said, he was glad the hon. Member had said the Instruction did not represent his own views, and he had only proposed it for reasons of expediency. In Ireland they would always claim that every ratepayer should have a municipal vote, as was the case in England.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, whether it would be possible to lay annually before Parliament a list of all firms having contracts with any Departments of State?

The practical difficulties are so great, especially in the two great spending Departments, the War Office and Admiralty, that the Government do not at present see their way to grant an unopposed Return of this kind.

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, how many local authorities have adopted the Notification of Diseases Act; how many of these authorities there are who are capable of adopting the Act; and, whether he has considered the advisability of making the Act compulsory instead of permissive?

The Infectious Disease Notification Act, 1889, has been adopted in 814 urban districts, 585 rural districts, and 38 port districts. Compulsory notification is also in force throughout London under the Public Health (London) Act, 1891, and in 49 towns under provisions in Local Acts. The population, according to the last census, of the districts in which notification is compulsory, is 27,220,000, out of a total population of 29,000,000. The question as to the advisability of making the Act of 1889 compulsory has been considered by me, but I think that the Act is much more likely to be enforced when it is voluntarily adopted by a local authority than when it is made applicable to a district without the concurrence of the authority. There are now 202 urban and 94 rural districts, including districts which have recently been constituted, in which the Act is not yet in operation. I am proposing to communicate with the authorities of these districts, and I hope that the number of districts in which the Act is not in force will be considerably diminished in the course of the present year.

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, whether he is prepared to propose legislation for the purpose of endowing District, Borough, and County Councils with the powers now enjoyed by Parish Councils of receiving gifts of real and personal property for the benefit of the inhabitants; and, how many Councils have asked for these powers?

It does not appear to be necessary to propose legislation for the purpose referred to. An Urban District Council can have conferred on them, by an order of the Local Government Board, the powers of a Parish Council as regards gifts of property for the benefit of the inhabitants. The Local Government Board have received certain applications for these powers in connection with other powers of a Parish Council which urban authorities propose should be conferred on them. But I cannot specify the precise number of cases in which the powers referred to have been asked for. There is no objection on the part of the Board to confer the powers in question when they are desired, but the applications in this matter are being dealt with in connection with those which are at the same time made for other powers.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether it is the intention of the Department, after the transfer of the telephone trunk lines from the National Telephone Company to the Department, to close these trunk lines at the hours of closing of the various post offices, and thus to deprive a large body of subscribers of the convenience hitherto enjoyed by them of making use of the telephone at all hours of the night?

From the best information in the hands of the Post Office it appears that, except in a few cases, the telephone trunk wires are scarcely ever used at night, and the Department would not, therefore, be justified in going to the expense of providing attendance after the ordinary official hours. In the first instance, therefore, it is proposed that the hours for telephone business shall be the same as for telegraph business, but the Department will give careful attention to the matter and ascertain where the requirements of the public will justify an extension of the hours. At many of the larger offices the telegraph service is open to the public all night, and there, of course, the telephone service will also be open.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General (1) whether he can state what steps the Post Office authorities propose to take in reference to the numerous complaints as to the inefficiency and expensiveness of the telephone service supplied by the National Telephone Company; and (2) whether it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to terminate the monopoly of this Company by taking over the entire telephone business, as was done in the case of the telegraphs?

If it were proved in any case that the Company were not affording a satisfactory service, the Government would be prepared to consider the question of the establishment of a limited competition by the Post Office. In answer to the second portion of the question, I have to say that it is not the intention of the Government to take over the entire telephone business before the expiration of the Company's licence.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1) if his attention has been called to proceedings at the Sligo Borough Court, on the 3rd and 4th February, presided over by the Mayor; (2) whether he has seen the report of the questions put to a witness, Rev. Mr. Hoffe, by the Mayor, when he asked him—"Do you believe in purgatory? Do you believe in the Immaculate Conception?" (3) whether, when an application was made by the Crown Counsel for an adjournment of the case, to enable the police authorities to take the witness (Rev. John Hoffe) by train to some place where he could obtain the hotel accommodation refused at Sligo, the Chairman said, "Can't you send him over to the gaol until morning?" (4) whether, when Mr. Williams was under examination, the Mayor is correctly reported to have said that he had a certain number of questions to ask—viz., "Do you believe in Papal infallibility? Do you believe in Transubstantiation?" and (5) whether he will consider the propriety of laying this matter before the Lord Lieutenant with a view to the expediency of taking action thereon?

Mr. Speaker, as I am personally referred to in this question, I ask you to give me permission to say I do not consider that the subject-matter of the question is of sufficient public importance intrinsically, or of sufficient general interest to warrant me in troubling the House with an explanation in regard to the allegations made in it. I have only to say that in reference to the discharge of the functions attaching to the office I hold as Mayor of Sligo, I do not acknowledge any responsibility either to this House or to the Lord Lietenant of Ireland. [Nationalist cheers.] I hold my Commission of the Peace as Chief Magistrate, from my fellow citizens, and I accept their judgment only on my public proceedings, and the judgment of any foreign or alien tribunal I shall always treat with indifference and contempt. [Nationalist cheers and cries of "Order, order!"]

I understand that the second and third paragraphs accurately describe, so far as they go, what took place on the occasion, but I do not think that there is anything in the language complained of which calls for further notice on the part either of the Lord Lieutenant or the Lord Chancellor.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman would make inquiry with reference to disturbances created by the man Williams through street preaching?

asked, whether, if there was to be an Inquiry, it would have reference also to the action of the Mayor of Sligo? [Laughter, and Nationalist cries of "Order!"]

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies, (1) whether the Cape Government has, apart from statute, any power to surrender fugitive criminals to the South African Republic; (2) whether the Imperial Statute known as the Extradition Act, 1870, until suspended in the Cape Colony by Order in Council under its eighteenth section, regulates the powers of the Cape Government in respect of the extradition of fugitive criminals to any Foreign State, and limits those powers to the case of offences not of a political character; and (3) whether, seeing that no such Order in Council has been made, the Cape Statute, No. 22, of 1882, which purports to authorise extradition to the South African Republic, even in the case of political offences, can avail to remove the restrictions enacted by the Imperial Statute?

The first question is a legal one, to which I do not feel competent to give an authoritative answer, especially as the Cape Government has power by statute to surrender fugitive criminals to the South African Republic. As to the second and third questions, the Extradition Act, 1870, is not in force in the Cape Colony except as regards Foreign States, in the case of which it has been applied by Order in Council, and the South African Republic is not one of those States.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether his attention has been called to the fine of £2 inflicted on William Murray, a carrier, a short time ago, for having carried a written order for goods from Rothesay to Glasgow and received a penny from the vendor of the goods for so doing, the goods being brought back by him from Glasgow to Rothesay on the same day; whether the penny was paid by the receiver, not the sender, of the letter as a kind of reward for the safe conveyance of the goods, and was not in the nature of postage; whether the carrier was admitted to be acting bonâ fide and in the pursuance of an established custom; and, whether he will repay or remit the fine alluded to?

The facts are as stated by the hon. Member; but the prosecution was undertaken to stop the very considerable trade in the conveyance of letters carried on by the carriers of Glasgow in direct contravention of the exclusive privileges of the Postmaster General with regard to letters. The Postmaster General had previously called the attention of the Glasgow carriers to their illegal action, but without effect, and he had, therefore, no alternative but to take this course; and in the circumstances he does not propose to repay the fine.

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been called to the heavy cost involved in the election for a Member to serve on a Board of Guardians at a bye-election? If he is aware that at one of these elections a few days ago, at Sunderland, the local authorities had to provide polling booths for every 500 voters in a total of 7,500, and that only 900 electors voted, at a cost to the ratepayers of £102? And, whether he will bring in a Bill to amend the Law for the purpose of avoiding the great expenditure of public funds under the existing system?

I have made enquiry as to the heavy expense of the election of Guardians in the case referred to, the expense being as stated, £102. The total number of persons entitled to vote was, it appears, 7,650. The regulations as to these elections do not prescribe the number of polling stations which should be provided, but fix as a maximum one polling station for each 500 parochial electors. I am informed that in this case it was considered necessary that 14 polling stations should be provided, as it was impossible to estimate beforehand what number of voters would poll. It devolved on the Council of the borough to prescribe the scale of expenses, and the charges in respect of the election in question were in accordance with that scale. I am not prepared to propose an alteration of the law, which would take out of the hands of County Councils and Councils of County Boroughs the power which is now vested in them under the Local Government Act, 1894, of prescribing the scale of expenses in elections under that Act.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War, with reference to the case of a pensioner named Edward Kenney, now residing in Poitiers, France, who, having served 21 years and 8 months in the Worcestershire Regiment, including active service in the Indian Mutiny and a long service in the Colonies, was discharged on life pension in October, 1878, whether he has been refused continuance of his pension because he is residing in France? And, whether he will make inquiry into the matter, with the view of having his pension continued to him now in his old age?

This man has not been refused his pension, though it appears that he has not applied for the amount due last quarter. As he is over 50 years of age residence abroad does not disqualify him for its receipt. He should apply in the usual course to his paymaster.

I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office, if he is aware that, on 10th December, 1859, Joseph Deniston enlisted in the 1st Battalion 10th Foot Regiment; that he served for a period of five years and a-half with his regiment in South Africa, where he contracted articular rheumatism, as certified by the late Dr. Atkinson, of Longford; that he received for 15 months after his discharge a pension of 6d. a day, which was then stopped, and has not since been renewed; that in consequence of the disease contracted in the service, he is now unable to work to support a family of seven persons, and that consequently he is in great misery and distress; and will the Military authorities consider his case, with a view to giving him the pension due to him?

This case will be referred to the Commissioners of Chelsea Hospital.

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether any compensation will be given to the mother of Lieutenant Wroughton, who lost his life in the collision between French and English troops at Waima, West Africa, on 23rd December 1893; and if it is the case that the recipient of a pension from the India Office is thereby rendered ineligible for the receipt of any pension or compensation from Army Funds?

As Mrs. Wroughton is already in receipt of a pension as the widow of an officer she is ineligible for any pension for the loss of her son. She appears to be further disqualified by not having been mainly dependent upon her son for support. It is not the case that the recipient of a pension from the India Office would necessarily be ineligible for a pension from Army Funds.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade with regard to the Returns of Emigration and Immigration issued by the Board of Trade, whether a commercial travellar sent for six months say to South Africa is entered in the Returns on his departure as an emigrant and on his return as an immigrant, and whether if a Member of this House visits America during the Recess his trip affects both Returns in the same way; whether if a family removes permanently from this country to the South of France, or any other place in the Continent of Europe, their emigration is entirely omitted from the Returns; and whether, if that is so, steps can be taken in conjunction with Local Authorities, or by other means, to make these Returns more accurate; and whether he will undertake that this shall be done before introducing any legislation to this House affecting emigrants or immigrants?

The Returns referred to by the hon. Member, although spoken of shortly as Returns of Emigration and Immigration, are really Returns of all passengers to and from places out of Europe excluding places within the Mediterranean. Commercial travellers and tourists are thus included both when they go and when they come in. And this is the only way to arrive at an exact balance of the passenger movement, which is the object aimed at. Persons going from this country to the South of France or elsewhere in Europe to settle are not included in these Returns at all which only deal with places out of Europe. The Returns are supplemented by returns as to aliens arriving in this country from Europe, and information as to the passenger movement generally set out in the Annual Reports on Emigration and Immigration laid before the House. It is not proposed to make any change in the Returns for which legislation would be required.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, (1) whether a new table at reduced rates for life insurance has recently been issued by the Post Office authorities; and (2) whether, if so, any special steps are being taken by the Department to advertise these new rates, so that they may be brought widely to the attention of the working classes; and whether, with a view to accomplishing this purpose, the Post Office would be willing to furnish forms to be distributed throughout the Metropolis in connection with the Census of London which is to be taken in April this year?

Yes, Sir. New tables have been issued and special steps have been taken by this Department to advertise the new rates. 14,000 large posters have been exhibited at the Post Office Savings Banks throughout the country since the 1st February, when the new tables came into operation. In addition, about 100,000 handbills have also been distributed for the information of the public at every Post Office Savings Bank. A copy of a leaflet has, moreover, been placed within every depositor's book returned from this Department since the 1st February. It is proposed, almost immediately, to furnish the principal manufacturing firms throughout the country with copies of the posters and handbills. As London is so well supplied with the posters and handbills referred to, a further distribution on the lines indicated in the second paragraph of the hon. Member's question would scarcely seem necessary, and it is very doubtful whether the officers concerned in the Census of London would undertake such a distribution as that suggested. If, however, they were willing, there is no objection to supply the necessary forms.

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in view of the high price of Consols, and of the exceptionally great expenditure about to be incurred in strengthening the Navy, the Government will immediately bring in a Bill enabling the expected large surplus to be used for that purpose instead of being applied in the reduction of the National Debt by the purchase of Consols therewith?

I am not surprised that my hon. Friend should have called attention to the bearing of the present price of Consols upon this matter; but I would say generally that I hope that I may be permitted, as my predecessors have always been, to select my own time and method for making any announcement to the House on important questions of finance, and, if I had any intentions on the particular subject referred to by my right hon. Friend, I could not properly state them in answer to a question.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he has considered the question of supplying the public with postal orders bearing counterfoils, on the plan adopted in certain foreign countries, each counterfoil being marked with the number of the attached order, as well as the amount and office stamp, so as to facilitate detection in case of theft, to relieve the transmitters of small sums from the task of noting these particulars, and to encourage the use of postal orders?

The suggestion is not a new one, and has been frequently considered, but it is found that the arrangement referred to would necessitate the use of larger paper as well as of new and expensive machinery, which would not be justified by the low rate of commission charged for the orders. The senders of postal orders can note the particulars with little trouble, and no expense, whatever, themselves. The change suggested does not appear, therefore, to be necessary.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty, whether, in order to avoid any ground for discontent, arrangements will be made that all appointments under the Admiralty Clerical Reorganisation Scheme (including Staff Clerks) shall bear the same date?

It is impossible to give effect to the suggestion of my hon. Friend, inasmuch as the appointments of Staff Clerks can only take effect from the issue of the Civil Service Certificate which the Admiralty have no power to antedate. The position of those who may be appointed to these clerkships shall receive careful consideration when the date from which the re-organisation is to take effect has been fixed.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether he has received a resolution from a joint meeting representing the employers and operatives engaged in the cotton industry, reciting that the meeting was strongly of opinion that it was desirable that there should be an Inquiry made by a Committee of experts appointed by the Home Office into the working of the Cotton Cloth Factories Act, 1889, and into the whole question of steaming and the introduction of artificial moisture into cotton weaving factories; and, whether he can see his way to appoint such a Committee?

I have received a resolution in the terms stated by the hon. Member, and I propose to appoint a Committee of three experts to make the Inquiry requested. ["Hear, hear!"]

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade, whether any further action has been taken with regard to the alleged illegal fares charged on the Metropolitan District Railway; and, whether the Law Officers of the Crown, to whom the matter was referred, have given their opinion on the case submitted by the Board of Trade Solicitor; and, if so, state the purport of the opinion?

It will not be proper that I should state the purport of the Law Officers' opinion, but I may say that the consideration of the question of proceedings by the Board of Trade is suspended pending the deliberations of Parliament on the Bill which the Company have introduced this Session.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether, in the event of the subject of fines and deductions from wages being dealt with by Bill, he will take into consideration the complaints of railway servants that they are compelled, as a condition of employment, to sign an engagement to give their whole time to the company employing them, while the company does not in return guarantee to the men employed a full week's wages, but in many cases only gives occasional and irregular employment paid as piecework; and, whether in any such Bill he will consider the advisability of making such conditions of service illegal?

The question of prohibiting such contracts as the hon. Member refers to is not one which relates to truck or to fines or deductions from wages, and could not therefore be properly dealt with in a Truck Bill. I am informed by the Board of Trade that there is no evidence so far as they are aware tending to show that legislative interference of the character suggested is required.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in many cases during the last two or three years railway servants on the running staff have only earned from 11s. to 15s. a week under this system?

I am not aware of the fact; in any case, this is not a matter which concerns my Department.

I bog to ask the President of the Board of Trade, whether he is aware that in March, 1395, a petition was presented to the Commissioners of Irish Lights by the lightkeepers praying for increased pay, shorter hours, and redress of numerous grievances pointed out therein, and also asking that at Rock and Island stations, in close proximity to the mainland, a boat might be allowed to enable their children to attend school, and their families to go to a place of worship on Sunday; and, whether he will inquire what has been the result of the consideration of this petition, and what improvements, if any, the Commissioners propose to recommend?

I have communicated with the Commissioners of Irish Lights with regard to the hon. Member's Question, and am informed that such a petition as he refers to was received by the Commissioners early last year from the lightkeepers in the Irish lighthouse service, but that the memorial has not yet been forwarded to the Board of Trade, in consequence of the Departmental Committee's inquiry into the Mercantile Marine Fund, the report upon which has not yet been made. Representations as to church and school attendance have from time to time been laid before the Board of Trade, who, while regarding with sympathy the object in view, have hitherto found the difficulties insuperable. I shall be happy to look into this matter, and to see whether anything can be done in the direction desired.

asked whether, having regard to the peculiar position of the canal children population, a similar arrangement might not be made as was to be made with regard to the children in lighthouses?

I need hardly point out the difference between canals and lighthouses. [Laughter.]

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War, whether the Commissioners of the Royal Hospital, Chelsea, have been able to arrange that some compensatory advantage should be given to the general body of its in-pensioners in consequence of the withdrawal, under the Regulations issued on the 22nd of June last, of the privilege, which they had enjoyed for more than 200 years, of selling their old clothing?

Arrangements have been made to give a grant of 7s. annually to every in-pensioner who had been allowed to dispose of his time-expired clothing previous to the change recently introduced forbidding the sale of the clothing by pensioners.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture, whether, taking into consideration the enormous loss that is being caused to the farmers of Scotland by the exclusion of Canadian store cattle, he can now hold out any prospect of the ports being reopened?

As the hon. Baronet will see from what I said when introducing the Diseases of Animals Bill, I can hold out no prospect of the unrestricted admission of Canadian cattle into the United Kingdom, and, as I then stated, I believe that the permanent maintenance of the conditions under which the trade is now carried on will in the long run be of benefit to all the various interests concerned.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade, if his attention has been called to the invention of Mr. John J. Boyle, Station-master at Bundoran Junction, for a combination of train staff and outdoor signals for the prevention of railway accidents; and, if he will consider the expediency of recommending it for adoption by Railway Companies?

It is the general rule of the Board of Trade never to recommend any particular invention for adoption by Railway Companies. I shall be happy, however, to send the particulars of the invention, which have been forwarded to me by the hon. Member, to the Inspecting Officers of Railways for their personal information.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with respect to the Circular issued to the Royal Irish Constabulary on 17th January, 1895, announcing that half the vacancies to the rank of district inspector would in future be open to head constables, has such an order been put into force since the issue of the circular; can he state how many district inspectors, head constables, and sergeants are there at present in the force who have completed their full term of service entitling them to a pension; and, how many head constables are there at present in the force who draw extra pay for work done outside their police duty?

No competitive examination of head constables under the Order has yet been held, as no vacancy for a district inspector has existed since the issue of the Order, nor does any now exist. I understand there are many district inspectors and men of all ranks who have completed the term of service which, under the Acts governing their cases, gives them the option of retiring; but as these men are in the full and effective discharge of their duties there is no reason why they should leave the force nor is there any power to compel them to do so. The Inspector General is not aware that any head constables draw extra pay for work done outside their police work, though there are, of course, indoor or clerical police duties as well as outdoor.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he will agree to the Return as to ships engaged in the Irish Cattle Trade, which stands on the Paper this day?

The Animals (Transit and General) Order of 1895 is of a general character, and I have no means of knowing what are the particular alterations which have been made in order to give effect to it in the case of each of the numerous vessels to which it applies. In these circumstances, I regret that it is not possible for me to comply with the wishes of my hon. Friend.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether the Government will bring in a Bill this Session to carry out the promise of the late Government to give a grant of not less than £15,000 to aid in establishing a Veterinary College in Ireland; and whether he is aware of the fact that a Royal Charter has been granted, and that the College cannot be founded without the promised grant?

I hope to be able to deal with this matter in the course of the present Session.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether the Government will introduce a Bill this Session to prevent the deportation of paupers into Ireland who have spent their lives and given their labour to districts in Great Britain?

I am not at present in a position to say whether I shall be able this Session to introduce legislation in the direction suggested, as the matter is now the subject of communications between the authorities in Ireland, England and Scotland, and must await the result of these communications.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—(1) whether his proposed Bill to amend the defects and omissions of the Irish Education Act of 1892 will be retrospective as regards the payments of the salaries of officers appointed by school-attendance Committees; and (2) whether it is his intention to insert any provision with reference to the extension of compulsory education to rural districts?

I hope at no very distant date to be able to introduce the Irish Education Act amending Bill; but, pending its introduction, I cannot make any detailed statement as to its provisions. I may say, however, in reply to the second paragraph, that, as at present advised, I am not prepared to include in the Bill a provision to extend the Act to rural districts.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that a telegram with reply paid was dispatched to Beyrout on the 17th instant, and no reply received for two days; whether it is a fact, as alleged by the postal officials, that the delay was caused by the Turkish authorities; and, whether the complaint from the father of the boy, whose son was seriously ill at Beyrout and who wished to get information, was represented to the Turkish Government?

The father of the boy might have learnt all that it was possible to tell him if he had applied to the Post Office, without the necessity for asking a question about it in the House. After some trouble, a telegram, which is probably the one to which the hon. Member refers, has been traced. It was handed in on the 17th instant, addressed to Beyrout. The answer was delivered early on the morning of the 21st. It is not the fact that the officials of the Post Office alleged that the message had been delayed by the Turkish authorities. All they knew was that there had been no delay so far as the Post Office was concerned. They are not even now aware that there are grounds for a representation to any of the telegraph administrations over whose lines the telegram passed. The addressee himself may have been unable to reply immediately.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether he is aware that in Ireland, there are over 2,500 deaf mutes of school age absolutely uneducated; that there are about 2,000 who in private institutions have received any education at all; that there is no State-aid, notwithstanding that in 1889 the Royal Commission reported in favour of legislation for these schools; and whether, in view of this state of things, the Government will introduce a Bill, with provisions similar to those which are in force in England and Scotland, in which State-aid will be granted for the education of these persons?

According to the census of 1891 there were at that time 2,462 deaf and dumb persons of all ages who were returned as uneducated throughout Ireland, but of these only 947 were under 20 years of age and only 729 under the maximum school-going age in Ireland—namely, 15 years. There were at the same date only 533 deaf and dumb persons of all ages in Charitable Educational Institutes in Ireland, of whom 358 were under 15 years of age. I am aware of the recommendations in the Report of the Royal Commission of 1889, and hope to be able at some time to introduce legislation dealing with the matter so far as Ireland is concerned, though I fear there is no chance of my being able to do so this Session.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will introduce a Bill, in accordance with the recommendations of the recent Departmental Committee on Prisons, in reference to habitual criminals and inveterate misdemeanants, providing for longer terms of detention in order to promote their reformatory treatment?

With regard to habitual criminals generally, I shall not be able to introduce legislation as to their treatment during the present Session. The view which is taken by the Prison Commissioners of the recommendation of the Departmental Committee on this point, and with which I concur, will be found in their memorandum of observations on the Committee's Report, which I shall shortly lay upon the Table of the House. Though in sympathy with the recommendation, it does not point to the necessity of immediate legislation. If the hon. Member has specially in mind the cases of persons continually convicted of drunkenness, I may say that a measure for the treatment of this one class of habitual offenders is in preparation, and will shortly, I hope, be introduced.

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether any further progress has been made in the negotiations for obtaining compensation for the relatives of the British subjects who lost their lives in the Kow-Shing, which vessel was sunk by a Japanese cruiser during the war between China and Japan?

Delay has been caused by the illness of the Chinese Minister, with whom the negotiations are to be conducted. The Minister being happily convalescent, they will now be proceeded with.

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War, if he could state to the House how many men have been enlisted during the last twelve months who are under the prescribed limit as to height and chest measurement; and, whether the above-mentioned measurements have in a great measure been modified in the last six months to suit existing circumstances?

During the year 1895 the special enlistments under standard of recruits were 5,780, showing a large decrease as compared with previous years. The conditions under which such enlistments are allowed vary from time to time according to the exigencies of the Service. It is difficult to explain these variations within the limits of an answer to a question. May I refer my hon. Friend to sections 6 to 10 of the Annual Report of the Inspector-General of Recruiting which has just been laid on the Table. It gives full information upon the subject. It shows that the great majority of these specially-enlisted men attain the full standard within their first year of service.

asked if there was any limit at all placed to the number of recruits so enlisting.

said no limit had hitherto been placed, but the number was kept within reasonable limits.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, whether any funds are at present available for antiquarian research in, and the preservation of, ecclesiastical ruins in Ireland; whether he is aware that at Ardagh, in the county Longford, there exist the ruins of the ancient cathedral of St. Mel, erected in the year A.D. 449, in the grounds surrounding which some very valuable antiquarian discoveries have been made; and, if funds are available, will he direct the attention of the Commissioners to this ruin, with a view to their renovating and preserving same?

The Board of Works have at disposal certain limited funds under the Irish Church Act and the Acts of 1882 and 1892 for the preservation of such ancient structures, ecclesiastical and others, as may be duly vested in them by the owners, but the funds alluded to are not available for antiquarian research. The ruins of the Ancient Cathedral of St. Mel have not as yet been vested in the Board, but inquiries will be made as to whether this would be desirable. It must, however, be borne in mind that the Statutes quoted do not allow of the funds being applied to renovation, as would appear to be implied by the question, but to preservation only.

asked the right hon. Gentleman whether he was aware that the churchyard in which the ruins of this Cathedral lay had recently been closed by an Order of the Local Government Board, and that therefore it was under their jurisdiction?

said he was not aware of this, and he did not see how it arose out of the question.

I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether it is the intention of the Commander-in-Chief to supplement the boot allowance to soldiers of the regiments taking part in marching drills?

Military manœuvres are not outside the ordinary duty of a soldier, and the marching involved in them cannot be regarded in itself as giving a claim to extra boot allowance. No general rule can, however, be laid down, but any special case will receive consideration.

I beg to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can inform the House from what fund was defrayed the excess of interest paid and credited to trustees of savings banks and trustees of friendly societies beyond the interest accruing on securities standing to the credit of the fund for the bank for savings and the fund for friendly societies, and which excess amounted for the year 1894 respectively to £18,777 2s. 3d. and £8,375 3s. 3d.

Any deficiency of income in respect of savings banks and friendly societies is required by the Act 40 Vic. c. 13, to be voted; and, accordingly, the deficiencies referred to for 1894 were voted by Parliament last August. (See Civil Service Estimates, 1895–6, page 473, Class VI., vote 3.)

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, whether in the five probate district registries in Ireland where the officials are paid by fees (viz., Cavan, Mullingar, Kilkenny, Ballina, and Tuam), the emoluments of those officials have steadily declined owing to the provisions of the Finance Act relating to small estates, though, owing to the operations of that Act, the duty payable on probate, &c., has materially increased, and the Act, by increasing the number of personal applications for grants, has thereby added to the work done by the officials; and whether effect will now be given to the promise of the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, made on the 24th July 1894, that the remuneration of these clerks would be considered if it was found that the existing rates of pay were not sufficient?

I find that on the 4th July 1894, the District Registrars who are paid by fees were promised that, if experience should show that their emoluments are injuriously affected by the Finance Act of 1894, the Treasury will be prepared to consider the question of awarding compensation. The present Government adhere to this pledge, and will be prepared to consider any representation on the subject which may be received from the Registrars. But the statistics to the end of 1895 show no decrease in the fees received by these five officers.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland— (1) whether he is aware that Joseph Dunleavy, Patrick Collins, Thomas Moran, James Flynn, Michael Rooney, Patrick Sweeney, Thomas Scanlan, Michael Doherty, Patrick Neary, and James Finan, all of Sligo, in the county of Sligo, have been served with notice to attend at the next assizes at Sligo and take their trial on the charge of riot, unlawful assembly, and affray, and that, in case they refuse to do so, bench warrants for their arrest will be applied for on behalf of the Crown; (2) is he aware that on the 4th February a magisterial investigation into the charges preferred against these men was held at the Sligo Borough Potty Sessions before 19 magistrates, and that after a hearing, at which the Crown was represented by eminent counsel, a majority of the magistrates decided that informations should be refused, and informations were accordingly refused; (3) is he aware that the minority of magistrates who took part in the magisterial investigation, and voted for returning the accused for trial, were present on the suggestion of the lieutenant of the county, before whom, as foreman of Sligo Grand Jury, the bills against the persons named are to be considered; (4) was the usual course departed from in this case; and, if so, why; (5) is he aware that the charges preferred against these men arose out of the disturbances occasioned by certain persons attempting to preach in the public thoroughfares doctrines antagonistic and offensive to the Catholic religion; (6) is he aware that the Mayor, on behalf of the Corporation, offered the preachers a room in the Town Hall in which to conduct their services; (7) is he aware that Protestants and Catholics alike in Sligo unite in protesting against preaching in the public thoroughfares of the town, and that at the recent magisterial investigation Mr. Garden, D.I., swore that until street-preaching was commenced in it Sligo was the most peaceable town he ever knew; (8) has he been requested by unanimous resolution of the Sligo Corporation to have the law so amended, if necessary, as to prevent annoyance by street-preaching; and (9) will he accede to the prayer of the Corporation, and pending legislation will he issue instructions that no further proceedings be taken against the persons named?

The facts are described with substantial accuracy in the first, second, fifth, sixth, seventh, and eighth paragraphs. I have no information regarding the third paragraph, and as regards the fourth paragraph, I have to observe that the usual course was not departed from. The depositions having been submitted to the Attorney General, he was of opinion that they established a primâ facie case against the defendants, which it was the duty of the magistrates to send forward to a jury for investigation In directing, under such circumstances, notices to be served on the defendants that Bills founded on the evidence taken before the magistrates would be sent up to the Grand Jury at the Assizes against them, the Attorney General followed the usual course.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman would make inquiries as to the third paragraph which he could not answer that day.

I hardly see how I can make such inquiries.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman would be prepared to give, on his application, a return of cases of a similar kind occurring in Ireland?

Order, order! The right hon. Gentleman has given his answer.

I beg to give notice that I will bring this matter before the House at the earliest possible opportunity.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether further information has been received with respect to the second massacre at Orfa, in the course of which, according to the Consuls, two thousand persons perished?

Yes. Two Reports have been received from Her Majesty's Consul at Aleppo, confirming the information contained in the tabular statement prepared under the direction of the Ambassadors at Constantinople. They arrived too late to be included in the last Blue-book.

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether any arrangements have been made to render Balintore Harbour available at all states of the tide; and, if not, whether it is proposed to take any steps in the matter?

The Harbour Works at Balintore have been completed in accordance with the plans drawn up and approved by the Trustees. The responsibilities undertaken by public bodies towards the erection of the Harbour have been discharged in full by the acknowledgment of the Trustees themselves. The plans did not include a deep water harbour, but only a fishing boat harbour. It is not proposed to take any further steps in the matter at present.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India—(1)whether in view of Article VI. of the Franco-Chinese Convention of 20th June, 1895, the Government of India will take steps for the connection of their telegraph system with that of China at Isumao, that of Siam at Kiang Hsen, and that of French Indo-China in the region of the Upper Mekong; (2) whether in view of the Anglo-French Agreement of 15th January last, which by guaranteeing the independence of the portion of Siam through which the route of the projected Burma-Siam China Railway runs, has removed all political obstacles to the construction of the said Railway through Siam, the Government of India will enter into arrangements with the Government of Siam for the execution out of Government Revenue of such Surveys and Estimates by railway engineers of the sections of the said Railway lying within their respective territories as are necessary for placing the line upon the market, or for the construction of the portions of the Railway lying in their respective territories by the Governments concerned; and, (3), whether, in view of the French Railway projects for tapping the trade of South Western China at Isumao, the Government of India will have explorations conducted and surveys made of the most feasible routes for connecting the Burmese Seaport of Rangoon with Isumao, so that the best route for a railway may be selected, and whether it will, on the completion of such surveys and explorations, either itself undertake the construction of the said Railway or facilitate its construction by private enterprise?

I have no information of an intention on the part of the Government of India to extend their Burmese telegraph system beyond its present terminus at Kieng Tung in the direction indicated. The Government of India has not expressed any intention of entering into arrangements for construction of the lines of railway suggested in the second and third paragraphs of the Question. Without entering into discussion of the matter suggested by the form of my hon. Friend's Question, I may observe that until the Kunlong Ferry Line is completed and the Siam Government has had time to consider its railway policy, any serious discussion of a Burmese-Siam-China Line to Sumao appears to me premature.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, whether, in view of the facts that harmless lunatics in workhouses are at present maintained at the expense of the ratepayers, the Government will see their way to extend to Poor Law Unions in Ireland the Capitation Grant of 4s. per head per week, as at present paid the Governors of lunatic asylums; and, whether he is aware that there is a large increase in the number of these harmless lunatics in some Unions in Ireland, and thereby a large expenditure put on the rates of those Unions which was not originally contemplated?

This subject is engaging the consideration of the Government in connection with a Bill which they have in contemplation for facilitating amalgamation of Workhouses and for making better provision for certain classes of the destitute poor in Ireland. I may point out, however, that the average weekly cost of inmates in Irish Workhouses is 3s. 3¾d. per head. There has been a slight increase in the total number of lunatics in some Workhouses and a decrease in others compared with the previous year, the total increase on the 31st December last being 34.

I beg to ask the Attorney General for Ireland, whether, in view of the large cost of acquiring lands compulsorily in Ireland for public purposes under the Labourers' Acts, the Drainage Acts, the School Sites Act, the Public Health Act, and other Acts of this kind, where only small plots of land are required, he will consider the advisability of introducing a Bill to modify, for the purposes mentioned, the existing procedure under the Lands Clauses Acts, which were originally intended to apply where lands were being taken for railways or otherwise on an extensive scale; and, whether he will adopt for the purposes mentioned, either the modifications of the Lands Clauses Acts contained in the Schedule to the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890, or some other method of simplifying and cheapening the procedure?

I agree with the hon. Member that it is desirable, if possible, to lessen the expense of taking small plots of land for the purpose mentioned in the question, and I shall consult with the Irish Local Government Board as to whether any steps could be taken to attain that object. I cannot however, at present, promise to introduce a Bill to amend the law in the manner suggested.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General—(1) whether, in Great Britain and Ireland, a penny or Foreign postcard is sold at its face value while a halfpenny Inland postcard costs ¾d.; (2) whether his attention has been called to the Treasury Minute, stating that the Departmental profit on the sale of the material of postcards amounts to £22,000 per annum; (3) whether the 10 centimes charged for a French postcard is its face value; (4) whether the 10 centimes is the cost of a French Foreign postcard; (5) whether 250 postcards can be sent from France to England for £1, as against 240 from England to France for the same sum; (6) whether the Treasury has recommended the Department to sell at least the thin Inland postcards at face value; and (7) whether arrangements could be made with the contractors to meet the Department in conferring this boon on the public?

The hon. Member is correctly informed as to the amount charged for single penny postcards in France and their cost as compared with that of English halfpenny postcards. As regards the figures representing the profit on the material, the late Secretary to the Treasury informed the hon. Member on April 29 last that they were no longer applicable. The reduction in the sale of official postcards caused by the larger use of private postcards has materially reduced the profit on the former, which was estimated at about £22,000 per annum in 1894. The sale of official thin postcards has fallen by 7,000,000 and of stout cards by 13,000,000—from 51,000,000 and 145,000,000 respectively. The answer to the hon. Member's third, fourth and fifth paragraphs is "Yes," and to the sixth paragraph "No." In regard to the charge made by the Post Office for Inland postcards in this country, I must refer him to the answer I gave on the 18th instant—namely, that the practice of charging for the material of the postcard is by no means confined to this country. In Germany 20 cards cost the equivalent of 1s. as against 11d. here. Holland makes a direct charge for the material. I may point out that if the public think that the Department makes an excessive charge for the material of the Inland postcard it is open to them to buy their cards elsewhere. I agree with my predecessor in thinking that it would not be fair to the private stationer to supply gratuitously the material of the official postcard.

asked the right hon. Gentleman whether any difficulty would be placed in the way of an hon. Member who desired detailed information obtaining it by private communication with the Department.

No. I should think that would be the better way.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to the hardships inflicted on tenants under Section 45 of the Agricultural Holdings (England) Act, 1883, as interpreted in the case Masters v. Green (Law Reports, 20 Q. B. D.), and whether he will consider the desirability of amending that section to remove such hardships?

I have read the Report of the case to which my hon. Friend refers, but I should suppose that the difficulty which then arose was quite exceptional, and I am not aware that any representations on the subject have reached the Department during the eight years which have elapsed since the case was decided. I should quite agree, however, that if anything like a general grievance existed, the subject might very properly be considered in the event of any convenient opportunity for legislation presenting itself.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury—(1) will he explain why the fees payable on attested copies of documents in the Cork and Belfast local bankruptcy courts have recently been increased by 50 per cent by a Treasury Order; (2) what the object of this increase is; (3) whether, though these local courts chiefly deal with small cases, the Stamp Duties and court fees are substantially the same as in the largest cases in the Dublin courts; (4) whether the revision of County Court Stamp Duties, now in progress, affects the Stamp Duties in bankruptcy cases; and (5) whether a special scale of Stamp Duties and court fees will be adopted for cases where the assets are small?

The fees on certified copies in local bankruptcy courts were recently increased from 1½d. to 2½d. per folio by the Lord Lieutenant, with Treasury concurrence. This was done in order to make the produce more commensurate with the cost of the service rendered; its effect is to make the scale the same as in the Dublin Court. The 3rd paragraph of the question refers to a different subject, and involves comparisons between scales of fees, which are very numerous, and some of which are specific, some ad valorem, and it has been found impossible to make any adequate comparison at such short notice. Any complaints as to inequalities in the fees are matters to be referred, in the first instance, to the legal authorities. The Inquiry into county court fees, now in progress, does not extend to bankruptcy fees. The question of a special scale for cases where the assets are small, is one primarily for the legal authorities to initiate, and the Treasury has, at present, no information on the subject.

May I ask what part of the folio goes to the Crown and what part goes to the copyist?

That is a question of detail. I will get the information.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, whether the Treasury have taken legal advice as to the requirement of the Irish Local Government Board that local authorities in Ireland, who have acquired land under Section 57, Sub-section 1, of The Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890, specifically for the purposes of Part III. of that Act, should obtain the consent of the Treasury under Section 57, Sub-section 3, and Section 98, Subsection 12, to the appropriation of the site for the purpose for which it has been acquired; and, whether the Treasury consider that such consent is necessary?

The Treasury have not thought it necessary to take legal advice as to the action of the Irish Local Government Board. So long as the law remains unaltered, it is at least open to question whether Treasury consent ought not to be obtained for the appropriation of any land, howsoever acquired, under the Act referred to. The Treasury have, therefore, suggested to local authorities that to obtain such consent is practically the safer course.

I beg to ask the Vice President of the Committee of Council on Education—(1) whether the question as to the option of teachers in infant schools to use phonetic reading books has ever come before the Committee of Council for decision; and, if so, when, and with what result; (2) whether he can state to what extent the right to use phonetic reading books in infant schools has been availed of by teachers; and (3) whether there is any objection to embody in the Code a statement to the effect that the use of such books in infant schools is permissible?

The answer to the first two paragraphs of the hon. Member's question is in the negative. With regard to the third, the Code neither prescribes nor forbids the use of particular books in infant schools; and the Committee of Council are not prepared to make an exception to this practice in the case of phonetic reading books.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, if this question has never come before the Council; how it is that he was able to inform me last year that pupils presented for examination in these very books would, if they passed, obtain the usual capitation fees?

I think the hon. Member has forgotten what I stated to him last year. I said that if such reading books were used, the Committee of Council would make no objection to it.

May I take it, then, that the Council have considered the matter to that extent, and have come to that decision?

No; it has not come before them. That is the decision to which they would come if the matter did come before them.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, if he can now state whether compensation will be made to Professor England, late of the Queen's College, Cork, for the injury sustained by that gentleman in having been compulsorily retired under the 65 rule, which was afterwards in Dr. Moffatt's case decided to have no application in such cases?

I am in communication with the Treasury in this matter, and perhaps, therefore, the hon. Member will be good enough to defer his question for the present?

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer, whether, in view of the fact that the annual licence duty paid by solicitors is in effect a tax on their incomes, and one of a character not payable by any other profession, he will consider the advisability of so amending the Income Tax Acts as to allow credit for the annual licence duty as against the Income Tax payable under Schedule D?

There is no provision in the Income Tax Acts prohibiting solicitors from deducting the amount paid for their annual certificates in computing their profits and gains for assessment under Schedule D, and I assume they do so deduct it.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, at what time the Postmaster General is likely to have come to a conclusion as regards an improved method of transhipping the mails at Kingstown and Holyhead; and, whether he can state the average time occupied in transmitting the mails under the present system on the occasions when an American mail is being forwarded?

The subject of transfer by machinery has engaged attention from time to time for many years past, but it is not easy to devise means which shall commend themselves to the companies concerned as well as to the Department. No unnecessary delay will take place in endeavouring to arrive at a settlement of the matter. The time occupied in the transfers under the present system varies according to the number of bags. An American mail consists of from, say, 300 to 800 or even 900 bags. The average time cannot be given without further inquiry but on a recent occasion, when 450 American bags had to be dealt with at Holyhead and Kingstown, in addition to the ordinary mail, the time occupied in transfer on each side was nine minutes or ten minutes in excess of the usual time.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury in what cases it is proposed to increase the Stamp Duties at present payable by litigants in Irish County Courts, and what the grounds of the proposed increase are, seeing that these duties were more than doubled in 1877; whether it is proposed to reduce the Stamp Duties in any case; whether he is aware that strong objection is made as regards the excessive amount of existing Stamp Duties in the case of decrees by default; whether, in the case of a decree by default for a debt of £2, at present whereas the total solicitor's costs amount only to 2s. 6d., the outlay amounts to 6s, viz., 9d. for service, and 5s. 3d. for stamps, as follows: On civil bill, 6d.; on copy, 6d.; on notice of decree by default, 1s.; on affidavit, 1s.; on filing affidavit with Clerk of Peace, 1s.; on entering civil bill, 3d.; on Clerk of Peace signing decree, 6d.; and on decree itself, 6d.; and whether these Stamp Duties will now be reduced?

The Committee which is considering the Irish County Court Fees has not yet reported to the Lord Chancellor of Ireland. It would obviously be premature to make any statement on the subject until the Report has been received and considered by his Lordship and the Committee of County Court Judges, who, pursuant to Section 83 of the County Officers and Courts Act, 1877, fix the fees with Treasury consent. The hon. Member has not allowed me time to make myself accurately acquainted with the details of the present scale of fees, but I believe that for debts of £2 and over his figures are correct. For debts under £2 the fees (or stamps) are 2s. 3d. instead of 5s. 3d.

asked, whether, in the Judiciary Bill it was proposed to introduce, the right hon. Gentleman would take into consideration the whole question of reducing fees to litigants?

could not answer the question without notice.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he can now state the results of the investigations of the Record Department as to the manner in which the gentleman commissioned to investigate and edit the documents in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland, has discharged his duties, in view of the complaints that the translations of the Latin of the documents contain gross blunders even on elementary points; that the arrangement of the abstracted documents is not chronological, and that much confusion results from this; that numerous errors of chronology have been committed arising from the want of knowledge and care of the editor; and that no translation or explanation is attempted of large numbers of obsolete and feudal and legal terms, or that they are mistranslated; whether special complaint has been made with regard to the Irish portion of the work, and of the errors resulting from the total ignorance of the editor of Irish topography and the forms of Irish local names; whether, in the next volume to be issued, there will be some attempt made to correct the errors in the two volumes issued in the shape of a list of errata; whether the Record Department will now procure competent assistance for the Irish portion of the work; and, whether they will consider the advisability of issuing the Irish portion of the work in a separate volume which would include the records dealt with in the two volumes already issued so far as they relate to Ireland?

It appears as a result of the Inquiry made that in some of the points to which attention was called, but not in all, the editor has made mistakes. Most of the errors found relate to Ireland, and a list of them and of any further errors which may be made known to the Record Office by the end of May will appear in the third volume. The arrangement of the abstracts follows the order in which the entries occur in the original registers, and is that adopted by French and Italian scholars. The editor has now the assistance of a coadjutor, who collates the proof-sheets with the registers, and abstracts relating to Ireland are examined by an Irish Dominican, resident at Rome, and familiar with the Vatican Archives. It is not considered desirable to reprint separately the abstracts relating to any particular part of the United Kingdom.

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether all the Powers have signified their assent to the recognition of Prince Ferdinand of Bulgaria?

Yes, Sir; it is believed that all the Signatory Powers of the Treaty of Berlin have signified their assent.

On behalf of the hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond), I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, will he explain why there has been no revision of the Waterford Telegraph Department since 1890, and also no promotions since that date, and what is the cause of the delay?

The Waterford Telegraph staff has quite recently been under review, and it has been found after careful inquiry that the staff was adequate for the work. The sanction of the Treasury has, however, been received for converting one of the second-class places on the women's side into a first-class place, so as to improve the relative proportion of the class. No recommendation for filling this place has yet been received from the Secretary of the Post Office in Dublin, but this has now been asked for.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether an unstamped letter (addressed to any person in the United Kingdom) marked "Registered," and inadvertently dropped into a letter-box, is liable to a fine of 8d. on delivery; and, whether this fine is levied in addition to the ordinary postage?

An unstamped letter marked "Registered" and dropped into a letter-box is liable to a registration fee of 8d. (instead of the ordinary fee of 2d.) in addition to the ordinary postage. In the question put by the hon. Member on Thursday he referred to "a letter enclosed in a registered envelope (for which envelope 2d. has to be paid);" and my reply was that in such a case the registration fee charged to the recipient would be 6d., namely, a fee of 8d., less what had been paid for the registered envelope.

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether, in framing an order for the election of parish councillors on the 9th March, he has taken into consideration that the annual assembly of the parish meeting is directed by The Local Government Act, 1894, to be held on the 25th March, or within seven days before or after that day, and the extreme inconvenience and expense which must attend the holding of two parish meetings in rural parishes within ten days or a fortnight of each other; whether he will state under which section of the Act the Board is empowered to fix the date of elections subsequent to the first elections in 1894; and whether such elections may not legally be held at the annual assembly of the parish meeting on the 25th March, or within seven days before or after that day?

The Local Government Board have fixed the 9th of March as the day for the election of parish councillors under the powers conferred on them by sections 3 and 48 of the Local Government Act, 1894, for prescribing the rules under which the elections of parish councillors shall be conducted. I quite recognise the possibility of inconvenience and I regret it, but I am afraid it is unavoidable. The Act provides that the elections shall be at a parish meeting or a poll consequent thereon, but there is nothing to require that it should be at the annual assembly of the parish meeting. The Board, in fixing the date of the meeting for the election, necessarily have had regard, first, to the time that must be allowed for the proceedings when there is a poll by ballot; secondly, to the date on which Easter falls in the present year; and, thirdly, to the fact that the new parish councillors will come into office on April 15. The annual assembly of the parish meeting will be on another day, and will be quite independent of the meeting for the election.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will consider the advisability of introducing an amending clause in the Local Government Elections Bill enabling the Local Government Board to fix the annual assembling of the parish meeting and the election of parish councillors on the same day?

asked whether, in the event of parish councils failing to hold this meeting for about three weeks, any penalty attached?

I shall be very glad to consider the suggestion of my hon. Friend, and if it turns out to be advisable and possible to make an alteration in that direction, I shall be glad to do so. It is, however, too late to make any move this year. With regard to penalties, I am afraid I must ask for notice of that question.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether it is the case that the charge brought at the Gorey Petty Sessions, on the 7th instant, against James Pelan, for being drunk and disorderly on his own licensed premises in the town of Gorey, was heard in the Grand Jury Room, in the Court House, and not in the Court where the ordinary Petty Sessions cases are heard; whether he is aware that Mr. M. Redmond, J.P., one of the Justices who sat on the Bench that day, denies that any case against Pelan was heard in open Court; whether, seeing that the Chief Secretary was informed that the charge against Pelan was heard in open Court, and that one of the presiding magistrates denies that statement, he will cause an independent Inquiry to be held on the facts of the case; and, what charges were brought against Pelan that day, what were the penalties inflicted, and who were the Justices who adjudicated on the charges?

The charge preferred against the accused was for being drunk on his own licensed premises, and was heard, so I am now informed, in the Grand Jury Room a few minutes before the Petty Sessions opened and in the presence of complainant, witnesses, solicitor for the accused, and the Clerk of Petty Sessions. I regret that I was misinformed when I stated, in reply to the hon. Gentleman's previous Question on Friday last, that the case had been heard in open Court. At the same time, it appears that the doors of the Court House had previously been thrown open to the public; there was free access to the Grand Jury Room, and no attempt was made to conceal the case from the public. On the application of the solicitor for the accused, and for the purpose of meeting his convenience, and with the consent of the complainant, the Resident Magistrate, who adjudicated, amended the charge by confining it to one of drunkenness, to which the accused pleaded guilty, and was fined the sum of 5s. and costs.

Why was the case heard in the Grand Jury Room in place of the ordinary Court House?

I believe it was to suit the convenience of a solicitor who wished to catch a train.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India, (1) if his attention has been called to the charges brought by the political agent at Jhalawar against the Maharaja Rana of that State, accompanied with a recommendation to the Viceroy for his deposition: if so, what action has been taken by the Government of India with regard to these charges. (2) Will His Highness have every opportunity afforded to him to defend himself publicly from these charges before any definite action is taken with regard to the recommendation for his deposition. (3) And, will the Secretary of State lay upon the Table of the House any Papers and Correspondence relating to this difficulty in Jhalawar?

My answer to the first part of the first question is in the affirmative, and to the second part that the reports of the political agent as to the oppression existing have been examined on the spot by the newly-appointed agent to the Govenor-General, whose report is under the consideration of Lord Elgin. The Maharaja Rana will be allowed every opportunity of submitting his reply to these charges. As soon as I have received the final decision of the Viceroy I will consider if Papers relating to this subject can be laid upon the Table of the House.

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, considering the great importance of the subject of the financial position of the country to the Post Office Savings Banks and the Trustee Savings Banks, owing to the very great rise in the price of Consols, the Government will accept the Motion put down for a Committee of this House to investigate the subject, or will they themselves move for a Committee, or give facilities for the discussion of the subject?

I informed my hon. Friend the other day that the Report of the Departmental Committee on this subject had not yet been presented, and, as at present advised, I am not satisfied that the appointment of a Committee to consider it would be advisable. I could not, therefore, undertake to ask the Leader of the House to give the hon. Member the facilities which he desires.

asked the right hon. Gentleman if he was aware that the surplus of the Post Office Savings Bank had fallen from £126,000 to £3,800, and whether, in face of that fact he did not think some inquiry should be speedily instituted into the Treasury regulations, which provided for a fund to meet depreciation in the value of securities, having regard to the high price of Consols?

could not answer a question of that kind without notice, but he thought the hon. Member was quoting the figures of 1894, and there was a larger margin in 1895.

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether there will be a vacancy shortly in the Director Generalship of the Army Medical Department? And whether it is true, as rumoured, that it is the intention of the War Office not to appoint the senior officer of the Department as successor to Sir William M'Kinnon?

There will in a few months be a vacancy in the post of Director-General of the Army Medical Department. Selection for appointments of this nature is made, subject to the approval of Her Majesty, by the Secretary of State, after considering the recommendation of the Army Board. The name of the officer selected will be shortly made public.

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, whether a sufficient sum will be provided in this year's Estimates for the completion of the harbour works at Port Ness; and, whether they will be completed this year?

A sufficient amount has been placed on the Estimates for 1896–7 out of which payment can, if required, be made for the completion of the harbour works at Port Ness, but it is not at present anticipated that they will be entirely finished by the 31st March, 1897.

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, whether provision has been made in the Estimates for proceeding with the construction of a lighthouse on the Flannan Islands during this year?

The Commissioners of Northern Lighthouses have included in their Estimates for the coming year a sum of £3,500 (out of a total of £21,985) for the erection of this lighthouse. The Estimates, which require the sanction of this Board, are under consideration.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether he has given consideration to the desirability of reorganising the Emigrants' Information Office, and making it more effective for the objects it has in view; and, whether he has any objection to indicating the improvements he contemplates in this connection.

The matter is under consideration, but I am unable at present to make any public statement.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department, whether, having regard to the desirability of identifying the users of cycles upon certain occasions, he will introduce proposals whereby all such persons shall take out a licence, the number of such licence to be conspicuously exhibited whenever the cycle is in use; and, whether, having regard to the heavy burden of local rating, especially in the agricultural districts, he will propose to grant such licence on the payment of a small fee, the sums thus raised to be used for the relief of local rates?

asked if the right hon. Gentleman entertained the suggestion he would also consider the advisability of recommending that the money so collected should be allocated for the purpose of providing a well-kept track for the use of cyclists.

The suggestion which the hon. Member makes for the licensing of the users of bicycles with the view to identification is one, I think, which deserves consideration, and shall receive it, though it is full of difficulties. Any small fee in payment of such a licence would naturally go in relief of local rates.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he will open negotiations with the Railway Companies in order to reduce the parcel post rates for all kinds of parcels, as the Department does not consider it practicable to introduce specially low rates for agricultural produce only?

The remuneration payable to the Railway Companies is fixed by Statute (45 and 46 Vic. c. 74, sec. 2). No alteration can be made in the terms (before 1904) except by a general reduction of the rates charged by the Department, which the Government are unable to assent to.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland—(1) whether he is aware that the infirmary of the county of Carlow is almost entirely supported by money voted by the Grand Jury of that county from the public funds at its disposal, and as there appear to be grave doubts as to whether the funds thus voted are applied in accordance with the law providing for and governing these institutions, and also as the accounts of this institution are not audited by a Government official, he will take steps to have the expenditure of these public moneys audited by a Government auditor, and see if the provisions of the law are carried out; and, (2) whether the incumbent of the Protestant Church in the town of Carlow has ex officio any legal right to act as a governor of that body since the Disestablishment of the Protestant Church in Ireland.

I understand that the Carlow Infirmary is almost entirely supported by money voted by the Grand Jury of the county. An audit of the accounts of county infirmaries would appear to be desirable, though it is a question whether legislation would not be necessary for the purpose. However, I shall look further into the matter, and see whether it is possible to carry out this object under the existing law. In reply to the last paragraph I am advised that the incumbent of the Protestant Church is still entitled to act as ex officio member of the Board of Governors, and that he has not been deprived of his rights in this regard.

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, if the post office in Enniskillen has recently been reported to the sanitary authority as in an unsanitary condition; and, if it is the intention of the Department still to continue the use of these premises for the post office there?

It is not the case that the post office at Enniskillen has recently been reported to the sanitary authority as in an unsanitary condition. It appears that about six weeks ago a sanitary sub-inspector served a notice on the landlord to repair a water-closet and urinal. The medical officer of health, however, decided that only the latter needed to be repaired, and that has been done. There is no intention of removing the post office from the premises at present.

I beg to ask the Attorney General whether his attention has been called to the congestion of business in the High Courts of Justice; whether, on the average, it takes longer in London for a case to come on than in provincial centres; and, if, as at present, a large number of the Judges are withdrawn from the High Court sitting in London, it would be possible to either increase the Bench or to appoint Commissioners to carry through the judicial business in London with greater promptitude?

My attention has been called to the congestion of business in the High Court of Justice. I believe it to be the fact that there is greater delay in respect of actions tried in London than there is in the case of those tried in some provincial centres. The question of the best method of dealing with this matter has been under the consideration of the Lord Chancellor and the Lord Chief Justice. The appointment of Commissioners is not desirable, save under exceptional circumstances. Personally, I think it will be found necessary, with a view to the dispatch of business, to increase the number of Judges, but in expressing this opinion it must be understood that I speak for myself only, and not on behalf of the Government.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, whether it is the intention of Her Majesty's Government to grant a reward to the troops who took part in the Ashanti expedition?

Lord Lansdowne is fully conscious of the services rendered by the troops employed in the recent operations in Ashanti, and as soon as the Official Report has been received the question will be considered.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, whether the Government intends to bring in a Bill to deal with the available grazing and agricultural land (nearly two million acres) referred to in the Report of the Deer Forest Commission?

Without committing myself to the statistical view implied in this question, I may say the Government have no intention of legislating in regard to the matter referred to during the present Session of Parliament; but, in common with other questions affecting the Highlands of Scotland, it is the subject of careful consideration.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, whether, in view of the fact that the Foreign Secretary, the War Secretary, and the Postmaster General are in the House of Lords, the Government will consider the desirability of following the practice in the Cape Parliament, where Ministers are entitled to attend both Chambers of the Legislature for the purpose of answering questions and making statements, but not of voting?

replied, that the practice might be found convenient in foreign Parliaments, but he did not think it was likely to be initiated in England by the present Government.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Government will propose legislation in pursuance of the Report of the University of London (Gresham) Commission?

replied that the matter was under the consideration of the President of the Council, who would shortly arrive at a decision.

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, whether he is aware that in many cases the first gale of rent under the second judicial term will become payable in Ireland on the 1st November, and that it is now competent for either landlord or tenant to give notice of application to have the rent fixed for such second term; and, whether, under these circumstances, he will introduce the Irish Land Bill before taking the Second Reading of any other Government Bill?

replied, that he did not think the statement of fact in the question was accurate, for he was informed that the first revised rent would not be payable until March 25, 1897. He did not think there was any probability of the Irish Land Bill taking precedence of the other Measures mentioned in the Queen's Speech.

said, that before the House proceded with the Debate on the proposed new Rules of Procedure he wished to call the Speaker's attention to the last paragraph of the rule, which directed that the proposed 20 days of Supply should be allotted so that the business of Supply be concluded before August 5; and to ask whether the pulling down of effective Supply was not a matter absolutely within the control of Ministers; and, whether, in the event of Ministers choosing to defy this rule, if passed, the House, or the Speaker as its officer, would have any means of enforcing that portion of the rule; and whether there was any precedent for the House adopting as one of its governing rules, a Standing Order which could be enforced neither by the House nor its executive officer.

said, he did not feel justified in expressing an opinion on the matter. The hon. Member's question did not raise any point of Order, or construction of any Standing Order. It was matter which might be used by way of argument for the rejection or amendment of the proposed Resolution. It was impossible for him to say that the rule would ultimately stand in the shape it did. But, in whatever shape it stood, he should then be ready to construe it to the best of his ability should occasion arise.

said, that to meet the view of the hon. Member, he proposed to alter the form of the rule to the effect that, unless the Government of the day had given 20 days before August 5, the Closure apparatus provided would not come into operation.

gave notice that to-morrow he would move:—"That the consideration of the proposed new Rules of Procedure have precedence [Cries of "Oh, oh!"] of the Orders of the Day and Notices of Motion on every day for which they may be appointed." [Cries of "Oh, oh!"]

presumed he would not be in order in discussing the Motion unless he moved the Adjournment of the House, which he did not wish to do. Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [20th February]:—

"(1) That, so soon as the Committee of Supply has been appointed and Estimates have been presented, the Business of Supply shall (until it be disposed of) be the first Order of the Day on Friday, unless the House otherwise order on the Motion of a Minister of the Crown, moved at the commencement of Public Business, to be decided without Amendment or Debate;

"Not more than twenty days, being days when the Speaker leaves the Chair for the Committee of Supply without Question put, counting from the first day on which the Speaker so left the Chair, under Standing Order No. 56, shall be allotted for the consideration of the Annual Estimates for the Army, Navy, and Civil Services, including Votes on Account, the Business of Supply standing first Order on every such day;

"On the nineteenth of such allotted days, at 10 o'clock p.m., the Chairman shall proceed to put forthwith every Question necessary to dispose of the outstanding Votes in Committee of Supply; and on the twentieth of such allotted days the Speaker shall, at 10 o'clock p.m., proceed to put forthwith every Question necessary to complete the outstanding Reports of Supply;

"On the days appointed for concluding the Business of Supply, the consideration of such Business shall not be anticipated by a Motion of Adjournment under Standing Order No. 17; nor may any dilatory Motion be moved on such proceedings; nor shall they be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House;

"Provided always, that the days occupied by the consideration of Estimates supplementary to those of a previous Session, or of any Vote of Credit, shall not be included in the computation of the twenty days. Provided also, that two Morning Sittings shall be deemed equivalent to one Three o'clock Sitting; and that, except in the case of a Dissolution of Parliament or other emergency, the said twenty days shall be allotted so that the Business of Supply be concluded before the 5th of August."—(First Lord of the Treasury.)

said that, on Friday night, his right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Treasury appealed to those who had experience of Supply whether the picture, half humorous and half sad, which he drew of the present conduct of business was not accurate. It could be said that in more than one capacity he had some little experience of Supply, and he was bound to say that, in the main, the description which the right hon. Gentleman gave was accurate. He would not say that the right hon. Gentleman's speech contained the whole truth—few speeches on any question did contain the whole truth—but in the description of the defects of the present system he certainly did not use too dark a colour. It was impossible to condemn too strongly the waste of time—["Hear, hear!"]—which accompanied the early sittings of Supply or the indecent haste which characterised the later sittings. ["Hear, hear!"] He also agreed with his right hon. Friend that the financial criticism of Committee of Supply was for the most part, if not altogether, worthless. ["Hear, hear!"] He did not know that in the criticism of finance as distinguished from the criticism of Administration the Committee of Supply had ever presented a very valuable spectacle; it certainly had not in recent years, and the observations made tended rather to indicate the unprepared condition of training and educational thought of the Members who engaged in financial criticism than anything else. [A laugh.] He believed it would be as advantageous if the financial work of the Committee of Supply were removed altogether from the House ["Hear, hear!"] and were confided to a small Committee, which, sitting regularly like the Committee on Public Accounts, might do some little useful service in examining whether too much money had not been spent for the piece of work here or there, or whether the salaries of the officials of this or that office were not unduly high, and what explanation was to be given of the fact that a particular person had got a personal allowance during his tenure of a particular office. All those questions were valuable in their way, but they might be asked with equal effect, with more effect, round a table upstairs than in this House, and there would be a considerable saving of time if the kind of criticism to which he referred, and of which there was a good deal in the last Parliament, could be relegated in the way he suggested away from the floor of the House of Commons. He also agreed with his right hon. Friend that a fixed term for Supply was a fact based on the nature of things. He would not say there was not a certain elasticity, a very small elasticity, about the length of time to which the sittings of the House might extend, but, so far as it depended upon Supply alone, the sittings never would be carried beyond a term which might be easily indicated, and that term was one which might be described as fixed, and so it might be said without much exaggeration or misrepresentation, that although they had not now got a peremptory closure of the Debates in Supply, it was in fact at a particular period brought about. ["Hear, hear!"] What the right hon. Gentleman said was true. They might not have the guillotine, but they had the rack. It was quite true that the rack did get applied somewhere about the first week of August, but it was not every joint that would bear the penalty of the rack. The rack was applied with discretion. A good deal of manœuvring and negotiating went on as to what limb should be amputated and what should be preserved, and, instead of the application of the remorseless machine proposed to be set up by these rules, what prevailed now was that when the early part of August approached men of both sides, especially those who were charged with the business of the House, began to negotiate with one another and to arrange what could be dropped and what could be saved, and a small minority, if they were bent upon securing the consideration of a particular Vote or a particular class of Votes, could get that Vote or class of Votes debated. ["Hear, hear!"] He recognised with the First Lord of the Treasury the desirability of getting a term fixed within which they might reasonably hope to get the business of Supply completed. Whilst he regarded the criticism of finance in Committee of Supply as farcical, it was, he thought, impossible to exaggerate the value which they should attach to the functions of the Committee of Supply as to its criticism of the Administration of the Government ["Hear, hear!"], and in any alteration which might be made in their machinery they should take some steps so as to secure that the different branches of the Administration should be brought in a definite, inevitable way under the consideration of the House, sitting in Committee, so that each branch of the Administration should be arraigned and investigated. ["Hear, hear!"] He did not know whether they would be warranted in saying that if the criticism of the Foreign Office and the Colonial Office had been more authoritative in past years we should have been spared some of the difficulties of to-day, but, if it be true that the Administration of the Foreign Office, the Colonial Office, the Board of Trade, with its influence on trade, the Treasury, and other departments should be carefully investigated, how much more true was it in the case of the Irish Department. ["Hear, hear!"] Ireland, unfortunately, had an extremely different local political life to England, and its government was largely directed through officials who, in the past if not in some respects in the present, were apt to look on the people as belonging to a different family to ourselves [Irish cheers], and the criticism in the past of the Administration of Ireland had fraught with the greatest good. He thought they might ask the Government that, while desiring to get the work of Supply done within a reasonable time, they would make an effort to improve the functions of Supply. ["Hear, hear!"] An improvement in the machinery, especially in relation to Supply, must be secured in order to attain the object which the Leader of the House had in view. ["Hear, hear!"] The right hon. Gentleman said that the proposals would, he thought, not take away any of the opportunities of private Members, and he added that it would increase the time at the disposal of the Government for the work of legislation. He did not understand how the right hon. Gentleman had arrived at either of those conclusions. [Opposition cheers.] If Friday was to be given up to the Government from the beginning of the Session there would be a loss of opportunity to Private Members and a gain to the Government in regard to time for legislation in consequence of the Friday being devoted to Supply. They were therefore, he thought, entitled to ask the Government to assist Private Members in securing that the amendment of the Rules should really effect some improvement in the transaction of the work of the House as a whole, especially in respect to Supply. ["Hear, hear!"] He thought there should be a fair guarantee given to the House that the great branches of administration would be efficiently surveyed during the time. For instance, a re-arrangement of the Votes would be required according to the subjects dealt with. The Votes might be divided into compartments, a certain allotment of days being allowed to each, thus securing a provision by means of which each branch of administration would receive proper attention. He would, therefore, ask the Government to present a scheme for carrying out the allotment of days to each Department of Supply. The Government came before the House with important proposals involving a radical change, and hon. Members were entitled, he thought, to call upon them to present a really working scheme, and the scheme could then be considered by the House. ["Hear, hear!"] No Private Member could possibly undertake such a task. ["Hear, hear!"] He thought that, upon the most moderate computation of the hours that should be allotted to the different branches of Supply, it would be found that 20 days were too few. ["Hear, hear!"] The House must have more than 20 days if it was to do justice to the principal departments of administration. ["Hear, hear!"] He would not undertake to say how many days were requisite, but he would defy anyone to make out a scheme which would not involve the necessity of a greater number of days than 20 being devoted to the work of criticism in Supply. It might be said, with some force, perhaps, that about the arrangement which he suggested there would be too much rigidity; but to meet that difficulty it might be arranged, instead of the automatic closure of Debate in Supply, that when the allotted number of days had expired on any particular class of Votes, the Minister in charge of the Votes under consideration might be left to claim that the Debate should be closed. With a scheme such as he suggested, giving a moderate increase of days, and insuring a proper classification of Votes into compartments, the whole work of Supply might be got through creditably to the House and usefully to the nation. ["Hear, hear!"] He would also suggest that great advantage might be derived from continuity of discussion, either in regard to legislation or Supply, and if Thursday, Friday, or Monday were devoted to Supply one week, those days in another week could be given to legislation. If it could be guaranteed that Supply would be disposed of at reasonable; intervals, the Government might be left free to decide whether or not any particular Friday should be given up to Supply. What he thought hon. Members might do, considering the practical question before them, was at once to give Fridays to the Government, and then ask them to submit to the House a scheme with regard to the allotment of the work of Supply in the sense he had suggested. It would be said that in the result there would be the same waste of time during the present Session as the House was familiar with in past Sessions. He did not think there would be. He thought that Committee of Supply would feel in entering upon its work this year it was rather on its trial, and that, if the sittings were given to Supply which the Government, proposed, hon. Members would find the work done in a satisfactory and businesslike way. But with the guarantees which would be provided he thought the House might hope for the removal of the scandals under which it had suffered. He was prepared to assent to the scheme of the Government, inasmuch as it gave them complete command of Friday, and inasmuch as it gave a certain number of days for the consideration of Supply; but at the same time he submitted these suggested modifications of what he thought would prove a working scheme for the disposition of Supply which in the future might save the House from the miserable spectacle it had witnessed in former years in the conduct of Supply. ["Hear, hear!"]

I think this House will feel that this is a matter to be governed very much by individual opinion, and that it is not one to be treated on the lines of Party organisation. [Cheers.] We have had the counsels of one who is, perhaps, more experienced in the business of the House, than any other Member of it, and I confess that the conclusions I have arrived at do not materially differ from those which my right hon. Friend has expressed. I agree in the general objects which the Government have in view. When I was responsible for the conduct of the business of the House and it was my duty to ask the House for additional time I have over and over again pointed out that the allotment of time for Government business is wholly insufficient for the present wants of the House of Commons. [Cheers.] Two days a week given to the Government and three days a week given to what are called private Members obviously constitute an arrangement which cannot work, never has worked; and it has always been necessary to make frequent applications relaxing the rule. There has been a sort of feeling in the House as if the interests of Government and of private Members were opposed, as if the Government are the inveterate enemies of the private Members. But, after all, what is the position of the Government in this House? It is the representative of the majority in this House and its authorised agent, and the business which the Government bring forward is the business which the majority desire to have transacted. [Cheers.] Therefore, it is plain that the majority of the House would desire, and do desire, that the Government should have adequate time to carry out that business; and it is only through the Government that any effective legislation, or, indeed, so far as the Estimates are concerned, any administration can be carried out. For these reasons I entirely agree with the general object of the proposal of the Government that Friday should be given up to the Government for Government business. It is a concession which takes the least away from the private Members. Then I come to the question of Supply. There I agree with the Government and my right hon. Friend that the present condition of Supply, and the manner in which it is transacted, is not creditable to the House of Commons. I agree with all that has been said as to the waste in the earlier days of Supply upon very trivial matters. ["Hear, hear!"] But the First Lord of the Treasury has intimated a very obvious remedy for that—namely, to put forward the important questions and to put the least important questions in the background; that is a remedy for the evil from which we have suffered. I also concur in the proposal that one day a week at least should be set aside for Supply. ["Hear, hear!"] I made that proposal last year. It has often happened in life that one suffers more from one's good work than from one's misdeeds. [Laughter.] The first day I set apart for that purpose was fatal to the Government. [Laughter and cheers.] Absit omen. [Laughter.] Then we all agree that there ought to be a rearrangement of the order of Supply. ["Hear, hear!"] That really is this most important reform placed before us, but I also agree that the Government have not thought it convenient to place this most important consideration before us in a manner we had a right to expect. It is in a very crude shape. We do not know how Supply is to be dealt with, whether, in point of fact, we are to be secured in the objects which everybody has in view—that Supply should be treated in a manner really useful to the House. I concur in what has been said that the economical treatment of Supply is no longer really an active force. You can do nothing in that direction with the Estimates. The only body that really controls the Estimates is the Executive Government; they endeavour to keep down the Estimates and to restrain the extravagance of the House of Commons. It is not the House of Commons that restrains the extravagance of the Government—it is exactly the other way round; and the Government will always endeavour to control the extravagance of the House of Commons, because they know very well that, though the House of Commons is always very anxious to spend money, it will not find the money which is to supply that extravagance; and therefore this consideration leads the Government always to keep down the expenditure so far as they can. Nor, again, do I set much store by the ancient maxim that grievance should always go before Supply. That maxim belonged to other days and to conditions which have ceased to exist. It belonged to the days when the Crown never called Parliament together, except to get money, and as soon as it got the money Parliament was dismissed, and no one knew when it would come together again. Therefore, it was absolutely necessary that grievances should be brought forward before Supply was voted in a lump. But now that we have an annual Parliament, and the Estimates voted in detail, the spirit of the maxim is no longer applicable, and, in fact, on Mondays and Thursdays any amount of Supply can be taken without the form of making any preliminary Motion. Therefore, as far as that part of the proposal of the Government goes, I think there will not be much difference of opinion. There is one part of the speech of the Leader of the House that I do not comprehend. He indicated a proposal that important Votes should be brought forward, should be debated, and then that the decision upon them should be postponed.

The decision of any Amendment might be postponed.

That is to say, having discussed the Foreign Office Vote, it should be postponed, and no decision upon it taken, and then the Committee might go on, say, to the Colonial Office Vote. As I understand the suggestion, then, these Votes themselves would be reserved for the guillotine at the end. That might be very convenient for the Government, but it would be very inconvenient to the House as a whole to postpone Votes in this fashion. But no doubt we shall have further explanations on this point. I agree that what we want is to have Supply properly marshalled for the purpose of discussion, and I am in accord with my right hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin. But all this, I think, points in the direction of not having a cast-iron rule with reference to the number of days or to the closure of Supply. The important subjects one year will be very different from the important subjects another year. [Cheers.] You may have a year in which you have no great foreign questions, no great colonial difficulties such as those we have to face to-day; and in this year I think you would want a far larger number of days for discussing these matters than you would need in the ordinary days of usual business. Agreeing, therefore, so far with the objects of the Government and their proposals, we now come across the proposal for a time limit which the Government have brought forward. I ventured a day or two ago to offer a friendly warning against the employment by Ministers of the word "never." [Laughter.] I think that if a week ago gentlemen opposite had been told that a Conservative Government would have come forward to make as the first proposal of a Conservative Administration the gag and the guillotine, they would have cried out with one accord "Never!" [Laughter.] That shows how short-lived "Nevers" are—with Ministers. [Laughter.] Why, the words "gag" and "guillotine," of which we have a painful recollection, which were shouted from those Benches (pointing to the Opposition Benches) flowed glibly the other night from the tongue of the First Lord of the Treasury. [Laughter.] He seemed to enjoy with unction repeating "gag" and "guillotine." He prefers the "gag" and the "guillotine" to the "rack," but the rack has only fallen into discredit since the Grand Inquisitor has become the Secretary to the Treasury [Mr. Hanbury]. [Laughter.] Now we are delivered from the rack and the torture-chamber is closed, and he is to put an end to the existence, by the guillotine, of his familiar who sits behind him [Mr. Gibson Bowles] by a merciful process of painless extinction. [Laughter.] These are marvellous revolutions in opinion in great parties. I ventured to point out the other day that changes of opinion of that kind were not infrequent in the Party that sits opposite. Why, no cause is desperate under these circumstances. [Cheers.] No conversion is beyond hope. Obviously, if we only wait a little time there is nothing which we may not effect. Well, Sir, we have had the gag and the guillotine—the names are not ours, the thing was not our invention—in operation three times I think. But these were under exceptional circumstances. They were remedies for what were considered desperate obstruction, but this is a proposal of a different character. It is to enshrine the gag and the guillotine, which have hitherto been exceptional measures, in the Standing Orders of this House. [Cheers.] I do not commit myself to the opinion as to whether or not under certain circumstances principles of this kind should not be applied. I am not at all averse to Gentlemen opposite casting down their ancient idols and worshipping new gods, and, after their manner, adoring what they burned and burning what they adored. [Laughter.] For the benefit of that happy openness of mind on the part of Gentlemen opposite has for generations enured to the interest of the Liberal Party. [Cheers.] If you choose to call this—the phrase used to be the "liberties of Parliament" and the "freedom of discussion"—if you choose to call it the rack I do not object to your using a shorter phrase. But I would ask the House to consider, if it is wise to do this thing, the conditions under which it shall be done. My right hon. Friend pointed out just now that it requires a great deal more consideration than the Government have bestowed upon it, and it ought to be brought forward in a manner far more considerate. I see the Secretary for the Colonies in his place. We shall hear him on this subject, because he is the real patentee of the project. His plan in its essence has been before the public now for a good many years. If I remember right, the title was "Shall we Americanise our Institutions?" But the views of the Secretary for the Colonies were a good deal more enlarged than those which are now before the House. The plan that he broached was the outcome of a larger mind than has yet developed itself in the Leader of the Conservative Party. Why is this to be confined to the Estimates? If there was any subject to which I would not apply the guillotine it would be finance. [Ministerial cheers.] I have myself been responsible for finance, and I have always declined to apply anything like violent closure to financial measures. ["Hear, hear!"] I have what is called a financial conscience. The First Lord of the Treasury the other night used a sentence which I cannot understand proceeding from so acute an intelligence as his. He said that "the Estimates were old and that Bills were new." The real truth is that exactly the opposite is the case. Bills, generally speaking—at least Bills which have any chance of passing—are old and familiar. We are going this Session to have an Education Bill. That is not a new subject. And so with all the great subjects which are dealt with in legislation. But, the Estimates are necessarily new in application, though they may be old in form. The subjects that we are going to discuss on them this year—the present situation of the country—are absolutely new. On the Foreign Office you are going to discuss Venezuela, and on the Colonial Vote the Transvaal. These are essentially new subjects, and the Estimates are much more novel in their character than are the Bills. It would be an idle delusion for anybody to suppose that you can introduce this system for one subject and not for another. ["Hear, hear!"] If there is to be the gag and the guillotine you will inevitably have it applied to matters other than the Estimates. In my opinion, if it is to be applied to finance, it ought to be applied ten times more to legislation. [Cheers.] Indeed, as I understand it, it was the idea of the Colonial Secretary that, with reference to every Bill introduced, a certain number of days should be laid down within which the Bill should be disposed of. I should have been glad enough in 1894 if I could have laid down the number of days which the Finance Bill of that year should occupy. I was put under great pressure to do it, but I steadfastly refused. [Ministerial cheers.] And what was the number of days occupied upon it. Thirty-seven days. That is, as nearly as possible, double the number which you are going to give to the whole Estimates. At all events, I think I may say that I acted up to the principle I am professing. And what was the consequence? The Finance Bill began not much before May, and in spite of the 37 days we got through that and a good many other Bills, and the House rose before the end of August, though the Session necessarily, in the condition of things then existing, began much later than usual in dealing with business. The right hon. Gentleman on this subject made a remarkable statement. I have always thought it was the case, but I never heard it so frankly avowed before. He said:—

"Every Opposition is under the belief that by hampering the Government in carrying out its programme it is dealing, if not a mortal, at all events a serious blow to the Administration."

Well, no man is more entitled to make that statement with authority than the Leader of the Opposition in the last Parliament. [Cheers.] "He best can paint it who has worked it most." No doubt those were the principles on which the Opposition was worked in the last Parliament. I have never myself admired that principle, nor do I think it to the advantage of Parliament—[Ministerial cries of "Oh, oh!" and laughter]—I understand these interruptions, and I challenge an examination of my record upon that subject. ["Hear, hear!"] I have never opposed a Bill, nor have I thought it a fair or useful means of opposition to discredit a Government merely by obstructing their legislation. We have given such opportunity as we had of proving that we agree with and act upon that principle this Session. Although the Queen's Speech involved, I should say, ten times more matter for Debate than any Queen's Speech I ever recollect, the time taken in disposing of the Address was about half that which it occupied last year, when Amendment after Amendment was piled up. There is another thing I protest against and should be sorry to see acted upon now, and that is the system of endeavouring to prevent the Government from bringing in their Bills without protracted discussion. That again, I think, is a thing which ought to be avoided. I say, then, that it is quite obvious that if you are going to apply this principle to finance you must apply it to legislation also. You may depend upon it that in this Resolution you are only in the Girondin stage of the revolution. [Laughter.] You may set a good example, but your example will be bettered naturally in due time. I, for my part, am willing to give every possible assistance in improving the procedure in this House. I have the misfortune to be one of the oldest Members of it, and I have suffered for a good many years the "rack." [Laughter.] But I confess I am not enamoured of those scenes which I have witnessed at 10 o'clock, when, against the will and without the consent of the House of Commons, a vast number of Votes are taken. This I will say, that those scenes are amongst the most painful of my Parliamentary memories, and I am not very willing to see them made perpetual. ["Hear, hear!"] I do not think that, at all events for the present, it is the least necessary that we should go as far as the Government are proposing to do. ["Hear, hear!"] I am quite willing to give the Friday. I am quite willing, and indeed desirous, that Supply should be marshalled in a manner so as to secure full discussion of the most important subjects. But I want to know why more is necessary, at all events for the present. ["Hear, hear!"] Why don't you try how far that will carry you first? [Cheers.] I entirely agree with my right hon. Friend. I do not understand what the Government means by saying:—

"If you don't give us all we will take nothing, because by giving us Friday we obtain nothing."

They obtain, from the beginning of the Session, 25 days which may be devoted to the Estimates; and of course all the rest of their time is discharged of that burden, and is applicable to other Government business. And they gain a great deal more than that, because I think they give general satisfaction to the House in feeling that in thus ordering Supply it has the opportunity for important discussion which it wishes, and if you satisfy the House of Commons in that matter you will get on much better than you would under present circumstances or under a reign of coercion. ["Hear, hear!"] I have never been myself a very great closure man, and I was thinking the other day that in August last the Closure was applied more frequently than in the whole of the two preceding years. [Cheers.] But it is necessary at times to employ the closure, and it is a useful power to possess, though it never puts the House in a very good humour. And when the House is not in a good humour none of these resources really avail you to save your time. [Cheers.] The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House says that to take Fridays will not give the Government more time for legislation. I cannot understand that. It seems to me that every additional day you get for Supply must give you some more time for legislation; and by taking Fridays you get a large number of days for the purpose.

Not before the 5th of August.

I do not understand that. But the right hon. Gentleman says, "When we come to the fateful 5th of August there will probably be an increase of the number of Votes which will remain undiscussed." Well, that is a very serious state of things. ["Hear, hear!"] The right hon. Gentleman has already said: "It is true that it is a disadvantage that so many Votes should be passed without discussion;" and yet he tells us that under this system we shall have more Votes passed without discussion than at present. I confess, if you are to have Votes undiscussed, I would rather have it by the consent of the House than against the sense of the House. [Cheers.] I would rather that discussion faded out if under the rack, than that it should die a bloody death under the guillotine. [Laughter and cheers.] I venture to say that if the Government will trust to the good sense of the House of Commons in this matter they will save a great deal more time than by the closure. ["Hear, hear!"] If you hold up to the House of Commons this menace of a violent end on a particular day, the shadow of that coming death will cast a gloom over the whole of the Session; and a great part of the Session will be occupied in endeavouring to defeat that impending fate. [Laughter and "Hear, hear!"] I do not believe that that is the way in which you will best come to an end of the Session. In stopping one hole you will, I believe, open a great many more. If you endeavour to fix a limit of this kind you will set a great many ingenious people to work to try and defeat your purpose, and they are extremely likely to do it. [Cheers.] I have experience of this fact. If the House of Commons finds that in your regulation of Supply you have practically given it the opportunity for those important discussions which it desires, it will have no greater wish than you have to unduly protract the Session. I confess that I have not a great deal of sympathy with those moans which we have heard over misery and exhaustion. ["Hear, hear!"] They seem to me rather to indicate something of that degradation of the race of which we have read. [Laughter.] I remember Mr. Disraeli in this House saying how shocked he was by people saying they could not sit up till two o'clock in the morning. In the old days people were not so delicate. It may be that in these respects we are inferior to our fathers; but if the right hon. Gentleman will only try persuasion in this matter instead of coercion I believe that he will get away as soon as he desires to the golf links. [Laughter and cheers.] I think it will be far better to take Friday to reorganise Supply, and to make an appeal to the House of Commons that we may all work together in order to make the Committee of Supply what it ought to be in order to conclude the business of the House at a reasonable time. The right hon. Gentleman will find that there is no truer maxim than this—that if you want to lead the House of Commons you should not endeavour to drive it. [Cheers.]

The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down declared this to be a matter which should be settled by individual opinion rather than by Party organisation; but those who listened to his amusing speech will regret that in the latter part of it he departed from that excellent principle. As a private Member who was in the House some 15 years before the right hon. Gentleman himself, I desire to intervene in this Debate. [Cheers.] There is a considerable difference between the opposition of the right hon. Member for West Monmouth and that of the right hon. Member for Bodmin. The former asks the Government to trust to the sense of the House of Commons, and complains that this scheme is too definite. But the latter asks for more particulars, for a full and complete scheme, and if necessary for a reference to a Committee. If there is one thing I wish it is that, for heaven's sake, this matter should not be referred to a Committee. [Cheers.] If there is one thing more than another for which, as a private Member, I feel grateful to the Government, it is the promptitude with which they have come forward at this early stage of the Session with a scheme of their own, carefully thought out, to put an end to a state of things which has produced many scandals in the House of Commons. ["Hear, hear!"] I could not tell the number of these Committees on which I have sat within the last 40 years. In 1878 I sat during the whole Session under the chairmanship of Sir S. Northcote, and in 1886 I sat under the chairmanship of the present Leader of the Opposition. Everyone knows what Committees on this subject mean. They are very large; they call before them the Speaker and the ex-Speaker and all the learned authorities. About midsummer comes a Report. Then in a month or so the evidence is printed. The dog days have arrived, and it is too late to discuss the Report. And so another Government might possibly imitate the example of Mr. Gladstone's Government in 1882, and call the House together in October to consider the Report. I support the proposal of the Government because it is intended to restore Supply to the position it ought always to occupy and long did occupy in the House of Commons. Both the First Lord of the Treasury and my right hon. Friend the Member for Bodmin agree as to the importance of having ample time for discussing the administrative action of the Government in Committee of Supply. But that is not the only value of the Committee of Supply. It is quite true, as the First Lord of the Treasury said in moving this Rule, that the days of jobbing arid wasteful Government were at an end. But on the other hand our expenditure has for the last 40 years, ever since the Crimean War, gone up by leaps and bounds. I am aware that a great deal can be said in defence of that increase in expenditure. Mr. Gladstone said over and over again that the tendency of the House of Commons in late years had been to increase and not to diminish expenditure. But the House of Commons can and ought to do much towards keeping down expenditure by careful investigation of the Estimates in Supply; and I believe the new rule by securing for Supply a regular and continuous consideration, will greatly conduce to economy in expenditure. We shall have under this Rule 20 working nights for Supply. Every Friday night Members will come down to the House and give all their time to the consideration of the various questions raised in Supply. It is said that the private rights of private Members will be interfered with by this proposal. I do not agree with that. I believe that what the First Lord of the Treasury said is literally true, that the opportunities of private Members for useful work will be greater under this Rule than they have been for many years. Why has not careful attention been given to Supply? I am old enough to recollect the days when the seat now occupied by the hon. Member for King's Lynn was filled by Mr. Hume, who attacked the expenditure of the Liberal occupants of the Treasury Bench of those days as the hon. Member for King's Lynn is expected to attack the present Secretary to the Treasury. Mr. Hume was a thorough economist. He was born with a thirst for thrift. But, apart from that, he was one of the most conscientious and indefatigable workers that ever sat in the House of Commons, and he made his mark as a private Member in the consideration of the Estimates because he brought to bear on all matters that came before the House in Supply a knowledge generally beyond the knowledge of the Secretaries of the Treasury of the time, and to show that private Members may obtain honourable distinction in this House by their labours in Supply. I need only remind the House that the bust of Mr. Hume occupies a conspicuous place in the Library of this House. Members latterly have had no opportunity of achieving such distinction. Intervals of three weeks have often elapsed between the occasions of Supply. Half a night might be given to it and it would be then postponed. It would be adjourned again and again until August, when it would be rushed through. But Members will now know that they shall have a night set apart every week in which to discuss the Estimates, and they will come down and join in the discussion. I think far greater importance has been attached to the guillotine, the rack, and the gag than they deserve. The Government, I feel sure, do not stand to 20 days' time for Supply, or 21, or 25 days. This Resolution is elastic as regards the number of days. For myself I hardly think 20 days is sufficient. If the Government will accept this Rule as a Sessional Order, they will gain by the experience of seeing how it works; they will be able to elaborate in detail that which is now sketched in outline; they will see how to improve the Rule, and when next February the time arrives for the Government to ask the House to turn what is a Sessional Order into a Standing Order, it can be finally settled with general assent of the House. I hope the House will cordially and gratefully accept in their main outlines these Resolutions, for I do believe it is an honest effort on the part of the Government to restore the dignity of the proceedings of the House, and give a useful turn to our Debates in Supply.

said, he did not agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bodmin that the House ought, without knowing the intentions of the Government, to give up Fridays for the purposes of Supply. No matter what might be said on the subject, it must be clear to the minds of every hon. Member that if Fridays were given to the Government, the Government would thereby secure 25 days more in the Session than they now possessed, except so far as they took Fridays towards the close of the Session by special Resolution. He would like to point out to the House the circumstances under which the Resolution was proposed to the House. His experience was that he had great difficulty in understanding what the bearing of the Resolution was. He thought that as the Resolution originally appeared on the paper, it was a perfect absurdity. In its original form it stated that "the provisions of Standing Order No. 26 shall extend to every sitting of the House." Now, what was Standing Order No. 26? It ran—:

"That whenever Committee of Supply takes the first Order of the Day on Mondays or Thursdays, the Speaker shall leave the Chair without Question put."

How could that Standing Order be applied to every sitting of the House? The First Lord discovered that, and he altered the Resolution by leaving out those words and substituting for them the words: "That Standing Order No. 26 be amended by omitting Mondays or Thursdays." Again at question time that day, his hon. Friend, the Member for Cork, further illustrated the carelessness with which the Resolution had been drafted by pointing out blots which the First Lord acknowledged and said that the Government were prepared to meet them by Amendments. He would also like to point to the provision that on the nineteenth day, when the guillotine began to operate, the proceedings could not be interrupted or shortened by any Motion for adjournment, or by any dilatory Motions. But so far as he could understand the Rule there was no provision which would prevent a Motion for the adjournment of the House being made on any of the other days allotted to Supply. Within two months of the first Session of the late Parliament there were no less than seven or eight Motions of adjournment—all on questions affecting the Irish Administration and directed against the late Chief Secretary; and there was nothing in the Resolution to prevent those tactics being followed on seven or eight of the 20 days set apart for Supply. All this showed that this most revolutionary proposal—the most revolutionary, in his opinion, that had ever been made in connection with the procedure of the House of Commons—had been introduced by the Government with great haste, carelessness and levity. A man in the position of the First Lord of the Treasury and Leader of the House ought to be ashamed of himself to propose as a Standing Order a new Rule in which private Members, in a few hours, could pick so many holes. It had been argued that in recent Sessions the condition of Supply had been scandalous and that a remedy ought to be applied. If that were so, whose fault was it? If the discussions were too long the Government had the Closure to resort to, and they had not hesitated to use it when they thought it necessary, the discretion of the Speaker being the only check upon their doing so. It was rather hard on private Members to blame them when the Government had it in their power to stop obstructive discussion at any moment. This proved irresistibly that discussion on Supply had not been of that character. The conclusion to be drawn was that Parliament was over-weighted with business; and the only alternative conclusion was that the Government had deliberately allowed Supply to be obstructed. The ground was completely cut from under the feet of the Government; they had power to regulate discussion and to keep it within due limits; and, if they had not used that power, it was their fault that the discussions had been prolonged. Further evidence of the levity with which these proposals were submitted was furnished by the interesting speech of the First Lord of the Treasury in the fact that it did not throw any light upon the subject of the Resolution; it produced the impression that he had not applied his mind to the question how it would work, and that he had no plan in his mind as to the arrangements for taking Supply, if the Resolution was to be carried out. The right hon. Gentleman made some most extraordinary propositions which would result in enormously increasing the congestion of business in Supply and adding to the delay in the voting of money. This was the first time in the history of the House of Commons that a revolution in its proceedings had been proposed without any cause being shown. For all previous proposals of the kind excuse was found in prolonged struggles, all night sittings and what was accounted gross obstruction; but now nothing of the kind was alleged to have occurred since the Debates on the Home Rule Bill, when the Opposition was led by the right hon. Gentleman himself. If ever there was a time when the Leader of the House might be expected to carry on business with existing machinery that time was the present, when the Government had an almost unparalleled majority. No case had been made out; and in that respect the present proposal stood entirely apart from any previous one. Then the proposal was made in a House which had just been elected and which contained about 200 new Members with no experience to guide them. This was not the first time they had to thank the right hon. Member for Bodmin for a far-minded and sympathetic reference to the opposition of Irish Members; and as an Irish Nationalist Member he was bound to oppose this new departure. It would undoubtedly strike a new blow, and the heaviest ever struck, at the rights of minorities. The Irish Nationalists always had been, and always must be, a minority, for they neither expected nor desired to occupy seats on either of the front Benches. So centralised was the Government of Ireland in the absence of local institutions that Irish Members were forced to much more detailed criticism of the action of the Executive than English Members felt called upon to give to Government in this country. The Irish matters furnished the Irish Members with their opportunity of criticising their centralised departmental Government. The First Lord of the Treasury was obliged to admit that the discussion of the Estimates on successive Fridays, with intervals of a week, would be an intolerable grievance to Irish Members, if adopted in the case of Irish matters, and he said there was nothing to prevent a week or a fortnight being continuously devoted to Supply, and that the Government would of course take care that the time devoted to the Irish matters would be allotted in such a way as not to put Irish Members to inconvenience. True, it was no necessary part of the Government scheme to go from Friday to Friday, but it would be the normal condition of things. The right hon. Gentleman said that no Government within their memory had been known to arrange business with a view to evading criticism or putting a considerable section of Members to inconvenience; but Irish Members could remember the time when the Government of the day, whether Liberal or Conservative, habitually arranged the Irish Estimates, so as to inconvenience Irish Members or evade their criticisms. He remembered well when it was the customary practice to postpone the Irish Estimates till the dog-days in the hope that, wearied out, they would go to Ireland and would not return; and that was at last met by organisation among Irish Members, so that the Government did not succeed in evading their criticisms. He quite admitted there had been a great improvement in the deliberations between the Irish Members and Secretaries to the Treasury to whatever Party they belonged, and the convenience of Irish Members had been more amply consulted as regarded the arrangement of the Estimates. But that practice, he held, arose from the fact that Irish Members, like other sections of private Members, had it in their power to put the Government, to a certain extent, on the rack if it were not followed. The Leader of the Opposition had said it was a choice between the guillotine and the rack. The enormous difference to them was this. In the past the Irish Members, and in fact all private Members, had certain resources against the Government, and they could put the Government, to some extent, on the rack. But the right hon. Gentleman now proposed that the rack should be taken from them, and that the guillotine should be placed in his hands. The difference was an extremely important one to them. The right hon. Gentleman had held out the prospect that under this new Rule it would no be at all necessary—and he thought he hinted that it would not be at all desirable—that an important Vote proposed in Committee of Supply should be concluded on the night when it was proposed. He quoted the case of the Foreign Office Vote, and said that if that Vote were taken up say on a Thursday and debated on Friday, it might be adjourned to some other day. He assumed that that was thrown out as a bait for the hon. Member for Northampton, to whom, he imagined, it would be delicious to have an innings at the Foreign Office one or two days every month. But that was not a course likely to lessen the congestion in Supply. He would, however, make a proposal to the right hon. Gentleman. He had thrown out a great bait to the hon. Member for Northampton. Let him throw out a bait to the Irish Members. He did not say they would take it, but the right hon. Gentleman might angle for them. Let him promise that the salary of the Chief Secretary should be dished up every first or second Friday for a month. That was in accordance with the proposal of the right hon. Gentleman. It might go a long way to disarm their hostility. He did not commit himself at all on behalf of the Irish Party, but he did say that they would be obliged, in his judgment, to take time to consider the proposal. It was all very fine to talk about the convenience of the Irish Party being conciliated. They had learnt not to trust such statements. Speaking as a private Member, he accepted the statement of the Leader of the Opposition that there were many occasions when the two Front Benches confederated against private Members. It was not in human nature that they should not do so. It was only in human nature that those who had been in office and on the rack, and who hoped to be on the rack again, should have a common desire to facilitate the transaction of the business and to ease the labour of the Government. The private Members looked at the thing from a different point of view. They wanted to secure the rights of minorities and the rights of criticism, and when he was told by the right hon. Gentleman that they could absolutely rely upon the convenience of Irish Members being consulted in the future, he replied that, if this Rule were passed, he did not believe a word of it. The pressure of circumstances, and the pressure of Ministers' convenience, would drive them to ill-treat minorities, and to deprive them of a full discussion of the Irish Estimates. The proposal was to give 20 days to the Estimates. Those 20 days must be apportioned and parcelled out by some process between the different classes. He would rather take his chance in the apportioning out of the Estimates by means of private negotiations with the Secretary to the Treasury than he would to the hard-and-fast and cast-iron arrangement of Committee. But whichever plan was adopted, what would inevitably happen? Ministers would say: "We have the Army, four days; we have the Navy, five days; we have the Colonies and the general administration of the Empire, so many days; and is it for a moment to be supposed that Ireland, a small corner of the Empire, is to take up the same space of time as these matters?" These subjects would be pressed on the Government, and their own view would tend in the same direction; and, therefore, he foresaw that, by the inevitable operation of a great and irresistible force, in the apportioning and measuring out of the time for the Estimates, Ireland, year by year, would be pushed more and more into the background. He wanted to turn for a moment to a great and historic Debate which took place on the earliest of these proposals for limiting the right of speech in this House—the proposals which were made by the then Member for Midlothian in the year 1882, which were not made with the levity of the present proposals, and which had their justification in all-night sittings, in scenes of violence—it was just after all the Irish Members had been expelled—and extreme obstruction. Those discussions were prolonged for 30 nights, although that change of procedure was not nearly so violent or so far-reaching as that proposed in the present Rule. He was reminded, too, that the Debate on the Closure Rule took 20 nights. The opposition to the Rules of 1882 was led by some of the men who were now engaged in so lightly proposing the present Order. At that time the right hon. Gentleman who was now the Leader of the House was an independent Member sitting below the Gangway, and he delivered a speech the sentiments of which he more cordially agreed with than those of the present occasion. The right hon. Gentleman was then opposing the Closure Rule. What enormous progress had been made by the Tory Party since then. He regarded that Resolution then as tampering with the Constitution in the most reckless manner, and as revolutionising the Session. Although a great number of the Members of the House had been expelled, after scenes of violence, and although there had been sittings of 48 hours and 60 hours, the right hon. Gentleman thought there was no justification for such a Resolution as Closure by a bare majority; and now, without a shred or a shadow of an excuse, he proposed a Resolution which was far more drastic and far more reaching in its operation. If they once introduced this principle of a time closure, there would be nothing illogical in a powerful Minister saying, "Why waste 20 days on Supply?" If 20 days devoted to Supply resulted in the guillotining of a number of measures, Ministers would then say that 20 days were too much and would propose a further limitation. No such thing was ever proposed before as to interfere with the liberty of discussion except cause was shown and the circumstances were urgent. They were now asked, without cause shown, and without any urgency of circumstances, that they should measure out the time and the liberty of speech of Members just as a man measured cloth over a counter, or tape to a customer. They were asked to make a totally new departure in the history of the House of Commons, and to introduce a principle that no Minister had ever dreamt of asking the House to adopt. He would read one of the most remarkable passages he ever listened to in that House from a man who, all through the years of his membership was in opposition to the Irish Members, but those of them who knew him privately knew he had a warm heart for Ireland and the Irish people, and was really anxious to convert his Party to a true policy towards Ireland. He alluded to Lord Randolph Churchill, who, on the occasion of a great Debate, broke away from his Party, saying he could not imagine—

"Any thing more deplorable, more full of evil and disaster than the continual recurrence of the spectacle of two great Parties uniting only for the purpose of suppressing the Irish Members. He defied anyone to conjecture any method more certainly and infallibly calculated to produce not only an Irish Parliament, but perhaps even Irish Independence."

That was the deliberate opinion of Lord Randolph Churchill at the time, and had not the last 15 years amply justified that view? Every single concession that had been won for Ireland by Parliamentary action alone had been won by the persistent criticism of the Irish Members on the Estimates. That had been, practically, the only means they had of bringing the force of public opinion to bear on the Government of the day, and it was by the Estimates alone they could make known to the House and the Government what were the feelings and wants of the people of Ireland. This gagging Resolution, which had been introduced without a shred of excuse, was really, when stripped of the glamour thrown around it by the speech of the First Lord of the Treasury, mainly and primarily directed against the Irish Members. The right hon. Gentleman or his brother, who was governing Ireland, ought to be the last man to attempt to take away from the Irish Members the one power remaining to them in that House. He ought not to be the man to direct against Ireland and her representatives the most disabling and gagging measure ever proposed by any Minister in the history of Parliament. The right hon. Member for Bodmin spoke of alternatives, but the simple truth of the matter was contained in the fact that the House of Commons undertook to do too much. The greatest authority on Parliamentary Procedure and the greatest Leader the House had seen during the present century, had laid it down as his deliberate conviction that the real and only cause of the congestion of business in Parliament was that the House of Commons had imposed too much labour on its shoulders, and when they endeavoured to remove that congestion by Rules and Regulations, they were putting the cart before the horse, and they would never succeed in remedying the state of congestion by that means. What had been the history of the past 10 or 15 years? Government after Government had propounded fresh codes of Rules and Regulations to expedite business, and now, after fifteen years of this work, they were beginning it all over again. Those new Rules and Regulations had, to some extent, curtailed the rights of private Members, but they had not removed the evil which Ministers, indeed, had failed to understand. The only effective remedy that had hitherto been applied was that of Standing Committees, which had undoubtedly done something to remove the congestion and facilitate the work of Parliament. He would suggest two remedies. The first was to devolve on other bodies a great part of the business done in Parliament, reserving to Parliament the right of supremacy and the control over the forces of the Crown. As regarded the wish expressed by the First Lord of the Treasury to have the chance of enjoying part of the summer out of London, there was only one way of doing it. If the Twelve o'clock Rule were applied to Midsummer, and Parliament met earlier in the year, it would be found that just as the Twelve o'clock Rule had saved them from sitting until two or three o'clock in the morning, so a Midsummer Rule, requiring the House to adjourn on the 15th July every year would be effective in giving them some of the summer months. When the Twelve o'clock Rule was introduced, prophecies were made that nothing would be done, and that all business would be brought to a standstill. The rule was, however, introduced, and that was not the result. In the same way he ventured to say that if it were made a Standing Order that the House should rise in the middle of July every year, Parliament would be astonished how well such a rule would work, and would wonder it was not made half a century ago. The House would, of course, have to meet at an earlier period. One element that stood between them and the enjoyment of summer in the country was the hunting indulged in by certain Members of the House. He would conclude, as he began, by entering, on the part of the Irish Nationalist Members, a solemn protest against this Rule as a fresh invasion of their rights as a minority in this House, and an attempt to prevent them availing themselves of the only practical means which hitherto had been afforded them of bringing under the notice of the Government and the House the grievances of the Irish people.

desired to give the opinion of one who had chiefly looked upon a question of this sort not from the point of view of the House itself, but from the point of view of those outside, who had criticised the procedure of the House upon points of this kind. Some of the Members best known in the House, looking at the question from the point of view of the House of Commons, had stated that the whole procedure on this question which arose in Committee of Supply was little less than a scandal. He should like to add to that the opinion of one speaking from outside, but who had watched with great interest what had passed in the House of Commons in recent years, and that was that the present procedure, if they took it as a test of the real business capacity of the House, or of its ability to deal with the great questions of national and Imperial importance which came before it, was looked upon as a scandal not only by Members but by those who criticised the conduct of Members of the House from outside. In answer to the remarks of the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) he might say that he did not believe that there was a single hon. Member on the Unionist side of the House who would vote for any proposition which he thought would curtail in any way the right of free discussion, which hon. Members from Ireland rightly and honourably claimed in that House. The view of the Unionist Members, however, was that, so far from these proposed new Regulations interfering with the rights of Irish and other Members, they would, by regulating the course of Debate, give every section of the House a fair chance of bringing their measures under consideration. The hon. Member for East Mayo had referred to what he termed the tyranny of the Closure, but in his opinion, if the Closure were regulated by rules that were known beforehand to all hon. Members, it would involve less tyranny, and would raise less party animosity than when it was suddenly applied in particular cases and under particular circumstances. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouthshire (Sir William Harcourt) had referred to what he termed the cast-iron character of the proposal. His reply to the right hon. Gentleman's observation was that when a rule was imperative in all cases it was less tyrannous than if it were applied from time to time, according to the will of a temporary majority, or according to the power of the Ministry of the day. For his part, he should support the Resolution, and the whole of the Resolution which had been moved by the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House. Of course, it was almost impossible to bring forward a Resolution of this kind which should not be open to criticism on the one side or the other, but no one could doubt that it was the desire of a large majority in the House to see this proposal carried into effect. He believed that the result of the proposal would be not to gag hon. Members nor to strangle just Debate, but to bring it within due limits so as to operate in favour of freedom of discussion. Debates in the House ought not to be conducted after the manner of those in debating societies, in which academic questions were discussed, but with the desire to carry out speedily and effectively the real and practical business of the country. What was the real object of the Resolution which had been brought forward by the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury? He took it to be that when discussion arose in Supply every hon. Member should know that at a certain time that discussion should cease, and that, therefore, it should be the interest of every hon. Member to address himself to those points that were supereminent in Supply. He would not reiterate what the right hon. Gentleman had said in reference to the business of Supply, but it would be admitted that the question of economy was no longer the most prominent in the discussions that took place when they were in Committee of Supply. It was the object of a great number of hon. Members that the constituencies in which they were interested should have a full share of the benefit that resulted from the Imperial and national expenditure. That was true, not only of that House, but of other representative assemblies. It had been urged that this proposal would be an invasion of the rights of private Members. In his view, however, so far from the proposals invading the rights of private Members, it would protect and preserve those rights. Private Members desired to take their fair share in the real business of the House, which was that brought forward by the Government. He was sure that hon. Members would rather have an opportunity of discussing measures of importance that were brought forward on the responsibility of the Government, than mere academic questions which could have no practical result, and which could be more usefully discussed in other places than the House of Commons. It had been said that the Resolution would interfere with the time-honoured traditions of that House in favour of the freedom of Debate. But freedom of Debate meant freedom to all and not to the few alone. If they wanted freedom of Debate they must so regulate Debate that every hon. Member should accord to others the same freedom that he demanded for himself. Freedom of Debate did not mean that the greater part of the time of the House should be occupied by a few free lances to the disadvantage of other hon. Members who might wish to bring forward Measures in which they were interested. In his view nothing could be better calculated to secure freedom of Debate than the very temperate regulation of the Debates that was proposed in the right hon. Gentleman's Resolution, which he hoped would be carried in its entirety not by a majority of any Party, but by a majority of the whole House.

said, the proposals of the Government were a step in the right direction, although they were not sufficient, from his point of view, for what was required to make the House able to fulfil its functions better than it fulfilled them now. With one criticism he would have to make upon them he would give them his support. The criticism was that he believed that in order to be effectual in securing the end at which they rightly aimed, Supply would not need to be closured so much if dealt with in compartments. He had watched the progress of Closure from its commencement in that House, and he was convinced that, to make this rule work properly, Supply should be divided into compartments, and these compartments should each be nearly finished at a given time. He would not support these proposals if he thought, with the hon. Member for Mayo, that they would destroy the discussion of great subjects such as Ireland. On the contrary, he believed that if the scheme were adopted they would be able to prune from the discussion of the Estimates what were unnecessary and redundant, and would have more time for the purposes for which more time was required for discussion. No doubt the rights of private Members would be curtailed by the proposals of the Government if adopted, but, after considerable experience of the House of Commons, he would rather give time to Supply than to private Members. The object of the House was to get the business of the nation done, and he considered that one of the reasons for which they were assembled there was that the majority of the House should be able to carry into law the Measures they were sent there to pass. But if they were to take days from private Members and merely devote them to Supply, they might increase rather than diminish their difficulties. The curtailment of the number of days to be given to Supply was the essential part of this proposal. The Leader of the Opposition said the guillotine would cast a shadow on what preceded it. For himself, he believed it would have a good effect on what preceded it. The end of the Session Estimates led to time being wasted in the earlier part of the Session. He did not find fault with the proposals of devolution made. He was certain that the business of the House would never be effectively carried out until there was a greater amount of devolution to Standing Committees and other assemblies. The proposal of the Government, as far as it went, was good and in the right direction, and subject to the remark that he believed it would not be capable of being worked to advantage unless they had the Closure in compartments in some form or other in practice, he considered the Government were moving in the right direction, and he would give them his hearty support.

said, that his only complaint of the speech of the Leader of the Opposition was that he (Mr. Bowles) had not made it himself. The Member for the Stroud Division had given them as a new Member an improving homily on their duties from what he called the outside point of view—the view of those who did not know anything about the business of the House. The suggestion had been made that this should be, not a Standing Order, but a Sessional Order. Now if he were reconciled to the Resolution at all he should prefer to see it adopted as a Standing Order, but he could not accept it even as a Sessional Order. He considered the matter from the point of view of a supporter of the Government. He was disposed to find every excuse for them, but his difficulties were great. [Laughter.] Of all Sessions in the world there seemed to be less necessity for such a Resolution this Session than ever there was. The present House was disposed not to over-debate, but under-debate matters. The Debate on the Address so unexpectedly collapsed that the Government were in a difficulty to find business for the next sitting. The Government were returned to power by a large majority, which gave them a distinct direction what they were to do. They were to give the country rest, to eschew earthquakes and avoid revolutions [laughter], and to occupy the House with the useful concrete work of debating the Estimates and Amendments to the Address. As soon as they left this work they entered upon the dangerous ground of passing Acts of Parliament which the country distinctly told them it did not want. So there was every temptation to the Government to hold its hand this Session. It was a great regret and surprise to him to find the first use the Government made of its position was to bring out the instruments of torture and bid them to choose between the rack and the guillotine. He imbibed the principles and learnt the language of liberty on the Benches opposite. [Laughter.] It was from Brutus and Cassius themselves—from the Brutus of the Colonial Office, from the Cassius of the Treasury, that he learnt to call Coercion by its name. When his Party sat opposite they ransacked the dictionary [laughter], they exhausted the vocabulary of the torture-chamber, in describing the proceedings of right hon. Gentlemen who now sat opposite, and of their former chief. He was speaking of the year 1893. They talked of the gag, the garotte, and the guillotine being applied to Members of Parliament, and he was greatly disadvantaged and disappointed that on this occasion there was a strong probability that he would not have, in resisting the gag, the garotte, and the guillotine, the assistance he used to have of the two right hon. Gentlemen to whom he had referred. He regretted it much, because it would greatly enfeeble the defence he wished to make.

"I am no orator, as Brutus is …

But were I Brutus And Brutus Antony, there were an Antony Would ruffle up your spirits, and put a tongue In every wound of Cæsar's. …"

[Loud laughter.] On the Estimates, too, this was to be done. Why, in his Parliamentary infancy he was suckled on the Estimates and weaned upon Motions for the reduction of Ministers' salaries. [Renewed laughter.] His nurse was the Secretary to the Treasury. [Laughter.] Nobody rejoiced more than he did when his right hon. Friend received office, not only because he was an old and valued friend, but because he knew him to possess the qualities most useful to the public service; but when his right hon. Friend crossed the floor of the House and joined Ministers whose salaries would be half as much as they were if he had had his way [laughter], he did not expect to see him put an impious hand on the Estimates to which he owed his being. He felt very much as the quiet and virtuous villager felt when he awoke one morning to find a new-born baby in a basket at the door of the parson of the parish. [Laughter.] He agreed that the Estimates were postponed till too late; and he also agreed that that was a matter in which by a very small effort on the part of the Government a great improvement might be effected. It was absolutely impossible to exhaustively discuss the Estimates in any one year; but they might alter the order of the Estimates by turning them end for end, and taking the last classes first, or they might take in each year the Estimates which in that year appeared to be the most necessary and most interesting for discussion. The proposal to carry on Votes was a very good one if fairly applied, but under it a system might be applied by which the most important Votes might be postponed until the fatal nineteenth and twentieth days. It was said that too much time was spent in trivialities. Did the Government never spend time in trivialities? Were they all expected to be perfect? They were not capable of it. They must have their little moments of aberration when they might think that the affairs of crofters and trawlers were more important than anything the House had to deal with. [Laughter.] If the Government wanted to improve the perspective of hon. Members they must go down to the constituencies. They must closure and guillotine Ross-shire and Peterborough, and perhaps even Preston. [Loud laughter.] Even then they would not get perfect Members. No doubt there was too much time spent on trivialities; but such was the haste and want of reflection with which this proposal had been put forward that he was not quite sure whether the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury himself quite understood what he was after. The right hon. Gentleman said:—

"If there be a Republican Member in the House, he might wish to raise the question of Republican institutions, but he cannot. Under Class I., you can discuss nothing but drains, windows, roofs and matters of that sort. Therefore"——

in order to enable a Republican Member to discuss Republican institutions—

"I should propose that we should always put first on every day Votes in Supply are taken. some Vote of public interest and importance."

Could the right hon. Gentleman tell him of any Vote of public importance on which a Republican Member could raise the question of Republican institutions? He was not aware of one in which the most simple and amiable Chairman of Committees would not call a Member to order if he sought to raise the question of the Monarchy or Republican institutions. The right hon. Gentleman also told the House that to suppose that a discussion of the Estimates tended to economical administration was a superstition which had no justification, and that the effect of discussion was always to increase rather than to diminish the Estimates. Even if this were true discussion had an economical effect, because, even if no reductions were made, the fear of what might befall them when discussion took place kept the Government in order and made them more careful in the preparation of the Estimates. But it was not true that no reductions were made. He himself obtained from the late Secretary to the Admiralty—and only by threatening to reduce his salary—a promise of the abolition of the Jamaica Dockyard, though it came to nothing, because the right hon. Gentleman did not keep his promise. [Laughter.]

Perhaps I may be allowed to say that the promise was not kept because it was never made.

said, his memory was better than that of the right hon. Gentleman. The right hon. Gentleman told him that the admiral himself had reported against the dockyard, and that it would be abolished. If the right hon. Gentleman doubted him he should be tempted to refer to the great precedent of 1746 [laughter], when an hon. Member bet Sir Robert Walpole a guinea that he was right, and won it. [Laughter.] Many and many a time he had walked up the floor of the House in company of his right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury on the unfortunate mission of bearing the numbers of a small and down-trodden minority. On one occasion, however, they went to victory. His right hon. Friend moved a reduction in the salaries of the officials of the House of Lords by £500. It was carried, and £500 a year was saved for ever to this Kingdom in consequence of the patriotic endeavours of the Secretary to the Treasury and himself. [Laughter.] Another argument of the right hon. Gentleman, the First Lord of the Treasury, was that the Session was much too long. That was a miserable, grovelling argument. [Laughter.] As soon as an election took place 1,200 or more public-spirited Gentlemen went down into the country professing that they wished to come to the House of Commons in the public interest. They moved heaven and earth—and sometimes money [laughter]—to get into the House, yet no sooner were they there than they began to make excuses to get out of it, to deny the service they had proffered, and to whine about their shooting or yachting or some other trivial matter. He had no patience with such men. [Laughter.] His belief was that the Session was far too short, and as to the talk about waste of tissue and danger to nerve and temper—they were not a House of young ladies. [Laughter.] He was ashamed to listen to such talk, and as far as he was concerned his withers were unwrung. He attended the House conscientiously, not because it was entirely delightful, but because he thought he had undertaken an obligation to his constituents which he ought to fulfil. ["Hear, hear!" and laughter.] The proposal that Fridays should be devoted to Supply was, in his opinion, entirely good, but the other proposals of the Government were correspondingly bad. There were in the Resolution three propositions neither one of which had anything to do with either of the other two. The first was to give Fridays, or more time for Supply; the second to limit the total number of days to 20 or to apply the gag; the third to guillotine everything on the 4th August. The first was as good as the last two were bad. Why were they conjoined? The Leader of the House said that they could not have the good proposal unless they accepted the bad as well. The right hon. Gentleman's attitude reminded him of a money-lender who told a borrower that he could not lend £100 unless he was willing to take as part of the loan some old sherry and a certain number of cigars. [Laughter.] The Leader of the House talked of the Government giving up everything and getting nothing in return. In fact, the proposal of the Government was that private Members should give up everything and get nothing in return. The Government were going to be patriotic, and proposed to supply time for discussing the Estimates by appropriating private Members' Fridays. That reminded him of Sydney Smith's story of the man who was so powerfully impressed by a charity sermon that he was impelled to pick his neighbour's pocket of a guinea in order that he might put it into the plate. But here, inasmuch as the Government retained the power to take away the Fridays, they picked their neighbour's pocket, put his guinea in the plate, and then took it out again and slipped it into their own pocket. [Laughter.] Were not the existing powers for the limitation of Debate sufficiently strong? There was the Closure, which had been freely used. It had even been used against himself [laughter], but only once, and then only because he professed not to have a complete knowledge of agriculture. [Laughter.] The Closure was moved in 1893 168 times, 23 occasions being in Supply. In 1894 it was used 36 times; in the first part of 1895 it was used 29 times, and in the second part of the same year 11 times, six of the occasions being in Supply. What more did the Leader of the House want than this power of silencing any Member at any moment by the exercise of the Closure? The right hon. Gentleman's majority was large enough. Fifty or more of his supporters could be away at any time shooting or yachting, and he would still have sufficient support to carry the Closure. The Closure, too, could be moved by others besides the Government. Why, the hon. Member for Battersea, who being a Radical, of course wanted to prevent discussion, had moved it four times in one day, three times unsuccessfully. [Laughter.] These powers were surely sufficient; yet he would not object to an addition to them if emergency could be shown. The case of the Government, however, disclosed no emergency, they had a large majority and a very pet lamb of a Parliament, and yet they asked him to sanction the establishment of a permanent guillotine—nay, a very hay-cutting machine. He could not consent to it. [Laughter.] Of course he only spoke for himself, yet they must remember they were each and all trustees for those who would come after them in that House. The Members of the Government should recollect that they were not eternal. The day would come when they would cross the floor of the House and then the machinery which they proposed to set up would be used against themselves. Did they suppose that then their opponents would not say to them in the words of Shylock—

"The villainy you teach me I will execute, and it shall go hard but I will better the instruction!"

Year by year the rights and privileges of the Members of that House were being filched from them by the exclusive oligarchies that successively occupied the Front Ministerial Bench. One by one the rights of private Members, as distinguished from placemen, had been taken away. The system of coercing the House of Commons was new—barely 20 years old. Peel, Palmerston, Russell were content to manage the House by persuasion and dexterity. They handled it as a good horseman handled a high-spirited, mettlesome steed. They had a light hand and a firm seat, and with the imperceptible touches of heel and hand that show the perfect horseman, knew how to turn and wind a fiery Pegasus and witch the world with noble horsemanship; and then the bungler came, having neither seats nor hands, and he had recourse to gag bits, martingales, and horrible ironmongery, and cast the horse and sat on his head, and said that he too, forsooth, was a horseman, he too a Leader of the House. They might thus break its spirit and turn it into a sorry jade, but never again would they get from it the generous effort, the untiring exertion. That was not the way to treat the House of Commons. These new methods would not improve, but would destroy the House. Every day that passed, his veneration for the forms and privileges of the House increased, and he could not but place on record his earnest protest against a plan which tended to destroy the rights, impair the dignity, and end the usefulness of the most venerable deliberative Assembly the world had ever seen. ["Hear, hear."]

said that when the Leader of the House agreed on Thursday to postpone the discussion of his proposals until Monday it might have been thought that the right hon. Gentleman was taking a rash course, but his boldness had been justified by results, because the more his proposals had been considered the more had they commended themselves to the dispassionate opinion of the House. By common consent it was agreed that there should be a re-arrangement of business in Supply so that important Votes might be considered at reasonable dates in the Session, and it was also felt that private Members might fairly be called upon for that purpose to give up Fridays to the Government. The right hon. Gentleman, however, had asked for more than that, saying that if the business of Supply was to be rearranged the Government must have a quid pro quo. Well they obtained a considerable quid pro quo by getting three nights a week instead of two. Supply was just as much Government business as legislation, and if the First Lord of the Treasury obtained from the House an extra day for Supply, he was obtaining a tangible advantage in the progress of Government business. As to bringing the business of Supply to an end by August 5th, he said that he had no doubt the Government had carefully considered the exigencies of the case. He was inclined, however, to agree with the statement of the right hon. Member for Bodmin that, in looking at the calendar, he was at a loss to see how the Government would be able, or how future Governments would be able, to carry through an active legislative programme in the time. Allowing a week for Easter and a week for Whitsuntide, there would be available but 21 weeks; and, therefore, the doubts which had been expressed lent force to the argument that the proposed Order should be made a Sessional one, and not a Standing Order. As to the arrangement of the Votes, he thought that the responsibility of arranging the business of Supply, as of other business, ought to be left to the Government itself. Unless good cause to the contrary was shown, he hoped that the Government would stand firm to their resolution that the arrangement of the business of Supply should be kept in the hands of the responsible Government. The right hon. Gentleman spoke almost exclusively of large questions. No one who had any experience of the House could doubt that important questions, like education, foreign and colonial affairs, and Irish questions, would certainly be fully discussed; and he did not believe there was the slightest substance in the argument that the Government would try to shirk the discussion of important subjects. But what about other matters, such as Scottish subjects? As the right hon. Gentleman had himself said, the Scottish Members were God's creatures. They were unoffending members of the creation, and were sent to Parliament to look after the business of their country. With regard to the smaller groups of subjects, therefore, which interested only a section of the House, he thought that there ought to be in the proposals of the Government some definite means by which those subjects should be discussed when there was occasion to do so. He thought it was expedient that the Government should formulate more definitely the kind of arrangement of the Votes which they proposed. He welcomed heartily the proposal for a time limit. He believed it to be an excellent thing for speeches, Supply, and Bills, and for the Session itself; and he hoped it would be made a regular part of our Parliamentary procedure, as in the United States Congress. We must alter our Parliamentary rules to conform to the altered conditions under which we now lived, and to the altered nature of the business submitted for public discussion. If the time limit proposal was loyally adopted by all parties, he believed that it would be found to promote the progress of business and the interests of free discussion.

said, that he for his part had no fear of the introduction of changes into the procedure of the House. On the contrary on more than one occasion he had sought to invite the House to make those changes, and so to develop its practice and forms as to make them consonant with the requirements of modern times. Some systems of procedure—and theirs was not unfrequently one—were made to prevent proceeding, and, therefore, every reform should be welcomed that would induce the House to do its work in a more businesslike way, and more in accordance with the manner in which public opinion outside expected Members to perform their duties. He was glad that the House, which had created by legislation a close time for a great many animals, were now about to fix a close time for itself. He thought the proposal that the House should be prorogued in August a good one. Again, an expression in favour of an eight hours' day for labour, coming from Conservative Members, was to be welcomed. His name was on the back of an Eight Hours' Bill, and, therefore, he was specially glad to find a proposal that their work in the House should be based on the eight hours' principle. Besides, everyone must welcome any change in the transaction of the business of Supply; because he did not hesitate to say that Committee of Supply had hitherto been attended by a waste of public and private time without any real saving in public economy. But what had been said against Supply was not wholly true, not even as regarded Class 1 of the Estimates with their architectural trivialities, as they had been described. Some of them had raised on the Estimates in Class 1, in connection with the new Admiralty Offices, the most important point as to whether the Estimates for public buildings were properly prepared, and whether the expenditure did not exceed the Estimates. Again, last Session, on a Motion which he moved, the Government was sustained only by a majority of one in the exemption of Government property from local rates. The Government had, however, since taken steps—thanks to his right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury—in the direction suggested; and now paid contributions to local authorities in the Metropolis which were equal to the rates it ought to pay for its buildings. These instances showed that, after all, practical good often came out of discussions in Supply. But while some measure of reform was necessary, the question to be considered was whether the Measures proposed by the Government were suited to meet the case, or whether, by some simple arrangement which the House could make at any moment of necessity, all that was desirable could not be achieved. The guillotine and the rack had been alluded to. These were instruments of historic interest, which had always been worked for a purpose and worked intelligently. But there was another instrument of torture of a more modern date and less reputable in character—namely, the gag—with which it was proposed to replace the guillotine and the rack. The gag was chiefly known as an instrument of robbery, and in this case the parties to be robbed were the private, or as he preferred to call them, the unofficial Members of the House. For his part he had nothing to say against the Closure when it was applied intelligently and by a responsible person. But, on the other hand, they must remember that the proposal of the Government was a new Closure, and a new form of suppression of freedom of speech in the House. And he was sure the encroachment on the time of private Members would not end with the present action of the Government. If the House allowed this first step of appropriating Friday to be taken, Tuesday would not long be saved to private Members. He could not help noticing in the speech of the First Lord of the Treasury a considerable tone against Tuesdays because of the use to which they were put by private Members. "Tuesdays and Fridays," said the right hon. Gentleman, "are scenes of anarchy in this House." For his part he did not want to vindicate the private Members. But he thought it would not be difficult to prove that the unofficial Members had often been the means of introducing very good Measures into the House—Measures so good that they had been frequently adopted by the Government and passed into law. Even less difficult would it be to prove that the unofficial Members had by discussion in the House initiated good legislation, and what was more important had prepared public opinion outside for it, and had, therefore, been of great use and benefit to the Government. He ventured to say that the evil lay in the House being compelled to rely in the matter of business too often on the principle of chance. Was not the remedy an obvious one?—namely, that instead of proposing isolated Measures like those now before the House, the opportunity should be taken of surveying the general procedure of the House and adapting it to present-day purposes. What was wanted in order to make the House thoroughly effective for its work was to substitute "choice" for "chance," and that could be done by establishing some system of selection on the part of the House as to the business that was more worth its while to entertain. Fridays were wasted, and Wednesdays were not as profitable as they might be; but if, when Bills were introduced, there were some means by which Members could express their preference for certain Bills, those days would be much more fruitful in legislation. Then take the regular order of public business. The Government had the power of making discussion in Committee of Supply much more useful. The relative importance of the Estimates could be judged by the Secretary to the Treasury, who was an expert on the subject, and the House might resolve that the arrangement of business could be altered so as to discuss a subject altogether, and not over several Estimates; and if it were desirable that an Estimate should be Closured—as he knew of no sanctity in finance as compared with a Bill—a Minister of the Crown could in such a case put an end to a discussion that was not useful. Another simple change would make a revolution in the transaction of business on Tuesdays and Fridays, and, perhaps, on Wednesdays. Instead of counting out the House because the business before it was not useful, the particular Bill or Motion should be counted out, and the House allowed to proceed with the other Orders of the Day. In his opinion the proposal of the Government was too fragmentary. If the procedure of the House was to be made more consonant with modern ideas and requirements, some systematic plan of reform should be adopted, and not the mere piece of patchwork which the Government proposed. He had looked out the time occupied by the Estimates in the past, and he believed that 20 days was considerably under the average. If private Members were to be crowded out by the absorption of time by the Government, then, as in the past, their refuge would be in Supply, and, therefore, the time required for Supply was likely to be increased. The Report of a Committee had indicated that as a fact and a probability. Further, he demurred to the view that Debates in Supply could be a substitute for Debates on Tuesdays and Fridays. There were many subjects that could not be raised in Supply and required a direct Motion. The view that private Members would be compensated by opportunities in Supply was, in his opinion, illusory. A much more fundamental remedy was required than the mere substitution of Supply on Fridays. A Committee of the House had recommended that Estimates should be sent to a Grand Committee, which could be attended by Departmental officers who would afford information. Such a Grand Committee would have a real opportunity of discussing financial points and exercising economy. This would be a relief to the House, and give it more time for the discussion of points of policy which were incidental to the Estimates. It had been suggested that the more important business should be taken earlier than at present, and that this was a matter that could be dealt with by the Government without any additional power. But who was to judge of relative importance in these matters? It often happened that the importance of a matter did not appear until it was introduced by an individual Member. The way that questions were raised was by individual Members giving attention to them, by research and the collection of statistics; it was only then that, in many cases their importance struck the House; and he doubted whether the discussion of some subjects could be initiated in any other way. ["Hear, hear."] What had to be looked to in Supply was not so much the great questions which took care of themselves, but the lesser questions which could not be raised by Motions for the adjournment of the House, and for which days were not found by the Government. In these matters the 20 days of Supply would not be a beneficial change. The proposals of the Government, dictated he was sure by a desire to render the business of the House more effective, would, in a large measure, fail in that object. He did not object to revising the order of the Estimates, but he hoped, at any rate, part of the plan would be the appointment of a Committee so as to deal with the Estimates by compartments instead of the present casual system. The intermittent discussion of any subject was, if practicable, highly unwise, and interest and usefulness would be increased by continuity of discussion. The real remedy required must be wider than these proposals. They were partly too drastic and too rigorous, and partly wanting in the scopefulness and system which he believed to be essential in dealing with this matter. He did not say they would not be more acceptable to him if they took the form of a Sessional rather than of a Standing Order. In his view, the best means of dealing with this complex question would be a Committee on which all parts of the House would be represented by expert knowledge. Many new Members had appealed to him for information respecting the Business of the House, which it took years to learn, and there was a general demand for more simplicity in its forms and procedure. It was suggested that one motive for Obstruction would be removed if Measures could be carried over from one Session to another. On some early occasion, he hoped that a wider and broader view of the subject would be taken, and that, instead of a fragmentary and partial reform, they would have a general scheme for improving the whole system of the House. ["Hear, hear!"]

said that he approached the question from the standpoint of an unofficial or private Member, who, on an occasion of that kind, had a right to a private and individual opinion. He was a loyal supporter of the Government, and as such he was rather staggered to find this Motion on the Paper when the Session was hardly a fortnight old, and when there appeared to be absolutely no reason for it. The Government was not committed to any sensational legislation, and he could see no reason at this time for putting the Notice upon the Paper. Private Members on his own side had one consolation, and it was that the present Government would make better use of the time they gained than their predecessors would have done. The Leader of the House could hardly have been serious when he said that it was only those who were accustomed to attend the House up to September who were entitled to criticise the proposal. That would exclude one-half the Members of any House of Commons. [Mr. BALFOUR: "Hear, hear!"] The right hon. Gentleman cheered that; but he would point out that there were Members who were busy men, who had duties outside the House of Commons, and who were able to take a holiday only in the summer, although personally he had often attended the House in August. Because some of them paired—it was the only chance they had of getting a holiday—that was no reason why they should be debarred from voting on the subject. He would state his main grounds for dissenting from the Resolution. Its object was (1) to improve discussion of Supply; (2) to enable the Government to carry out their legislative programme; and (3) to enable the House to rise before the middle, or at all events the end, of August. With regard to the first and third, he was entirely in accord with the right hon. Gentleman, and so long as the present Government was in power he was in accord as to the second; but he was entirely opposed to the machinery by which it was proposed to carry them out. ["Hear, hear!"] He could not approach anything like the authority of the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Courtney) who had spoken from the Bench, but he had 10 years' experience of the House. He had seen the hateful and dangerous principle of the guillotine twice applied. An HON. MEMBER: "Three times!"] Two important occasions—in 1887 and in 1893—and he could not bring himself to agree with the right hon. Gentleman, in spite of his able speech, or to support a Resolution to put that hateful principle on the Standing Orders. It had never been done before. Where the guillotine and time limit had been put in operation, it had always been when there was urgent necessity, and when special grounds, not anticipated, had rendered action necessary. But on this occasion these Rules were to be put on the Standing Orders as a principle, and they could never take them away once they got there. Something had been said about making them a Sessional Order, but for the life of him he could not see any difference in the danger. They would have established a precedent, and they all knew the power of precedents in that House, and before they would know they would find that the guillotine had become a Standing Order. The right hon. Gentleman had made some ingenious distinctions between the guillotine in Supply and guillotine as to Bills. Practically the conclusion to be drawn was that the only real solid power to control the administrative and executive power of the Government would rest with the Front Benches. If adequate time for discussion of Supply was given, and if they had power to exercise their functions as to the administrative and executive functions of the Government, the guillotine was absolutely unnecessary. On the other hand, if the time was not long enough, their most important functions in that House were impaired. Another objection, which had been ably and amusingly put by the Member for King's Lynn, was that the guillotine was capable of serious misuse. An unscrupulous and despotic Government might misuse it; at all events they were putting into their hands most dangerous weapons. The right hon. Gentleman said there was nothing to prevent a week or a fortnight being devoted continually to Supply. Let them suppose a Government with a revolutionary programme, they might proceed with Supply for the first 20 days after the Address and then proceed with any number of Newcastle programmes that they liked. He should like to hear some answer to this from Ministers. The object aimed at by the guillotine could be attained in other ways, and there was no reason why the House should not rise in July. The point was that they must use the guillotine when they could not make progress in any other way. On that ground they could not justify this Order. Why not take the Fridays, re-arrange the Order of Supply, and then leave the guillotine or time limit to be used if necessary if the Opposition showed gross obstruction. It seemed to him there was one serious fallacy underlying the argument of the right hon. Gentleman as to the time limit. He argued that if they had a time limit you made Members more reasonable in the discussion of the various Votes. He submitted that the history of the past 10 years showed that the operation of the time limit had precisely the opposite effect. They all knew that the friction engendered on one occasion nearly caused a free fight on the floor of the House, chiefly due to the guillotine. On the occasion of the Coercion Bill Members talked most unreasonably on minor points. The object was plain. That of the Party to which he belonged was to put the Government of the day in a difficulty. What they resolved to do was to talk on minor and unimportant points, compel the Government to drop the guillotine on the most important points, and thus have a good cry with which to go to the country. That was just what would happen again. There were other fallacies about the Resolution, but he would only detain the House by mentioning one. It was obviously the opinion of his right hon. Friend that the Government of the day were entitled to have facilities to pass their legislative programme. As a private and unofficial Member he absolutely denied that proposition; it depended entirely upon the Government and the measures they had to pass. [Laughter.] That was perfectly obvious from a Party point of view. He would be delighted to give reasonable facilities to the present Government to pass their programme; indeed, he was sent here by men who desired that this Government's measures should be passed, but if he were in Opposition he should certainly decline to admit the proposition that the Government of the day were entitled as a matter of abstract principle to have facilities to pass any legislative programme they chose to put forward. He greatly regretted to find himself in opposition to the First Lord of the Treasury and his colleagues, and if the right hon. Gentleman would only drop or modify those clauses of his Resolution which introduced into the Standing Orders the dangerous principle he had referred to be would not vote against the Resolution, and possibly he might vote for it. He trusted the House of Commons would never see the day when the guillotine principle would be introduced permanently into the Standing Orders.

, did not intend to occupy time by discussing the rights of private Members as against the Government, but wished as one who had sat for some years in the House and taken some interest in the question of procedure, to make some remarks. He was the more anxious to express his opinion because two hon. Members who belonged to the same political Party as himself had expressed their approval of the introduction of the principle of the guillotine in the case of Supply. He disapproved of that principle, and based his disapproval on the experience of the last few years. He had listened with interest to the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Stroud (Mr. C. A. Cripps), but thought that if that gentleman had witnessed the painful and almost degrading scenes in the House on the application of the Closure in great and important measures he would hesitate before he supported the guillotine principle. He said this knowing well that he voted for the guillotine Resolution, and was somewhat responsible for the bringing about of the scenes to which he had alluded. He did not think anyone who had the interest of the House at heart would care to see a repetition of those scenes. If they were to have a check on the discussion in Supply, or upon any Bill, it should be of a more elastic and flexible nature than that proposed in the Resolution of the Government. He desired to draw attention to one or two points which seemed to him strikingly objectionable in the present proposal. The First Lord of the Treasury pointed out that in his opinion this would enlarge the opportunities for criticism by private Members and Members of the House generally of the action of the Government. If there was any conceivable ground for that opinion how could they take an average of previous years, striking that average at 20 years, as sufficient for discussion of Supply? They knew nothing of what this Session might bring forth under such a rule as this. This might be one of the most critical Sessions in the National history. They could not know from day to day whether the most urgent and pressing questions might not come upon them, yet they were asked, with a light heart by the Government, not only to limit the number of days in which they could discuss the administrative action of the Government, but to limit it to 20 days. That limit was to apply to all Sessions, though some might be full of exciting episodes requiring discussion in Supply, and others absolutely the reverse. He thought the right hon. Gentleman had admitted the objection to his proposal by saying it would be necessary to introduce some new principle of order and classification of the Votes. The First Lord of the Treasury had expressed his disapproval of the arrangement or classification of the Votes being undertaken by anybody outside the House, but what would be the result of any attempt to classify the Votes in the House? On the one hand the Government would be squeezed by some section of the House into placing their Votes in the forefront or, on the other hand, there would be a resort to some of the numerous stratagems known to the Party Whips to oust certain subjects from discussion. He firmly believed that if the arrangement of Votes was to be left to pressure on the floor of the House the result would be that the Irish Members would secure more than a fair share of the time. He was not prepared to admit that this or any Government were to be trusted with the arrangement of the Votes of Supply, and still less were they to be trusted when the time for discussion was limited to 20 days. The value of the present proposal must depend upon a true and genuine, and impartial classification of the subjects coming before the House, and he thought anyone who had a true regard for the interest of the House must feel that the proposal of the Government would place upon them or anybody to whom the arrangement of the Votes was entrusted, the gravest possible responsibility, and a task of supreme difficulty. He had always thought a great reform in the conduct of Supply would be obtained if it became the rule of the House that discussions in Supply should have order of precedence according to notices of motions specifying the object with which the notice was given, and he would be quite willing to leave to the Chairman of Committees, with or even without assessors, the order of motions of that kind. But, unless there was a fresh and impartial classification, he must protest against the proposal of the Government, and in any case he must protest against the limit being fixed at 20 days.

said, that whenever an hon. Member rose in that House to make a few remarks in support of liberty of speech he was always exposed to the imputation that he wished to hear his own eloquence. He had been eight years in Parliament and during the whole of that time he did not speak in Supply for as many minutes, and whenever he had made a long speech it was at the request of some Member of the Government. [Laughter.] On this occasion he was in the somewhat unenviable position of having to oppose his Leaders; but he could not defraud his constituents by making addresses on one line and then come back to that House and under the guidance of his Leaders adopt another line, and one which he had already denounced. ["Hear, hear!" and laughter.] He was a Member of the House when the guillotine was introduced for the first time by the late Mr. Smith. [The FIRST LORD of the TREASURY: "That was not the first time."] However that might be, it was a very unusual proceeding, and he well remembered how it was recommended by the Ministers who proposed it. Mr. Smith told the House in sorrowful tones how greatly he regretted being obliged to bring in such a Motion. He felt obliged to introduce it in terms of apology, and admitted that he must have ample excuse for doing so. Mr. Smith said the necessity for such a course being taken must be absolutely imperative—nay irresistible. He pointed out that the House was then in the fourth month of the Session, that there was a paralysis of Parliamentary business, that 35 days had been applied to the principal Measure, of which 20 had been devoted to discussing the First and Second Readings, and 15 to discussing four Clauses in Committee, and that the Bill was, in the opinion of a large majority of the House, absolutely necessary for the preservation of law and order in Ireland. In June, 1893, when Mr. Gladstone made a similar proposal to that which they were now asked to agree to the present Leader of the House said that the proposal was absolutely inconsistent with the very elements of the life of a free representative assembly. The right hon. Gentleman said that the House of Commons was the guardian of the public purse, and that our Parliamentary liberties were involved in the proposal. ["Hear, hear!"] He could not have supposed that in the short space of three years his right hon. Friend could have changed his mind so completely. [Laughter.] The right hon. Gentleman was now himself proposing by this Measure to destroy their Parliamentary liberties, and he was not going to help him to do so, but would certainly do his best to preserve them. [Opposition cheers.] It was supposed by many, right or wrongly, that the Minister for the Colonies was at the bottom of those proceedings. [Laughter.] How did that right hon. Gentleman meet the proposal of the guillotine in 1893? What did he say on the matter? He said that it was the commencement of a system on which, if they did not take great care in time, they might be certain to go as far in a wrong direction as their brethren in America had done. He said that they were on a declining plane—a fatal plane, and that "the compartment arrangement was worthy of the artful Minister who drew up the Resolution." That was the opinion of the present Secretary of the Colonies in 1893 regarding the guillotine, and now he was supporting it. ["Hear, hear!"] The right hon. Gentleman went even further, for he added on that occasion that it would be better to summarily suspend all who objected than to pass resolutions of that kind. There was no doubt that in this scheme it was a case of facilis descensus Averni, and that with reference to this Parliamentary vice they might say with Pope:—

"Vice is a monster of so frightful mien,

As to be hated needs but to be seen;

But seen too oft, familiar with her face,

We first endure, then pity, then embrace."

He regretted that his right hon. Friend, the Leader of the House, who in former days had stood up as the champion of free speech had so quickly reached the embracing attitude; he now came down gaily to the House and in a clever and humorous speech, which was received with cheers and laughter, sought to destroy their liberties. The right hon. Gentleman did not try first what the new Parliament would do, but without any experience of the kind brought an indictment of incapacity against it. As to their discussions in Supply in previous Parliaments, the right hon. Gentleman had said that "they were perfectly futile, empty and foolish." [Mr. Balfour dissented.] He had a copy of The Times before him with a full report of the Debate and the right hon. Gentleman's speech, and the words used by him were "perfectly futile, empty and foolish." Thus, at the commencement of a new Parliament, before he had had any opportunity of seeing how they would behave, the right hon. Gentleman described the discussions in Supply as futile, frivolous, and useless. [Laughter.]