detached from the Channel Squadron for the purpose of carrying out further trials of her boilers at sea. These trials will commence next month, and will be of an exhaustive character. The nature and conditions of the trials will be communicated to the hon. Member when the arrangements are complete.

The Christian Brothers Schools

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether the Irish Government is likely soon to carry out the suggestions of the Commissioners of Education in Ireland with reference to the Christian Brothers Schools?

I addressed my first communication to the Commissioners of National Education on February 5. They replied on February 25, submitting a Resolution. On March 2 I asked them to be good enough to frame rules which would enable us fully and accurately to comprehend their proposal. The rules so framed were forwarded to me on April 19. These rules I have since been examining and considering, and I shall send a reply upon them before the meeting of the National Education Board on Tuesday next.

Niger Territories

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether Her Majesty's Government have received any confirmation of the report that a French Expedition has occupied and fortified a position on the banks of the River Niger; whether this position is situated within the limits of the districts over which Her Majesty's Government declared a Protectorate in June 1885; and whether any explanation of the proceedings of this reported expedition have been tendered by, or requested from, the French Government?

THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
(Sir EDWARD GREY, Northumberland, Berwick)

We have been told by the Niger Company that they have received information from their Agent as to the occupation of a position by a French expedition on the Niger within the limits of the British Protectorate under the Notification of 1887. In reply to a communication which has been made to the French Government, we have been informed that Captain Toutée, who is reported to be the leader of this expedition, is a private traveller. Further inquiries are promised, in order to obtain more complete information.

Criminal Sentence In India

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India, if his attention has been directed to the report of a sentence of five years' rigorous imprisonment inflicted by the Sessions Judge at Howrah upon a prisoner charged before him with stealing a few vegetables from a field; and, if so, will he call for an inquiry into the truth of the report?

I have not seen any report of such a case, but I am informed that the man must have been, an habitual offender, or he would not have been committed to the Sessions. Every sentence passed by a Sessions Court is reported to the High Court, and the High Court can revise it either of its own motion or upon petition by the person sentenced. If my hon. Friend will supply me with the facts of this case, I will consider whether further inquiry should be made.

Equalisation Of Rates (London) Act

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, whether it will be needful for the Government to take any steps to carry out the provisions of the Equalisation of Rates (London) Act, 1894, which, by Clause 3, Section 1, enacts that a census shall be taken for the purpose of ascertaining the number of persons present within each parish in the, administrative county of London on the night of Sunday, 29th March 1896, or if this census will be carried out by officials appointed by the London County Council; and whether, if Parliament should so provide, there would be any practical difficulty in having taken at the same date in 1896 a religious census of the inhabitants of Wales and Monmouthshire, where the population by the last census in 1891 was 2,051,647, or less than half that of the population of the county of London?

THE PRESIDENT OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOARD
(Mr. G. J. SHAW LEFEVRE, Bradford, Central)

No further legislation will be needful to enable the census required by the Equalisation of Rates (London) Act to be taken. The Act provides that the census shall be taken by the Registrar General, and that the cost shall be defrayed by the London County Council. It will not be possible, therefore, under the Act of last year, to obtain a religious census for Wales.

I think it will not be possible, under the Act of last year, to obtain a religious census in Wales.

But if a Bill be passed for that purpose, will there be any difficulty?

I do not know whether Parliament this year would pass such a Bill.

St Katherine's Hospital, Regent's Park

I beg to ask the hon. Member for the Eye Division of Suffolk, as a Charity Commissioner, whether any result has followed from the last inquiry which was promised, concerning the application and administration of the Endowments of St. Katherine's Hospital in the Regent's Park, or whether what the late Charity Commissioner in this House described as a scandal still exists; whether £6,402 is annually expended upon salaries and management, £561 upon education, and £190 upon gifts; whether the Master still receives a salary of £1,200, and what are the duties connected with his office; how many inquiries have at different times been instituted into this Endowment, and what changes have resulted from such inquiries; and whether he will cause to be laid upon the Table of the House a copy of the Reforms which Mr. Skirrow, on behalf of the Charity Commissioners, proposed several years ago, and also a statement of the income and expenditure of the Hospital during the year ending 31st December last?

The Charity Commissioners have no information as to the result of the last inquiry promised as to the administration of this hospital, and they have no reason to suppose that the hospital is conducted otherwise than has hitherto been the case. As regards the particular items of account mentioned in the question, it is impossible, for the reason given by the late Prime Minister, in his answer in this matter on November 3rd, 1893, to answer this part of the question. The accounts of the Charity are open to the inspection of the hon. Member at the office of the Commissioners. Three inquiries have been instituted into this Endowment, namely, by Lord Brougham's Commission in 1837; by Mr. Skirrow, an Inspector of the Commissioners, in 1865; and by a Royal Commission in 1869. The only change in the administration of the hospital made subsequently to these inquiries, so far as the Commissioners are aware, is that effected by the rules framed by Lord Chancellor Cairns, on July 22, 1878. Mr. Skirrow's Report, in which certain reforms are recommended, was laid upon the Table of the House of Lords as a Parliamentary Paper in the year 1866. In the year 1894, the net receipts of the hospital were £6,365 0s. 10d., and the expenditure £6,324 12s. 8d., leaving a credit balance of £40 8s. 2d.

Will the Charity Commissioners lay Mr. Skirrow's Report on the Table of this House, as I understand it was presented to the other House only?

The Paper printed in 1866 was laid on the Table of the House of Lords. The question whether it can be laid on the Table of this House will be considered. The Charity Commissioners have no control, direct or indirect, over this hospital.

gave notice that he would put a Notice of Motion on the Paper on this subject.

Cavan And Leitrlm Light Railway

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether the attention of the Board of Trade has been directed to the fact that, on the 30th April last, on the occasion of a partisan demonstration in Mohill, the Directors of the Cavan and Leitrim Light Railway ran a special train from Belturbet to Mohill, to carry persons to that meeting; whether he is aware that there were not more than 40 persons carried on this occasion by the special train; and whether, as the cesspayers of South Leitrim and the Treasury have jointly to make up, under the guarantee, the dividend and all losses in connection with this railway, steps will be taken by the Board of Trade to point out to the Directors the inadvisability of running special trains at a loss to serve political and partisan purposes.

This question has been referred to me, but I can only say that I am not aware that the Government has any power to interfere in the business arrangements of this railway.

British East Africa Company

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, having regard to the settlement between Her Majesty's Government and the British East Africa Company primarily accepted by the latter on the 27th March, when the Government purposes to advise the Sultan of Zanzibar to take over the assets of the Company, as per letter of the Foreign Office, of February 21st, and resume the administration of the coast zone, and so relieve of the burden the shareholders of the Company, already seriously impoverished?

As the payment of £50,000 by Her Majesty's Government is an integral part of the arrangement come to with the Company, we cannot proceed to carry out, other parts of the arrangement until the consent of Parliament has been obtained for the payment of this sum.

May I ask whether the expenses of administration have still to be borne by the Company, although the bargain is completed as between them and the Government?

May I ask whether it is a fact that there is already in the Bank of England a sum of £200,000 belonging to the Sultanate, which is already available for carrying out the arrangement as between the Sultan and the Company?

Yes, Sir, that is so; but the arrangement will stand or fall as a whole; and we cannot carry out one part without carrying out the whole; and we cannot carry out the whole without the authority of a Vote of this House.

That is hardly a question to be addressed tome: it must, I suppose, depend upon the condition of public business.

Imported Milk

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, if he has any evidence to show whether milk obtained from cows suffering from foot and mouth disease is injurious to health; and, whether large quantities of milk are imported from Holland, which is scheduled under the Contagious Diseases (Animals) Act, 1878, as containing cattle infected with foot and mouth disease; if so, will he take proper precautions to prevent such milk from being utilized for human consumption in this country?

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, whether any steps have been taken by the Department to secure the prohibition of importation of foreign milk from countries from which the, importation of cattle is already prohibited by the Board of Agriculture; if not, will he, in view of the Report recently issued by the Department on the spread of tuberculosis through the consumption of milk from diseased animals, confer with the President of the Board of Agriculture upon the subject, in order to stop such importation of milk from the countries aforesaid?

I am not aware that there is any evidence that disease has been spread in this country by imported milk. With insignificant exceptions imported milk is in a condensed form, and the processes of heat to which it is subjected, I am advised, destroys its power to convey infection, whether of foot-and-mouth disease or tuberculosis. The Local Government Board have no power to prohibit the importation of foreign milk.

Distress For Want Of Employment Committee

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War, whether he is yet in a position to state how soon he will be able to lay upon the Table the Report of the Committee on Distress for Want of Employment?

I have had no opportunity of ascertaining the view of my colleagues on the Committee, and can only speak for myself. The subject referred to us is a large and complicated one, and the Committee would not, in my opinion, be doing its duty if it offered advice to the House without adequate information as to the facts and as to the principal remedies that have been proposed. We are, therefore, busily engaged in obtaining such information from the most promising sources. But I trust that this necessary process will not occupy more than a few weeks longer, and that the Committee will then be able to come to its conclusions on the points before it, and to submit a Report. We are most anxious, on every ground, to avoid unnecessary delay.

Prisons Committee Report

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, if he has considered that part of the Committee's Report on Prisons just circulated (paragraph 104) in which the Committee state that the whole prison staff is undermanned, and also that the specific question of hours of work was excluded from their reference, and they had not taken evidence on the subject, but that the Committee felt bound to express their opinion that the hours of duty of warders generally amount to the maximum which ought to be imposed, and, further, that if a warder is expected to make a constant mental effort to deal kindly and wisely by all the prisoners under his charge, it is too much to expect him to maintain the effort throughout the time which he has now to work; and, whether he will inquire into the question above mentioned with a view to such amelioration of the hours of work as may be found appropriate?

This question will not be lost sight of in the consideration of the Committee's Report.

Kindergarten Exercises In Irish Schools

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, in how many National Schools in Ireland instruction is given on the sloyd or kindergarten principle; and, whether he will call the attention of the National Board to the Report issued on this subject by the Scotch Education Department?

The number of National Schools in which kindergarten exercises were taught in 1894 was 305, and the number of pupils examined in these exercises was 34,520. The special system known as "sloyd" is not taught in any of the National Schools, but practical instruction of a kindred character was given in handicraft in the past year in 14 National Schools, and the number of pupils examined in the subject at the Annual Results Examinations of 1894 was 218. I shall refer the Report mentioned in the question to the National Board of Education.

Industrial Schools

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, in what places Industrial Schools are conducted by the School Boards, and which of those schools are for girls; whether he can say whether any, and, if so, which, of such schools have been successful; and, whether he can say how many Catholic children are confined there, and by whom is the religious education of those children conducted?

Excluding truant schools for short periods of detention, there are eight industrial schools managed by School Boards—two by the London School Board, one by the Brighton and Preston Boards, and one each by the School Boards of Leicester, Leeds, Middlesbrough, Bristol, and Hull. The last two are girls' schools. These schools have all been successful, except one of the girls' schools. There are 113 Roman Catholic children in four of the schools. In three of them a priest visits regularly once a week, and in two there are also Roman Catholic teachers. In the fourth there are only eight Roman Catholic children, admitted at the request of their parents.

Railway Extension In Ceylon

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for the Colonies if the attention of the Secretary of State has been called to the demand for further railway extension in Ceylon; and, has he considered the desirability of encouraging the construction of railways and feeding lines of tramways by private enterprise in that colony; and, if so, will he instruct the Government of Ceylon to afford encouragement and grant facilities to those who may be desirous of promoting and constructing such lines?

THE UNDER SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES
(Mr. SYDNEY BUXTON, Tower Hamlets, Poplar)

The Government of Ceylon has shown great enterprise in extending the railway system of the colony, and there seems therefore no occasion to send any special instructions to them on the subject. Any well-considered scheme which may be brought to the notice of the Secretary of State will, of course, receive attention.

Canteens In The Navy

I beg to ask the, Civil Lord of the Admiralty, upon what number of ships in the Navy have wet canteens been established; is it intended to establish them on other ships, or is the matter still in an experimental condition; if he can state what advantages, if any, are expected to accrue from this new departure; and, is it intended to establish temperance canteens in addition to, and separate from, these wet canteens?

There are 21 harbour establishments on the Home Station, including some harbour ships, where it is permitted to supply beer to the men under proper regulations. This is not a now departure. The system has been in existence for many years and works well, and is believed to be of great advantage to the men, keeping them from the public house. It is not proposed to extend the permission to seagoing ships. Every facility is given for the establishment of coffee canteens.

Clerks In Woolwich Arsenal

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War, whether he has received a petition from the clerks in the Ordnance Store Department in the Woolwich Arsenal, asking for an increase of wages; and, whether he is able to give effect to the respectful request made to him.

The condition of the clerks in the Ordnance Store Department at Woolwich has engaged attention for some time past, and improvements in status and remuneration have been made in respect of certain of the number. The petition referred to and other representations that have been received are under consideration.

Protection Of British Political Officers In India

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether he can state approximately the strength of the military escorts and supports available in any case of emergency for the protection of the British political officers in the native States of Hyderabad, Mysore, Indore, and Gwalior; what was the strength of the military escorts and supports possessed by the British political officers at Gilgit and Chitral respectively before the murder of Nizam-ul-Mulk, the ruler of Chitral, by his brother on the 1st of January last; when did Nizam-ul-Mulk succeed to the throne, and what happened to his predecessor; and for how long a period had a British political officer been in Chitral before the murder of Nizam-ul-Mulk?

I do not consider it to be in the public interest to answer the first question of the hon. Member. At the date of the murder of Nizam-ul-Mulk the whole force under the Gilgit command numbered about 3,000 men, of whom 100 represented the escort of the assistant political officer in Chitral, whose station was at Mastuj. Besides his escort of 100 men, there were 700 men distributed on the route between Gilgit and Mastuj. Nizam-ul-Mulk became Mehtar in November, 1892, after deposing his uncle Sher Afzul. A British political officer was sent to Chitral at the end of 1892 at the request of the then Mehtar, Nizam-ul-Mulk, and has been maintained in Chitral since.

Indian Affairs

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether it is the intention of the Government to recommend that the Inquiry into Indian affairs should take place before a Parliamentary Committee or Royal Commission; and, if the latter, what opportunity will be afforded to the House to discuss the terms of the reference to be made do the said Royal Commission?

No Inquiry into Indian affairs has been proposed by Her Majesty's Government. On the contrary, I distinctly refused to be a party to any such Inquiry. It is proposed that the Inquiry into Indian Expenditure should be conducted by a Royal Commission. It is not usual to discuss in this House the terms of a reference to a Royal Commission.

Frontiers Of British India

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether he will place upon the Table of the House a sketch map showing by a red line the present external frontiers of British India upon the west and north-west so far as known, and indicating wherein the present external frontiers differ from those existing in 1860?

I will consult the Government of India as to the preparation of such a sketch map as is referred to by the honourable Baronet.

Le Marchant Barracks

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, for the past twelve months and upwards, the sewage from the Le Marchant Barracks, near Devizes, has, owing to a complete breakdown of the sewerage system provided there, been discharged in a crude state into the Kennet and Avon Canal, about a mile from the town; whether he is aware that the canal flows downwards from that point through the town, and supplies the water for a public bathing-place for the inhabitants; and, whether, having regard to the serious danger to health and the annoyance that has arisen, he will forthwith take such measures as are necessary to abate the nuisance?

The sewage of the barracks mentioned was disposed of by sub-irrigation under a portion of an adjoining field. For some time past the system has been overtaxed; and a relief drain was carried into the canal, in which it is understood that there is not much flow. Negotiations have just been concluded for the use of an enlarged area in treating the sewage; and the necessary work will be proceeded with at once.

A Derelict

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the Liverpool Tug Company's tug Gamecock has to-day (May 7th) towed into Queenstown Harbour a dangerous derelict from the Atlantic, the barque Brigette; and, whether the Government will give this Tug Company any reward in recognition of this successful search for a derelict in the Atlantic?

I have received information that the derelict Brigette has been towed into Queenstown as stated by the hon. Member. With regard to the salving tug, I can only repeat what I told the hon. Member on the 4th March last, that the Board of Trade have no funds to devote to the purpose suggested, and that it is open to any person who has brought a derelict or wreck of any description into port, to claim and obtain salvage from the owners of the property.

inquired whether it was not a fact that the Government had sent out two ships in search of derelicts?

asked from what fund the Board of Trade provided rewards from time to time.

said this had nothing to do with the question of the hon. Member for Rotherhithe, and therefore it would not be in order to answer it.

Westport Union, Ireland

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a Guardian of the poor of any union who during his term of office becomes contractor for such Union renders himself liable to forfeit £100, and that Mr. Moran, late candidate for the office of Poor Law Guardian of the Westport Union, was contractor for the supply of bread to the workhouse whilst holding that office last year; and, whether he will direct Mr. Lynch, Local Government Board Inspector, who is at present holding a sworn Inquiry on Mr. Moran's behalf into the validity of the election for the Clogher Division of the Westport Union, to prosecute the said Guardian for his alleged offence?

On the 3rd inst. I wrote to the hon. Gentleman in reference to this matter. Section 93 of the 1 and 2 Vic. cap. 56, provides that if a Guardian is concerned, directly or indirectly, in a contract for workhouse supplies whilst holding that office he renders himself liable to forfeit the sum of £100 "to any person who shall sue for the same." A complaint was made last year that the gentleman named in the question, who was then a Guardian, was concerned in a workhouse contract, but he denied the charge. The Local Government Board are advised that it would not be expedient to include in the scope of the present Inquiry an investigation into the charge referred to. The object of the present Inquiry is solely to determine the question which has been raised by Mr. Moran, as to whether his opponent at the recent election obtained a majority of votes. If he did his election will not be disturbed; and in the opinion of the Board it would not now be desirable to take sworn evidence on a matter which may hereafter form the subject of criminal proceedings.

said, he understood the Chief Secretary to say the fact was brought to the knowledge of the Local Government Board that this gentleman was a contractor while he was a Poor Law Guardian. Was it not the duty of the Inspector or the Board itself to investigate the matter and follow it up, and not be content with mere denials?

replied that he did not know what the duties of the Local Government Board were in a matter of this kind. It was a delicate thing for them to interfere in connection with a case which had not properly come before them. But he would inquire whether there was any obligation cast upon them.

said, he understood there was a sworn investigation going on as to whether this gentleman ought not to be entitled to be declared elected. Was it not a fact that the Local Government Board Inspector declined to investigate at the same time a charge which, if established, would have completely disqualified this gentleman.

said, he was not sure that it would have disqualified him. But penalties might have been recovered, no doubt.

Parish Meetings

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, is it necessary, before a subject can be discussed at an annual parish meeting, that notice should have been previously given of the intention to raise such subject?

I have no authority to determine the question; but it appears to me that, if it is intended to bring a subject before an annual parish meeting, previous notice of such intention ought to be given.

Electric Lighting Explosions

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade, whether, having regard to the serious character of Major Cardew's Report on the explosions which occurred on 1st February last on Southwark Bridge, he will state whether the City of London Electric Lighting Company have now taken the necessary measures so as fully to comply with the regulations imposed on them by the Board of Trade for the protection of the public?

The Company state that, upon the receipt of Major Cardew's Report, they at once began to take the measures recommended in the Report to ensure compliance with the Regulations of the Board of Trade. I am informed that the Company are employing a large staff of men, and are pushing on the work. From its nature and extent, however, some time must necessarily elapse before it is completed.

Army Canteen Supplies In Cork District

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he has received a copy of a resolution adopted by the Corporation of Kilkenny with reference to the action of the General commanding the Cork Military District, in directing that the canteens for that district be supplied by one firm in Cork only; and, whether he will arrange that supplies for the garrison in Kilkenny be purchased from local traders, whereby good feeling and friendliness between the troops and the people of Kilkenny may be promoted?

A copy of the resolution has been received, but I can say no more than I said on the 29th April in reply to a question by the hon. Member for East Cork. I have also, in answer to other questions, fully explained this matter. I have no doubt that if the traders of Kilkenny will tender to supply articles of equal quality with those obtained from Cork at a lower price, they will receive the orders for the goods.

Jabez Balfour

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Jabez Balfour was arrested upon a warrant granted by an Extradition Court; and, upon what criminal charges he was arrested by virtue of such warrant?

Warrants of information were sent in the ordinary course to Argentina, and after the decision of the Courts of Law of that country the person named was arrested under the sanction of the Courts of Argentina.

asked the Attorney General to kindly answer his Question upon the Paper—upon what charges Jabez was arrested?

I should require to occupy the time of the House for at least 25 minutes if I were to answer the question. ["Hear, hear" and laughter.] I hope the House will be satisfied with the answer I have given. [Hear, hear.]

asked the Leader of the House whether, seeing that the Attorney General objected to giving the contents of the warrant against Jabez Balfour because it would take up too much time to give the answer by word of mouth, he would consent to lay a copy of the warrant on the Table of the House?

No, Sir; I would venture to submit to the hon. Member when legal proceedings of a criminal character are in progress that the less they are dealt with in this House the better. [Cheers.]

Templemore Estate, Ireland

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether he is aware that 30 writs and about 100 civil bill processes have been served on the Templemore Estate on which negotiations for sale are pending, and that the usual reduction, namely, 25 per cent., has been withdrawn; whether he is aware that the price asked by the landlord is 18 years' purchase, and that offered by the tenants 15 years' purchase; and whether he can use his influence or take any steps to prevent a quarrel between the landlord and tenants on this estate.

I am aware that a large number of tenants on this property have been served with writs and civil bill decrees, and that negotiations with a view to sale under the Purchase Acts have taken place between the landlord and the tenants. The former has offered to sell at 18 years' purchase on the basis of existing rents, whilst the tenants have offered 18 years on a revaluation, or 15 years' purchase on present rents. With regard to the last paragraph, the Executive Government has no means of exercising its influence in the direction suggested by the hon. Gentleman in the present instance, though I would fain express the hope that, even yet, some amicable arrangement may be brought about between the parties, and the further threatened proceedings thus obviated.

Irish Railways

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, whether the Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland have undertaken to make a contribution of at least £2,000 a year towards the net receipts of the Castlerea and Ballaghaderreen Railway, in case the Order in Council in regard to that line is sanctioned by the Treasury; and whether, if that Order is drawn in every respect similar to the Order in Council for the Ballinrobe and Loughrea arid Mitchelstown Railway, will that satisfy the Treasury as regards the legal point involved as to a heavy railway; and if not, why not?

I understand that evidence was given before the Privy Council that an arrangement had been entered into between the promoters and the Midland Great Western Railway, practically to the effect stated. The Treasury having no funds, the question of a new Order cannot arise.

Is the right hon. gentleman aware that the Ballinrobe and Claremorris and the Loughrea and Attymon Railways were built under an agreement embodied in an Order in Council, stating that they were to be built in every respect similar to the best portion of the Midland main line system, and that these lines are now worked by the Midland Great Western and the Great Southern and Western Railway Companies with their ordinary engines and rolling stock, in like manner as their main lines are worked; and whether, under these circumstances, the Treasury would reconsider their decision to continue to subscribe to these lines?

The Midland Great Western Railway Company are now working the lines in question as part of their general system under special power given them by the Midland Great Western Railway of Ireland Act 1891, Section 6, and not under the powers contained in the Order in Council, and so there is nothing for the Treasury to reconsider.

Telegraph Office At Bannow

I beg to ask the Postmaster General whether he is aware that a telephone is being erected in Bannow Post Office, county Wexford, instead of a telegraph, for which the ratepayers of the district gave a guarantee; whether he is aware that the ratepayers are dissatisfied to give a guarantee for a telephone; and whether any guarantee is required for a telephone; and, if so, will he recommend that the original agreement between the ratepayers and the postal authorities be carried out?

There has been no departure from the terms of the agreement for a Telegraph Office at Bannow. The guarantee was based on the assumption that the instrument would be a telephone, which is being largely used at country telegraph offices, and in many cases is the most suitable instrument for the purpose.

Unyoro

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, with reference to the death in Unyoro of Captain Dunning, D.S.O., the Assistant Administrator of Uganda, whether there has been any fighting there, and what is the last news from the new protectorate; what amount has been spent in transport between Mombasa and Uganda; and, whether caravans can proceed to the Uganda from the Coast, and vice versa.

The latest news received is dated February 12. It was to the effect that Kaba Rega had sent a force to raid two Uganda provinces, and that steps had been taken to intercept the raiders. The approximate total spent on transport between Mombasa and Uganda during the last twelve months is £27,000. Caravans can proceed regularly to and from Uganda.

Local Government Act, 1894

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, how many local authorities in the metropolis have applied to the Local Government Board since last December for the transfer of powers under Section 33 of the Local Government Act, 1894; how many Orders have been issued upon such applications; by what date it is expected that the issue of Orders, or other determinations of the Local Government Board, will be communicated to the other applying authorities; and, what is the cause of the delay in dealing with such applications?

Out of 700 applications which the Local Government Board have received for a transfer of powers under the section, about 20 relate to London. The Board have dealt with 565 of these applications so far as the power to appoint Overseers is concerned, and in 17 of such cases they have conferred this power on London Vestries. There are about 12 applications from local authorities in London relating to other matters and these are now being dealt with. The Board are communicating, where necessary, with the parties interested in the proposals, and their decision will be given as early as practicable.

Established Church (Wales) Bill

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, having regard to the multitude of the Amendments placed on the paper to the Established Church (Wales) Bill, and to the fact that many of them would appear to be controversial and important, he would consider the propriety of, at the earliest possible date, proposing to this House a Resolution limiting the time for the Committee stage of the Bill, and dividing it so that on each portion of the Bill a reasonable time may be afforded for thorough discussion, such time being made known beforehand to the Committee in order that they may utilise it for the consideration of the more important Amendments rather than those of less importance, and, at the same time, giving to the Speaker or to the Chairman of Committees further power to assist the Committee by enabling the Speaker or Chairman of Committees to guide the Committee by his expression of opinion as to which were the important Amendments, and empower the enforcement of such opinion by the Speaker or Chairman; and, whether he would, in the first instance, confer with the Leader of the Opposition in this House to see if he could obtain his assistance in formulating such a Resolution to facilitate the business of this House?

This is a very large proposal in the way of altering the procedure of the House, and I cannot undertake to discuss it with the hon. and learned Member in answer to a question.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, in the event of the Bill for the Disestablishment and Disendowment of the Church of England in Wales becoming law, tithe will have to be paid, as at present; whether it will be collected by Government Officials, and if prompt payment upon a fixed date will be enforced; and whether, in the event of special distress, any rebate can be allowed?

The tithe rent-charge falling under the provisions of the Welsh Church Bill will continue to be payable half-yearly on the 1st of January and the 1st of July. It will be payable to and collected by, not Government Officials, but County Councils, who will be responsible for handing over to the Welsh Commissioners such amount as will be required for satisfying vested interests. There is nothing in the Bill requiring County Councils to insist on prompt payment, or preventing them from making rebates. But if the amount received by them is not sufficient to meet the requirements of the Welsh Commissioners for the satisfaction of vested interests, the deficiency will have to be met out of the County Fund. The power of a County Court to remit any tithe rent-charge exceeding two-thirds of the annual value of the land will still continue.

Metropolitan Police Courts Bill

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether any, and, if so, what, provision is made in the Metropolitan Police Courts Bill for the charge of,£7,000 a-year for the police of the Houses of Parliament, and for the lump sum of £10,000 to wipe off the debt on account of alterations at Bow Street Police Court; and, if none, in what way it is proposed to provide the sums in question.

With regard to the £7,000 per annum, the amount will be provided for yearly in the Estimates. With regard to the £10,000, it is an outstanding debt which it is competent for the Treasury to write off in adjusting the capital liability of the Police Fund. There is no provision in the Bill relating to these sums; it is a matter of financial arrangement with the Treasury.

Inspectors Of Weights And Measures

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that, in some districts, inspectors of weights and measures are in the habit of delegating their duties to irresponsible assistants, to the injury of the trading community; and whether such practice is legal; and, if not, can it be stopped?

I have received no information to the effect suggested in the question of my hon. Friend. If he will furnish me with full particulars of the cases which are in his mind, I will refer them for the observations of the local authority who appoint and control the Inspectors of Weights and Measures in their district. I can find nothing in the Act to authorise an Inspector to delegate his duties.

said, that, arising out of the answer of the right hon. Gentleman, he wished to know whether, in the event of the local authority conniving at the subletting of inspectorships, the right hon. Gentleman will take steps to prevent that being carried on.

The Inspectors of Weights and Measures have power to appoint assistants, but they cannot delegate their functions. If such an impropriety as my hon. Friend suggests is found to have occurred, I am afraid there is no power on the part of the Board of Trade to deal with the case. The only remedy will be by fresh legislation.

asked whether, in the event of an Inspector accosting a baker in the streets and demanding an inspection of his weights, whether that would be justifiable?

That would not be a matter within my knowledge or control, but it would be one within the control of the local authorities.

Bovine And Tuberculosis Report

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether the Government intend to take any action upon the publication of the Bovine Tuberculosis Report; and whether those interested will be consulted regarding future legislation?

The Report has only been in the hands of the Government a few days, and there has been no time yet to come to any conclusion upon it.

asked whether the Government would consider the matter in the immediate future. The tuberculosis inquiry had been going on for some years?

The Report has been in our hands only for about a week. The Report is a very exhaustive one, and in a very short time the House will be in a position to come to a conclusion in reference to it.

Officers Of The Indian Army

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether he is aware that much discontent exists among the officers of the Indian Army owing to their frequent super session by officers of several years' shorter service from the British Army, and the consequent ruin of their professional prospects?

I am not aware that the officers of the Indian Army are superseded by officers of several years' shorter service from the British Army. With respect to the rules of promotion in the Indian Staff Corps, I, on the 2nd of this month, replied to a question by the hon. Member for Hull.

Official Solicitor

I beg to ask the Attorney General whether the recently appointed Official Solicitor will be permitted to carry on private practice; what was the rule in this respect during the term of office of his predecessor; and whether any, and, if so, what reason exists for permitting this legal official to continue his private practice when the system has been abolished in the case of the principal Law Officers?

said, that the Official Solicitor would be permitted to carry on private practice; that was the rule.

Manors In England And Wales

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether having regard to the fact that no list even of the manors in England and Wales is extant, and that no Parliamentary Inquiry has ever been made as to their extent and jurisdiction, and to the fact that for a long series of years and at the present time lords of manors have in many instances dealt with or attempted to deal with and dispose of the "common lands" of the manor as if such lands were their private freehold, he will recommend the appointment of a Royal or Special Commission, or a Select Committee of the House, in order to obtain and lay before Parliament full information on the subject of manors in England and Wales.

It might no doubt be a good thing to have a new Domesday Book relating to the manors in England, but that seems hardly a work that could be undertaken by a Select Committee or a Royal Commission. Under the existing Parliamentary restrictions with regard to the enclosure of common lands, I do not believe it is possible now for such lands to be dealt with as private freeholds.

Re-Distribution Bill

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, having regard to his statement in Debate on 21st February, 1893, that the subject of rectifying the admitted disparities in the representation of the people must be dealt with very soon, he proposes to take any steps to reduce these disparities.

I adhere to the statement made by me and referred to in the question. The Government cannot undertake to introduce a Redistribution Bill in the present Session.

Mombasa-Uganda Railway

I beg to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can now make a statement with regard to the Mombasa-Uganda Railway, especially as to its early construction.

Returning Officers' Charges

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer when the Bill to make provision for the payment of the charges of the returning officers at elections will be introduced?

Slaughter Of Diseased Animals

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether it is the intention of the Government to provide compensation to the owners for the seizures make to tuberculised animals destroyed in the supposed interest of public health?

I have heard a good many questions about tuberculosis. I have not studied the subject myself, and I have had no proposal made to me at present as to compensation in that matter. When the proposal comes from the Treasury I shall have to consider it.

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether voters, in the areas transferred from one county to another under the provisions of the Local Government Act, 1894, will be transferred as to their Parliamentary votes to the new county, or whether they will be retained in the original county?

No areas are transferred from one county to another by the Local Government Act, 1894, and I presume my hon. Friend alludes to cases where such transfers are made by orders of the Local Government Board issued under the Local Government Act, 1888. If so, I may refer him to Section 92 of that Act, which provides that nothing done in pursuance of the Act shall alter the limits of any Parliamentary county, or the right of any person to be registered as a voter at any Parliamentary election.

Belfast Board Of Guardians

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will state at what date the Local Government Board directed the Belfast Board of Guardians to give notice to the City Coroner of the death of any inmate; also the number of male and female (paid) nurses respectively in the workhouse on that date and the number of same employed there now?

The directions referred to in the Question were issued to the Guardians on the 11th December 1893. The number of paid nurses employed in the Belfast Workhouse on that date was 43 and at present the number is 72.

Prosecution Of Evicted Tenants In Ireland

asked the Chief Secretary whether it was true that the Irish Government had ordered the prosecution of Mr. Michael O'Brien Dalton and other evicted tenants on the Smith-Barry estates?

I cannot carry the grounds very fully in my head, but generally speaking, if my recollection is right, the offence with which they are charged, I think to-day, is obstructing the sale of cattle and proceedings of that kind at a fair at Tipperary.

In these circumstances, would the right hon. Gentleman think it expedient to repeal the Criminal Law and Procedure Act?

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman was aware that Mr. O'Brien Dalton was the gentleman whose case was being tried when the right hon. Gentleman was in Tipperary.

I am not aware of that. I really know very little about Mr. O'Brien Dalton except that he is charged—the charge has yet to be proved—with an offence against the law.

The Repeat, Of The Crimes Act

desired to ask the Chief Secretary a question with regard to what took place yesterday in connection with the Bill for the repeal of the Crimes Act. The right hon. Gentleman stated that he would be in favour of referring the Bill to a Grand Committee, and he wished to know whether the right hon. Gentleman could state on behalf of the Government that they would afford an opportunity for the discussion and decision of the question of referring that Bill to the Grand Committee?

What I said was this, that if a Motion were made for referring this Bill in this way, I should not oppose it. I may say I should be glad if any opportunity could be found of pressing this Bill through at a further stage.

I do not gather from the answer of the right hon. Gentleman exactly what he means. Will the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues afford an opportunity for the discussion of the question?

Before the right hon. Gentleman replies—I recognise the great unfairness of asking a question of this sort without notice—[Loud cries of "Order" and "Withdraw!"]—I beg to ask whether he will be prepared to give an answer on behalf of the Government to a question as to the time to be devoted to this Bill next Monday?

The Order Of Business

May I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer a question with regard to financial business? To-morrow the Resolution is put down with regard to beer and spirits. Then, perhaps, the right hon. Gentleman will say when he proposes to take the Second Reading of the Customs and Inland Revenue Bill. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that we, at his request, allowed him to take the first Resolution the other day, and I presume that on the Finance Bill there would be an understanding that we should be allowed freely to debate the Budget as a whole, without being restricted to the particular points in the Bill then under discussion. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will see the reasonableness of that suggestion, which, I think, is in accordance with general precedent.

asked when the right hon. Gentleman proposed to take the Coal Mines Regulation Bill?

Due notice will be given before that Bill is taken. With reference to the Resolution to-morrow, after it is passed of course I shall introduce the Customs and Inland Revenue Bill. I will then endeavour to state the day—one day next week—on which that Bill is to he taken. With reference to the discussion on the Second Reading of the Bill, of course I have no particular desire to restrict discussion, but I have no means and no power to make that in order which is not in order. It does not lie in my hands at all to determine that. I have no desire to avoid discussion, but the Government must abide by the Rule of the House.

But I understand that, so far as the right hon. Gentleman is concerned, there will be no desire to interpose in that free discussion. Other wise we should be in this position, that we could never grant a Minister a Resolution on the first night, because we should lose our opportunity. It was out of deference to the right hon. Gentleman, and as a convenience to him, that we forewent our opportunity, and brought the discussion to a close on the first night, so that I hope the right hon. Gentleman will support us in securing, as far as he can, a discussion of the Budget Resolutions.

Oh, certainly. As to that point there cannot be the smallest doubt, because the matters on which the Resolutions are taken are always included in the Bill. We never take a Resolution except for a matter which is in the Bill, and, therefore, on the Second Reading of the Bill everything dealt with in the Resolution will be in order.

That is not exactly the point. The right hon. Gentleman in his Budget Speech dealt with a great many matters not in the Resolutions. If, then, we do not deal with these matters on the Resolutions on the same evening, it would appear that we should lose the ordinary opportunity of reviewing the Budget as a whole. It is in order that we should not be bound down specially to the matters contained in the Resolution, but may comment on the financial policy of the Government as a whole, that I raise the point. Otherwise it would be necessary—and I am sure that would be very undesirable—that Amendments should be moved which would give the opportunity for such a discussion. But perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will see in what way we can have that general discussion which has taken place every year.

I am quite sure the right hon. Gentleman will find I have not the smallest desire to shut out any discussion on the general financial proposals of the Government.

asked the right hon. Gentleman, with reference to the pledge he gave the House two months ago, that on an early day he would put up Army Estimates in order to allow of a general discussion, when he expected to be able to fulfil that undertaking.

asked when the right hon. Gentleman really intended to give the House an opportunity of voting the ordinary Service Estimates.

Perhaps the hon. Member will give me a little time. I am rather in hopes of being able to make proposals to the House which may have the effect of giving more time for the continuous discussion of Supply. I have always felt very strongly the disadvantage and, in fact, the impropriety of postponing Supply to the end of the Session; and if we could make some arrangement by which there was a regular weekly consideration of Supply, I think it would be a very great advantage in our proceedings. I will take means of consulting Gentlemen on both sides of the House in reference to the matter, with the view of giving effect to it.

May I ask the Leader of the House if he will state what is to be the course of business next week? He has stated that one day will be devoted to the Budget Bill. What will be taken on the other Government days?

On Monday and Tuesday we propose to go on with the Welsh Church Bill. I am not prepared to say just now what will be taken on Thursday and Friday.

Beitish Protectorate Over Tongaland

In answer to Sir E. ASHMEADBARTLETT,

said: As I stated in my answer to the hon. Member for West Belfast on the 21st of February last, the King of Amatongaland has acknowledged that, as regards that portion of his territory not under Portuguese influence, he obeys the Queen. An officer is proceeding to the country with a view to proclaiming a formal Protectorate.

Personal Explanation

I ask to be allowed to say that I wish to correct a statement which appears in The Times report of a speech I made, on Monday evening, on an Amendment in Committee on the Welsh Church Bill. [Cries of "Order."]

I understand the hon. Member does not mean to correct a report, but to correct something he has said.

I wish to make a correction I have been asked to make. It refers to something which I am reported to have said. I am reported to have said that a landowner, and everyone who knew the circumstances knew that I referred to Lord Cawdor, did not allow Nonconformist places of worship to be built on his estate. I do not think I actually used those words. I think I said the building of chapels was discouraged.

Sir, I rise to Order. I wish to ask you whether the hon. Member is allowed to correct a statement, or whether he should not first of all state that the statement that he made in this House was incorrect. Is it our business to correct the Press reports of speeches in this House?

The hon. Member communicated with me before he rose. I understand that he desires to correct a statement that has gone forth imputing conduct to a Member of the other House which is denied, and to make a statement with reference to that.

I learn on the highest authority that I was wrong in saying that Lord Cawdor would not allow chapels on his estate. As a matter of fact, there is a chapel on his estate in the Castlemartin Rural Deanery, and he has given a site for one outside that district, but in South Pembrokeshire. Further, he has never been asked to give a site in the Castlemartin Rural Deanery nor refused such a request.

Orders Of The Day

Standing Committee For Scotland

THE SECRETARY FOR SCOTLAND (Sir GEORGE TREVELYAN, Glasgow, Bridgeton) rose to Move—

"That, in addition to the two Standing Committees appointed under Standing Order No. 47, a Standing Committee shall be appointed for the consideration of all Bills introduced by a Minister of the Crown relating exclusively to Scotland, which may, by Order of the House, be committed to them, and that the provisions of Standing Order No. 47 shall apply to the said Standing Committee; that the said Standing Committee do consist of all the Members representing Scottish constituencies, together with fifteen other Members to be nominated by the Committee of Selection, who shall have regard in such appointment to the approximation of the balance of parties in the Committee to that of the whole House, and who shall have power from time to time to discharge the Members so nominated by them, and to appoint others in substitution of those discharged; that Standing Orders Nos. 49 and 50 do apply to the said Standing Committee.''

He said: I rise to Move, once more, the Order of 27th April, 1894, in precisely the same terms as approved by the House after as searching a Debate as even such an Order could be submitted to. The proposal is that a Standing Committee be re-appointed, of all Scottish Members, with fifteen others, so selected as to tend to rectify the party balance; for the consideration of Scottish Bills introduced to the Government, which, by the Order of the House, are sent to that Committee. The appointment of such a Committee, and the re-appointment, are very different operations; and I earnestly hope that the comparative length of the Debate as compared with that when the subject was new will be a consideration which hon. Members will keep in mind. When this Committee was first brought forward there were very numerous objections. Hon. Members expressed apprehensions as to its working, and I am anxious to make a tribute to hon. Members who were very strongly opposed to this Committee at first, and notably to the Leader of the Opposition. When it was appointed they accepted the judgment of the House for that Session; and loyally and diligently endeavoured to make that Committee a

success. I do not mean to say that the Leader of the Opposition, among his many avocations, found time to attend frequently, but when he did come it was on critical and important occasions; and the support he gave to the business of the Committee was most marked. I do not of course consider that in doing so the right hon. Gentleman withdrew his general objections to the Committee. But most of those objections had been answered by the best of all arguments—namely, experience, and experience proves that such a Committee can do its work smoothly, effectively, and more swiftly than is done by other agencies of this House; that it fitted and dovetailed in successfully with the other machinery of the House; and that it secured for Scotland important legislation which no one grudges her, which bears in every line the mark of having been revised and worded by men who knew their subject and were interested in it, and which, therefore, to an unusual degree, meets Scottish needs and fulfils Scottish aspirations. There was great reason beforehand to believe that such a Committee would be a success. In order to make it a success it was necessary that the House should trust the Committee, that they should take their word for Scotland, and that when a Bill came back to the House the work should not have to be done over again. If we had not believed that, we never should have proposed it; but we had good reason to believe it. In 1890 the right hon. Member for St. George's (Mr. Goschen) gave a grant for the superannuation of the police. Parliament passed a Bill for the utilisation of England's share according to English views and wishes. When the turn of Scotland came, there was reason to believe that the views of Scotland would be different, and with great good sense the House sent the measure to a Select Committee of 21 Members. Every one was a Scottish representative except the Member for Ipswich (Sir P. Dalrymple), and he was a Scotchman of the Scotch. They thrashed out a scheme very different from the English measure, but such complete confidence had the House in the Committee that when the Bill was recommitted to the whole House the subsequent proceedings consumed only two pages of "Hansard." We augured from this, first, that Scottish business would

be amicably and thoroughly done in a Scotch Committee; and next, that the House would receive its decision with respect and acquiescence. And we were not disappointed. From the first to the last the Grand Committee of last Session was well attended; the speaking was brisk, brief, and to the point; and the divisions were very decisive, and less of a Party complexion than in Committee of the whole House. There never was any difficulty about a quorum. There were 59 divisions, and there were very few indeed in which less than 40 Members voted. On one occasion no less than 74 gentlemen, out of a possible 87, recorded their votes. It had been prophesied that there would be obstruction. But that was not the case. The public opinion of the Committee was strong in favour of its businesslike and prompt work. The Bill, as it left the Committee, was an unusually practical and workmanlike Bill. Whoever saw an existing defect, or a possible improvement, rose at once, and as he spoke to people who all understood the matter, his suggestion was at once accepted or at once dropped. When the Bill came back to the House, its reception was all that could be wished. It had been anticipated that no time would be gained, because the discussion on Report would take as long as the discussion in Committee. So far was this from being the case that it was disposed of in two nights—no longer than the English Bill, which had been discussed for 34 nights in Committee of the whole House. The Bill took 60 hours upstairs; it would have taken twice as long within these walls. The English Bill took 240 hours. The country gained 15 or 16 days of House of Commons time, and Scotland got a good measure which would have been got under no other circumstances. And what was there to set off against these advantages? Many things were feared beforehand; have any of them been justified by the event? Hon. Members dreaded the amount of personal fatigue to which Scottish Members would be exposed. One hon. Member went so far as to say that it would "shorten the lives of Scotch Members." One man's sensations are the measure of another's; and I can only say that there is nothing so wearying and dispiriting as seeing the business you care about, in which you

wish to take a part, which you understand, constantly postponed for other business, important, indeed, but which you have not so much at heart. The hon. Baronet the Member for Wigtownshire said, "One man cannot do two men's work." The most wearisome thing is to be allowed to do no work at all. Six hundred men cannot all have their say in the general business of the House, or, if they did, that business would never get along at all. All work and no play is bad enough; but no work and all waiting about is worse still; and from that fate this Committee sets Scottish Members free. It was said that the mere fact of a man being a Scottish Member did not specially fit him for dealing with Scottish questions. That in itself I do not admit; but if that was the case to begin with it soon was corrected. The local bodies and individuals in Scotland thoroughly understand their own affairs, and watch closely, with no unfriendly eye, the proceedings of the Committee. By letter, by resolution, by personal communication, Scotchmen take good care to make their views known to Scottish Members; and before many days were out the Committee very speedily became something very like a Committee of Experts. It was said that the House would lose its legitimate control over Scottish business. The House, under this resolution, has full opportunity of considering the general principles of the Bill on the Second Reading. Secondly, the House determines in each separate case whether it is a measure that can be safely entrusted to a Scotch Committee. If the House thinks matter can be introduced in Committee of which they disapprove, they can object to the title, and say that it is not too elastic and they could see no questionable instructions carried. And if, after this, they find their confidence has been misplaced, the House regains its full power on Report and on the Third Reading. It was said that provisions would slip in which would trench on English or Irish rights and privileges. For this apprehension there was no ground, and it had been proved to have no ground whatever. The presence of English and Irish Members would have prevented it; but the good sense of Scottish Members was a still better guarantee. Their own aim and

object was to do their own work in their own way; and they knew very well that if they had misused and abused their opportunity the House of Commons would take good care that they never should have that opportunity again. And finally, we were told that the proposal was "a new and revolutionary scheme for dealing with the legislation of one part of the United Kingdom." This view seems to inspire the first Amendment by the hon. Baronet the Member for Wigtownshire (Sir H. Maxwell). The hon. Baronet in his Amendment, said that—

"this House declines to entertain a proposal to refer Bills to Standing Committees on the basis of separate nationalities."

Now, with regard to that Amendment, on which I suppose the sense of the House will be taken, I would refer to the opinion of an eminent man who thoroughly knew the House of Commons, and who took very strong views indeed, of the same nature as hon. Members opposite, on the subject of separate nationalities. This is the only extract I will read to the House, but it is an important one, as all will admit, when I tell them that it is from a speech of the late Mr. John Bright, in July, 1886, in regard to a proposal for an Irish Committee.

''I would form the hundred Members for Ireland into a Committee, that would be known and called as the Committee on Ireland or for Ireland. I would say that any Bill which any Member of the House of Commons brought in and proposed should be read a first time as a matter of course, as all Bills are in the House of Lords, and as they generally are in the House of Commons, but when it is read the first time it should always be referred to the Committee for Ireland. This Committee would have a proper place of meeting about the palace of Westminster, and they would appoint their own Chairman, or, if they liked, they might have the Irish Secretary as their Chairman, but probably they would like to appoint their own Chairman from among their own manner. They would take the Bill as the Chairman of the House of Commons takes a Bill now. Their Chairman would read it over, clause by clause; but the hundred Irish Members would make any alteration they pleased, would strike out any clause, would amend any clause, and would put in any clause they thought suitable, and by a majority they would decide whether this Bill was acceptable to them, and whether it was in a condition to be reported to the House. No English or Scotch Member would be present or take part in it. When the Bill came down to the House for Report, I would propose that it should not be subjected to a Second Reading, but that it should be merely subjected to what is called Report— that is, the intermediate stage between the Second and Third Reading. But I would get rid of the Second Heading and proceed to the Report, on which the Members of the House, Irish or English, might, if they chose, move Amendments, and get up some discussion. When the Bill has passed through the stage of Report, it would go immediately to the Third Reading, and I should expect that, in the great majority of cases, a Bill that had gone through the Irish Committee upstairs, and in the stage of Report, and had gone through the House, in all probability would have an excellent chance of being Read a Third Time, and of going forward. This is a very simple plan. Very clever folks, you know, would not like it on that account."

It was brought in in July, 1886. The date is July 1st, 1886. And how was that scheme regarded at the time? It was introduced at a time when Home Rule was the great question of the day—Mr. Bright took a very strong view on that question—when anything which smacked of separation met much suspicion and very little favour. Yet, even at that time and on that scheme, the Times newspaper commented in these words:—

"On the very simple proposal of an Irish Committee, or by what means the Parnellite Party could be got to accept it, we will not now argue; but it is it least intelligible, and is certainly not revolutionary."
I think, Sir, that the Times was right. But, whatever was the case with Mr. Bright's scheme then, our scheme now, after the experience we have had, may be pronounced to be practical, effectual, moderate, and safe. I see that hon. Members have on the paper proposals to alter it in various particulars from the form and shape in which the House agreed to it last year; but, Sir, that is the form and shape in which Scotland has had experience of its working; and ever since Scotland has had that experience I have not heard any unfavourable body of Scotch opinion with regard to it, while favourable opinions have been expressed in unexpected quarters. There were no complaints of its composition being too partisan. Most certainly I have never heard, as some Members by their amendments appear to apprehend, that the Scotch element in it is proportionately too strong. It is in the belief that the arrangement of last Session was as just as any arrangement could be, that it was based on sound principles, and that it has given general satisfaction in practice, that I ask the House to renew a form of procedure which last year I admit to have been an experiment, but which, after the trial we have had of it, we are justified in saying is an assured success. I beg, Sir, to move.

said, that he made no apology in rising to reply to some of the observations of the Secretary for Scotland. He rose as an English Member, because this was a subject which ought to engage attention in all parts of the House. The Scotch Standing Committee could hardly be yet accepted as such a settled question that it ought to be moved as a matter of course, like the Standing Committees on Law and Trade. The Scotch Committee was proposed last year for the first time. It met with considerable opposition, not only as regarded its probable working, but on the strong constitutional grounds. It was, in fact, regarded as a great anomaly and innovation of constitutional procedure. Since the Union, English and Irish Members had regarded it as their duty to take part in discussing Scotch measures, so that questions relating to any one part of the United Kingdom should be dealt with on the broad grounds on which legislation ought to proceed, and not upon merely sectional lines. He quite admitted the businesslike spirit that pervaded the Committee last year, and that there was no obstruction. Undoubtedly this was due to the excellent management of the right hon. Gentleman who presided over it [General cheers]; but also, he thought, to the desire which every Member brought to that Committee to mould the Bill to the best use of Scotland. The discussions in Committee were, therefore, not tiresome. He thought that in the House itself, or in Committee of the whole House, they could always count on a sympathetic consideration of Scotch measures. The right hon. Gentleman said, in fact, that the unfavourable prognostications expressed last year as to the result of the Scotch Committee have been disappointed, and that the Bill emerged from the Committee as a useful measure, and that it was passed through the House without trouble. But the Local Government Bill of last Session was a non-contentious measure. It was opposed by no Party in the House. It was the common desire of all that the Local Government which had been previously established in Scotch counties and districts should be extended to the parishes; that it would bring no danger to any institution in the country, but would give the people in the localities an opportunity of managing their own affairs. Going to the Committee in that spirit, it was not surprising that the result was as described. But he would ask, Did that result justify the Scotch Committee being adopted as a permanent part of their Parliamentary procedure? In the first place, he would say that the objections urged last year to the system as a whole existed still, practically unimpaired and undiminished. He stood there as an English Member to protest against Scotch affairs being treated in a provincial or partial manner. It was impossible that such a great innovation could stop here; for it was certain that other parts of the United Kingdom would claim the same treatment. Were hon. Members prepared to concede it? On the previous day, at the close of business, a proposal was made to refer the Bill for the repeal of the Crimes Act to a Standing Committee. Was that to be a Standing Committee of Irish Members? Nobody would suggest it. But if this claim for a separate Institution to Scotland was granted it would not be long before proposals would be made to extend it to other parts of the United Kingdom. The right hon. Gentleman had referred to a proposal made by the lamented Mr. John Bright, but he would remind the right hon. Gentleman that that proposal was made as a substitute for Home Rule, a plan which Mr. Bright so greatly condemned, and on which he separated himself from those with whom he had been long associated in political life. Mr. Bright thought that by such a proposal Irish local affairs might be managed to the satisfaction of Ireland by such a Committee, and that a great saving of time to the House might thus be effected. That proposal, however, was in substitution of Home Rule, but he was not aware that the proposal was accepted as such by any Member of the Home Rule Party. The right hon. Gentleman must have forgotten, when he made the reference to the proposal of Mr. Bright, what the right hon. Member for Midlothian said when a similar proposition was made in the House by the late Mr. Parnell. The right hon. Member for Midlothian said that—

"The House was invited at that moment to sanction the principle that certain powers of the Imperial Parliament should be exercised by a body of Members taken exclusively from one part of the United Kingdom; that he doubted whether Parliament would ever sanction anything of the kind; that it would be a singular and extraordinary innovation, and one which he did not think the House would under any circumstances be prepared to entertain, and that it entailed an enormous constitutional innovation."
That opinion, in regard to the setting up an Irish Committee was equally applicable to the setting up of a Scotch Committee. Why should Scotch affairs he treated as not worthy the attention of Parliament as a whole? It was true that the Scotch Committee was strengthened or supplemented last year by the addition of some Members for England, and those Gentlemen found no difficulty at all in understanding Scotch affairs, and the circumstances of Scotland with which it was prepared to deal. If that was the case, why on earth was the House, as a whole, not equally able to do so? Again, there were all sorts of inconveniences in setting up this Committee. In the first place Scotch Members took part, and not a silent part, in the deliberations of the other Standing Committees, and if they could deal with Bills relating to England before those Committees, why were Irish and English Members not to be on Committees dealing with Bills relating to Scotland? The composition of the Standing Committees was regulated so as to give a fair representation of all parties, and it was no light matter that a Committee appointed specially to consider the affairs of Scotland should consist so largely of Members of one Party, that it was absolutely impossible that, if a Division occurred on Party lines, it could only lead to one result. That objection was met to a certain extent last year by adding 15 Members from England, but, nevertheless, the disparity of Parties was very great. No doubt the disparity between Liberal and Unionist Members in Scotland was growing narrower—some differences had taken place in their comparative numbers since last year—and probably that disparity would more and more disappear. But they had to deal with things as they were, and also with the principle, and it was evident that if this proposed Committee was to be regarded as fair, its composition as settled last Session was neither fair nor sound. That was recognised to be the case even with the non-contentious Bills of last Session. But how about the Bills of this Session? The first on the list was the Crofters' Holdings Bill. Was that a non-contentious measure?

Bills which may be committed to them by order of the House.

said, the right hon. Gentleman did not say whether the Crofters Bill was to be sent to the Committee.

said, that in that case his surmise was not incorrect, for if the Government wanted to send that Bill to the Committee they could do so by their majority in the House. The Bill was a highly contentious measure, and it dealt with the questions to which obviously the experience and judgment of the whole House ought to be directed. The next Scotch Bill standing as a Government measure was the Local Government Bill, and, no doubt, that was non-contentious. But the third Bill—the Fatal Accidents Inquiry Bill—had been strongly opposed by Members on the Opposition side of the House, and it was one on which there was much difference of opinion on both sides. It was highly desirable that Members for England and Ireland who had experience of public inquiry into fatal accidents should bring that experience to the assistance of the Scotch Members, and, in fine, it was just one of those measures that ought to be referred to the Standing Committee on Law. The proposal of the Government this year was as objectionable as that of last year. Indeed, it was more objectionable, because the circumstances were different. It contemplated the introduction of a dangerous innovation, and if the principle was extended—as it doubtless would be if the present proposal was agreed to—it would have a mischievous effect on the character and business of the House. A particular nationality ought to have nothing to do with the consideration of the Bills introduced into the Imperial Parliament. Every part of the House ought to take its share in their consideration. It was not on a Standing Committee that the responsibility of dealing with measures affecting any part of the United Kingdom should rest, but on the House as a whole. They were entitled to look to the responsibility of the House and to Ministerial responsibility, and he put it to the House that no case had been made out for renewing, and attempting to perpetuate, so anomalous and irregular a proposal as that now made by the Government. He trusted, therefore, that the House would reject it.

said that so far from the Scottish Standing Committee being denounced as a dangerous invasion, it had been vaunted by one Unionist speaker after another. (An hon. MEMBER: "By whom?"] He did not think there was any Member who was better entitled to the respect of the Unionist party than the right hon. Member for the Bodmin division of Cornwall. Speaking at Glasgow last year, the right hon. Gentleman said:—

"There was another thing which called for the attention of the nation and which must be pressed upon the Government, more especially with respect to the conduct of business in Parliament."
He mentioned the great delay in business brought about in the House, and said:—
"The old spirit of Parliamentary life was changed. If such things were possible, it was difficult by a mere form of machinery to resuscitate a spirit which had passed into the worst conditions. But the germs of a better life were not extinguished. The means of maintaining a healthy Parliamentary spirit were not beyond them. They might revive what was threatened with extinction; they might bear up this great edifice of Parliament which had been handed to them from the past, so that they might look upon the House of Commons as an assembly fully representative in deliberating upon the affairs of the nation. Now, he had been finding fault; he had been suggesting projects for the future. He was glad that during the last Session they had done something of great promise in which they were specially interested."
Then going on to the subject of the Scotch Grand Committee, he said:—
"By way of economising their forces, it was some years ago suggested that the House of Commons might be divided into Grand Committees. Two were appointed, one for Law and the other for Trade. During the past Session, the Government, taking hold of what was a good idea, came down with a crude project—a cruder never emanated from the hasty brain of the most hasty Minister. The crude project was to refer Scotch Bills to Scotch Members. He did not underrate the capacity of Scotch Members, but to refer all Scotch Bills to Scotch Members was at variance with the principle of an united Parliament. Whilst such a Committee should be animated by the representation of the locality concerned, each Committee should be a reflection of the House of Commons in its entirety, and the mind of the nation at large. (Opposition cheers). Well, after many days, the finding that was driven into the mind of the Government found expression in the Amendment of Mr. Parker Smith, which transformed the project of Sir George Trevelyan into one worthy of the House of Commons, and which had been justified by its fruit, because the Committee which was so appointed did exceedingly good work."
Why did not hon. Members opposite cheer that statement? The right hon. Gentleman went on to say:—
"A good Bill came out, a Bill which was approved with very little change by the House of Commons, and subsequently by the other branch of the Legislature. Why not carry that experiment further? A Scotch Member, a Gladstonian—he would not mention his name—had said, 'What a triumph it was for Home Rule.' What a triumph for Home Rule! The essence of Home Rule was local independence, that they should have the will of a locality, or representatives of a locality, in respect of local affairs absolutely free from the intervention and supervision of the nation at large. That, if Sir George Trevelyan's original idea had been carried, would have approached Home Rule; but transformed as it was, they brought in the over-ruling wisdom of the nation; they got an ample supply of Scotch opinion to strengthen the Committee and inform it; they made the Committee as Scotch as possible in its composition, subject only to the addition of such poor Southerners and Irishmen as would make the balance correspond to the balance of the judgment of the nation at large. There was no vindication of Home Rule in that; there was a vindication of Unionism. Unionism which was intelligent and courageous, which was ready to give the amplest form to expressed local opinion, to take it up, to consider it, to pay it due deference, to give expression to its own judgment, and to base legislation upon the opinion of an undivided and united representative assembly."
He thought the right hon. Gentleman's argument was perfectly logical. There were a great many things which were worthy of the attention of the House of Commons, but which the House could not now manage to deal with. They wanted to get some business done, and were quite willing to do their share of it. They asked the House to give them an opportunity of getting through their business with the minimum of delay and of disturbance to the other business of the House. It had been shown last year that the Secretary for Scotland had been saved from repeated defeat by the intervention of the Conservative Members. He believed he was representing the feeling of the Liberal Members when he said that they were not quite satisfied with the Committee as it stood, but their policy was not to obstruct because they wanted to see some business done. They asked the House to allow them to attend to their own business.

thought that hon. Members who had supported the proposal had not realised that there was a very important constitutional change at stake. This constitutional aspect had been overlooked, and instead of bringing forward any of their own arguments, hon. Members opposite had simply quoted arguments used by Unionists. He should very much like to know whether Mr. Bright continued afterwards to hold the opinion which had been quoted. He had no doubt the right hon. Member for the Bodmin Division of Cornwall would fully explain the purport of his speech, but it was quite clear that the arguments were very much more applicable to this Resolution plus some of the Amendments which had been put down to it, and he should be glad to know if the hon. Member who had just sat down was prepared to accept those Amendments. The Secretary of Scotland considered it sufficient to tell the House that the experiment of last year had been a success. He was not prepared to deny that, but there were, of course, special reasons for the success of the experiment last year, one being that the Bill referred to the Grand Committee was practically of a non-contentious character. This was not, however, a question between Nationality and Nationality, but between the Government and those who opposed the Bills of the Government. It was all very well to say that an experiment of this kind worked well when the proportion into which parties were divided on the Grand Committee was somewhat similar to the proportion into which they were divided in the House itself. But if they wished to go to the principle involved in the Motion they should ask themselves how such a Grand Committee would work if a Unionist Government, which did not command a majority of the Scotch Members, were in office? And they should also see how the proposal would work if applied to England and if applied to Ireland. It was a rather curious circumstance that the passage from the speech of Mr. Bright quoted by the hon. Member for the College Division, referred, not to Scotland, but to Ireland. He would ask, were the Government prepared to apply this proposal to Ireland? The Government were, it seemed, willing to send the Crimes Act to an ordinary Grand Committee; but were they prepared to refer that Act to an Irish Grand Committee similar to the Scotch Grand Committee proposed in the Resolution? If the Government were not prepared to do that, they were admitting that the proposal they now made could not be consistently carried through without a grave alteration in the system of government which at present existed in this country. As he had said already, he did not deny that the experiment of last year was successful, but it was successful because the measure referred to the Scotch Grand Committee was a non-contentious measure. Last year there was a distinct understanding that the only Bill to be referred to the Grand Committee was the Parish Councils Bill. But the Bills to be sent to the Grand Committee were no longer to be confined to non-contentious Bills. All exclusively Scotch Bills are to be sent to it. He saw one very serious danger in that arrangement. Within the last two years a disposition had been shown by the Government to adopt, as their own, Bills brought in on Wednesday afternoons by Private Members. It was the custom of the Chair—a custom which the present Speaker had continued to observe—to allow Bills which were first on the Order Paper on a Wednesday to go to a Second Reading before the Sitting had concluded. It would be hardly possible to point to a case within the last two years, in which a Bill, which was the first Order on the Paper, was not either read a second time or rejected before the afternoon was over. If the Government were going to adopt the policy of taking as their own Bills the Bills of Private Members, after they had reached a certain stage, it was clear that that was an arrangement by which they could avoid a short discussion on the First Reading and a long discussion on the Second Reading of those Bills. Take, for example, the case of a Bill for the Disestablishment of the Scotch Church. The hon. Member for the College Division who had last spoken, had brought in such a Bill, and the Government had indcated that they were prepared to accept it, if not to adopt it as their own. If such a Bill were debated on a Wednesday afternoon, and was then adopted by the Government, the Government would have got rid of the discussions on the First and Second Reading of the measure, and if it were referred to a Grand Committee and carried through the Committee without amendment, there could be no discussion on the Report stage. That seemed to him to open out a very grave prospect. But if they were really to consider the effect of a proposal of this kind, they must examine it in its relation to the other parts of the United Kingdom. He would take first, as an illustration, the case of a Bill which was as favourable to the Government as could well be imagined. He meant the Parish Councils Bill of England. That Bill, so far as its principle was concerned, was a non-contentious Bill; but if had been referred to an English Grand Committee, on which the preponderance of English opinion was similar to the preponderance of Scotch opinion on the proposed Scotch Committee, there was no doubt that it would have been seriously modified in many of its details by such a Committee. Then, take the case of a highly contentious Bill like the Local Veto Bill for England. Could a Radical Government refer such a Bill to an English Grand Committee? It obviously could not do so. It would therefore be impossible to carry out the Resolution to its logical conclusion. A Unionist Government would be unable to set up a Scotch Grand Committee, because a large majority of the members of that Committee would be opposed to it. A Radical Government would be unable to set up an English Grand Committee, because a large majority of the members of that Committee would be opposed to it. And with regard to Ireland, neither Party could afford to send a contentious Irish measure to an Irish Grand Committee, because such a measure would be certain to leave the Committee in a form that would fail to recommend itself to any other section of the House. He did not deny that, if the proposal could be practically carried out, there was a certain attractiveness about it for some English Members, of whom he was one. It would be a good thing for English Members if they were enabled by the withdrawal of Irish and Scotch votes, to resist some of the Bills which were now being forced upon them, or, at all events, to alter the provisions of those Bills. But though such an arrangement might mean a gain to local interests, it would undoubtedly mean a serious loss to National unity. A somewhat similar course was suggested in 1886, when it was said that, if the Unionist Party accepted Home Rule, the Irish Members would be removed from the Imperial Parliament. But the Unionists were strong enough to resist the temptation in 1886, and they would resist it now in the form in which it was presented in this Resolution. The Resolution was, in truth, a partisan Resolution. It pointed to a bastard Federation, and must be obnoxious to every friend of Parliamentary Government, which had been brought in this country to a high state of perfection, but which, if a Resolution of this kind were adopted, would very soon vanish or decline.

said his hon. Friend the Member for the College Division had quoted some expressions of his which he had used on this subject in Glasgow. The same principles which he enunciated in his speech at Glasgow last year he had also expressed in the House. He was himself strongly in favour of trying the experiment of Grand Committees in relation to Scotch and other business which was of sufficient importance to deserve this kind of treatment, and which could be treated in this way subject to those guarantees which he had described with all possible fulness in that House and at Glasgow as to the maintenance of the judgment of this House on the action of the Grand Committee when proceeding, and also on the action of the Grand Committee itself. He laid down the cardinal principle of carrying out the devolution of Scotch business or any other business appertaining to particular divisions of the country, to a Grand Committee so constituted that, whilst it contained the fullest possible representation of local opinion, it should be absolutely controlled by the introduction of representatives of other portions of the House, so that, on the whole, it should be a microcosm of the House. He was extremely desirous, as a Unionist, of seeing experiments of this kind conducted, and conducted with success. One of the greatest perils to the Union—that was the maintenance of the action of this united Parliament—might arise from the discontent of a portion of the United Kingdom which believed, rightly or wrongly, that it did not receive adequate attention from the Imperial Parliament, and it was essential that they, who were keenly desirous of maintaining the predominance of this Assembly, should prove that it was capable of doing the work it undertook to do. If, year after year, they had to confess that the House had not done the work which it might reasonably be expected to do, they were endangering the maintenance of the House in regard to its action as a united Parliament. He laid this down towards the close of the Debate of last year on this subject of a Scotch Grand Committee. That Debate lasted several days, and at the end of the speech he then made he referred to an Amendment which stood in the name of his hon. Friend the Member for Partick, and which embodied what he conceived would be proper conditions on which to set up such a Committee. But that Amendment was extremely unlucky. At an earlier period of this struggle a false issue had been raised, and a decision taken upon it, and the Speaker was of opinion that, after the decision which had been so taken, they were precluded from the consideration of the Amendment of the hon. Member for Partick, so that what he desired could not be brought on. They had to take what they could get, and the result was that there was launched, as the Scotch Grand Committee, a body which did not realise the ideal he had laid down, but which was, in fact, a very imperfect realisation of that ideal. But, as he had said, it was the best they could get to do the work under the circumstances. It did its work very well, as had been admitted by the hon. Member for Leeds. Whether a Committee so constituted would always do its work well he did not know, but there was obviously this grave objection to a Committee so constituted, even though it was the best they could get under the circumstances: that in its present form it was inapplicable to other parts of the kingdom. What they wanted was not a proposal which should apply only to Scotland, but one which should be applicable to the inhabitants of other portions of the kingdom who might also reasonably complain that this House did not do its work; and he would desire to urge upon Her Majesty's Government not to repeat the blunder they made last year, when they fought for a week and at the last had to give in. The Government struggled for a purely Scotch Committee; they were beaten out of that completely, and a compromise was adopted which worked with fair success, but which was very far short of the ideal which he ventured to suggest as the proper solution of the question, and which was open to the very grave objection that it was not applicable except to Scotland. Now, if Members of the Government, especially those who were controlling the action on this Motion, would only avoid the blunder of last year, they would take the very earliest opportunity of considering how the question could be solved in a way satisfactory to all the points at issue, and the way it could be solved would be by making it applicable to further experiments of the same kind. There were two Amendments down, one in the name of the hon. Member for the Partick Division (Mr. Parker Smith) and the other in the name of the hon. Member for Lichfield (Major Darwin), which did not differ at all in principle. Each worked out the suggestion he had ventured to make before the House, and each started with the desire to create a microcosm of the House. The hon. Member for Lichfield laid down, next to that, this condition: that the microcosm should consist of 87 Members, and that it should have as many Members representing Scottish constituencies in that 87 as was compatible with the principle that the Committee, as a whole, should reflect the House as a whole. That was the Amendment of the hon. Member for Lichfield. The hon. Member for the Partick Division, in his Amendment, started in a different direction. He said take as many Scottish Members as were willing to serve, and add to them as many other Members as were wanted to complete a Grand Committee which would be a microcosm of the whole House. It would, therefore, be seen that there was no difference whatever in principle between the two. The only difference was as to the maximum number of the Committee. The hon. Member for Lichfield fixed 87 as the maximum. The hon. Member for the Partick Division admitted as many Scottish Members as desired to come in, and to these added English, Irish, and Welsh Members, bringing in an unknown number, so that the body so augmented should be a reflex of the composition of this House. Either one of these Amendments was, to his mind, an admissible proposal. On the whole, having regard to the other portions of the kingdom, he thought it desirable they should lay down some maximum for the size of this Committee. They could not, for instance, refer an English Bill to as many English Members as chose to sit, and then add as many Irish and Scottish Members as would approximate to the balance of parties in the House. But they might do that in a limited way if they had a maximum for the Committee of, say, a hundred Members; therefore he thought the proposal of the hon. Member for Partick was open a little to the objection, that though applicable to Scotland, it was not applicable to deal with legislative proposals which came from other parts of the kingdom. The principle, in the form suggested by the hon. Member for Lichfield, might be applied anywhere if Bills were brought forward which, in the judgment of the House, were fit to be referred to such Committee. He was not going to lay down the principle that every Bill emanating from Scotland ought to be referred to a Scottish Grand Committee, or that every Bill emanating from Wales ought to be referred to a Welsh Grand Committee. The House must determine what Bills should be referred to the Committees. He did see in the idea of Grand Committees— largely characterised by local feelings, local information, local interests, and local ideas, but, at the same time, so augmented by Members from other parts of the kingdom that the Committee as a whole should be a reflection and microcosm of the House itself—a means of discharging efficiently and satisfactorily a great amount of work which, it might be said now, was not done, but which ought to be done, and, therefore, he had not shrunk, in any degree, from what he said at Glasgow last year. On the contrary, he would urge upon his right hon. Friend the Secretary for Scotland not to waste his time as he did last year. Let the right hon. Gentleman induce his colleagues, if necessary, to come to a reasonable frame of mind, and do not propose something suitable to Scotland alone. The Secretary for Scotland had put down his Motion so that there should be such an admission of English Scottish, and Irish Members as to produce as close an approximate as possible to the balance of parties in the House. Let him go a little further, let him rise above this provincial limitation to Scotland, and so frame his scheme that it would be applicable to other parts as well. He did not, himself, object to a Grand Committee for Ireland. Assuming that an Irish Grand Committee was a reflex and microcosm of the House it could deal with many Irish problems in a manner that would prove satisfactory. But do not let them waste night after night this year as they did last year, and in the end come to a conclusion satisfactory to no party, when they might have a realised idea if they would only bring independent judgment to the consideration of what he believed to be a practical problem of great interest, and which, he believed, could be solved in a way that would be satisfactory to all.

remarked that the right hon. Gentleman had invited them to attempt to apply an idealism which, he was sure, they should be all desirous of embarking upon if their purpose was different to what he took it to be. The majority, at all events, of the House were content with the somewhat humble aspirations of passing through as quickly as possible certain Bills which were not of very great or large general interest. His right hon. Friend suggested that they should improve the procedure of this Chamber in certain very material and important features. If time permitted, what the right hon. Gentleman had advanced with his great authority would be worthy of serious consideration. But what they wanted was, as quickly as possible, to set up this Committee and refer to it, as was done on previous occasions with success, certain Bills which were fit for the consideration of that Committee, and could only be dealt with in that fashion. He thought the Government might be excused if it did not embark upon the wider and more interesting scheme his right hon. Friend had submitted, There was one consideration to which his right hon. Friend had adverted, and for which he thought they might be grateful. He had told them he was entirely and altogether in favour of some scheme of this kind, and that he had none of the fears, shared by hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite, that the Government might send an important Bill to a Committee of this kind, and then having withdrawn it from the attention of the House, and from its control over details, pass it by a mechanical majority, and prevent the House again getting control over it. The right hon. Gentleman had expressed his approval from that point of view, of a proposal which was exactly the same as the proposal of the Government. Such a Committee as his right hon. Friend referred to would be a Committee of a party majority just as much as the Committee they were discussing at the present moment. It was only a question of numbers. Throughout the whole debate he noticed the assumption that this was a plan for withdrawing from the consideration of the House Bills of whatever kind and nature. But the proposition was not to send all Scotch Bills to a Standing Committee. It was a proposition to set up such a Standing Committee in order that it might be used whenever it was convenient and proper to do so. It was a proposition which would be controlled in its application entirely by the judgment of the House on each special occasion when a Motion was made to refer a particular Bill. Why was it that in this House more and more they had to consider schemes of this kind? It was because of the congestion of business which made it even more difficult to find time even to consider great Measures, and absolutely impossible to get just attention to secondary and minor Bills which, nevertheless, must be dealt with. Look at the time spent on the discussion, of the Home Rule Bill in Committee. Look at the time taken on the Employers' Liability Bill, even on report. Look at the time the Welsh Disestablishment Bill was likely to take in discussing it. Quite so. Then how was it possible—if Bills were to be fought with such tenacity of purpose—to find time for those other matters, unless means were devised to meet the difficulties of the situation? It was not proposed to withdraw from Parliament matters which were proper for the consideration of the whole House. He should be ashamed of the Government if they sent a highly-contentious measure, such as the Bill for the Disestablishment of the Church of Scotland, to a Scotch Grand Committee. The Scotch Local Government Bill of last year, however, or that memorable Bill, the Burgh Police Bill, was a Bill which he ventured to say was wholly unfit for the consideration of English Members, because they would not take the trouble, and were under no pressure from their localities, and the subject-matter was dry and uninteresting. The Crofters Bill, he admitted, was near the line, but not over the line, because the few important principles it contained could be discussed on report, and the rest was more or less detail of a technical nature and of local character. With regard to the larger scheme adumbrated by the right hon. Member for Bodmin, it was obvious that, at this period of the Session-time could not be found for its consideration, and it went far beyond the immediate purpose. The refore, it seemed to him that the House would do well to confine themselves to a plan which had been tried and succeeded—a plan which could not be objected to, at all events, for a certain class of measures, and which, as regarded other measures, would be open to debate when the proposition to refer those measures came to be discussed.

I do not think that anybody will be inclined to complain of the tone of the very plausible speech to which we have just listened, but I do think the hon. and learned Member has slightly confused, or, at all events, has not sufficiently distinguished between the general object which we all desire to attain, and the particular method which the Government propose for its attainment; and I rise now in the hope that some Member of the Government may be disposed to tell us how far they are willing to meet our just objections. My hon. and learned Friend, in his ingenuous way, said it was only a question of numbers. But surely he must see that the question of numbers in a matter of this kind is one which parties must carefully consider. There is one objection that we have taken all through to the proposals of the Government—namely, that they have been anxious to use the general desire of the House that more time should be given to public business for a party purpose, and in order to obtain a scheme which will give them more than their majority legitimately entitles them to. And although that may not be a matter of very great importance so long as the Bills are non-partisan Bills, yet we know perfectly well how easily the principle will creep on, how likely it is that before long Bills of a controversial character will be proposed, and how convenient it will be for any Government to take an arrangement of this kind, and to use it only for those portions of the United Kingdom in which it has the most decided majority. The hon. baronet the Member for the College Division of Glasgow, said: "It is not our policy to obstruct." Nobody has accused the hon. Member with obstruction during the existence of the present Government. If he had said:" It is not our policy to obstruct now," he perhaps would have more clearly expressed himself, and would have left no doubt at all as to his future intentions. I shall hope to remind the hon. Baronet in the next Parliament of his statement in this, but in the meantime there is no doubt we have about as much interest in the rearrangement of business as the Government and their followers. The discussion has been for the most part confined to the question of numbers, and I was very sorry the hon. and learned Gentleman, when we seemed to be about to come to an arrangement, interposed his great authority to recommend the Government to save time by doing—what? By refusing any concession whatever. I endeavoured, while the hon. and learned Gentleman was speaking, to make a calculation, and I believe the addition of five Members to the 15 would absolutely redress the balance, and make the Committee what it ought to be, a representation of the House as far as the respective numbers of parties are concerned. Now, are the Government going to keep us discussing for four nights, as they did last Session, in order to secure for themselves an extra majority, above what they are entitled to, of five on a Grand Committee to which they say they are going only to refer Bills which are not of a very contentious character? That is the small point to which the matter under discussion has been reduced. At the same time, I do not think it is the only matter we have to consider in regard to this question. But a much larger question is raised by the fact that the Government confine this proposal to one part of the kingdom. If this Committee is set up for Scotland, why on earth should not a separate Committee of this kind be set up for London? What part of the kingdom has more distinct and separate interests than London in respect of the legislation specially required for the benefit of its citizens. Inasmuch as that legislation is to a large extent comparatively uninteresting to the representatives of the rest of the kingdom, why should not a Committee of this kind be set up if the London Members wish? It is probable that if Committees for London and Scotland were set up, Ireland would put forward a claim for similar treatment, which I certainly should be ready in those circumstances to consider favourably, on the understanding that in the case of England all matters similar to those referred to the Irish Committee in the case of Ireland would be referred to an English Committee. As regards a vast amount of what is really non-contentious, non-controversial legislation, a scheme of that kind might be carried out with the best results, because now a great deal of the opposition shown to measures which ought not to be contentious is of a Party character, and in discussions in Grand Committee Party strife would not be so manifest. But there is another point of even greater importance—namely, the need for a definition of the character of the measures to be submitted to these Committees. If we refer to these Grand Committees highly controversial matters it is perfectly certain that we shall break down the institution altogether. These Committees were not instituted with any idea that matters of a controversial kind would be referred to them. I mean matters that Members in every quarter of the House consider to be controversial. It would not do to allow the Government of the day to define what is and what is not controversial. If we did that, we might perhaps have the present Government declaring that the Bill for repealing the Crimes Act is, not a controversial measure. I remember, when the right hon. Member for Midlothian proposed these Committees, he laid it down as of the first importance that it was only non-controversial legislation that should be dealt with in them. I think we have already begun to make considerable inroads upon that principle, and I am quite certain that if we go on in that direction these Committees will finally become quite useless, because they are only useful when they save the time of the House, and if controversial business is to be fought out in Grand Committee it certainly will be fought out over again in this House on the Report stage. When commercial matters, such as those dealt with in the Bankruptcy Act and the Patents Act, or measures like the Scotch Local Government Act of last year, are discussed in a business-like manner in Grand Committee, every one is satisfied and nobody has any desire to renew the discussion in this House. Having regard to these considerations, I ask the Government to give us an assurance which will be likely to shorten this discussion considerably. If they will accept the principle that not 15 Members, nor any fixed number of Members, should be added to these Committees, but that such a number should be added as would redress the balance and cause the Committees to represent accurately the state of Parties in this House, the Government will dispose at once of the first objection which has been raised. Then, if they would say that they will be ready to take into account the evident feeling of the Opposition with regard to the nature and character of any Bills which they may desire to submit to these Grand Committees, I think they would remove the strongest objection to the plan which we entertain.

I fully recognise the conciliatory and almost amiable spirit in which the right hon. Gentleman has discussed this question. He has made certain suggestions, and said that their acceptance would render the present task of the Government easier of accomplishment. The Government showed last year a very strong desire to meet what appeared to be the general sense of the House with regard to this matter. Last year we proposed a Committee of Scotch Members for Scotch legislation. I do not admit now that there was anything unfair or unconstitutional in that proposal as originally made. The right hon. Gentleman asks why this procedure should not be applied to all the smaller and less important parts of the Kingdom—[Opposition cries of "Oh!" and laughter]—I mean less important in respect of size and population. [Cries of "London" and "England."] I was not referring to England as a whole. The right hon. Gentleman's question was why this procedure should not be applied to parts of England if it is to be applied to Scotland. The answer to that is that Scotland is a distinct political entity, with distinct legislation of its own, with different laws, and with a different system both of Church and State. It stands, therefore, on a totally different footing from other parts of the Kingdom, to which reference has been made. But if it is thought that we are likely to be frightened by the argument that this procedure might also be applied to England and Ireland, all I can say is that most of us would not be at all averse to see a somewhat similar plan proposed in respect of those countries. In fact, I and some of my friends have already indicated by our votes what we consider to be a better way of accomplishing that object. The right hon. Gentleman has inquired as to the disposition of the Government upon three separate points. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman leads the Opposition in this matter, but, answering him as a person of authority, I can say there is one at least of his suggestions to which we should not be unfavourably disposed. The right hon. Gentleman said that it is desirable to make this proposed Committee a microcosm of the House of Commons. Well, we accepted that principle by the action which we took last year, and if the circumstances have in any respect altered, and if the same number of Members as were then added to the Committee will not enable the same results to be attained this year, I will not say that we are particularly bound to oppose an addition to the number. The object of the right hon. Gentleman, as I understand it, is that a certain number of Members should be added, it being left to the Committee of Selection so to choose the Members as to insure a proportionate representation on the Committee of the Parties in this House. We are perfectly ready to consider that proposal, and if the number—20—suggested by the right hon. Gentleman would effect his object, and if by accepting the proposal we could materially abbreviate this discussion and secure the establishment of the Committee, the Government would not be disposed to raise any objections to the plan. Then we are asked whether the Resolution ought not to be so framed as to be applicable to other parts of the country. To propose a scheme applicable to the three countries would be too large an enterprise at this period of the Session. But when the right hon. Gentleman indicated that the plan might in certain circumstances be applied to London, and even Ireland, I was filled with surprise, and I am inclined to ask, "Is Saul, then, also among the prophets?" and to doubt whether we unfortunate people who sit on this side of the House are the only Members who deserve the name of Separatists. But it is not we who will find fault with the right hon. Gentleman on this ground. If he thinks it desirable to propose, in another Session, that this procedure should be carried further, acknowledging that there are other nationalities in the kingdom besides Scotland which require similar treatment, I do not think he will find that much objection will be raised in this quarter of the House. But then another point has been raised as to the particular measures to be referred to the Committee when it is appointed. I should have thought that the words of my right hon. Friend's resolution were explicit enough. The hon. Member for Leeds suggested, I believe, that they were so wide that it might be open to a Government, for instance, to adopt a measure dealing with the Disestablishment of the Scotch Church and refer it to this Committee.

What I said was that that would be a very small step in advance of the Resolution.

Such a proceeding would be quite alien to the spirit of the Resolution. The Committee is to be appointed for the consideration—

"Of all Bills introduced by a Minister of the Crown, relating exclusively to Scotland, which may by order of the House be committed to them.''
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham said that the Resolution ought to be confined to Bills which were referred by the common consent of the House. Does not the right hon. Gentleman see that that would give power to a small minority to prevent effective action being taken with regard to any Bill to which they took exception?

By "common consent," I meant, of course, the consent of a large majority. I did not mean that the unanimous assent of the House should be required.

Well that is so much to the good; but, really, what is it the Government propose? We indicate the Bills we have in view in the Resolution itself, and my right hon. Friend near me mentioned as a Bill which, in the opinion of the Government, the House would do well to refer to the Committee, the Bill relating to county government. I do not imagine anyone would say that that Bill was not a proper Bill to be referred to the Committee. Then there is the Bill relating to inquiries into fatal accidents. There is, no doubt, a little professional objection to that Bill in some quarters of the House, but in the main it is a Bill which is largely desired in Scotland. Then I come to the Crofters Bill, and I suppose the whole of this argument has been addressed to that Bill. Well, the Crofters Bill is the extension of an Act which has done almost incalculable good in the north of Scotland, and when the Bill was submitted to the House the objection which the leader of the Opposition took to it was—not that it was a revolutionary measure to be opposed in every way the forms of the House allow, but that it did not go far enough, that it only related to the larger class of agriculturists, the crofters, and that the cottars were excluded from its application.

I do not present that version as strictly accurate in every point, but the right hon. Gentleman will admit that his objection was of that nature. [Mr. BALFOUR: "No."] He certainly urged upon the House the desirability of providing for the cottars. At any rate, though there may be great difference of opinion in regard to that Bill, it is a Bill which the general sense of the House would consider likely to be made into a beneficial instrument for the welfare of the people in a large part of Scotland. I trust that, addressing ourselves to the matter in what I think the House will admit is a conciliatory spirit, and seeking to meet as we do all the reasonable proposals for amendment that have been put forward, hon. Members on the other side of the House who have spoken on the subject will themselves change their views. I do not wish to introduce a single word that would strike a note of discord, but I confess I am amazed that Scotch Members should take any steps not only to prevent this Committee from being set up, but to prevent any Scotch legislation of a serious nature from being passed this Session. That will be the effect of any serious or prolonged opposition to the proposal of the Government. We put before the House a method by which useful Scotch business can be passed. If right hon. Gentlemen opposite and their followers take the other line and say:—

"We do not wish Scotch legislation to pass or this improvement to be made in the conditions of business in the House, and we will hinder the setting up of the Committee which last year was found to be almost a complete success,"
then I cannot wish the Scotch supporters of right hon. Gentlemen opposite joy of the reception they will meet with when they go to their constituencies.

The right hon. Gentleman did no more than justice to himself when he said he met the proposal of my right hon. Friend opposite in a conciliatory spirit. The whole tone of his speech was calculated not to aggravate the Debate, but, as far as it went, to make our discussion harmonious. I would go further, and say that the right hon. Gentleman's speech shows that the Government have succeeded in altogether unlearning the doctrine they taught themselves and attempted to teach the House last year—that it was not an unjust proceeding for a Government to augment the small majority they possessed in the House by using that small majority for the purpose of creating a large majority in a Committee-room. That was one of the principles, perhaps the main principle, that occupied our attention last year; but now we have it finally recognised, never again, I hope, to be called into question by a Minister of the Crown, that every Committee of this House, be it Select Committee or Grand Committee, should be a faithful reflection of the balance of Parties. On the general principle of Grand Committees let me make this observation. I am entirely in favour of the machinery which was brought into operation some years ago, and which has worked extremely well and enabled the House to do a great deal of useful business. So much do I value the principle of Grand Committees that I should regret to see anything done which would bring that particular form of Parliamentary machinery into disrepute, and I have watched with growing alarm and disquietude the way in which the Government, Session after Session, have shown an inclination to refer to Grand Committees Bills of a more and more controversial character, until yesterday we reached the climax when a Minister of the Crown got up in the House and suggested the reference to a Grand Committee of the Bill for the repeal of the Crimes Act. I say it with all seriousness that if that is the spirit in which Grand Committees are going to be used they are doomed. We have already seen, in the course of this Session, two Bills which were referred to Grand Committees passed through, in spite of the protests of minorities, without Amendments, and the result of that is that the House never at any stage was able to discuss the details of those Bills. And I do not doubt that if hon. Gentlemen below the gangway had succeeded in referring the one clause which seeks to repeal the Crimes Act to a Grand Committee, that Clause would have been passed without a word or a syllable being changed. Even with regard to this Scotch Committee the Government propose to refer to it one Bill at least which is of so controversial a character that, in my judgment, it falls outside the scope of the class of Bills which ought to be referred to Grand Committees; but let me recall to the recollection of the House that you cannot multiply Grand Committees indefinitely, for this, among other reasons—that the number of Members in the House is not adequate to do the work. I have here a paper showing the number of Members who, in addition to their ordinary work in the House, served on more than one Grand Committee. Ten Gentlemen served on the Scotch Committee and the Grand Committee on Trade. Ten other Gentlemen served on the Scotch Committee and the Grand Committee on Law, and there were two Gentlemen who served both on the Grand Committee on Law and the Grand Committee on Trade. It is impossible for any Gentlemen interested in the current work in the House also to work on these Grand Committees. The result last year was that some Members whose advice was most necessary in the Grand Committees practically never attended them. The Home Secretary attended the Scotch Grand Committee once for half-an-hour, the President of the Board of Trade once, the right hon. Member for Midlothian very naturally did not attend at all, the hon. and learned Member for Haddingtonshire—who has spoken of the enormous importance of Scotch Grand Committees—last year attended twice, the former Solicitor General, a Scotch Member, attended three times—for a brief space each time—and the Attorney General did not attend at all. Another Gentleman attended six times. I myself attended three times. This was not owing to idleness or indifference to the work of the Grand Committee, but because it is physically impossible for a man to sit here from half-past three in the afternoon until midnight taking a leading part in the Debates, and, in addition to all his other work, to attend the labours of the Grand Committee. It cannot be done; and if you are immoderate in this use of Grand Committees, many of the most important Members of the House will be absolutely excluded from discussions in which they are well qualified to take, and it is almost essential they should take, part. The right hon. Member for Bodmin desires to see these Committees with a strong national flavour or element in them. I have no objection whatever to that in moderation, but I lay down as a general principle that these Committees should be composed of experts rather than persons from a particular locality. Scotch Members do not necessarily know everything about every question that comes before these Committees. A Member who represents an agricultural constituency in the south of Scotland is not thereby qualified to deal with the very peculiar circumstances of the population in the six crofting counties. The Secretary for Scotland said that, however ignorant Members might be at the beginning of the work of a Grand Committee, under the wholesome discipline of a series of visits from their constituents the Committee soon became a Committee of experts. But I should like them to begin as experts and not be left experts when the Bill is finished. The numbers of these Grand Committees should be limited to 70 or 80, or some other manageable number, and there should be a preponderance of Scotch Members who really have a special knowledge of the question, making up the total with English and Irish Members who would reflect the opinions of the House. On these lines you might have English Grand Committees which should deal with non-controversial Bills. A Grand Committee composed entirely of English Members would lie grotesque. It would remove some 400 Gentlemen from this House to a room yet to be built—Westminster Hall or some other large place of assembly—where they could carry on their debates in numbers probably not less than those that habitually take part in the business of the whole House. While I express this general concurrence with the views of my right hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin, I repeat that neither his plan nor any plan is possible if once controversial Bills are to be referred to these Grand Committees. Would the Government dare to refer to an English Committee reflecting the balance of opinion in this House the discussion of such a measure as the Local Veto Bill? I do not think so. It would knock the Committee to pieces and discredit the whole system of Grand Committees The crucial point is, how are we to distinguish between controversial and non-controversial measures? The right hon. Gentleman opposite had the courage to tell the House that the Crofters Bill was not a controversial measure, and quoted what I said on the First Reading. I expressly stated that the First Reading was not the occasion for a critical survey of the Bill. But if he will read the rest of my speech he will see I showed that, in the extension of the crofter area and the breaking of leases and in other matters of not less importance, principles were raised of the utmost difficulty, necessarily controversial, and necessarily touching on the interests of important classes in the Highlands. I added that the Bill, as presented to the House, was ill-calculated to serve the interests of the poorer part of the crofter and cotter population, nor is that denied by anybody. Then I want to know how is that Grand Committee to deal with such a Bill? Will you permit the Grand Committee to suggest the expenditure of public money on light railways, to initiate a vast scheme of migration and deal with those difficulties? I do not believe that many of the difficulties could be dealt with. All I say is that a Bill which does not deal with them does not touch the crofter question at all. The Secretary for War jeered at the suggestion that a Disestablishment Bill should be referred to a Grand Committee. The right hon. Gentleman's own Lord Advocate suggested last year that a Disestablishment and Disendowment Bill was the very sort of Bill that ought to be and could be referred to a Grand Committee.

What I said was that under this Resolution it could not be done.

What the right hon. Gentleman stated was that under this Resolution it could not be referred to the Grand Committee because it was not initiated by the Government. But did he or did he not give us to understand that it was the kind of Bill that ought to be referred?

Then I want to know where we are. Do the Government hold up their sleeve in some other Session a card not yet played referring to Disestablishment? The Chancellor of the Exchequer told us last year that the Crofters Bill and the Land Bill were not proper Bills to be referred to the Grand Committee. The Government seem to have advanced since then. What is to be the limit of that advance? Their old principles they have already abandoned; what are their new principles, and how are they to be carried out? It is a mistake—and I say this especially to English Members—to suppose that a Bill like the Crofters Bill is purely a Scottish matter. When you deal with questions of landlord and tenant that necessarily arouse deep feelings, it is absurd to say that Bills of that kind are not to be described as in the highest degree controversial. It is manifest that the right hon. Gentleman had made a great concession, the value of which I recognise, and which will largely shorten our Debates on this matter. But he has not gone, or attempted to go, the full length that is necessary. We cannot contemplate with any confidence the future of a plan which, in its present form, is not applicable to other areas than Scotland, and which is not safeguarded by a provision that no Bills subjected to its action shall be of a controversial character. The very fact that the Government have announced their intention of referring one of the most controversial Bills that could be brought into the House, shows how little we ought to assent to their proposal in its main scope until they have provided some safeguard which will prevent abuse, in the future, of this particular form of Committee, and which they show themselves only too ready to commit in the present Session. I believe the concession of the right hon. Gentleman will save us from the necessity of Moving one or two of the Amendments we have put on the Paper, but there are other matters, however, both on the general question and on the detail of the proposal, which we must debate. In conclusion, I have only to say that, if this or any other Government are to set up Grand Committees, I have no objection to one nation being largely represented upon it if you choose the members of that nation because they know about the subject. I have no objection, in the second place, to the setting up of any number of Grand Committees provided you do not interfere with the general work of this House, and no controversial, business is submitted to them. Till those three conditions are fulfilled I shall look with suspicion upon, and I shall oppose, any proposal for dealing in the manner suggested by the Government with this vast issue. I beg hon. Members who are interested in the work of this House, and are anxious for its future success, to watch with great suspicion the beginning of a movement which, unless safeguarded at every turn, may end in bringing the whole machinery of Grand Committees into hopeless disrepute.

said, the Government had undertaken to alter the Resolution. It was only reasonable they should state distinctly how the Amendment was to be altered.

said, it was proposed that the word "twenty" should be substituted for "fifteen." That would enable the Committee of Selection to secure absolutely a balance of Parties.

said, it had been pointed out very strongly that one of the great objections to the scheme of a Scotch Committee consisted in the possibility of controversial Bills being referred to it. It was suggested by the hon. Member for Leeds that it would be only one step further for the Government next year to propose——

rising to a point of Order, asked where they were. Had the Government moved their Amendment?

There is an Amendment down in the name of the hon. Member for Wigtonshire, which I suppose would be excluded if the right hon. Gentleman moved an Amendment which comes somewhat lower down in the Resolution.

said the order of the Amendments was to be considered very carefully, because, if the right hon. Gentleman now moved the words he had expressed his willingness to move, and which stood in his (Mr. Parker Smith's) name, all Amendments in front would be cut out. He was pointing out that a very strong objection was felt to referring to the Standing Committee Bills which were controversial. That had been enlarged on by two or three Members. But there was another point upon which they ought to receive an assurance from the Government. It was perfectly possible that a Bill, as referred to a Standing Committee, might not be controversial, but that when it came down from Committee it might be extremely controversial. Last year the Scotch Local Government Bill was discussed almost entirely on non-controversial grounds. One Amendment, however, was carried against the Secretary for Scotland by his own supporters, and the right hon. Gentleman spoke of the possibility of the Amendment wrecking the Bill. When the Bill came down to the House, the Secretary for Scotland accepted the Amendment on the ground that he felt he ought to take the Bill as it left the Standing Committee. If such a practice were to prevail in all similar cases, there was an end to Ministerial responsibility. Take the Crofters Bill—a small Bill—which it was proposed to send upstairs. Did anyone believe that if that Bill went upstairs to a Committee composed as last year's Committee was composed, it would come down a proposal of the same magnitude? The supporters of the Government would propose all kinds of extensive Amendments, which doubtless would be deprecated by the Secretary for Scotland. They would, however, be carried, and the Bill would come back, not in its present shape, but in a shape to which far more serious objection might, perhaps, be taken, by a very large part of the House. The Government would, by the use of the Standing Committee, have succeeded in getting to the Report stage a highly controversial Bill. That was a danger surrounding the reference of Bills to Standing Committee as to which they ought to have some assurance from the Government. Would it be the policy of the Secretary for Scotland to take the same course he took last year?

desired some explanation as to the numbers of the Committee, because he could not think that 20 added to 72 made a satisfactory tribunal. If they had a Committee of 60 Members, some of them representing Scotch interests, some of these gentlemen who had to do with matters cognate to those interests, and who were able to give a good and wise judgment upon them—gentlemen drawn from all quarters of the House and all parts of the country—they would have a good Committee and one which would inspire confidence. He could see a very great danger in the House losing control over Scotch measures by means of a Committee exclusively composed of Scotch Members. Again, there ought to be some intimation made to them in regard to the partisan question of Bills. It was nonsense to say that no Government would permit partisan Bills to be discussed by a Standing Committee. Great pressure was often put upon the Treasury Bench. Right hon. Gentlemen opposite might be quite willing and ready to say it was not their intention to launch partisan questions on the attention of Standing Committees, but they were helpless when their supporters pressed them. As a Scotch Member, he should like to hear a distinct statement made with regard to the Church of Scotland. There was a Bill before the House which, although it was a Private Bill fathered by an hon. Member for Glasgow, they were told that the Government had made their own. It was a contentious Bill, and if it came before the proposed Scotch Committee it would rend the Committee in twain. There would be no end of obstruction, by which the object of the Committee would be defeated; and there would be scenes unequalled since the meetings of Irish Members in Room No. 15. An illustration of what the Government might be induced to do was furnished on Wednesday, when the Chief Secretary entertained the notion of sending to an Irish Committee the Bill for repealing the Crimes Act. That was a course that would not be fair to Scotch Members, or Welsh Members, or English Members. The question of appointing a Scotch Committee was one that ought to be considered far more closely and attentively than it was allowed to be by this opportunity, and all the details ought to be fully gone into. If the Motion was passed in a thoughtless manner, it would give rise to much difficulty. Let the matter be set about in a business-like way, and there might be good hopes of a satisfactory and fruitful result, realising the intentions of the Government. But if they did not do that, they would have constant difficulties and Debates as to what were contentious measures and what were not. It was understood that the Crofters Bill, which was on the Orders for that night, was to be one of the measures to be sent to the Scotch Committee; but he had understood that the idea of placing it in that position was repudiated by the Leader of the House, who said he would not be induced to let that Bill go to a Committee. The Local Government Bill would not take a long time in Committee: the Committee would not hesitate to pass it in one or two days. The Fatal Accidents Bill raised questions that were mainly for lawyers, and it would be better to send it to the Grand Committee on Law than to a Scotch Committee. The Grand Committee would have the help of Scotch experts, and they would be able to deal with the measure in a practical way. Yet these were the two measures the Government were going to send to the Scotch Committee. They spoke of the satisfaction given by the Scotch Committee last year; but the circumstances now were entirely different. Then it had to deal with the consequences of previous legislation. Both Parties were pledged to carry the Parish Councils Bill, and an objection to the constitution of the Committee was met by adding 15 Members. He sat on the Committee, and, if he missed one or two of the meetings, it was because he was engaged at the time on another Committee in which he took an equal, if not a greater, interest. What was his position now? That very week he was on four Committees; and while they continued to sit how could he attend the Scotch Committee if he was put upon it? Other Members were in a similar position; and how could they attend to Grand Committees and Select Committees sitting at the same time? Committees were multiplied regardless of the work they wore throwing on Members. Where would the Government find 60 fresh and unoccupied Members to form another Committee? There were not sufficient Members available to man the Committees. Some Members had to attend to professional business; some were called out of London. All were striving to do their best; but the truth was that many were overworked, and work was ill-done. Members were obliged to absent themselves from Committees from causes over which they had no control; they lost the thread of the inquiries; their work was imperfectly done; and Bills did not return to the House amended as they ought to be. Sometimes Members were put on Committees without being in a position to render any useful service. He was put on the Committee of the Burghs Police (Scotland) Bill; but as a Scotch County Member he did not know any thing about boroughs. He found a great amount of ignorance of the subject on the part of Members of the Committee. By attending assiduously he learned a good deal, but he was not the right man to put on the Committee. Scotch Members could not be expected to know everything about Scotland, and Members ought to be selected carefully for the specific purposes for which Committees were appointed. This was an Imperial question. Scotch Members were elected in the first place to attend to Imperial interests, and in the second place to look after local interests; and those who made it their first duty to attend to Imperial interests made the best Members of Parliament. From this point of view he held that the Resolution ought not to be passed without careful consideration. If the Government did not get through more business it was because they tried to do too much. He agreed with the Prime Minister that there was no use in laying out a gigantic programme when so little could be passed. At the end of the Session it would be found they had not done one-tenth of what they ought to do. Why should they be anxious to help a lame dog over a style? They might work at a sound programme if it was placed before them; but they were not inclined to weary themselves on Scotch and Grand Committees for so little result. The success of the Scotch Committee last Session was attained by a sacrifice of health and strength, which Members were not disposed to go through again; and he asked the House to pause before it set up another Grand Committee.

*SIR HERBERT MAXWELL rose to move, as an Amendment, to leave out all after "that" and insert—

''This House declines to entertain a proposal to refer Bills to Standing Committees on the basis of separate nationalities and irrespectively of the subject matter of such Bills, and is of opinion that such a course would not only be contrary to the spirit and usages of the Imperial Parliament, but also undesirable in view of the Bills referring to Scotland, or parts of Scotland, now before the House."

The fortunes of war, he said, were somewhat unpropitious, in that it fell to his lot to move his Amendment at a moment when the Secretary for Scotland was absent from the House; and, seeing that Her Majesty's Government was totally unrepresented on the Treasury Bench, he was at a loss to know to what quarter of the House he should direct his observations. His experience of the House, which extended over a good many years, had led him to believe that the importance of the question under discussion was to be gauged—not accurately, perhaps, but approximately—by the amount of interest shown in it by the supporters of Her Majesty's Government. When the Speaker returned to the Chair there was not a single Member on the Benches opposite. However, matters were better now, and he would proceed to address himself to the subject under discussion, confining the scope of his remarks to the Motion of the right hon. Gentleman, and the Amendment he proposed to move. He could take no exception to the terms in which the Secretary for Scotland moved this Resolution, nor to the estimate which he had given of the valuable labour performed by the Scotch Grand Committee last year. But, at the same time, he detected in the right hon. Gentleman's Motion a proposition, which, if carried, would go very far to subvert the traditions, the procedure, and the spirit of the Imperial Legislature. The right hon. Gentleman had told the House that the arguments which were brought forward against the proposal last year were over-ruled, and that their value was disproved by the result of the experiment. It was quite true that the evil precedent of a Standing Committee on a national basis was accomplished last year. But did the right hon. Gentleman suppose that their objections were so insincere and hollow as to be set aside by the

establishment of that Committee, and by the business-like way in which, as Scotchmen, they dealt with the questions which came before them for decision? Did he suppose that their objections, on principle, had been lulled by the practical effect which it had given to the measure which he put before it? Not only did their objections remain, but in some respects they were stronger than they were last year. If they agreed to the right hon. Gentleman's proposal now, they would be taxed in future years with having acquiesced in a definition of national representation as distinct from, and in a great measure independent of, the Imperial Parliament, and that they were not prepared to do. So far from acquiescing in this proposal, there were circumstances which deepened their distrust, and if possible strengthened their opposition to it. In the first place, the proposal of last year was put before the House as an experiment. The Scottish Members, he supposed, were deemed more patient and pliant than Members from other parts of the kingdom, and therefore they were put forward last year as the subject of this experiment. But they objected to be the subject of repeated experiments; they objected to be brought forward again as a corpus vile. Why should they be sent forth into the wilderness again, because the time of the House suffered from the redundant garrulity—he should say eloquence—of Irish Members, or the inconvenient importunity of Welsh Members, or the intolerable prolixity of English Members? Why should some other nationality be made a scapegoat? The right hon. Gentleman spoke of the irksome duty which lay upon Members of waiting about in the Lobbies, waiting for business in which they had a direct concern. But he did not show how Scotch Members in the future were to be exempted from hanging about. They were to have hard work upstairs and hanging about downstairs. There were this year's special and weighty considerations which disposed them less than ever to accept this proposal. Last year the only measure referred to the Standing Committee was one which, although very wide in its scope, was in its essence non-controversial. It was opposed by no Party in the House, and in the bulk of its details was uninteresting, and

in a great measure unintelligible to Members from other parts of the country. The Bill of last year, though it was a great one, was in its essence un-controversial. How stood the case this year? The Secretary for Scotland said that three Bills would be referred to the Committee. The first was the Fatal Accidents Bill. The Scottish Members, as such, could have no special faculties for dealing with such a measure. It was a measure which concerned the gentlemen of the long robe, and there was the Standing Committee on Law to deal with this Bill. Could anyone say that the Standing Committee on Law was not competent, with the addition of Scottish Members, to deal with a purely technical measure such as this? The next Bill was the Crofters Bill. It was a measure which bristled in every line with controversial matter. It was, moreover, a measure in which the majority of the Scottish Members, those representing lowland and urban constituencies, could have no special knowledge to enable them to deal with it. It was a measure, besides, referring not to the whole of Scotland, but to certain counties and parts of counties in which there had lingered an archaic, wasteful form of agriculture. But that form of agriculture the Government had determined to foster and to encourage. Over the greater part of Scotland that system did not prevail with which the Crofters Bill was intended to apply. The principles involved in that Bill were of much wider application than in those counties and parishes which were brought within the purview of the Bill introduced by the right hon. Gentleman. Last year the right hon. Gentleman said that no question which could seriously affect any other part of the kingdom directly could possibly come before the Scottish Committee. But in the Crofters Bill principles and practice were involved which might and almost would ultimately affect other parts of the United Kingdom, and notably that part of the United Kingdom with which the right hon. Gentleman was connected—Northumberland. It was a matter of common knowledge, not only in Northumberland but in the whole of the North of England and South of Scotland, there once prevailed the system known as crofting;

and in many counties in the south there still lingered shreds and patches where the people might be accurately described as crofters. Therefore the proposal to refer the Bill to the Standing Committee transgressed the proposition of the right hon. Gentleman laid down, last year that no legislation would be referred to that Committee if it could by any possibility be applied to other parts of the United Kingdom. He did not wish to underrate the importance of the third measure—the Local Government Bill for Scotland. It contained most valuable provisions, but was it a measure of such a scope that a Standing Committee should be set to deal with it pro hâc vice? It was a useful piece of domestic legislation. The most salient features in it were bridle-paths, manure heaps, milking cans, and house drains. It was a Bill indeed which the House itself could dispose of in two or three hours, but to send it to a Grand Committee was like cracking a walnut with a steam hammer. He appealed to the House to protect Scotland from these unjust attacks on the powers of physical endurance of Members. It would be impossible for Scottish Members to take their full and fair share in Imperial legislation, and at the same time to render service on this Committee. Overt attempts had been made in the past to impair the Imperial character of Parliament. Hitherto they had been successfully resisted; and he appealed to hon. Members to support the Scottish Members in protesting against this proposal. They ought not to look upon this as purely a Scottish question. They ought rather to make this covert and subterranean attack on the Imperial Legislature as abortive as the attempt that was made a few years ago. He concluded by moving his Amendment.

in rising to support the Amendment, said that he thought the House was entitled to some reply to the arguments of the last speaker. There seemed to be a singular lack in the speeches from the Government Benches that evening, and the Secretary for Scotland, in his speech, seemed to display great want of argument. His quotation from Mr. Bright was met by a quotation from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Midlothian. Last year the one Bill before the Scotch Committee was an essentially non-contentious and lengthy Bill, whereas one of the Bills now proposed would have passed through the House in the time occupied in the present discussion. He believed that it would. But the right hon. Gentleman further proposed to submit the Crofters' Bill to the Scotch Committee. That was a highly contentious measure, not merely between Party and Party, but between Members of the Opposition and Members of the Government.

Well, supporters of the Government—he might say intermittent supporters of the Government. Great fatigue was felt by the Scotch Members in attending the Scotch Committee, in spite of what had been said to the contrary by the Secretary for Scotland. He did not see why Scotchmen were different to any other men. He did not see why they should be boycotted from the House driven upstairs, and treated as outcasts, and as unfit to conduct their business in the House. The House was hardly ever fuller than it was that, afternoon, and the suggestion made last year that the House emptied as soon as Scotch business came under discussion was un-just to the Scotch Members and libellous on the House. He did not say that in any offensive spirit. All business was more or less technical, but Scotch not more so than other business. He did not see how the Crofters' Bill could be considered a more technical measure to understand and follow than the Irish Land Bill, which bristled with technical points. Was there any single point in the Crofters' Bill which so bristled with difficulties as that Irish case of Adams v. Dunseath? Then the right hon Gentleman stated that there was a good old Scottish way of doing business, which was not a good old English, or a good old Irish, or a good old Welsh way of doing business. But if there were such a way, would it not be a good example for those other branches and other Members to see? One point not mentioned by the right hon. Gentleman, but mentioned by the Secretary for war (Mr. Campbell-Bannerman) was, that Scotland differed from England, but that England was not different to Scotland. The right hon. Gentleman pointed out that Scotland had different laws, a different Church, and was in other ways different to England, and whilst he said that this was a reason for giving Scotland a Grand Committee, he argued that it was no reason for giving England such a Committee. That was an argument he could not possibly understand, and he would leave it to the House. The right hon. Gentleman then went on to say that he thought Home Rule all round was better than Grand Committees. His hon. Friend the Member for Inverness-shire said "Hear, hear!"; then if the right hon. Gentleman and his friends earnestly believed this, why did they not propose Home Rule all round instead of the Grand Committees? The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy had carried a Resolution in favour of Home Rule all round, and the Secretary for Scotland supported it, but no Bill had been brought in to follow out the Resolution. Was that Resolution, then, a sham, and merely a waste of time? If it was moved for the purpose of catching votes in the country he could understand it; but if the Resolution was seriously intended, it seemed to him, after what the Secretary for War had said about Home Rule all round that night, and after the support given to the proposal by the Secretary for Scotland, that it was a retrograde step on their part now to consent to the proposal merely of a Grand Committee for Scotland. But he thought it was not difficult to perceive the real reason why the Government had proposed the appointment of this Committee. They had a very limited majority—a majority quite insufficient to pass those important measures which formed their programme, and which the Prime Minister, he thought, had described as deadly and destructive. The object of the Government, then, it seemed to him, was to make use of their small majority twice over—first by using it upstairs on the Grand Committee, and afterwards by using it in the House. Evidently they thus thought they would double their majority. The Premier, in describing this state of affairs, spoke of the Government as a cannon, loaded to the muzzle with deadly and destructive balls, or measures, but he said they had a totally insufficient majority behind them to launch the balls at the enemy. It seemed to him that what the Secretary for Scotland wanted to do by this proposal was to increase the power of this cannon, first by aiming it upstairs at Scotchmen and Scotch measures, and then bringing the weapon downstairs and discharging it at Englishmen, Welshmen, and Irishmen. But he doubted whether thus firing the cannon twice in one day would produce the results that were anticipated; greater noise might be made, but the destructive effect of the shots would not be increased. Now, he understood that it was the practice, that if the Government brought forward an important Bill, and a vital proposal in connection with that Bill was rejected by the House, or even by a Committee, the Government resigned. That very state of things had occurred more than once upstairs. On the question, he thought, of the erection of workmen's dwellings, an Amendment was proposed in Committee, which the Secretary for Scotland said would make the Bill unworkable if it was passed; and which, he said, the Government must oppose. The Government did oppose it, but nevertheless the Amendment was carried in the teeth of the Government by a considerable majority. If that had occurred in the House, after such a statement from a Minister, the Government would surely have had to reconsider their position. But no such course was taken on this occasion. The right hon. Gentleman on behalf of the Government accepted the slap in the face; and afterwards feebly supported the Bill in the House. The House of Lords restored the Bill to the state in which it was when it was introduced into the Grand Committee, and then the right hon. Gentleman went down to the country and charged the House of Lords with having emasculated the Bill. He could not characterise that action too strongly. The House of Lords had merely done what the right hon. Gentleman would have done if he had had the courage of his opinions—if he had had a spark of the courage which he should have shown as the Leader of the Committee, he would have stood to his guns at any risk. This, he thought opened up a prospect of some importance and danger. A Government—for the sake of argument he might say an unscrupulous Government—might introduce an apparently innocent Bill, and send it to a Grand Committee. By that Committee important Amendments might be proposed affecting the principle of the Bill, but the Government might consent to defeat and accept them. The result would be that the Bill would come back to the House completely altered, and in a form that the majority of the House would not approve. The Crofters Bill might be brought before the Grand Committee, possibly the Government might be defeated by their own supporters, on Amendments that entirely altered the character of the Bill, and thus it would come back to the House in an altogether different form. In that case it would be the duty of the House on the Report stage to thoroughly discuss those Amendments and to again raise the whole question. If he thought the appointment of a Grand Committee would be for the benefit of Scotland, and would be to the advantage of public business, he would not oppose it; but he thought, on the contrary, that it would be a disadvantage to the country, and would result in a great waste of time and energy. Until the House could elicit some scheme to regulate clearly the kind of Bills that should be submitted to a Grand Committee, it would be very undesirable to set it up.

said, that if this Resolution were carried it would give Scotland a privilege which was denied to England, Wales, and Ireland. [Cries of "No."] His hon. Friend had endeavoured to show that, if it was carried, it would be something in the nature, not of a privilege but an insult, and that it would be another Scottish grievance. He thought that was an entirely erroneous conception, and that the hon. Member would find that his constituents, so far from regarding it as an insult, would regard it as a very great boon indeed. The hon. Baronet the Member for Wigtownshire enlarged upon the greater amount of work which would be put upon the Scotch Members if this Committee was appointed, and urged that it would be more than they could do. No Member, however, of the Scotch Grand Committee last year was more constant in his attendance or more useful in the Committee than the hon. Baronet himself, and yet he had also found time for a great many literary productions, for which they were all indebted to him. The hon. Baronet said it would be wrong to include all the Scotch Members in such a Committee as this, because the burgh Members, in particular, had no knowledge of Highland questions, such as the Crofter question.

desired to explain that he did not put the argument in that way. He had pointed out that there was no special reason for referring the Crofters Bill to a Standing Committee composed of all the Scotch Members, because the greater part of the Scotch Members, representing the burghs and the southern counties, had no special knowledge of the Crofter question.

said he was sorry if he had misrepresented the hon. Baronet's argument. He himself, however, represented a constituency that did not, so far as he knew, contain a single crofter or cottar in it; but there was no subject which excited more interest in the constituency, because Lanarkshire, Renfrewshire, and other districts in the south of Scotland swarmed with the direct descendants of evicted crofters.

admitted that when the proposal to delegate the business of the House was first brought forward, it had seemed to him at first sight to be a very reasonable proposal. He did not think it was quite fair to give the opinion which had been quoted from Mr. Bright, because at that time he had not had experience of what would be the working of this proposal. He assumed that, with the proposal to appoint 20 Members, the Grand Committee would be fairly representative of the majority of the House, but that was not all. There were many difficulties arising from Committees sitting upstairs at the time the House was doing its business. They found it very difficult indeed to attend those Committees, it was almost impossible, and a proposal to increase these Committees was not one, he thought, which deserved the attention of the House. Nor did he think that they could have the business of particular localities delegated to Members representing those localities, because when they got these Members with a certain amount of local knowledge they got also a certain amount of local prejudice, partisanship, and, in many instances, interest. That would not be the case with the whole House. If they wanted really to have good legislation they must not have Scotland governed by Scotch Members, or else it would have been better that Scotland should never have been united to England at all. The very object of the Union was to bring to bear the unbiassed minds of men upon matters in which they had no particular interest, but upon which they could decide as Statesmen. It was urged that they would get through a great deal more business. The business of the House was too large, but why? Because of late years it had been obstructed entirely by proposed constitutional changes. If the devolution of local business to Grand Committees was to enable Parliament to continue in that course it would be decidedly a move in the wrong direction. The House should be engaged with the local affairs of every part of the United Kingdom. He saw no reason why Scotland should have a Grand Committee to herself; if the principle were adopted it would have to be applied to London, Lancashire, and other parts of the country also. The scheme was one calculated to lower the character of Parliament, and therefore he was in favour of the Amendment.

said, that many people live and learn, but the hon. Baronet for the College Division of Glasgow seemed to live and learn with a vengeance. Few who heard his speech that evening would realise that actually that identical hon. Member had said in the House of Commons as recently as on March 6th, 1888:—

"As for this peddling and pottering through Grand Committees, it is not wanted by the people of Scotland. It would not satisfy them, and it would not cure the evils complained of."
There was, it must be allowed, one thing they had succeeded in doing through the instrumentality of the Scotch Grand Committee, and that was to about double the salaries of the Scotch law officers. But he was not very certain that the Chancellor of the Exchequer would care to have that sort of thing go on much further, and remembering the weariness with which the Members of the Committee had sat during the long summer, last year, in a hot room upstairs, he hoped, if the Secretary for Scotland or anyone else wished to increase his salary, that some easier method would be devised for securing that end than the appointment of a Grand Committee. A favourite argument in support of the Resolution was the neglect of Scotch business by the House. That was a very curious argument for the Government to advance, for there had never been a Government which had so many Scotch Members—he would not say Scotchmen—in the Cabinet. That being so, it was little to the credit of those Scotch Members in the Cabinet that they had not pushed forward the business of the country which they represented, even if they did not belong to it. As a matter of fact, not a single day war, given to Scotch business up to Easter. He believed five minutes was given on one occasion before 12 o'clock, but up to Easter not a single hour was given to Scotch business; and since Easter only one day was devoted to it besides the present day, which was quite the most inconvenient day that could have been selected for Lanarkshire and Renfrew-shire. Another argument in support of the Resolution was that the United Kingdom was composed of separate nationalities and that those separate nationalities, deserved separate treatment. The proposal was put forward as a sop to the Home Rule microbe. But no one could possibly be more bitterly opposed to this system of Scotch Grand Committees than were the members of the Scotch Home Rule Association. Then there was also the argument that Members representing Scotch constituencies were special experts in regard to Scotch business. That was a very strange plea considering how frequently, from the Secretary for Scotland downwards, the Scottish Glad-stonian Members were wrong. Take the proposal for handing over the licensing question to the County Councils. There was not a single Scotch Member who would dare go on a Scotch platform and suggest such a thing, although the proposal had had the enthusiastic support of the present Secretary for Scotland. Then, last year, the Scotch Fisheries Bill was brought forward with great parade by the Secretary for Scotland as a fulfilment of the aspirations of the Scotch people. The Bill was laughed out of Court, and everyone knew that it would have ruined the Government in Scotland had they proceeded with it. A great deal had been heard from the Secretary for Scotland and other Gladstonians about the Scotch Parish Councils Act when the Bill was passing through Committee, and the eagerness with which it was wanted and waited for. But the North British Daily Mail, the leading Gladstonian Liberal organ in Scotland, recently declared that there was any number of candidates for the Parish Councils, but very few electors; that it was disappointed with the absence of enthusiasm in connection with the elections, but hoped for better things next time. Then there was the Education Code of 1893. The Secretary for Scotland heard a few of his supporters attacking the proposal, and imagining that it was the throbbing of the great heart of the Scotch nation, he changed the whole of the proposal only to find himself wrong again. Then there was the University Statute of this year. They all knew that the Secretary for Scotland, who was always watching how the cat was going to jump in Scotland, was also entirely wrong in that case. The Suspensory Bill for Scotland was also another case in point.

Order, order! The hon. Member is not entitled to discuss all the Scotch Bills introduced by the Government, except so far as they bear upon this subject.

said, he was only endeavouring to show that the so-called Scotch Members were not necessarily experts on Scotch business, and that the present Secretary for Scotland was an imperfect, even if willing, pedometer of the progress of the Scottish jumping cat. As to the doctrine of separate treatment for the various nationalities, he was glad to be able to quote two Leaders of the Gladstonian Party who were very seldom brought together in harmonious relations. The first was Lord Rosebery, who, in his great Edinburgh speech on March 19th last year, said "the Government had carried the English Parish Councils Bill by Irish votes." That hardly looked at if the. Premier considered that English men were special experts in regard to their own Parish Councils Bill. The other Gladstonian leader whom he would quote was the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who, on being asked on the 20th of August last year by the hon. Member for North Islington (Mr. Bartley) whether it was not the fact that the Home Rule Bill and the Evicted Tenants Bill had been rejected in the House by a large majority of the votes of Members from England and Scotland, replied—

"I have already stated that I am not a Separatist to the degree that are hon. Gentlemen opposite; and I recognise no distinction between the votes of Members of this House or between the nationalities from which they come."
But the Government seemed to be rather divided amongst themselves on the question; for the Attorney General, speaking as the Member for Dumfries on March 6th, 1888, said—
"He would not for one moment ask for or care to see a Committee which did not consist of exclusively Scotch Members."
And the hon. and learned Member added—
"Being now a Scotch Member, he would never think of voting against English opinion on any Bill exclusively relating to England,"
He earnestly trusted they would all carefully watch the hon. and learned Gentleman's votes in future. As to Members representing Scottish constituencies being exclusively experts on Scottish business, he could not do better than just refer for one moment to what was said by the Member for East Edinburgh. He did not think it had ever been put in clearer language. This was what the hon. Member wrote in a well-known article:—
"There is all the difference in the world between the real people and the M. P. people."
Specially true is this of the Scottish people and the Scottish M. P. people. Were his hon. Friends on the other side really experts with regard to Scottish business? He (Mr. Hozier) put down a Motion shortly before the Easter holidays with a view to finding out how many Members representing Scottish constituencies were qualified to be Parish Councillors in Scotland. That Return had not been granted him as yet, but he had ascertained that just about half the Gladstonian Members representing Scottish constituencies had no qualification to be Parish Councillors in any part of Scotland. That was to say, that just about half of them did not pay one single penny of rates in any single parish in any single county in the whole of Scotland. It was urged by the Secretary for Scotland that one effect of the sitting of the Scottish Grand Committee last year was that by the end of the year Scottish Members, who were not connected with Scotland, had really begun to know something about the affairs of that country; but surely they were not going to set up a Grand Committee in order that they might educate carpet-bag representatives for Scotland. What was the opinion of the Chancellor of the Exchequer of the splendid results of this Committee last year? On the 21st August last, in reply to a question as to remitting Scottish Votes in Supply to the Scottish Grand Committee, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:—
"Our experiences with reference to the Scottish Grand Committee this Session have not been very promising."

That was explained by me immediately afterwards. When it was represented that that observation referred to the working of the Grand Committee, I said it did not apply to that at all, but to our experiences in the Motion for the attainment of it.

said, it was true that, after an interval, and quite at the end of Questions, on the occasion to which he referred, the hon. Member for Kincardineshire was put up to ask:—

"May I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he does not think the working of the Scottish Committee was a distinct success, and whether the only difficulty in connection with it was not met in obtaining the consent of the House to send a Bill to if?"
To that question the Chancellor of the Exchequer made the following reply:—
"Yes, Sir; so far as I have been informed, I understand the working of the Scottish Grand Committee in connection with the Scottish Local Government Bill, was a signal success."
Then he (Mr. Hosier) asked:—
"Is not that exactly the reverse of what the right hon. Gentleman said a few minutes ago?"
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer replied:—
"No, Sir; it is exactly what I intended to say. What I intended to say was that our experience of getting the reference to that Committee had not proved very promising, I forget how many days it took."
That was not what the right hon. Gentleman said—[Cries of "Oh!"]—He was sure he meant it, but what the right hon. Gentleman said, was that:—
"Our experiences with reference to the Scottish Grand Committee this Session have not been very promising."
As a matter of fact, they did some work on the Grand Committee. They worked extremely harmoniously with reference to a portion of the Local Government Bill, but part 6, which though small was important, and which amended the previous Local Government Act, had been postponed till this Session, and now formed what was known as the Local Government Bill of this year. Moreover, the Bill which came from the hands of the Grand Committee was by no means a perfect one. It so happened that at the very beginning of this Session a Bill had to be brought forward by the hon. Member for West Renfrewshire, instigated by the Scottish Office, and it had to be hurried through the House to prevent a deadlock. So that practically since the Local Government Bill of last year had been passed, it had had to be amended. If this Grand Committee was such an enormous success, why was this proposal to be confined to Scotland? Because the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Midlothian told them that if it was a success it was to be applied to Wales and other portions of the Kingdom? Why then was it not to be applied to England, Ireland and Wales, and why not to London? Let them see how that would work. Take the intoxicating Liquor Traffic Local Control Bill. That Bill would have to be referred to a Committee of Scottish and English Members, excluding Irish Members, and yet everybody knew that the Bill could only pass by means of the votes of the Irish Members, while Ireland at the present time was excluded from the scope of the Bill. Take again the Established Church (Wales) Bill. The Home Secretary was engaged in piloting through Parliament this very Bill on which he, as a Scottish Member, according to this doctrine, if logically carried out, had no right to express any opinion whatever, arid that Bill, after passing through the House ought, according to this doctrine, to be sent to an English and Welsh Committee. He wondered how it would fare if it were sent to such a Committee? Besides difficulties of principles, experience had shown many difficulties in practice. In the first place, it was perfectly impossible for Scottish Members, if they attended religiously and properly to the Committee upstairs, to attend thoroughly to the regular business of the House. Most Scotch Members used to pair for the night after coming down from the Scotch Grand Committee. It was perfectly impossible for them to work double time if good work was to be done. A very great difficulty in connection with the Standing Committee was that there was no "Hansard" or other official report of the proceedings. He had been very much amused to see the Secretary for Scotland having to refer to a bound copy of the Scotsman in order to tell the House what had occurred on a particular day in the Grand Committee, the Scotsman being perhaps hardly the paper the right hon. Gentleman generally takes in. Another great difficulty was that; here was no Government responsibility. It was all very well to talk about non-contentious measures. A Bill might be as mild as milk when it went to the Scotch Grand Committee, but what happened then? One of the "bonnets o'bonnie Dundee" was put up, and he moved an Amendment. That Amendment was nominally resisted, or, it might be, cordially accepted by the Government, and the Bill which had gone into the Committee as non-contentious as possible, came back bristling with contentious points. Another difficulty was that the Government, at any rate last year, insisted on every single decision of the Committee being religiously upheld in this House. That was a monstrous thing, considering that upon many occasions the votes were snap divisions. He remembered perfectly well that on one of the very few occasions on which the Home Secretary attended that Committee was when he was brought down just in time to support an Amendment of his (Mr. Hozier's) which the Government had pledged themselves to grant. Of course, if the right hon. Gentleman and a few others had come in late the Amendment might have been lost, and the pledge of the Government would have been unfulfilled. Then, in the end, there was no proper discussion when the Bill came back to the House, because the Scotch Members were only given bits of two nights, and next, after the Report, was put the Railway and Canal Traffic Bill. It was then said—
"Oh! if you go on discussing the Scotch Bill the result will be that the Railway and Canal Traffic Bill will be ruined."
Therefore, they had to work with a pistol at their heads, and there was no real discussion. For all these reasons, he had the greatest pleasure in supporting the Amendment.

said, there was one observation made by the hon. Member who had just sat down which ought not to be passed over in silence, when he talked about "so-called Scottish representatives" who were not qualified to serve on Parish Councils. For his part, he thought of higher things, but, as far as he was concerned, he was qualified both as a parish councilor and a county councillor, and he lived in the county.

asked how many Members on the opposite side, who sat on the Front Bench, would be qualified to sit on Parish Councils in England? He doubted if the Leader of the Opposition, or the right hon. Gentleman who was a constituent of his, the Member for North-East Manchester, would be qualified for a parish councillor in the places they respectively represented.

Very likely; but is he qualified for the constituency he now represents? That was the point. Really, it was too ridiculous to say that a man was not qualified to be a Member of the Imperial Parliament because he had no property qualification in the constituency for which he sat fitting him to be a parish councillor. He did not say that the Resolution of the Government would satisfy Scotch opinion, and he should like it to go further, but he knew that in matters of this kind it was necessary to compromise. He trusted that the Government would stick to their guns and insist upon sending the Crofters Bill to the Scotch Grand Committee. There was a great deal of sympathy felt for the Crofters in the south-west of Scotland. This Resolution was the very least that the Scotch Members could be contented with. They had been patient and long-suffering, but they could never forget that they had been sent to Parliament by their constituencies to do solid, substantial work which, as yet, they had not been able to get done in consequence of the congested state of business. He hoped that this Resolution was the beginning of a better state of things, and that to Scotland Wales, and Ireland would be given the right to manage their own affairs. Scotland claimed the right to be governed in accordance with Scotch opinion. The hon. Member for Harrow had talked about the business of the House being obstructed by proposals for constitutional changes. He would point out to the hon. Member that, when these changes should have been made, they would be relieved at any rate from the pressure of the great mass of Irish business with which that House had now to deal.

What I said was that half the Gladstonian Members who represent Scottish constituencies in Parliament are not qualified to be Parish Councillors in any parish in any county in the whole of Scotland.

complained of the hon. Member's reference to the Scottish Gladstonian Representatives. He did not know whether the hon. Member had been returned as a Parish Councillor, but for himself he might say that he was qualified to be both a Parish and a Town Councillor.

interrupting, said his statement was that half the Gladstonian Members were qualified to be Parish Councillors.

said, he should like to know how many hon. Members on the Front Bench opposite were, qualified to sit on Parish Councils in England. Was the Leader of the Opposition qualified, or was the Member for North-east Manchester?

said, that might be so, but he was not qualified in the constituency which he had the honour to represent in Parliament, and that was the only point which he (Mr. Wason) desired to make. Really it was too ridiculous at this time of day to say that a man was riot qualified to sit in the Imperial Parliament because he was not qualified as a Parish Councillor.

again interrupting, said, that his contention was that half the Members at present representing Gladstonian constituencies in Scotland were not qualified to be Parish Councillors in any single parish in any county in the whole of Scotland.

said, he did not think it necessary to pursue the matter further. He thought he had made his point, and he had got the admission from the Member for North-east Manchester that although qualified as a Parish Councillor both in Ayrshire and London, he was not so qualified in the constituency he represented in Parliament.

said, that the proposal of the Government was not desirable in respect of the Scotch Bills before the House. The Government apparently hardly realised that the Crofters Bill which they proposed to refer to the Scotch Committee was regarded by hon. Members on his side of the House as highly contentious. Many of his hon. Friends intended to oppose the measure on the Second Reading. The proposals for the extension of the Bill to other parts of Scotland besides the crofting districts would meet with strenuous opposition. He, and certainly two other members of the Highland Commission, never contemplated that an extension of the Crofters Act would be applied to the grazings scheduled in the Report. They thought, when scheduling those grazings, that they might be allotted to new holdings, formed under some large scheme of land purchase; but they should not be dealt with as the Government proposed by their Bill. The question was too large to be dealt with in a Committee upstairs.

said, that he did not know whether on the present occasion they might hope that silence gave consent. Perhaps not; but at any rate, so far, the Government had not committed themselves against the proposal of his hon. Friend, and it might even now not be too late to invite them to pause before voting for the rejection of the Amendment. But, if that plea had no weight with the Government, he would seriously ask their supporters to reflect whether, in view of the peculiar circumstances of the present Session, the game was really worth the candle. The idea that this Scotch Committee could be some kind of substitute for Home Rule had been abandoned. The Government no longer made the nationality of Scotland the primary basis of their scheme. The theory of the microcosm of the House was what they based their scheme on now. It was not so last year. Then it could still be said that the principle of nationality governed the scheme of the Government; but that night the principle of reflecting the features of the House in the Committee was the primary basis of the Ministerial plan. The question before them was whether they should qualify that scheme or not. If they accepted the proposal of the Government without qualification they would inevitably sacrifice the present system of Standing Committees; the machinery of the Standing Committees would be wrecked from top to bottom. There would be so many Committees that it would be impossible to secure an adequate attendance of suitable Members upon them. There would be yet another loss. The confidence of the House in the system of Standing Committees would be shattered. The only other point he wished to make was, What was to be gained by the enormous sacrifice they were asked to make? All they could gain was to lighten the business of the present Session in one small particular. They all knew that the particular cargo which the Government were trying to bring into port was really unsaleable when it reached port, and the proposal now made was that they should lighten the ship by destroying the machinery, in order to bring into port a number of bales for which there would be no sale when they were landed.

said, he was in great hopes that the attitude of Her Majesty's Government towards those who were, in a modified sense, opposing the Resolution, would have been such as would render the Amendment of his hon. Friend, the Member for Wigtownshire, unnecessary. It would be in the recollection of hon. Members who had followed the proceedings, that his right hon. Friend, the Member for West Birmingham interposed at an earlier period of the Debate, in order to elicit from Her Majesty's Government some expression of opinion on three important points in which Members of the Opposition were much concerned, and as to which they had hoped to receive a more favourable answer. He desired to acknowledge frankly the tone in which his right hon. Friend, the Secretary for Scotland introduced the Resolution, and he desired also to acknowledge the readiness with which the Secretary of State for War, speaking on behalf of the Government, expressed his willingness to accede to some such Amendments as those which had been placed on the Paper with a view to approximating the balance of Parties on the Committee to that of the whole House. If hon. Members would carry their minds back to the Debates on this subject a year ago, they would remember that the principal objection taken then was that the Committee would have an undue preponderance of Members who supported the Government, and he was bound to say that his objection to this Resolution had been somewhat modified on that point. His right hon. Friend asked whether any Minister of the Crown who spoke on behalf of the Government would be good enough to say whether, in prosecuting the scheme they had laid before the House, the Government would consider whether it could not be based on such lines that it should be applicable to other parts of the United Kingdom. The Secretary of State for War, who was an accomplished debater, evaded that point in a skilful manner. The right hon. Gentleman abstained from making any declaration on behalf of the Government, and merely said that if such a proposal were laid before the House he, personally, would be glad to give it his careful consideration. Then there was another point on which his right hon. Friend laid especial stress, and he wished with great respect to draw the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to it. His right hon. Friend asked that there might be some clearly understood definition of the class of Bills which were in the future to be referred to the Committee. He wished to remind the Chancellor of the Exchequer that in the Debates on this subject last Session he was very closely questioned on this point, and the right hon. Gentleman said that if between that time and the time when the Government made a similar proposal in a subsequent Session, they had been able to arrive at some definition, he or some one of his colleagues would be glad to submit it to the House. The point arose in this manner. His noble Friend, of whom it was difficult to say at this moment whether or not he represented the Western Division of Edinburgh, but whose absence all on the Benches in which he sat especially deplored, made a Motion to provide that the Bills referred to this Standing Committee should be only Bills which related to Law, Courts of Justice and legal procedure, or trade, shipping, manufactures, agriculture, and fishing. The right hon. Gentleman the leader of the House asks said—

"When ho (the noble Lord) (Wolmer), asks me as to great Party questions—Land Acts, Church Disestablishment, and questions of that kind, which I may call of a high political and controversial character—whether they are proper subjects for a Committee of this character. I do not know if he will accept any statement of mine; but I have to tell him that this is not the object of a Committee of this character,"
And later in the same Debate the right hon. Gentleman said—
"To use an instrument of this kind merely for the purpose of securing the predominance of a Party majority would be, in my opinion, an abuse altogether of a provision which is intended to relieve the House of Commons from a burden, and to relieve it in a manner which may be satisfactory to those parts of the United Kingdom to which these measures are more particularly applied."
And, again, the right hon. Gentleman said—
"If I thought it possible to make a definition on this subject, I would gladly insert such a definition; but I do not think it is possible to frame a definition that would meet the right hon. Gentleman's object. If we find the system work well, then, when we make the same proposal next Session, we may, if we find it possible to do so, draw up a definition of the character of the Bills that are to be referred to a Grand Committee."
Before they concluded their consideration of this Resolution, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman, on the authority of the Government, would favour them with a definition of that class of Bills which he thought were suitable for being referred to the Grand Committee. They were not in the least intimidated by the remarks—which had a suspicion of the electioneering character in them—by which the Secretary for War concluded his speech. He was good enough to warn them that if they said they would have no Grand Committee, no Crofters Bill, Local Government Bill, or Inquiry into Fatal Accidents in Scotland, he would not envy them the reception they would have when they met their constituents in Scotland. Threats of that kind were apt to fly about when a General Election was imminent. Their reply to the right hon. Gentleman would be: "If you and your many colleagues in the Government who represent Scotch constituencies—ten they were in number in the Session of 1894 and nine in the present Session—have so little weight against the influence of your leader, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as not to be able to command sufficient of the time of the House in Committee of the whole House on Scotch business, the responsibility will lie with those who had potentially the influence and failed to use it." It had been suggested by the Secretary for Scotland that they who demurred to the terms of the Resolution were either opposed to the progress of Scotch business or to the principle of devolution, That allegation had been sufficiently disproved by the speeches of right hon. Gentlemen sitting opposite. For his own part, he desired to say that he was not opposed to devolution upon strictly fair principles, and so far from being opposed to the progress of Scotch business, he desired that more of the time of the House should be devoted to it. A point had been made by other speakers that it was something in the nature of a slight upon the Scotch Members that they should be thought to be good enough merely to be relegated to a Committee upstairs, that their business should not be thought worthy of the attention even of a Committee of the whole House, even perhaps on a Wednesday afternoon, and that the right hon. Gentleman under whose genial rule they lived and moved and had their being to the north of the Tweed, should come down to the House and say when a Scotch Member rose to speak every Bench of the House was empty. There were one or two other considerations with which he desired to support the Amendment of the hon. Baronet opposite. He urged strongly last year, and without reference to any Party considerations, that it was an erroneous assumption that every Scotch Member was necessarily an expert upon Scotch affairs; and it was equally erroneous to assume that every Scotch Member, whatever his position in life, whatever his business or occupation, was equally free to attend the deliberations of a Grand Committee. It was impossible for the Leader of the Opposition to give daily attendance to the Committee. He was added to the Committee, not as a Scotch Member, but presumably as an expert. But of the Scotch Members two might be named—hon. Friends who sat on the same Bench as himself—one an old and respected Member, namely, the hon. Member for Wick. He was at the head of a world-wide commercial undertaking which occupied much of his time. He was a man of considerable age, and by his qualifications was in every way calculated to represent a Scotch constituency upon Imperial matters in the House of Commons. Could it be expected either that he had minute knowledge of the details of Scotch Local Government or that he had the leisure to give from 10 to 13 hours a day to the business of the House to entitle him to be rated as a Member to be placed above many others on the Committee. Other instances would suggest themselves. But there was one other point, and one alone, which had been slightly alluded to, but which, in his own opinion, was perhaps the most important of all with reference to the Resolution: it was the question of Ministerial Responsibility. The House had not been told the whole story. Last year an Amendment, moved by the hon. Member for Elgin and Nairn, was carried in Grand Committee against the Government, and in spite of the warning of the Secretary for Scotland that the passing of the Amendment would mean the loss of the Bill. When the Bill came before the House on Report, the Amendment was supported by the Government on the allegation that the Minister in charge of the Bill and from whose office the Bill had emanated, was liable to be over-ruled by any chance majority that might happen to assemble at 11 or 12 o'clock on a sultry summer morning in Committee Room No. 10. In another place, to which frequent reference would have, for many a long day, to be made, the words so revolting to the Secretary for Scotland in Committee Room No. 10 were struck out, and when, upon a Wednesday afternoon at the end of August when they were still sweltering here, they were called upon to consider the Lords' Amendments, who was it to rise to move that this House do agree with the Lords' Amendments? It was not the Leader of the Opposition, but the Secretary for Scotland himself. He had on Report accepted the words as coming from the Grand Committee, but he, no doubt for the sake of peace, as representing the Government in charge of the Bill, felt bound—perhaps it was owing to the exigencies of the circumstances—to recommend that this House do agree with the Lords in the said Amendment. Hon. Members spoke with great levity upon the question of Ministerial responsibility, but the history of the Amendment of the hon. Member for Elgin and Nairn proved most conclusively to him that there was something wanting in the theory upon which the Grand Committee system was based. They hoped, before the discussion was concluded, to amend the resolution of the right hon. Gentleman, but it was urged at an earlier period of the evening that the Committee of last year, although not properly constituted, worked well, and should therefore be repeated. The argument of the Secretary for Scotland was, that although he had a bad tool, he did fairly good work with it. If they were able to improve the constitution of the Committee, he could promise the Secretary for Scotland that when the Committee sat they would endeavour, with that loyalty which the right hon. Gentleman had already acknowledged with regard to their services last year, to take their share in its deliberations, even although they might go there against their will.

said, the hon. Member who had just sat down had appealed to him as to what he said last year, in reference to this question, especially bearing on the Scotch Committee. To what he said he entirely adhered. The Scotch Committee of last year did very useful work, not only to Scotland, but in relief of the work of the House of Commons. That was really what these Committees were wanted for. He quite agreed that these Committees were meant to do work of a non-political and non-controversial character, such as the dealing with the Bills he referred to last year. The hon. Member had quoted words of his which seemed to imply that this year they might have a definition. His experience of definitions led him to avoid them. They had never been successful even in articles of faith. They led to a great many more difficulties than they solved. To take a common sense and fair view of questions when they arose, would be more satisfactory than any method of dealing with them under strict definitions ever could be. Therefore he strongly recommended the House to reserve the consideration of what questions should be submitted to this Committee until they arose, rather than to bind itself beforehand by elaborate definitions. He gathered from the speech of the right hon. Member for West Birmingham at the opening of the Debate, that he would not be unfavourable to the constitution of a Committee of this kind; and the Government was ready to meet him on details so far as they understood his view. Neither did he understand the Leader of the Opposition to condemn altogether the idea of a Committee of this kind—a Committee in which, without giving a predominance to one Party or another—there would be a predominance of the Scotch element. Surely it was not unreasonable that there should be a large predominance of Scotch Members on such a Committee. ["Hear, hear!"] Yes; but it seemed to him that the Amendment under consideration condemned that; it was fatal to the proposal altogether; and nobody, who was not prepared to condemn the thing root and branch, could support that Amendment. It condemned the very principle of there being a predominance of the Scotch element on the Committee. This was what the Government thought was a good thing, and they appealed to the experience of last year. A great many suspicions of what might happen in the Scotch Committee had proved to be unfounded. The Scotch Members met together and dealt satisfactorily with the Bill submitted to them. If they were agreed upon that, let them pass the Resolution, moulding it as they might deem fit with reference to any desirable limitations. He understood the right hon. Member for West Birmingham was satisfied with their acceptance of the suggestion made as to the number of Members to be added to the Committee; and upon that point there was no difficulty. Unless the House was going to condemn the whole thing root and branch they could not accept the Amendment. What remained? There remained, What he imagined really lay at the bottom of the whole matter, what Bills were to be submitted to the Committee. That was a matter for separate consideration. When the Resolution was passed the Committee would be set up; then it would be for the House to consider what were the Bills that could fairly come within the scope and intention of this Committee. If they were all agreed that for some purposes and some Bills a Committee of this character, modified as the right hon. Member for West Birmingham desired, should be set up, then he did not understand it to be disputed that some Bills could be referred to the Committee. They was agreed that for some purposes and some Bills a Committee was to be set up. If they could conclude that it would be a matter for future consideration what were the Bills which the Committee should be competent to deal with. His argument was that the Amendment before the House was condemnatory of the whole system because it destroyed the proposal to refer Bills to Standing Committees on the basis of separate nationalities. What the Government proposed was a Committee formed on the basis of Scotch nationality with such safeguards as should prevent any of the evils that had been anticipated from such a constitution. If it were declared that they would have nothing to do with the basis of separate nationalities, that would be equivalent to declaring that Scotland should not have the benefit of referring even non-controversial Bills to a Committee of this character. He believed the majority of Scotch Members on both sides of the House desired that there should be what might fairly be called a non-contentious Scotch Committee for dealing with matters which might be more satisfactorily dealt with by such a Committee than by the House itself. He therefore hoped the hon. Member would not press an Amendment fatal to any proposal of that character. Then it would be possible to deal with the Resolution, subject to the modifications which might appear necessary and subject to consideration of the Bills which should hereafter be referred to the Committee.

said, that the right hon. Gentleman's speech was conciliatory in spirit, but it betrayed misapprehension of the scope of the Amendment, which did not really differ from the principles laid down by himself and the right hon. Member for West Birmingham. No one had any objection to the appointment of Grand Committees with a large proportion of Scotch Members to deal with Scotch business, those Scotch Members being selected, not from the fact that they came from Scotland, but from their having some knowledge of and interest in the question coming before the Committee. If that was all the Government meant, the Opposition would so far assent to the machinery being set up. Then came the more difficult and important question. What were the subjects to be dealt with by this machinery? The Chancellor of the Exchequer had said that in his view no controversial or Party Bills should be referred to this Grand Committee. He said that he did not depart from the opinions he expressed last year, and last year he stated that the Crofters Act, or Acts dealing with the relations between landlord and tenant, were not proper measures to submit to such a Committee. But those were not the opinions of the Secretary for Scotland or of the Secretary of State for War, for both of those right hon. Gentlemen had announced beforehand that they meant to set up this Sessional machinery on purpose to deal with a measure which was controversial and Party, and dealing with the relations of landlord and tenant. How could the House be asked to set up this machinery, and to blind its eyes to the uses to which it was to be put? It was not an instrument to further Parliamentary Business for all time, but simply to be of use during the few remaining months of the present Session in relation to business which did not come within the Chancellor of the Exchequer's definition. Unless the Government could give some assurance—not in merely abstract and general terms, which were left to the interpretation of the Government when the time came for dealing with particular Bills, but at once, and in explicit language—that only certain specific Bills would be referred to the Committee, the Opposition would be made to assent to the proposal. Let the Government name the Bills which, as they thought, came under the rules clearly laid down by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and then hon. Members would be able to judge for themselves whether or not the Government idea of a non-controversial Bill corresponded with the idea formed in every other part of the House. In the absence of satisfactory assurances from the Government he should vote for the Amendment.

said, that as the right hon. Gentleman, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had adverted to him in his speech he should like to say that he entirely agreed with what the right hon. Gentleman had said. The right hon. Gentleman, was quite right in saying that he (Mr. Chamberlain) was not hostile to this idea of Standing Committees, and he confessed that the Opposition, in the present circumstances of the case, would be unwise if they committed themselves to a proposal which hereafter they might find to be of considerable disadvantage to themselves. But, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer said, his approval of the proposal of the Government was subject to certain conditions. In the first place, he thought that the numbers of the added Members of the Committee ought to be increased. It was true that the Government had handsomely met that suggestion of his, but he scarcely thought that the change in the number of the added Members from 15 to 20 was adequate to meet all his objections. What he had said was that the principle which he desired to see established was that in all cases the Committee should represent a fair proportion of the different Parties in the House. As it might happen that hon. Members might think it desirable that similar Committees for other nationalities or for other parts of the United Kingdom should be created it was desirable that they should deal once for all with the subject instead of having fresh discussions every time a Standing Committee was appointed. Upon the most important conditions upon which such Committees were to be appointed the Government and himself were entirely at one. He must say that after all this discussion they had so nearly arrived at an agreement, that it would not be creditable to their intelligence to go to a Division without settling the matter. He wished to know whether the Chancellor of the Exchequer was prepared to adhere to his statement that no measures properly called controversial, such as a Land Bill, should be referred to such a Committee.

said, that upon that point then they were agreed. The question, however, then arose as to what could properly be called a controversial measure. Of course it was difficult to say what was a controversial measure. Do not let them have any mistake upon the matter. What could the House say to a proposal to refer an Irish Land Bill to a Standing Committee of this kind. The whole difficulty might be overcome, either by a general definition of a controversial measure, or by a particular statement having reference to a particular Bill. Let the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, now that he had called his attention to his own statement, say that he would not send such a controversial measure as a Land Bill to this Committee, and he would accept that assurance from the right hon. Gentleman, and would allow the Committee to be set up. If they wanted a definition, it seemed to him that it should be one that excluded Bills the reference of which to a Committee had not been carried by a certain and large majority of the House. If that were not adopted, then the right hon. Gentleman should adopt the second proposal—namely, that no Land Bill should be submitted to the Committee. When they had a Bill which was going to be hotly opposed by the whole of the ordinary Opposition, he called that a controversial Bill. He could conceive of no other definition that any sensible man acquainted with the House could apply to such Bills as that. If they wanted a general definition they would have it in the definition which would exclude Bills the reference of which to a Grand Committee was not carried by a certain large majority of the House—he did not care whether it was three-fourths or two-thirds; but it must be something more than half the House. A Bill carried by a majority of that kind might fairly be considered as non-contentious. But if the Chancellor of the Exchequer felt that at this late hour it was not desirable to enter upon the task of finding a general definition, he begged of him to settle the present matter by deciding that, at all events so far as regards this temporary proposal, on Land Act—to use his own words—should be submitted to the Committee.

The House divided:—Ayes,162; Noes, 186.—(Division List, No. 68).

moved, as an Amendment, that no Bill should be referred to the Scotch Committee that did not embrace the whole of Scotland. There was, he said, more difference between the Highlands and Lowlands than there was between the Lowlands and the North of England. He submitted that there was no reason why a Committee consisting chiefly of Scottish Members was adapted to consider so technical a subject as land tenure affecting only the crofting population of Scotland. He quite admitted that something might be said for measures applying to the whole of Scotland being referred to the, Scotch Committee, but that Committee was not better qualified to deal with the Land Bill than the Committee of the whole House. He hoped that the Government would accede to this Amendment.

said, that this same Amendment was moved by the head of the Opposition last year, was debated, and finally, to the best of his recollection, was rejected or withdrawn. It was quite impossible, therefore, that a limitation which the Government could not accept last year, before the Committee had attained the success it had done, they could accept this year. The Government did not consider the change in the numbers of the Committee a limitation, but this Amendment was a distinct limitation. The object of setting up a Committee was, that as it became more established, more Scotch Bills of a certain order would be remitted to it, and those would be Bills referring to a part of Scotland. If ever there was a Bill which might have been legitimately referred to a Committee of this character, it was the Borough Police Act, and that Act did not extend over the whole of Scotland. Bills referring to special industries affecting certain classes of the people were, if not too contentious, proper subjects for such a Committee. The Government could not accept the Amendment.

said that what was proposed by the Amendment was simply to exclude from the Committee Bills which referred to only a part of Scotland. One of the main arguments for setting up this Committee at all was that Scotch Members were experts on Scotch questions. Then it followed from that argument, that when a Bill was introduced referring merely to a particular part of the country, a Committee ought to be set up of Members representing that part of Scotland only, in order to deal with it. For instance, to send a Bill affecting only particular counties and particular interests—say a Crofters Bill affecting the Crofters—for consideration to a Committee the majority of whose Members had no knowledge of the Crofters, and whose constituents were not concerned directly in crofting interests, was beyond his comprehension, and not in accordance with common sense.

The House divided:—Ayes, 180; Noes, 155.—(Division List No. 69.)

Question put accordingly—"That those words be there inserted."

The House divided:—Ayes, 154; Noes, 179.—(Division List No. 70.)

It being after midnight, the Debate stood adjourned.

Fires (False Alarms) Bill

Considered in Committee, and reported as amended; to be considered upon Monday next.

Stationery Office (Printing Contracts)

moved:—

"That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire whether the present system of issuing invitations for tenders, and of making contracts for Government printing and binding, sufficiently secures compliance with the terms and spirit of the Resolution of the House of Commons of the 13th day of February 1891, and whether any, and, if so, what, improvements of the system are called for."

asked the right hon. Member to defer the Motion until a later day, as an hon. Member who wished to make an Amendment was absent from the House.

said that the Amendment to which he supposed the hon. Member referred, was unnecessary.

said, that the point to which it was desired to draw attention was as to the reporting being included.

Order deferred.

Army (Courts Martial)

Address for:—

"Return for the years 1892 and 1893 for each Regiment of Cavalry (including the Cavalry Depot), Battery or Company of Artillery, Company of Engineers, and Battalion of Infantry, respectively, of the number and proportion to average strength of (1) Courts Martial, distinguishing those in which the offences are only in relation to Enlistment; (2) Minor Punishments; (3) Desertions; and (4) Stations (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 22, of Session 1893–4)."—(Sir Frederick Fitzwygram)

Several Irish MEMBERS exclaimed: "I object."

said, his predecessor in the Chair ruled on more than one occasion that no objection could be allowed to a Return which appeared on the Paper as unopposed, and he must follow that ruling.

Prosecution Of Offences Acts, 1879 And 1884

Address for

"Return showing the working of ho Regulations made in 1886 for carrying out the Prose, cution of Offences Act, 1879 and 1884, with Statistics setting forth the number, nature, cost, and results of the Proceedings instituted by the Director in accordance with those Regulations from the 1st day of January 1894 to the 31st day of December 1894 (in continuance of Parliamentary Paper, No. 73, of Session 1894.")—(Mr. George Russell.)

Military Lands Provisional Orders Bill

Read 2° (according to Order).

Commander-In-Chief

having moved the adjournment of the House.

said: Before the Motion is agreed to, I would ask my hon. Friend whether there is any truth in the reports scattered broadcast to-night that his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge has retired from the position of Commander-in-Chief of the British Army to make way for a better man. [Cries of "Order, order."] I would ask if a member of the Royal Family who has been drawing his money too long is going to retire? [Renewed Cries of "Order."]

MR. THOMAS ELLIS rose to reply, when

said: Mr. Speaker, I ask you whether such remarks are in order in this House? [Cheers.]

however, amidst renewed shouts of "Order," tried to press for an answer, but

The House adjourned at Twenty-five Minutes before One o'clock.