House Of Commons
Thursday, 15th February, 1900.
Private Bill Business
Southport And Lytham Tramroad Bill
"To empower the Southport District Tramroad Company to construct certain tramroads, tramway, and bridge between Southport and Lytham; and for other purposes," read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
London County Tramways (No 2)
Petition, and Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. James Stuart and Mr. John Burns.
Petitions
Mines (Eight Hours) Bill
Petitions in favour, from Glenesk; Rosewell; Arniston; Niddrie; Loan-head; Newbattle; Wallyford: Polton; Carberry; South Normanton; and Gill-head; to lie upon the Table.
British Museum
Petition of the Trustees of the British Museum (Queen's Recommendation signified), for grant in aid; referred to the Committee of Supply.
Return's, Reports, Etc
Army (Ordnance Factories) (Supplementary Estimate, 1899–1900)
Copy presented,—of Estimate of the Further Amount required during the year ending 31st March, 1900, for the service of the Ordnance Factories [by Command]; referred to the Committee of Supply, and to be printed. [No. 49.]
Statistical Abstract (Foreign Countries)
Copy presented,—of Statistical Abstract for the principal and other Foreign Countries in each year from 1888 to 1897–8 (Twenty-sixth Number) [by Command]; to lie upon the table.
Colonial Statistics
Copy presented,—of Statistical Tables relating to the Colonial and other Possessions of the United Kingdom. Part XXII. for the years 1894–5–6 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Trustee Savings Banks
Copy presented,—of Eighth Annual Report of the Proceedings of the Inspection Committee for the year ended 20th November, 1899 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 50.]
Post Office Telegraphs
Account presented,—showing the gross amount received and expended on account of the Telegraph Service during the year ended 31st March, 1899, & c. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 51.]
Barracks Act, 1890
Account presented,—showing the money raised and issued under the provisions of the Act, the securities created in respect thereof, and the amount expended for the purposes of the Act to the 31st March, 1899, with the Report of the Comptroller and Accountant General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 52.]
Public Offices (Acquisition Of Site) Act, 1895, Session 2: Public Offices (Westminster) Site Act, 1896; Public Offices (Whitehall) Site Act, 1897; And Public Buildings Expenses Act, 1898
Account presented,—showing the moneys issued under the provisions of the Acts, the securities created in respect thereof, and the amount expended for the purposes of the Acts to the 31st March, 1898; together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 53.]
Army (Ordnance Factories) (Appropriation Account)
Appropriation Account presented,—of the sums granted by Parliament for the expense of the ordnance factories, the productions of which have been charged to other Votes for the year ended 31st March, 1899, together with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 54.]
Army (Appropriation Account)
Copy presented,—of the Appropriation Account for 1898–9, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon, etc. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 55.]
Navy (Appropriation Account)
Copy presented,—of the Appropriation Account for 1898–9, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon, etc. [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 56.]
Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1890
Copy presented,—of Order in Council, dated 29th January, 1900, entitled The North Eastern Rhodesia Order in Council, 1900 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1890, The Consular Salaries And Fees Act, 1891, And The Foreign Marriage Act, 1892
Copy presented,—of Order in Council, dated 29th January, 1900, entitled The Japan (Consular and Marriage Fees) Order in Council, 1900 [by Act]; to lie. upon the Table.
Copy presented,—of Order in Council, dated 29th January, 1900, entitled The China and Corea (Consular and Marriage Fees) Order in Council, 1900 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Colonial Probates Act, 1892
Copy presented,—of Order in Council, dated 29th January, 1900, applying the Colonial Probates Act, 1892, to the British Possession of the Island of St. Helena [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Greenwich Hospital Acts, 1865 And 1869
Copy presented,—of Order in Council, dated 29th January, approving a Memorial of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty praying sanction to a rearrangement of the number of Naval and Greenwich Hospital Pensions to
Naval and Marine Officers of the Retired and Pensioned List of Her Majesty's Navy [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Trade Reports (Annual Series)
Copies presented,—of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 2380 and 2381 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Alcoholic Beverages
Copy ordered,—"of Statement showing the Production and Consumption of Alcoholic Beverages (Wine, Beer, and Spirits) in the various Countries of Europe, in the United States, and in the principal British Colonies; together with Statistical Tables relating thereto, in each year from 1885 to 1898, as far as the particulars can be stated (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 72, of Session 1899)."—( Mr. Ritchie.)
Copy presented accordingly; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 57.]
Sea Fisheries Of The United Kingdom
Copy ordered,—"of Statistical Tables and Memorandum relating to the Sea Fisheries of the United Kingdom in the year 1899; including also a Return showing the quantity of fish carried by railway from each of the principal ports of England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland, in each year from 1894 to 1899, inclusive (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 71, of Session 1899)."—( Mr. Ritchie.)
Copy presented accordingly; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 58.]
Trade Union Funds (Banking)
Return ordered, "showing the number of societies or clubs, other than friendly societies and charitable and provident institutions, which have been permitted by the National Debt Commissioners or their Comptroller General, to invest under the Savings Bank Acts without restriction as to amount, giving the designation and specifying the objects of the said societies."—( Mr. Woods.)
Rifle Ranges Closed In Eastern District
Address for "Return of rifle ranges closed in the Eastern District since the gradual
issue of the Lee-Metford rifle, beginning in 1890."—( Mr. Powell-Williams.)
Questions
South African War—Boer Invasion Of Zululand—Policy Of Employing South African Native Or Indian Troops
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, having regard to the fact that the Boers have invaded Zululand and attacked the natives, and also that natives have been employed by the Boers as armed combatants in recent operations, he still adheres to his statement made in October last that native troops would not be employed by the Government in the present war; and whether the same pledge applies to the natives of India and to the troops of the native princes who have offered their services.
My hon. friend has wisely placed the two branches of his question in different paragraphs, for, I need hardly say, there is no resemblance or analogy whatever between the native tribes of South Africa and the native princes of India and their troops. The aid of the latter we should be proud to have in a war carried on under ordinary conditions. The statement of policy, however, to which my hon. friend refers was based on the idea that the war in South Africa was not to be carried on under ordinary conditions, and that by common consent it was decided it should be confined to the two European races chiefly concerned. If the Boers adopt a course inconsistent with this idea we should, of course, hold ourselves free to reconsider our decision.
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Boers have invaded Zulu-land; and whether provision has been made for enabling the Zulus to defend themselves against such aggression.
I have been informed that on three occasions, two of them recent, the Boers have invaded Zululand, and in one district have seized as prisoners the magistrate with his staff and police, while in another they have plundered all the stores. It is also reported that a commando with guns is moving further into Zululand. These acts have caused great alarm and unrest among the Zulus, which must spread among the Natal natives. The consequences throughout South Africa of such raids on native territories cannot fail to be very serious. The Natal Ministers have stated that they can no longer hold themselves responsible for the peaceful attitude of the Zulus; and Sir A. Milner, while greatly deploring the invasion of Zululand, points out that it is contrary to the tacit compact that natives should not be dragged into this war'. I may add that it has been decided that if native territory in the Cape Colony is deliberately invaded, the natives will be encouraged and assisted in every way to defend themselves.
. In view of the extreme gravity, which everyone will allow, of the answer made by my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Treasury to the question put by the hon. Member for Chester, and the answer by my right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies, may I lie permitted to ask these two supplementary questions of the First Lord-First, whether he will take care that the utmost certainty shall be secured as to the reality and authority of the Boor attacks on the natives; and, secondly, whether ho is aware that in this, as in so many other instances of alleged violation of the practices of war, there are charges and counter-charges on both sides?
As regards the second question, I am not aware there has been any allegation in this case of any violation of the practices of war. As regards the first, asking that the most, careful investigation shall be made, I can give him every assurance he thinks desirable on that subject.
Proposed Day Of Humiliation
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, as on 28th February, 1855, Her Most Gracious Majesty, by and with the advice of the Privy Council, issued a Proclamation that Wednesday, 21st March, 1855, be observed as a day of solemn fast, humiliation, and prayer, for a blessing on our arms, and the restoration of peace, Her Majesty's present advisers will tender to the Sovereign similar advice that such a day may be appointed as was done during the Crimean War.
I shall be glad if my hon. friend will put this question down for Monday.
Dutch Prisoners At Simon's Town
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been called to a cablegram from Cape Town stating that three Dutch subjects of Her Majesty detained in custody at Simon's Town had been suddenly removed to a district where martial law had been proclaimed, in spite of the issue of a writ by the Cape Supreme Court calling upon their custodian to show cause why they were detained; and will he explain by whose orders the prisoners were so removed, and where they are now detained.
My attention has been called to a telegram in The Times of 10th February, which does not exactly correspond with the hon. Member's statement. I am making enquiry by telegraph as to the facts.
Disloyalty In Cape Colony
I bog to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the information in the hands of the Government shows that the number of Cape Colonists who are joining the forces of the Boers is increasing; whether the withdrawal of British troops from the neighbourhood of Rensburg has been hastened by the disaffection of the inhabitants; and whether the area of disaffection throughout the colony is increasing.
I have no information on this point which I can give to the hon. Member.
Transvaal Gold Mines
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the notice issued by Sir Alfred Milner, on the 26th January, 1900, pledging Her Majesty's Government to refuse to recognise and to treat as invalid confiscations of gold mines in the Transvaal was issued on the advice of the Foreign Office, or on advice from any other departments of the Home Administration.
The notice was issued under instructions given by Her Majesty's Government after due consideration of the legal and other aspects of the question.
Did this instruction come from the Colonial Office in the first instance?
[No answer was given.]
Delagoa May—Neutrality Ok Portugal
I beg to ask the Undersecretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can state whether Her Majesty's Government is satisfied that the Government of Portugal is fully observing its duty of neutrality in regard to Delagoa Bay, and effectively preventing the irregular use of that port during the war; and what steps are being taken by Her Majesty's Government in the matter.
The instructions given by the Government of Portugal are such as to leave no doubt of their intention fully to observe their duty of neutrality in the present war. Her Majesty's Government have throughout given most attentive consideration to the situation in Delagoa Bay, and we are in constant communication with the officer commanding the Fleet in those waters and with Her Majesty's Consul at Lorenzo Marques.
Naval War Despatches
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty, can he explain why the despatches describing the operations of the Naval Brigade at the battles of Graspan and Colenso have not yet been published, although the despatches describing the operations of the military forces in those battles were published in the London Gazette of the 26th January last; is the delay due to the Admiralty, to the War Office, or to the action, or forbearance from action, of the generals in the field; will he take steps to secure the immediate publication of these despatches; and will he also take steps to secure that in future the despatches describing the operations of the Naval Brigade are published at the same time as those describing the operations of the military forces on the same occasions.
In my answer to the hon. and gallant Member for the Eastern Division of Berkshire, I stated that I was making certain inquiries by telegraph. As no definite answer has been received I will telegraph again.
That is not a reply to my question. I asked why.
I have given the answer have been instructed to give.
Transport Contracts—The Peninsular And Oriental Company
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether any, and, if so, what contracts for the transport of troops and stores for the war in the Transvaal have been entered into between the. Admiralty and the Peninsular and Oriental Steamship Company; whether he is aware that a member of the Government is a director of the Peninsular and Oriental Steamship Company; and whether it is in accordance with practice for a Government Department to enter into contracts with companies of which members of the Administration are directors.
We have chartered many vessels belonging to the P. and O. Steamship Company for the transport of troops to South Africa, particulars of which will be given in the return now being prepared. I presume that a member of the Government is a director of the company, as the hon. Member says so, but I was not aware of it. I do not know precedents in the case one way or the other.
Soldiers' Estates And The Death Duties
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he could see his way to introduce any legislation for the reduction of succession or probate duties payable by the estates of soldiers killed on active service.
The estates of sailors, marines, and soldiers killed on active service are now exempt from probate or estate duties. I do not think this exemption should be extended to succession duties. To do so would really be in certain cases to relieve comparatively distant relations or stranger's obtaining an inheritance by the death of a soldier at an unexpectedly early date. I do not see why such persons should receive the inheritance free of tax. Of course it would very rarely happen that the estate, was of sufficient value to be liable.
Could it not apply to lineals?
I do not think that would be fair.
Commands At The Front
On behalf of the hon. Member for S. Salford, I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether, seeing that several changes recently made in the officers commanding the several divisions and brigades in the army on the Modder River, the supreme command of which has recently been taken over by Lord Roberts, he is in a position to give the names of the several officers at present commanding divisions, and brigades in that army.
No, Sir, we have no information.
Irish Militia—Alleged Coercion To Volunteer
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State-for War whether, when Irish Militia regiments are brought to England and the men are asked to volunteer for service at the front, he will provide Members of this House who may wish to visit Militiamen belonging to their constituencies who are in such regiments, with the opportunity of ascertaining in what way they were asked to volunteer for the front, and whether they were free agents or not, and with the necessary authority to interview them on these points.
Arising out of that question, may I ask my hon. friend whether he is aware that the hon. Member for Kilkenny on a recent occasion is reported to have advised Irish soldiers to shoot their English comrades and join the Boers?
Don't stand that.
Order, order! That does not arise out of the question.
In reply to the hon. Member who asked the original question, I have to say that this would be quite contrary to military discipline.
Is the hon. gentleman aware that several of the soldiers have written to their friends saying that they have been coerced into volunteering?
No, Sir; I have no information to that effect, and I believe the case has been misrepresented.
I have a letter my self—
Order, order!
I beg to give the hon. Gentleman notice that if he brings Kilkenny Militia into this country I shall—
Order, order! This is not the time to give notice.
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether nearly 50 per cent, of the 6th Battalion Royal Irish Rifles (Louth Militia), stationed at Sheffield Barracks, have signified their objection to go to the front in South Africa; and if so, whether the men are within their rights in refusing for foreign service; and whether he will see that no undue pressure is put upon them to compel or induce them to go.
I have no information to the effect stated in the question. But, as I have before informed the hon. Member, commanding officers have received the most explicit orders not to place any pressure upon their men to accept service in South Africa, and the Secretary of State has no reason to believe that such pressure is being exercised.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether, considering he asked me to postpone the question, he instituted the inquiries which he promised to make?
I cannot accept the statement that I promised to make any inquiry. I have on more than one occasion given the answer I have given this afternoon.
I am in the recollection of the House—
Order, order!
Move the adjournment.
The question has been fully answered.
I will take the earliest opportunity to raise the question of the kidnapping of Irish Militiamen to send them abroad.
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether he can explain the method adopted by the colonel of the 3rd Royal Munster Fusiliers (Militia), now stationed at Dover, en route to South Africa on the 21st inst., to ascertain whether any of the men were willing to volunteer for the front; whether he will inquire if the men were asked en masse while on parade; whether he is aware that very few of them understood the colonel's words; also that some men who were not on parade at the time afterwards explained to their officers that they were not willing to volunteer or be bound by what happened on parade on the occasion, and were then told that the majority had volunteered, and that they were bound to go with them; whether he will order, before this regiment is sent to the front on the 21st inst., that each man is asked separately if he wishes to volunteer, and allowed reasonable time to give his reply, and that ho is protected against any attempt to influence him in his decision; and whether he will give the necessary authority to Irish Members of this House to interview any of their constituents who are amongst the 3rd Royal Minister Fusiliers.
There is no information on the subject in the War Office; but strict orders are given that no pressure is to be put upon the men; and the Secretary of State is not disposed to interfere with the commanding officer, who, he does not doubt, did his duty.
Perhaps now I may be allowed to ask the Hon. Gentlemen if he did not send mo a letter from his Department asking me to post pone a question in order that he might make inquiry, and did he not tell me that personally?
I have no recollection. It has escaped my memory if I said so. A letter may have been sent on my behalf.
Are we to understand that the hon. Gentleman is not responsible for letters that come from his Department?
Order, order!
remained standing.
When I call the hon. Member to order I must ask him to resume his seat.
I wish to ask the Under Secretary of State for War a question of which I have given him private notice—namely, whether his attention has been directed to a letter dated 12th February, in the Irish press, from Dr. Logue, the Cardinal Primate of Ireland, with reference to the case of a Militiaman named Duffy, under orders, as he believe, for military service in South Africa, without having been given any option of accepting or declining active service; and whether, having regard to the statement of the Cardinal on the subject of the grievances of this man, that "he knows as little of what he is about as a bullock being led to the shambles"—
Order, order! This illustrates the inconvenience of not putting questions down. Members read out what would be struck out as irregular if the question were duly handed in.
I am only quoting from the Cardinal's letter.
Perhaps I may inform the hon. Member that I have not received his private notice. I should be glad if hon. Members would give me two or three days notice of these questions.
The case is urgent, because this man will soon be gone.
May I ask whether a message sent by special messenger to the War Office before noon is likely to reach the hon. Member?
I am certain to be there, but when there are thirty-five questions put down I cannot undertake to reply to such questions without fuller-notice.
Irish Roman Catholics—Seditious Circulars
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland if his attention has been called to a green handbill circulated in Dublin addressed to Irish Roman Catholics, and headed "England's Robber War," in which it is stated, on the authority of the Rev. Father Kavanagh, that every man who engages in such war if he dies in it must suffer the loss of his soul; and what steps the Government propose to take in reference to the printing and circulating of such documents.
Circulars such as are described in the question containing a letter purporting to have been written by the Rev. Father Kavanagh have, it is believed, been circulated privately to a limited extent in Dublin. The police have been instructed to seize and destroy the circulars when found. The matter is being carefully watched, but up to the present the Government have not considered it necessary to take further action.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the circular puts this forward as the doctrine of the Catholic Church?
Is it not perfectly notorious in Dublin that the circular was got out by the Orange party?
[No answer was given.]
Captured Cannon
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War what is the number and description of the cannon captured by the Boers from the British forces since the opening of the present war down to the latest information in the possession of the Government, and how many of the Boer cannon have been captured by the British forces within the same period.
I regret to say I have not the information here. But the number of guns captured has been published several times, and there is no objection to publishing them now. But I do deprecate for the future publishing the debit and credit until the account is closed.
When will that be?
Subsequently Mr. WYNDHAM supplied the following figures to the press—"The Boers have captured twelve 15-pounder field guns, seven 7-pounder mountain guns. The British forces captured two Boer guns at Elandslaagte and one Maxim in the sortie from Ladysmith of the 7th December. They also destroyed one 6in. gun and two 4·7 howitzers in the sorties of the 7th and 10th December."
Vickers-Maxim Quick-Firing Guns
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether the Vickers-Maxim quick-firing gun has proved very effective in the hands of the Boers; and whether it was offered some years ago to Her Majesty's Government and refused; and if so, by whose advice.
No reports on the effectiveness of the Vickers-Maxim as employed by the Boers have been received at the War Office from South Africa. In regard to the second paragraph the gun was submitted for trial not for the Army, but for the Navy, to see if it would prove effective in repelling attacks of torpedo boats, and the report on it for that purpose was not favourable. I have already told the House that we are sending out a number of these guns to South Africa.
The New Batteries Of Artillery
I beg to ask the Under Secretary, of State for War if it be the intention of the War Office to arm the forty-three new batteries of artillery with guns similar to those at present in use in South Africa, or with a new pattern equal in rapidity of fire, range, and other qualities to the latest type in the possession of any Power".
The new guns will be of the same calibre and of about the same weight as the guns now in South Africa. The new equipment will be at least equal in all their principal features to any field guns possessed by foreign Powers.
The Eighth Division
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether orders have been received at Aldershot for the battalions of the Eighth Division to draw clothing and equipment immediately on the South African scale and to bring up their establishment to war strength by drafts from the depôts; and whether it is intended that the Eighth Division should proceed forthwith to South Africa.
I must ask my hon. friend to excuse me from replying at present to this question.
Reduction Of The Royal Horse Artillery In 1887
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War a question, of which I have given private notice, namely, whether he has been able to acquire any further information in respect to the military authority who advised a reduction of the Royal Horse Artillery in 1887.
Yes, Sir; but it is of a negative character only. I am able to state on the authority of his Royal Highness the Duke of Cambridge that so far from advising a reduction in the number of the Royal Horse Artillery batteries in that year, he pressed for an increase on the Estimates.
Reserve Of Officers
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that a number of officers in the Reserve of Officers have applied for employment on active service; whether, in order to fill up vacancies, the Government will employ these officers for service at home and foreign stations and for departmental work; and whether the Government will employ these officers of the Reserve to take the place of officers employed at depôts or as adjutants of Auxiliary forces.
Officers of the Reserve are being appointed to depôts and for other duties; but not at present as adjutants of Auxiliary forces, for which appointments it is considered necessary to retain officers who have recently been in actual regimental employment, and who are conversant with the office work of the depot.
Staff Officers' Allowances
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether the issue of lodging and fuel and light allowances to the wives and families of all staff and senior departmental officers now serving in the South Africa field force can be extended in favour of such other departmental officers ordered to that country on mobilisation of the Army as were drawing those allowances when ordered abroad.
The continuance of these allowances does not, as the ques- tion seems to imply, depend on the rank of the officer drawing them, but on the length of the fixed period of tenure appertaining to the appointment held.
Volunteer Adjutants
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the large number of casualties amongst senior regimental officers serving in South Africa, steps can be taken to provide against possible vacancies in the future by releasing adjutants of Volunteer corps for active service, and employing officers from the Reserve of Officers to take over the duty of adjutant of such Volunteer corps.
Having in view the need of maintaining the efficiency of the Auxiliary forces, the Commander-in-Chief is not prepared to take their present adjutants from them.
Volunteer Officers—Equipment Grants
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether officers chosen from Volunteer battalions for service in South Africa will receive a grant of £100 for equipment, such as is given to an officer promoted from the ranks or to a Reserve officer recalled for service.
An officer from the Reserve of Officers if called out is granted £100 for outfit. Terms were offered for Volunteers for service in South Africa, which were accepted and, as we are at present advised, were acceptable. These did not include more for the officers who volunteered than the special capitation rate which is granted to the corps for men of any rank who volunteer.
Imperial Yeomanry Equipment
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether, as alleged by Sir Henry Norman, some of the Imperial Yeomanry have been supplied with coloured horse rugs and black overcoats, whereas most regiments of the Imperial Yeomanry have khaki coloured great coats and horse rugs.
These supplies have all been arranged by the Yeomanry Committee. They report that about seventy-five light coloured horse-rugs have been issued, as enough ordinary rugs were not at the time procurable. They will be replaced from the depot. As regards greatcoats, none of khaki colour have been issued. The authorized colours are navy blue and dark grey. If any black ones have been supplied, the number must have been small.
Transport Service—The Imperial Yeomanry
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War if he can state what arrangements have been made for conveying the remaining troops of the Imperial Yeomanry to South Africa.
1,900 men and 1,700 horses of the Imperial Yeomanry are awaiting embarkation. Of these, it is expected that 1,800 men and about 950 horses will be embarked between the 23rd instant and the end of the month, Shipping will be ready for the remainder very shortly afterwards.
Alleged Boer Spies Tn The Imperial Yeomanry
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War what are the circumstances attending the arrest of two yeomen named Buck on a charge of being Boer spies.
An inquiry is now proceeding in this matter.
Yeomanry Horsemanship Tests—Alleged Fatality At Belfast
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the fatal accident which happened to a yeoman or volunteer within the grounds of the Victoria Barracks, Belfast, on Wednesday last, the 7th inst.; whether he is aware that the soldier was put upon a vicious horse to submit to the test for horsemanship; that this horse bolted, unhorsed its rider, and then trampled over his body; and that the rider was afterwards removed to the general hospital, where he succumbed to the injuries sustained; whether lie will state the name and address of the rider; and whether, under the circumstances, steps will be taken not to employ vicious horses for i the fast riding tests.
I am afraid that the hon. Member has been completely misinformed. The horse in question was the quietest in the stables, and did not bolt. The man, James Baird, insisted that he was able to pass the test, though carefully warned beforehand, and was. promptly thrown. He was able to attend to his business on the same evening, and has enjoyed perfect health ever since. No horse has ever bolted during the tests.
Customs Duties On Articles Sent To The Troops
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the present uncertainty as to the customs regulations in Cape Town and Natal is checking the sending of parcels of tobacco and other comforts for the troops when the parcels are too large to go by post: whether seeing that parcels urgently needed by the soldiers may remain indefinitely at the Custom House unless some system of paying the duties is established, arrangements can be made either for enabling the senders of parcels to pay the-colonial duties in this country or for appointing an officer in South Africa to do this; and whether in some other way the War Office will make arrangements so that it shall be possible and reasonably certain for these comforts to reach our soldiers, and that without unnecessary delay.
The privilege of sending parcels of tobacco and other presents to the troops free of the Colonial Customs duties was originally intended by the Government of Cape Colony to apply only to parcels. A letter from Mr. Hamilton Gatliffe, dated January 20th, seems to show that the Capo Customs authorities were not then prepared to go so far in respect of large consignments as I gathered to be the case from his telegram of January 29th. It may be that the later and more liberal attitude indicated by the telegram is the one which the Cape Government has finally decided to adopt. But to avoid any chance error I must ask my hon. friend to allow me to confer with the Colonial Secretary.
Army Supplementary Estimates
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he has observed the extremely large items and the absence of particulars from the paper which has been distributed with regard; to the Supplementary Estimates of the War Office; and when it will be possible to lay before Parliament complete details of the expenditure of the twenty-three millions included in these Supplementary Estimates.
Nothing but a very rough estimate of war expenditure ' can possibly be framed. The actual expenditure will be shown in the Army Appropriation Account for 1899–1900 under ail the subheads of the Votes. The present mode of presenting the demands for war funds has been preferred to that of a vote of credit, as an approximate estimate of the amounts required under each Vote is presented, but it is not possible to present a more detailed statement.
Will the Appropriation Account give fuller details?
The hon. Member must know that in the Appropriation Account every sixpence is accounted for, and you can tell exactly how much is spent on men and how much on horses.
Publication Of War News
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Government can, without detriment to the public interests, authorise the publication of earlier and fuller official information with regard to the progress of the war, and give greater freedom to the correspondents of British newspapers, so as to prevent the earliest news of important or critical events reaching this country from the Continent.
My right hon. friend has asked me to reply to this. Every telegram describing military operations which can be published is published at the earliest possible moment. The Government must leave the restrictions on correspondents at the front to the discretion of the military authorities in South Africa.
Rates Of Postage To Troops At The Front
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster-General, whether he is aware that the postage from this country to North-Eastern Rhodesia is 2½d., whereas the postage from that territory to this country is 6d.; and, in view of the fact that Imperial troops are now stationed throughout Rhodesia, will arrangements be made to reduce the postage from that country to 2½d.
Yes, Sir, the postage in the outward direction is fixed by Her Majesty's Government, and that in the homeward direction by the local authorities, who are now arranging to reduce it to 4d. the ½ oz. The interests of the forces now in Rhodesia are, however, saved by the fact that non-commissioned officers and men of the Army and Navy enjoy by statute the privilege of sending and receiving ½-oz letters for one penny.
Transports—Australian Coal
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of the fact that Australian coal can be obtained at little more than half the price now being paid by the Admiralty for Welsh coal, and has been most successfully used by great English liners as well as by the United States Navy, he can inform the House why no Australian coal has been used for the British transports to the Transvaal.
The actual price of Australian coal compares favourably with Welsh, but when the cost of freight is added the comparison has not hitherto been in favour of the former. Offers, however, are now under consideration which approximate more closely to present prices, owing to the high rates now prevailing both for Welsh coal and freight from England. Although Australian coal is being used by Her Majesty's ships in Australian waters for ordinary passages, reports from that station describe it as unsuitable for continuous steaming at high speeds.
Russell Shooting Director
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War, whether the Committee at Aldershot, who reported unfavourably of the shooting director invented by Mr. T. A. Russell, had tested it by any firing; whether he is aware that the officer commanding the Regimental District at Hounslow in 1890, now commanding a division in South Africa, had tested it exhaustively by unofficial trials, and had reported that it nearly doubled the accuracy of the rifle practice; and whether those results were known to the Com-mander-in-Chief and the Adjutant-General.
Yes, Sir. The Committee did test it by firing at different ranges and at different sorts of targets, and reported that it was not suitable for active service. The trials carried out by the officer commanding the Regimental District at Hounslow were on a small scale, and were prior to the exhaustive trials at Aldershot. The results were known to the Commander-in-Chief and to the Adjutant-General.
Brotherhood Depression Range Finder
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the inventor of the Brotherhood depression range finder, on taking out provisional protection for his invention, offered it to the War Office for inspection and trial, and was informed that it could not be considered unless he first submitted to the authorities two complete sets of drawings; and will he state whether it is the practice of the War Office to place similar restrictions on inventions submitted to the Department; and, if so, will he say whether the rule can be so modified that inventors may not be discouraged and driven to offer their inventions to foreign Governments.
Yes, Sir. Drawings are invariably required, and are obviously essential.
What is the object of having drawings when you have the article itself to experiment with?
[No answer was given.]
In consequence of the unsatisfactory reply I shall take the earliest opportunity of calling attention to the action of the War Office in this matter.
Mark Iv Ammunition
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether any inquiry was made by the War Department into the cause of the failure of the Mark IV. ammunition at Bisley last year; and, if so, what has been the result of such inquiry.
Yes, Sir. A full and minute inquiry was made, and it was decided to stop the manufacture of Mark IV. bullet and replace it by Mark V.
Militia Sergeant Majors
On behalf of the hon. Member for York (Mr. BUTCHER) I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for War whether Militia sergeant majors appointed prior to February, 1889, were entitled to the rank of warrant officers; will he explain why an Army Order was issued in February, 1889, depriving Militia sergeant majors appointed after that date of the rank of warrant officers; whether under the Special Army Order No. 203 of 3rd November, 1899, Militia sergeant majors will receive the pay and allowance, but not the rank of warrant officers; why in the event of a warrant officer being killed in action his wife and children are entitled to pensions, but in the event of a Militia sergeant major being killed in action his wife and children are entitled to no pension whatever; and whether the Government will take into consideration the question of raising all Militia sergeant majors to the rank of warrant officers, or otherwise ensuring pensions for the wives and children of those killed in action.
Militia sergeant majors never were warrant officers, and as. during peace they are only employed for a portion of the year it is not considered necessary to give them the rank or pay. During embodiment, however, they are granted the same pay and allowances as in the Line, but warrant rank is not conferred upon them. The question of the provision for their wives and families in the case of men killed in action or dying in consequence of foreign service is under consideration.
Royal Patriotic Commission
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Department what pensions or retiring allowances have been or are being paid by the Royal Patriotic Commissioners to persons employed by the Commission. What are the details of those at present in enjoyment and the amount of capital fictuarially reserved to secure their payment. Whether he is aware that Clause 5 of the Patriotic Act, 1881, expressly forbids the granting of any pension or retiring allowance without the approval of the Treasury. That the Commissioners have guaranteed, notwithstanding, a pension to the present secretary upon retirement. Whether such undertaking has received Treasury assent. And whether the Government will undertake to see that no further misapplication of the funds in such direction be permitted.
Superannuation allowances have been granted from time to time to officers and clerks of the office, with Treasury consent, in accordance with the requirements of the Patriotic Fund Act. The amounts now outstanding are £235 8s. 8d. a year, for which £1,550 has been set aside by the actuary from the capital. Subject to the approval of the Treasury, the present secretary will on retirement be granted a pension in accordance with the Act already mentioned.
Crimean Pensioners
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether ho is aware that an Army pensioner named William Coleman, who took part in the Crimean War, and fought in the battles of Alma, Inkerman, and Sebastapool, and also went through the Indian Mutiny and other engagements, for which he holds six medals, during which he was severely wounded, was compelled, owing to insufficient pension, to apply to the Thrapston Board of Guardians, Northants, for outdoor relief; and whether, owing to the insufficiency of pension granted to Coleman and other Crimean veterans, the War Office can see their way to giving them some small increase of pension.
William Coleman has, I am informed, been awarded the highest rate of pension which present regulations allow, namely 1s. 1d. a day.
Will the hon. Gentleman permit me to ask if this man was not employed by the Duke of Devonshire. Cannot he do something to prevent the man going into the workhouse?
[No answer was given.]
Canteen And Mess Co-Operative Society
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether he can state how many officers on active service are connected with the Canteen and Mess Co-operative Society; and is not this society an association trading for profit; and if so, is it consistent with the Queen's Regulations that officers on active service should engage in trade competition with taxpaying traders and contractors.
Eleven officers of the Imperial Army on the active list hold shares in the Canteen and Mess Co-operative Society, representing in all capital to the amount of £821, or a maximum annual dividend of £41 1s., which gives an average annual income of about £3 15s. a head. The hon. Member has been informed in the House more than once that this is not a trading association but a provident society, conforming in every way with the conditions laid down for such societies in the Provident Societies Act, 1893. As such it is not contrary to the Queen's Regulations for officers on the active list to take part in its management.
Is it not a fact that this provident society pays a dividend of 5 per cent., and is there anything to-prevent the relatives of the officers holding a large number of shares?
I have stated precisely what the interest of the officers amounts to—they get about £3 15s. each a year.
Regimental Canteen Contracts
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether commanding officers of regiments in Ireland will be allowed freedom in connection with future contracts for groceries, provisions, and other articles supplied to regimental canteens; whether under present arrangements these contracts are practically decided by staff officers, though they are of entirely regimental character according to Queen's regulations; and will the War Office give instructions to commanding officers to procure supplies from local contractors in cases where price, quality, and conditions of supply are satisfactory.
General officers have power to make district contracts when they consider it in the interests of the troops. There is no reason for depriving the general officers in Ireland of this discretionary power. District contracts are decided by boards composed of regimental officers drawn from all parts of a district and not of staff officers, though a staff officer with special knowledge regarding supplies generally attends to give advice. There is no reason for fettering general or other commanding officers in their choice of the source from which they may purchase supplies for canteens.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his answer. But may I ask him if it is not a fact that the officers who decide as to these contracts are connected with the Canteen and Mess Co-operative Society.
[No answer was given.]
Catering For Troops Employed In Disaffected Districts—The Welsh Coal Riots
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office what proportion of the amounts claimed by those who catered for the troops at Aberdare and Pontypridd in 1898 has been paid out of Imperial funds; whether any of the balance not paid by the War Office has been paid from local or other sources; and, if so, how much; if he is aware that the amounts claimed were based on the, rates for catering specifically agreed upon between those who catered and the stipendiary magistrates for the districts in which the troops were quartered; and that the non-payment of a large portion of the amounts arranged under such contracts has involved some of the caterers in serious embarrassment; and whether he will take steps to let tradesmen throughout the country know that the War Office and county councils are in no way bound by contracts for the catering of troops made by stipendiary or other magistrates when troops are sent to maintain the peace in disaffected districts.
Of £4,307 claimed, £1,531 has been paid out of Imperial funds. It is stated that a further £105 has been paid by the Glamorgan County Council. There is no knowledge at the War Office of the arrangements as to the rates for catering which were made by the chief constable of Glamorganshire; but it is understood that the county council considered the claims exorbitant. The whole question of the incidence of the cost of catering for troops in such circumstances is under consideration.
I am not concerned with the arrangements made by the chief constable, and my question referred to that made by the stipendiary magistrate.
My answer covers both.
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office if he will consider the advisability of increasing the maximum rates allowed by the War Office for the catering of troops when quartered in districts where rioting is anticipated or has actually occurred.
The rates for billeting are fixed by Act of Parliament, and the question of liability for any charge not covered by those rates is under the consideration of the Government.
Coloured Landowners In The Transvaal
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he can state whether, under the existing laws of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, any impediments are placed in the way of coloured persons desirous of acquiring and holding land. Whether, so far as the Transvaal is concerned, any such impediment constitutes an infringement of Article XIX. of the Convention of 1884. And whether coloured persons are under any disabilities as to the acquisition and ownership of land in Cape Colony and Natal.
In the South African Republic natives and other coloured persons are not allowed to acquire land in their own name. Application has to be made to the Superintendent of Natives, who took the place of the British Secretary for Native Affairs and the Native Location Commission provided for by Articles 13 and 31 of the Pretoria Convention. I do not, therefore, think that the existing arrangement is a breach of Article XIX. of the London Convention. In the Orange Free State I believe that coloured persons of partly European origin are allowed to acquire and hold land, but not other coloured persons. Indians are practically excluded from settling in the State at all. In the Cape and Natal coloured persons other than natives residing in locations (who own land in common) are not under any restriction as to acquiring and owning land.
Famagusta Harbour
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Government proposes to make such alterations in the harbour of Famagusta as will make it more convenient for trade purposes; and whether due care will be taken in the process of carrying out such alterations that no damage shall be done to, and that there shall be no interference with, the ancient walls and gates of the town.
The improvement of the harbour at Famagusta will be taken in hand as soon as the necessary preliminary legislation has been passed by the Legislative Council. Every care will be taken to avoid any undue interference with the ancient walls and gates. I am in communication with the High Commissioner on this point.
Savings Banks
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can now state what steps he has taken and proposes to take in pursuance of the intimation he gave to the House on 8th June last relative to Savings Banks.
I took steps, as I promised to do, for obtaining some fresh information on this subject during the recess, especially with regard to the system adopted in France, and I have a measure in course of preparation based on the result of those inquiries; but I cannot yet say when I may be able to introduce it.
Reports Of Factory Inspectors
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can state at what date he will issue the reports of the inspectors of factories for 1899, promised by him last August for an early date in this session.
I have considered carefully, with the Chief Inspector of Factories, the question of the reports of the work of his Department. New arrangements hare been made for the preparation of the great mass of material with which his annual report has to deal; and he expects to have it ready for publication in May. With this object, it is necessary to omit the annual returns of persons employed which in recent years have been tabulated for the purposes of the report.
Dangerous Lamps And Oils
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if his attention has been drawn to the explosion of a petroleum lamp at Salford, on 29th December last, which caused the death of five persons; whether he has considered the verdict of the jury in the inquest held on the five bodies, and the remarks of the coroner, who strongly condemned the use of dangerous lamps such as the one which caused the accident; and whether he intends this session to introduce the Bill to deal with the sale of lamps, and carry out the promise to Parliament made by the Under Secretary to the Department on 15th March, 1899, when he informed the House that the Government had decided to deal with the questions of dangerous lamps and oils, and that their Bill had long been in preparation and was in a forward state.
I have had before me the evidence in the case to I which the hon. Member refers; and am only too well aware of the danger which arises from the use of inferior lamps. But the whole question of petroleum lamps and oils is, as the hon. Member will recognise, a very controversial one, and I fear that I cannot promise legislation upon it this session.
Compensation To Injured Merchant Seamen
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Government intends this session to introduce a Seamen's Compensation Bill to compensate seamen if injured, or the relatives of those killed, in manner similar to the Workmen's Compensation Act of 1897.
The Government cannot undertake to introduce any Bill on this subject this session.
Workmen's Compensation Act
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to a letter, dated 27th November, 1899, "from the Secretary of State for the Colonies relating to the Workmen's Compensation Act of 1897, in which he said that when the Act was passed he certainly had no idea that pieceworkers or casual labourers, if engaged in bon^a fide employment, could or would be excluded from the benefits of the measure; and whether, having regard to the above statements, he will introduce a short Bill this session to amend the Workmen's Compensation Act, and bring within its scope casual labourers and pieceworkers.
Yes, Sir. I have seen a copy of the letter of my right hon. friend. I will only add that it has not yet been decided authoritatively that casual labourers are excluded from the benefits of the Act, and that I have no doubt that pieceworkers in regular employment are fully within its provisions. I have already stated more than once that in any case the Government does not see its way to legislation on the subject at the present moment.
But is not the right hon. Gentleman aware that the relatives of a casual labourer are not likely to be in a position to carry a case to the Appeal Courts?
I believe that only one county court judge has given an adverse decision.
Private Bill Legislation Expenses
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for the Home Department why the return relating to Private Bill Legislation expenses ordered by the House on the 28th of April of last year has not been presented, and when it is likely to be in the hands of Members.
I have received from two of the Departments the portions of this return for which they are responsible, and I hope within a few weeks to receive the remainder from the other two departments concerned. It will then be issued as soon as it can be printed. The return is an extremely voluminous one, and has to be collected from hundreds of local authorities, railway and other companies, any one of whom by failing to give the required information may delay the whole return.
Will the return include similar expenses relating to light railways?
That matter has been considered, and as it is thought the information may be useful it will be included.
Indicator Of Debates
I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether an indicator of the debates can be placed in the tea room.
I beg at the same time to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether, as the news room is frequented throughout the sittings of the House, he will place an indicator of the debates there in preference to the tea room.
In answer to my hon. friend and to the question of the hon. Member for the Mansfield Division, I beg to say that I will give their suggestions my favourable consideration. I am inclined to think that of the two proposals that which suggests that an indicator should be placed in the newspaper room is the best.
Brakes On Passenger Trains
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he will state whether any, and, if any, how many railway companies have introduced on passenger trains the brake system of communication between railway passengers and the guard.
This system has been in use for some years past on the Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincolnshire or Great Central Railway, and also on the Furness and Cambrian Railways. Almost all the principal companies have now decided to adopt it. Correspondence between the Board of Trade and the companies on the subject of railway passenger communication will shortly be presented to Parliament.
Telegraphic Communication With Lighthouses
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether it is intended to give effect to Clause 2 (5) of the Mercantile Marine Fund Act, 1898, which provides that, in so far as may be compatible with the efficiency and safety of the lighthouse service, telegraphic communications with lighthouses shall be available for private messages at reasonable charges; and, if such is the intention, when he will be in a position to state the terms and conditions upon which these facilities will be granted.
The question how far electrical communication with lights houses may be made available for private messages is one of the points which have been referred to an Inter-Departmental Committee, who are dealing with the whole subject of communications between lighthouses or light vessels on the shore. Until I have received the report of that committee I shall not be in a position to-give the information asked for by the hon. Member.
Electric Traction On The Metropolitan Underground Railways
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade what progress has been made with the electric traction experiments on the Metropolitan Under-ground Railways; and whether there is any prospect of electric traction being introduced on those railways at an early date.
I am glad to be able to state that substantial progress has been made with the experimental work on the District Railway, and that it is proposed to run a train for the conveyance of passengers between certain points on the line in the course of a few weeks.
Scottish Congested Districts—Proposed New Piers
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate if he could state what schemes for new piers to be constructed under the Small Piers and Harbours Act, 1896, have been submitted to the Congested Districts Board; whether a plan has been submitted from St. Margaret's Hope, Orkney, and, if so, will he say what action the Congested Districts Board has taken, and the amount of grant allowed; whether a plan has been sent from North Ronaldshay, and, if so, what assistance is to be given; whether plans have been approved for piers at Longhope and North Walls, and, if so, what will be their cost, the amount of public money given, and the amount to be raised locally by taxation and by voluntary gift; and whether other plans have been submitted, and, if so, what action the Congested Districts Board have taken with regard to them.
The following schemes have been submitted to the Congested Districts Board for Orkney Piers: (1) Egilshay, (2) Burray, (3) St. Margaret's Hope, (4) North; Ronaldshay, (5) Longhope, (6) Moness, (7) North Ness, (8) South Ness. No definite application has come from Zetland. A plan has been submitted for St. Margaret's Hope. This application will be considered in due course, and when, with due regard to the claims of other districts it can be taken up. A plan has also been received for North Ronaldshay, and the board are awaiting information they asked for on 6th October last, The board have approved a plan for Long-hope Pier. The estimated cost is £3,633, of which the board will find 75 per cent., or £2,725 on certain conditions. The proprietor offered to give free a site and all material that can be found on the estate. Further, he will build North Ness boatslip, and along with the inhabitants will construct a road from Walls to Hoy, and a road over the Ayre. These roads and the boatslip are estimated to cost £2,130; and the local contribution for Longhope Pier is £908, besides site and, certain materials. The only other plans yet received are for Egilshay and for Burray, where grants of £375 and of £1,260 respectively have been made on the usual conditions.
Island Of Lewis—Fishermen's Dwellings
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate if he will state what progress has been made with the scheme for the erection of fishermen's dwellings in the Island of Lewis.
The Congested Districts Board secured from the proprietor of the Island of Lewis an offer to feu direct to fishermen twenty-six quarter-acre plots at the rate of £4 an acre (the minimum rate allowed by the Court of Session for this entailed estate) in the Battery Park, Stornoway. They offered to bear the law costs and to construct necessary enclosures, roads, drains and a water supply pipe—all free of cost to the feuar. They also offered to lend £120 to each feuar to enable him to erect his house—principal and interest being repayable by instalments in thirty years. Full intimation was made of these proposals, but, as the result was one solitary application, the Board could not go further with the scheme, though they are quite willing to make another attempt if convinced that applications will be forthcoming.
Sunday Trawling In Scottish Waters
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether the Secretary for Scotland has received from the Free Church Presbytery of Lewis copies of resolutions carried at a meeting held at Back, Lewis, on the 13th December last, calling attention to the depredations made by illegal trawlers around the coast of Lewis, and pointing out that the masters of these vessels make a constant practice of trawl-in the lochs and bays on Sunday, when they conduct their operations unmolested; and will he state what action has been taken in the matter.
The resolutions in question were received. Since that time the "Vigilant" has detected the trawler "Rex" illegally working in the locality, with the result that the master of that vessel was fined £105. Since then the "Vigilant" has again been cruising off the Lewis, but without detecting any infringement.
The Hague Conference
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Her Majesty's Government has ratified the Convention for a pacific settlement of international disputes agreed to at the Hague; and whether, if such ratification has taken place, Her Majesty's Government has appointed four arbitrators in pursuance of Article XXIII. of the Convention; and, if so, can the names of the arbitrators be now given; if these have not as yet been appointed, will early steps be taken to make an appointment.
The Convention in question was signed in October last, but has not yet been ratified, so far as we are aware, by the Governments of any of the signatory Powers. Her Majesty's Government will be ready to appoint four arbitrators when ratification has taken place.
Foot-And-Mouth Disease Regulations
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he has received a copy of the resolutions passed by the Norfolk Chamber of Agriculture on Saturday last, and whether he is able favourably to consider them.
My right hon. friend has received the resolutions to which my hon. friend refers, and with regard to the matter to which, as he understands, the greatest importance attaches namely, the movement of animals for slaughter—he is glad to say that he has been able to give certain facilities for this purpose in an order which comes into operation to-day, a copy of which he will be happy to give to my hon. friend. The other suggestions of the Norfolk Chamber will not be lost sight of, but it would be unsafe as yet for him to sanction any further relaxation of the restrictions.
India Famine Relief
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the unhappy condition of India and the unprecedented demands on the Indian revenues for famine relief, the Government will consider the propriety of making a substantial grant to India from the British Treasury.
I beg at the same time to ask the Secretary of State for India whether it is intended to make any grant from Imperial funds towards the relief of those suffering from the famine in India.
We do not propose to make a grant to India from the British Treasury for famine purposes, as ire have no reason to believe that the financial means and credit of the Government of India are insufficient to meet all demands that are likely to arise in connection with the relief of distress caused by the present famine in India.
Oysters Bill
I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether the Government intend Votes to introduce the Oysters Bill again this session.
Since the publication of Dr. Bulscrode's report and since legislation was proposed on this subject, there is no doubt that a good deal has been done by voluntary action to remove the evils complained of, and it is alleged that further improvement is still in progress. I have directed one of the medical inspectors of' the Board to report me as to this. The places complained of are comparatively few, and I am awaiting the inspector's report before deciding whether reintroduction of the Bill is necessary and desirable or not.
Reorganisation Of The Education Department
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether the Departmental Committee on the reorganisation of the Education Department will, before presenting their final report, consider the advisability of transferring to the new Board of Education the educational powers now exercised by the Board of Agriculture; and whether, before the Act of last session comes into operation, any opportunity will lie afforded for the discussion in Parliament of any reports or Orders in Council which may be presented as the result of the deliberations of the Committee.
The matter referred to in the first paragraph of the question is now under consideration. In reply to the second paragraph of the question, I may say that the reports of the Committee relate to matters of office reorganisation and are for the most part carried out as soon as made. But any Order in Council proposed to be made under the Board of Education Act will be laid before each House of Parliament in accordance with the Act, before it is submitted to Her Majesty in Council.
Will they be printed and issued with the Votes?
What?
The Orders in Council.
They will be laid on the Table of the House.
But will they be printed?
That is a matter over which I have no control.
Acquisition And Control Of Art Objects In National Museums
I beg to ask the Vice-President; of the Committee of Council on Education whether the Director of the Art Museum is in future to be directly and finally responsible for the acquisition of art objects, as was recently recommended by a select Committee of this House, or; whether the responsibility is to be shared between the director and the new Council of Artists; whether the Council of Artists will sanction the acquisition of all art objects, and whether on questions of authenticity, art value, and suitableness for museum purposes, they will be empowered to control or override the decisions of the director, or if their functions are to be purely advisory; and; whether it will be still possible for the museum officials to take the opinion of expert antiquarians.
The answers to the alternative questions in the first paragraph are both in the negative. In I regard to the remainder of the question it is open to the President of the Board of Education to take the advice of such persons as he may think desirable on all such matters.
Training Curriculum For Pupil Teachers
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he will consider the propriety of modification of Schedule V.* of the Day School Code, 1899, by making English (grammar) an optional subject in the training curriculum of pupil teachers, with a view to making elementary science of necessary subject instead; whether he will frame a scheme for elementary science: in such a form as to cover the require- ments (in the first instance) for object lessons in Standards I., II, and III., as set out in supplement to Schedule TL, alternative course in mechanics, botany, horticulture, principles of agriculture and experimental, arithmetic, physics, and chemistry; and whether he will consider under Clause 101e, the propriety of making English (grammar) a specific instead of a class subject, with a view to making elementary science, as so set out, a necessary first-class subject in Standards I., II., and III.
The Committee of Council will consider the suggestions of the hon. Member, but I cannot give any definite pledge till such consideration has taken place.
Light Railways In The Highlands
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether, with a view to encourage the construction of light railways in the Highland crofting counties, the Treasury will consider the expediency of arranging for a free grant of half the estimated cost of the line.
Where the poverty of a district is extreme, and the scheme proposed promises exceptional advantages to local interests, the Treasury is prepared to make a grant of public money equal to one half the estimated expenditure. This has already been done in one instance (the Dornoch line). But each case must be judged by its merits, and before a grant is made the Treasury must be satisfied that the district has contributed to the utmost of its means to a railway made only in the interest of the district.
Cable Delays In Liverpool
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether his attention has been drawn by Liverpool cotton merchants to the serious delay which occurs in communicating by I cable with the United States, after ordinary business hours in Liverpool and Manchester, but during business hours in New York, owing to the refusal of the Postal authorities to allow the cable companies to telephone direct to their clients messages received, or to allow the latter to telephone direct to the cable companies messages for transmission by cable; whether he is aware that the delay involved in sending such messages through the Post Office frequently leads to the loss of business, which is diverted to the Continent, or elsewhere; whether the Postal authorities refuse to allow such direct communication between subscribers within the same telephone area, because they hold that telephone messages in connection with cablegrams should be charged for as inland telegrams, whether the merchants concerned have offered to be registered as parties to whom cablegrams may be telephoned by the cable companies, and to pay for all such messages sent or received by telephone, as if they were telegrams, as well as a registration fee, if required; and whether he will recommend the acceptance of this offer, or endeavour to make some other arrangement whereby the rights of the Post Office may be safeguarded without detriment to business requirements.
The company naturally cannot be allowed to intercept a telegraphic message on its way to the person to whom it is addressed. The Postmaster General, however, will give further consideration to the question, and endeavour to make some arrangements which will meet the difficulty now experienced in the transmission of such messages.
Will this apply to in-coming as well as outgoing messages?
Primâ facie, so far as I can see, there would be no objection to merchants telephoning to the secretary of the cable company asking him to send on messages. But the whole question is being reconsidered.
Stradone Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether any complaints have been recently made to the Department as to the delivery of letters under the new arrangements at Stradone, county Cavan; whether he is aware that some hundred families are not attended to owing to the route taken by the rural carrier; and whether some steps will be taken to see that each portion of the sub-district is equally served.
No complaints have recently been made as to the delivery of letters at Stradone, County Cavan. The Postmaster General is not aware that some hundred families are not attended to owing to the route taken by the rural letter carrier. There are several rural postmen working from Stradone, and it is believed that every family in the district has now a delivery of letters. If the hon. Member can quote any particular case in which the arrangements are not considered satisfactory, inquiry shall be made.
Lurgan Post Office
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, with reference to the proposed new post office in Lurgan, County Armagh, whether he can say if the site has been yet secured; in what portion of the town it is situate; can he say about what date it is intended to commence the building; and whether he can say about what date the new premises are expected to be open for postal and telegraph business.
Legal arrangements are in progress for acquiring the site of the present post office at Lurgan, but it cannot yet be stated when the purchase will be completed. Plans of the new building have not yet been prepared, but it is expected that the work will be begun during the ensuing financial year.
Athleague Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that letters for Four Roads, County Roscommon, and district, arriving by limited mail at about 9.30 each morning are brought by mail car to Athleague, which is within three miles of that place, and kept there until next morning when they are brought by letter carrier, being thus delayed for over twenty hours within throe miles of their I destination; and whether he will consider the advisability of establishing a second delivery between Athleague and Four Roads, or as an alternative, one delivery embracing the two mails, and also an extension of the house to house delivery in the district.
The Postmaster General is making inquiry with the view of ascertaining whether any improvement can be made in the postal service to Four Roads, County Roscommon, and what arrangements are needed for completing the extension of the house-to-house delivery in the district. It is necessary to take returns of the correspondence, and this will occupy some time; but the Postmaster General will let the hon. Member know as soon as possible what can be done in the matter.
Rent Appeals At Belfast
I bog to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the Chief Land Commissioners heard appeals at Belfast in December last, and that, out of forty-eight cases heard, in twenty-two instances the rent was raised, twenty-four confirmed, and two only reduced; and whether he can say if the Chief Land Commissioners viewed the farms, or whether the rent returned by the court valuers was adhered to in every case by the Chief Commissioners; and, if not, can he state in how many instances the rent was increased, confirmed, or lowered from that returned by the court valuers.
The figures are not correctly stated in the first paragraph. The total number of appeals disposed of by the Commissioners at Belfast in December was sixty-five. Of these the decisions of the Sub Commissioners were affirmed in twenty-seven cases; in two cases the rents were reduced, in thirty-five cases the rents were increased, and one case was dismissed. It is not the practice of the Chief Commissioners to view the holdings. In forty-five cases the judicial rents, as fixed on appeal, were above the estimates of the court valuers; in nine cases below and in ten cases equal to the rents estimated by the valuers.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if it is not the habit of the Chief Commissioners to inspect the holdings in order to estimate the value before deciding an appeal, and—
Order, order! The hon. Member must not argue the question.
Irish Union School Teachers
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether it is the intention of the Government, in the impending changes, to abolish the disparity in the incomes of teachers in non-contributory and contributory unions in Ireland; and whether an amending. Act will be introduced to restore uniformity of treatment.
As the hon. Member is. already aware, the Irish Government have recommended a proposal of the Commissioners of National Education for a large scheme of reform in the system of primary education in Ireland, and the Treasury have accepted, generally, the financial portions of the scheme. The details of the scheme are still under discussion, and, pending the explanation of the new scheme as a whole, it is not considered desirable to enter into particulars of the changes contemplated.
F B Chute's Estate, Castle Island
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a large number of tenants on the estate of F. B. Chute, situate near Castle island, signed: agreements to purchase their holdings in October, 1897, and that the Irish Land Commission in November, 1898, sanctioned the agreements and purchase money; and if so, why is such a length of time allowed to elapse before the completion of the sale to the tenants.
In thirty cases upon the estate of Mr. F. B. Chute in the County Kerry agreements under the Land Purchase Acts were lodged in the Land Commission in the month of December, 1897. The applications for advances in all those cases were sanctioned during the months of April and November, 1898. The vendor's title was lodged by his solicitor's. on the, 4th February, 1899, and the rulings thereon were issued from the office of the Land Commission on the 15th May following. I am informed by the solicitors having carriage of the sale that unexpected difficulties have arisen in apportioning the head-rent, but that after very considerable labour on their part these difficulties have now been practically overcome, and it is expected that the sales will shortly be completed.
Altalore Tenant Farmers' Grievances
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether he is aware that numbers of tenant farmers throughout Ireland, and particularly in the Altmore district of Tyrone, are excluded from the benefits of the Land Acts, either in consequence of joint tenancies or the existence of reversionary leases; and whether the Government will amend, the law, and thereby save these classes of tenants from eviction, I because of their inability to continue paying their present unreduced rents.
The hon. Member is under a misapprehension. Joint tenants are not excluded from the benefits of the Land Acts; their case is expressly provided for by Section 5, Sub-section 3 of the Land Act of 1896. The Government have no information as to the number of cases to which those provisions apply, and further legislation on the subject is not necessary, and will not, therefore, be introduced.
Arising out of the answer, may I ask if the right hon. Gentleman is aware that the courts have decided that joint tenants holding under leases are excluded from the benefits of the Land Act, while ordinary joint tenants are only to be dealt with at the discretion of the Commissioners?
I must ask for notice of that question.
Are we to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that joint tenants can have a second judicial rent fixed without the consent of the landlord? Have they a right to go into the court?.
[No answer was given.]
Earl Of Gosford's Estate
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland, with refer- ence to the appeals against the amount of the value of several holdings on the estate of the Earl of Gosford, whether the appeals were made to the Chief Commissioner's Court against the amount of the true value fixed by the Sub-Commissioners; whether the law, as at present, obliges the Land Commission to fix a less amount for the true value than the price which the tenant could by competition obtain in the open market: whether he is aware that, in the cases of Robert Carlyle, Stevenson, Glenny, and Patterson, the gross amount of £765 fixed by the Sub-Commissioners was reduced by the Chief Commissioner to £520: and whether the tenants have any remedy or are entitled to any compensation for the large sum of which they have been thus deprived by the Appeal Land Commission.
It has been found necessary to refer this question to the Judicial and other Commissioners by whom the cases mentioned were heard, and if the hon. Member will repeat the question on Tuesday next I hope to lie then in a position to reply to it.
Irish Agricultural Grants In Urban Districts
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been directed to a resolution recently adopted by the Youghal (County Cork) Urban District Council, pointing out the hardship inflicted upon occupiers of agricultural land situated within urban districts under the present system; and whether the Government will consider the desirability of extending the provisions of the Local Government (Ireland) Act, with a view to enable such occupiers to obtain the benefit of the Agricultural Grant.
The answer to the first paragraph is in the affirmative. The question of extending the benefits of the Agricultural Grant to the occupiers of lands in towns was most carefully considered at the time of the passing of the Local Government Act, 1898, and it was found quite impossible to adopt any scheme other than that embodied in the statute. I may remind the hon. Member that agricultural land in towns is only assessed to one-fourth of some of the taxes.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the high valuation placed on such land casts a very heavy burden on the occupier?
[No answer was given.]
Annaly Estate, Co Longford
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieuten ant of Ireland whether he is aware that in 1894 a number of tenants on the Annaly (Rathcliue) estate, County Longford, signed undertakings to purchase their holdings through the Land Commission, and that, after repeated delays and an application in Judge Ross's Court, agreements were entered into by a number of tenants to purchase under the Act of 1896; whether he is aware that in the case of well-to-do tenants on the property these; agreements have been passed, but in the case of poorer tenants the applications for advances have not been approved, also that the tenants who purchased were allowed an immediate reduction of 15 per cent, off their rents, whilst those who through no fault of their own were unable to purchase were not given any reduction; and whether, as those tenants were induced to sign their agreements on the promise that they would be vested inside two years, and as now nearly six years has elapsed without the promise being kept he will press upon the Land Commission the necessity and desirability of having the vesting orders issued without any further delay.
There are no purchase proceedings now pending in the Land Commission on the estate of Lord Annaly. In all cases in which applications for advances were lodged the holdings have been vested.
Belmullet Union Clerk's Salary
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieu ! tenant of Ireland whether he is aware that compensation has been refused to the clerk to Bolmullet Union for diminution of salary under the Local Government (Ireland) Act, on the ground that he got i an increase of salary as clerk of the district council; and can the Local Government Board explain why they sanctioned the payment of compensation to the clerks of union in the County Sligo under precisely similar conditions.
There seems to be some misapprehension on these matters. Where the duties of "existing" officers are increased the Local Government Board fix the increase of salary proportionate to the increase of duties. Where salaries or emoluments of such officers are diminished they are entitled to compensation, but the amount of the compensation is, under Section 115, Sub-section 18 of the Local Government Act fixed by the Treasury, and not by the Local Government Board.
And are these officers entitled to compensation when their I salaries are increased?
No, Sir.
But that is just what has been done.
Roscommon Magistracy
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been directed to the fact that the magistrates who usually adjudicated at Ballaghaderreen Petty Sessions have, since the district has been changed to the administrative county of Roscommon, been prevented by the resident magistrate from acting at the local court; and what steps will be taken to remedy the inconvenience that has been created in the district by thus disqualifying all the local magistrates.
Under Section 69 of the Local Government Act, when a portion of one county is added to another it becomes an integral portion of the county to which it is added, and the justices of the latter acquire, and of the former are deprived of, jurisdiction over it.
Ennis Market Tolls
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether any arrangements can be made to transfer to the Ennis Urban Council the right of levying the tolls from fairs and markets in the town of Ennis at present collected by a private individual.
Under Section 31 of the Local Government Act, 1898, the power conferred by the 104th section of the Public Health Act, 1878, upon an urban county authority to purchase a market shall extend to authorise the purchase of any franchise or right to hold a market or fair, whether under statute or letters patent.
Will that be done at once?
I have nothing to add.
Then what good is it?
[No answer was given.]
Irish Agricultural Department
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant for Ireland whether he has received a resolution adopted by the Municipal Council of the city of Dublin respecting the Science and Art Department; and whether it is the intention of the Government to transfer the control and management of this department in Ireland to the new Agricultural and Industries Department.
On Thursday last I replied to a, similar question addressed to me by the hon. Baronet the Member for West Kerry, and I would ask the hon. Gentleman to refer to the reply given on that occasion. [See The Parliamentary Debates, Fourth Series, Vol. 78, p. 937.] '
Irish Judicial Appointments
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, seeing that recently gentlemen differing politically from the Government have been promoted to be judges in England and Scotland, he can state when the same course will be adopted by the Government in Ireland as that adopted by the Government in England and Scotland in this matter.
I hope that in each of these three kingdoms the appointments made will be the best in the public interest, having regard to all the circumstances of the case.
IS it not the fact that there is not a single Nationalist on the Irish judicial bench?
I am not aware of that fact.
Standing Orders Of The House—First Readings—The Ten Minutes Rule
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, having regard to the statement of the Right Hon. W. H. Smith on the 7th March, 1888, in proposing Standing Order 1G, that it was not intended by the Order to give the Government power to introduce without explanation any Bills of first-rate importance, he will restrict the introduction of measures by Ministers of the Crown under this Order to measures of a non-contentious character.
I am not aware it has been the practice to introduce Bills of first-rote importance under this rule, though it may occasionally have occurred. Still less am I aware that when Bills have been introduced under the rule they have been introduced without any explanation. The hon. Gentleman asks me not merely to leave the matter where Mr. Smith left it, but to add new conditions that certainly were never contemplated. I may remind him there is a certain pledge requiring the Government to go through a form that no private Member over goes through, whatever may be the character of the Bill he introduces in the House.
Will the right hon. Gentleman adhere to Mr. Smith's pledge?
No.
Has the Member for South Belfast taken the First Lord's place?
Civil Service Estimates
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury when he proposes to ask the House to go into Committee of Supply on the Civil Service Estimates.
I am afraid I can give no anticipation at the present moment of the day on which the Civil Service Estimates will be introduced, as we have to do a great deal of financial business before then.
Will the light hon. Gentleman undertake to give us full notice. My hon. Friend has in the ballot obtained the first place for a motion on going into Committee on the Civil Service Estimates, and wishes to take the opportunity thus afforded him of raising the Irish University question. Irish members are very anxious to have fair notice as to when that question will come on.
I will endeavour to give reasonable notice. I suppose the hon. Gentleman does not mean long notice.
As long as possible. Can we receive a week's notice?
I do not like to give pledges which cannot be fulfilled, but I will endeavour to give a week's notice.
The Budget
Can the First Lord of the Treasury say when the Budget will be introduced?
NO, Sir, I am afraid I am hardly in a position to do that.
New Member Sworn
Sir Michael Foster, K.C.H., M.D., for the University of London.
Business Of The House (Supply)
This Sessional Order has been put down this year exactly in the form in which it has been passed by the House at the beginning of successive sessions. It would, therefore, be an impertinence and only waste of time on my part if I offered any explanation or made any defence of the Order. I beg to move, Sir. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That, so soon as the Committee of Supply has been appointed and Estimates have been presented, the Business of Supply shall (until it be disposed of) be the first Order of the Day on Friday, unless the House otherwise order on the Motion of a Minister of the Crown moved at the commencement of Public Business to be decided without Amendment or Debate; and the provisions of Standing Order No. 56 shall be extended to Friday. Not more than twenty days, being days before the 5th of August, on which, the Speaker leaves the Chair for the Committee of Supply without Question put, counting from the first day on which the Speaker so left the Chair under Standing Order No. 56, shall be allotted for the consideration of the Annual Estimates for the Army, Navy, and Civil Services, including Votes on Account, the Business of Supply standing first Order on every such day. Provided always, that on Motion made after Notice by a Minister of the Crown, to be decided without Amendment or Debate, additional time,, not exceeding throe days, maybe allotted for the Business of Supply, either before or after the 5th of August. On the last but one of the allotted days, at Ten o'clock p.m., the Chairman shall proceed to put forthwith every Question; necessary to dispose of the outstanding Votes in Committee of Supply; and on the last, not being earlier than the twentieth of the allotted days, the Speaker shall, at Ten o'clock p.m., proceed to put forthwith every Question necessary to complete the outstanding Reports of Supply. On the days appointed for concluding the Business of Supply, the consideration of such business shall not be anticipated by a Motion of Adjournment under Standing Order No. 17;. nor may any dilatory Motion he moved on such proceedings: nor shall they be interrupted, under the provisions of any Standing I Order relating to the Sittings of the House. Provided always that any Additional Estimate for any new service or matter, not included in the original Estimates for the year, shall be submitted for consideration in the Committee of Supply on any day not later than two days before the Committee is closed. Provided also that the days occupied by the consideration of Estimates supplementary to those of a previous Session, or of any Vote of Credit, shall not be included in the computation of the twenty days. Provided also that two Morning Sittings shall be deemed equivalent to one Three o'clock Sitting."—(Mr. A. J. Balfour.)
I had hoped when this Sessional Order was proposed to move an Amendment which would enable us at any rate to discuss a proposal which f have every reason to believe would meet with a large amount of support on both sides of the House, but I understand that any Amendment which would alter a Standing Order already in existence would not be in order on this occasion. That being so, of course I am precluded from moving my Amendment, but I would suggest to the First Lord of the Treasury an alternative proposal which I think would improve both the efficacy and the popularity of the Standing Order, and which would not alter the existing days as they nowstand or require the alteration by a single word of any Standing Order. My suggestion would not interfere with any existing arrangements or any arrangements that have been, or are about to be made, on the basis of existing arrangements. It is that there should be added to the first paragraph of the Order some such provision as this: "And that on those Fridays the House do meet at 11 o'clock a.m., and rise at 6 o'clock p.m." That would not in any way exceed the provisions of any Standing Order, because the House expressly reserves to itself the right of deciding at what hours it should meet and rise. There is reason to believe that Members on both sides of the House, and of all shades of opinion, feel that there is a great deal to be said for the suggestion contained in my Amendment. An early rising on Friday would meet the convenience of those hon. Members whose professional and business engagements and business habitude lend to their views on questions which come before the House a weight which this House cannot afford to lose. It would tend to induce such hon. Members to give up a certain portion of their valuable time to attend the House, and would specially suit hon. Members who represent constituencies in the extreme west and north of England, in Wales, and in the kingdoms of Ireland and Scotland. I think such a proposition as this is well worthy of the careful attention of the First Lord of the Treasury. I quite admit that there are some hon. Members of weight who have an objection to the alteration suggested, but I think I should not be out of harmony with the general feelings of the House if I propose, at a convenient and proper time, to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he, on his own behalf and that of his colleagues, would agree to the appointment of a Select Committee to inquire into the whole question. But for the present I content myself with suggesting to him, and to the House generally—for after all this is a matter which concerns no one but the Members of the House—whether a Sessional Order in the direction I have pointed out would not bring Parliament more into the position of a businesslike assembly of a business nation. I beg to move.
On more than one occasion, since I have been a Member of this House, I have voted for a motion to turn Wednesdays into Fridays and Fridays into Wednesdays, and I have great pleasure in taking this opportunity of seconding the Amendment of my hon. friend opposite—
I rise to a point of order. In as much as the first Standing Order says— "That unless the House otherwise order, the House should meet every Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Friday at three o'clock"— I ask you whether an Amendment which would involve an alteration of that Standing Order is in order.
The Standing Order says, "unless the House otherwise order." If the hon. Member had intended to alter the time of the sitting of the House on Monday, Tuesday, or Thursday his Amendment would not have been in order, but as the resolution deals with Fridays I think it is competent for the hon. Member to move his Amendment for altering the hours of sitting upon such Fridays. At the same time I think I ought to say that it is very inconvenient to spring an Amendment which affects a Standing Order suddenly upon the House without any notice whatever.
I regret most extremely that I should have sprung this Amendment on the House, but I fail to see what other course I could take.
I entirely agree with the hon. Member that we should on Friday meet at an earlier hour. Some hon. Gentlemen seem to think that it is something out of order and inconvenient to do so. I differ. On occasions during the session an order is made for the House to meet at ten, eleven, or twelve; and clearly it is within the power of the House itself to make this suggestion subject to the approval of the Government or the Leader of the House. I do beg the House to consider this question on its merits, and to have regard to the enormous convenience it would be to a great number of Members of the House to meet once a week at eleven in the morning. There are a great number of legal gentlemen who have to attend the courts, and gentlemen in other professions to whom eleven o'clock in the day may be considered an inconvenient hour; but if we met for Supply only once a week at eleven I do not think those Members of the House so engaged could reasonably find fault. And, indeed, so far as my observation of the attendance at the House is concerned, I think the learned profession, as a rule, mark down Supply days for leave of absence on a very large scale; and therefore it would be no great inconvenience to them, while it would be a great convenience to other Members of the House. I have taken an active part ever since I entered the House in trying for some re-form in the hours and seasons of sitting, and it is only on an occasion of this kind that one has an opportunity of submitting a plea for consideration. I do not suppose my Hon, friend desires to go to a division on the suggestion, or to prolong the discussion; but if the First Lord of the Treasury would give a serious promise that he will go into the matter with a view of meeting this demand, I am sure it would meet with the almost universal approval of the Members of the House. Last session I submitted to him some considerations for the alterations of the period and meeting of Parliament in order that we should avoid sitting here in July and August. This suggestion does not encounter the same difficulties as that one; it is a suggestion reasonable, rational, practical, and wise, and one which, as it seems to me, ought to commend itself to both sides of the House.
Amendment proposed—
In line 17, after the word "August," to insert the words "and on such allotted Fridays the House shall meet at 11 a.m. and sit till 6 p.m."—( Mr. Buncombe.)
Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."
I only rise to intervene at the present moment because I gathered from you, Mr. Speaker, that, in your judgment, this debate,, though in order, is not very opportune, and the very few words I shall say may limit its scope. In reference to my hon. friend's Amendment, it is sufficient to point out that it is impossible for me to accept it; and for two-reasons, both of which I regard as conclusive. The first is that I do not think it possible so to alter the rules of the House as to require the attendance at two-morning sittings during the week of the very large number of professional gentlemen who have other important avocations to pursue. The second reason is that it would still further curtail the time of the House given to Supply, and I doubt whether the House is anxious that such time so given to Supply on the allotted Fridays should be further diminished. While saying that, I entirely agree with my hon. friend the Member for Egremont and the hon. Gentleman opposite that there is a large body of feeling in the House, pointing in the direction of some investigation into the allocation of our time. It would be most improper for me at the present moment to give the pros and cons which may be urged to the various proposals brought under my notice, but I may be allowed to say two-things. One is that I do not know any circumstance in relation to this matter on which the Government should exercise any pressure it may have in its power. It is absolutely a question for hon. Members themselves to decide. The second is that in order that hon. Members may have materials for a sound decision there' should be a preliminary investigation into-a question so bound up with their own comfort. Should that view meet with general acceptance I will take care that a Select Committee shall be appointed for the purpose.
I think the House generally will be extremely pleased with the statement which has been made by the right hon. Gentleman. Still I should like to reply to some of the arguments he has used. The right hon. Gentleman said that it would largely interfere with and make-demands on the time of business men to-have two morning sittings, land that such a change would diminish the actual time allotted to Supply. With regard to the first objection, I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that his observation does not apply to all professional men, but only to one profession—a most important one it is true—the legal profession; and I really think it is rather unfair that the health, time, and interests of every other Member of this House should be sacrificed to the interests of one particular profession. No doubt it will be said that morning sittings on Fridays will interfere with the convenience of business men, but I would point out that the answer to that is obvious. After all, there are in this House business men other than those who represent London; business men from Scotland, Ireland, and the provinces, who have to reside in London during the Parliamentary session, and when it is said that a morning sitting interferes with the convenience of business men the statement should be properly analysed and considered, and it would then be found that it would only interfere with the convenience of a very small section. With regard to the other argument of the right hon. Gentleman, that this Amendment, if carried, would still further diminish the time allotted to Supply, so far as the actual number of hours is concerned the argument is just and well founded. But there are hours and hours. For instance, the hours from four to six, which, though extremely interesting to hon. Gentleman and right hon. Gentleman on both front benches, do not facilitate Supply: and there is the dinner hour, during which arguments are addressed to empty benches. During the dinner hour, though in session, the House almost ceases to exist. It is true that during that time hon. Gentlemen address their constituents through the medium of the gentlemen of the Press Gallery, but so far as the main body of the Mouse is concerned the House does not exist for three hours after. The result is that we have hon. Gentleman coming down later who, not having heard what has taken place, with charming freshness repeat all the arguments which we have already heard. This House has all the characteristics of the spendthrift, now avariciously now—
Order, order! I would remind the hon. Member of the limited nature of the Amendment. The question is that the House shall sit on the allotted Fridays from 11 a. m. to 6 p.m.
With regard to the proposal itself, it was at first supposed that the Amendment of the hon. Gentleman opposite proposed to substitute Friday for Wednesday, and no doubt if that had been the proposal of the hon. Gentleman it would have met with a certain amount of opposition; but his suggestion is that the Wednesday sitting should remain as it is, and that instead of having a long night sitting on Friday we should have a short day sitting. I think that proposition recommends itself to all private Members, and ought to recommend itself to all official Members of the House. How can we ask those gentlemen to discharge their duties properly if they are compelled to be here from three o'clock to twelve every night? Now that the country is thinking of setting its house in order, I think one of the first necessities is to relieve members of the Government from the long hours which they are obliged to spend in this House.
I am not now going to enter into the arguments raised by the hon. Member, but I would recall the House to the suggestion thrown out by the Leader of the House, that this matter should be considered by a Select Committee. I presume the right hon. Gentleman means that the Committee shall consider not only the question raised by the Amendment, but the general hours of the sittings of the House. I do not think you can consider the one without considering the other. I am very glad to know that a Committee is going to inquire into this matter, because I am not at all sure that our hours of sitting are at all satisfactory. Every man in the House looks upon this question from the point of view of his own personal convenience, and this proposal comes from, and those who raise the question are, gentlemen who wish to got away from town at the end of the week for the purposes either of business or pleasure; who wish to got out of London without waiting for the Saturday trains. They are very worthy persons, no doubt, but I do not think they include among their ranks the hardest working Members of the House. Therefore I am afraid if we come to the constitution of a Committee to inquire into our hours of sitting we shall have to consider in each individual case to which category of members the candidate belongs. I remember a noble Lord, still happily alive, long a Member of this House, saying that it you would tell him the names of the members forming a Committee he would write the Report in each case. In this case I would almost undertake if I saw and analysed the names of the members of this proposed Committee to say on which side their judgment would be cast. I think our hours at present—and I do not think they are satisfactory as at present arranged—do not attract the approval and admiration of the world at large. We are accustomed to them, and therefore the yoke fits our shoulders, but the world at large is astonished. If the right hon. Gentleman thinks anything would be done by appointing a Committee I would welcome its appointment. I certainly think that an inquiry by Committee should precede any action this House might take for the alteration of the hours of sitting.
I have no desire to prolong tins discussion, but I should like just to say a few words for myself and other hon. Members who are opposed to any change. My hon. friend who proposed the Amendment before the House hoped to propose a still greater change, but that was ruled out of order. I am very much afraid that if we once begin to change our hours and days of meeting we shall get into difficulties. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition said that every Member looked at this question from the point of view of his own personal convenience; when the House arrives at a decision upon this matter I hope it will consider the officials and the Government and those who are obliged to attend. Another point that I would like to suggest is that it would lead to those Members who sit on Private Bill Committees and sit every day frequently having to interrupt their sittings at most inconvenient times. I can say from experience that when you are busy on some important matter it is extremely inconvenient to have to leave your work to take part in divisions. My right hon. friend the Leader of the House has intimated that he will grant a Committee to consider our Standing Orders. Now I confess that while I thank him for anything he does for the convenience of the House, I do not very much welcome the appointment of a Committee to consider our Standing Orders. I have gone through all the reports of the five Committees that have sat since 1837, and I find that these Committees have been selected from the leading Parliamentary authorities of the day, and they have gone fully into the various questions which are raised now. I am not prepared to say that they have not made recommendations which the House has accepted, but I am prepared to say that the most important changes in the Standing Orders have been made by the House itself on the initiation of the Government, who have thought some change desirable. If I look at the Reports for 1837 and the Reports for 1848 I find, that some of their most important recommendations have ever since that time been ignored by this House. Therefore, I am inclined to think myself, and I should prefer it, that it would have been better had the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House said he would look fully into the matter, and on a future oscasion propose the changes which he thinks, and which the Government think, will be to the advantage of the House. After all, the responsibility for the conduct of the business of the House must rest with the Government of the day. They have a better knowledge of what is required, and a greater experience than a good many of us as to the best mode of carrying through the business. If a Committee should be appointed I would express the hope that it should be a very strong and a very full one. But first let me read one of the chief recommendations of the Committee of 1848, among whose members were Mr. Denison (Chairman), Sir Robert Peel, and Mr. Disraeli. It was one of the most important clauses in their Report—
I think many of us would be content to act upon the recommendation of that Committee; and if my right hon. friend the First Lord of the Treasury thinks it is desirable that there should be a Committee, then I shall watch its progress, when formed, with into rest, and with some fear lest, by endeavouring to make changes, we may find in the result that it has not answered. The plan of operations with regard to the Standing Orders is a very good one. The general custom observed in altering them has been for some three or four or five years to move the change in a Sessional Order. That gives the House an opportunity of seeing, year after year, that the proposal of the Government answers, and is useful in assisting the business of the House, and the Sessional Order can then be made a Standing Order. Well, it seems to me that we had much better go on on that system; but whether we do or not. L know that I am speaking for several Members of this House when I express their earnest desire that any tampering with our; Standing Orders should be carried out with the greatest care and the greatest; caution. I believe that the work of this House is being well done at this time, and it should not be for the convenience of one section or another section that we should try an experiment which may end in failure."your Committee, however, ventures to express an opinion that the satisfactory conduct and progress of the business of the House must mainly depend on Her Majesty's Government, holding as they do the chief control over its management."
I have no particular interest in this debate, Sir, but I intervene for a few moments simply because, although I have been for some years a Member of this House, I have never spoken on an academic subject before. The hon. Baronet who has just spoken is a great Conservative, and is exceedingly both to interfere with these Standing Orders; but does know that the late hours in this House are an entirely modern institution, and entirely owing to modern usages? The ordinary business time of the House was formerly from ten o'clock till four o'clock but now we appear to be met together for the purpose of consulting the convenience of the few. It is the gentlemen in the City and those who do business on the Stock Exchange, and who come here after the day's work there is done, whose convenience we are now asked to consult. I think that, having regard to the fact that the great majority of the Members of this House give up their business to attend here, and that the business of the nation will be stifled by studying the interests of a few City Members, I must oppose the main resolution.
I think it is extremely unfortunate that this motion is brought forward now, as nobody is in the least prepared for it; and, therefore, hon. Members have not given it that consideration which an alteration of the Rules of the House naturally involves. I know that there are hon. Members who consider the Standing Orders proper objects for their ambition at any moment for the purposes of experiment; but there are other Members of this House—the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouth among them—who are regular Tories in this matter, and who look upon the Standing Orders with veneration, and on the traditions of the House with greater veneration still. I hold that it is impossible to deal at this moment with this resolution, because, in the first place, it affects a part of the whole system of the House. Secondly, I hold that we are not in any way prepared for it. I do not know that my hon. friend who moved the resolution is aware of the amount of time it will take from Supply. As it stands we have twenty days of nine hours a day. This would mean the taking away of two ninths, or more than four days of the time we give to Supply. As regards the argument of my hon. friend opposite, the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool, I cannot consent to it. I say first of all that we have not too many days now allotted to us—that is, days beginning at three and ending at twelve. And if we have not sufficient even now I should say, from the example we had last year, that to reduce the time still further is a very dangerous experiment. If there is to be a change it should not be upon a small proposal like this. Then I say that to appoint a Select Committee to consider only the question of whether the sitting on Friday should be altered from three o'clock to twelve o'clock appears to me a strange proceeding, and I hope the First Lord of the Treasury will withdraw that. The right hon. Gentleman does not answer—
I was not aware that my hon. friend was appealing to me, but if he had listened to my speech he would have heard me say that I was quite ready to grant a Committee to discuss the distribution of time of the House as between the various days of the week.
Then it only remains to my hon. friend to withdraw his Amendment.
I beg leave to withdraw my Amendment.
Sir, I take exception to the Amendment being withdrawn. The country is not represented in this House by London men only. I happen to belong to a constituency in the country, and I am not at all sorry that the House has begun to consider whether the convenience of the bulk of the Members shall be considered, or merely a section of it. While I am at all times ready to give any suggestion from the First Lord of the Treasury all the weight to which it is entitled, may I point out to him that I have grown up to my present age on the understanding that if there be one way more effective than another of delaying any reform it is referring it to a Select Committee. The First Lord himself has again and again, for the convenience of public business, made larger changes than that proposed to night, and I have voted for those changes. But surely men who come from Scotland, Ireland, and distant parts of England are entitled to some consideration in this matter. Moreover, I do not believe the country approves of business being done after twelve o'clock at night. I have seen the way in which Votes are shot through this House after midnight, and I object entirely to the method. Another consideration is that in far away parts we often have considerable difficulty in obtaining the services as Members of Parliament of the men we should like to have, on account of the difficulty of attending to public duties, the laborious hours, and the inconvenient arrangements which prevail. I can conceive a vast improvement in the arrangements of this House which would make it easier for men of weight and position in the far parts of the country to take part in your deliberations if the hours were somewhat altered. As to the argument of time, I think that has been pretty well disposed of by the hon. Member for the Scotland Division. Between the hours of eleven arid six there are seven hours, all of which would be available for work if you made the provision that no questions or private business should be taken. To compare with that, take a Friday evening under present circum- stances. There are questions and all sorts of interruptions. One comes down to take part in the consideration of some item of the Estimates, only to find that seven or eight o'clock arrives before the question comes on, then follows the dinner hour, and after that the small hours, of the morning. I would further point out that the Government put pressure on their own men to avoid discussion on the Estimates. I do not suppose that that fault is confined to the Government of which I am a supporter, but I have again and again come down to the House with the intention of calling attention to some particular Estimate, but have been stopped at the door. I do not believe this proposal will get much support from the occupants of the front benches, as they are wedded to tradition, from which it is exceedingly difficult for them to free themselves. Instead of the question being referred to a Select Committee, I would much rather that the right hon. Gentleman put himself in the way of hearing the opinion which is very generally held on both sides of the House as to the desirability of some change, and that, after hearing that opinion, he should endeavour on his own initiative to make the changes which are so much desired.
Of course the Leader of the House undertakes that the motion for the appointment of the Select Committee should be put down at such a time that we may be able to discuss it?
I should like to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman will take care that the reference to the Committee shall be wide enough to cover the question of the House meeting half an hour or an hour earlier each day and rising earlier?
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman to take care that the rights of Irish Members to discuss Irish Estimates are not interfered with? Last session we discussed Irish Estimates only on three occasions; and a great number of Votes were rushed through without any discussion at all.
Order, order! That question does not arise on the motion before the House.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question again proposed.
said that when the main question now before the House was introduced for the first time in 1896 it was not the product of any Select Committee but was simply pushed on by the iron hand of the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury. On the first occasion this resolution came up for discussion Irish Members were told inaccurately what its effect would be; on the second occasion they had not much to find fault with; but on the third and fourth occasions they complained with justice that they had had no opportunity of discussing various Irish Estimates. The rule was framed in such a way as actually to strangle Irish discussion. It had to be remembered that Irish Nationalist Members were always private Members; they took no office, and recognised no official leader on either of the front benches. Therefore, unless they safeguarded their rights they were compromised and trampled on in an unconscionable manner. The way this rule had worked out was that every Vote the discussion of which was objectionable to the Government was pushed back and so was discussion prevented. In 1896 the Irish Members had nothing to complain of, as they had five days in which they were able fairly and properly to discuss every Estimate of importance to Ireland. In 1897, however, there was a complete alteration. The discussion on the Royal Irish Constabulary Vote was prevented, nor had that discussion been allowed since. In that year altogether 17 or 18 millions of money were voted on Irish matters in a couple of hours without discussion. In 1898, matters became even worse. In 1897, the Chief Secretary's salary, at least, was discussed, but in 1898 and 1899 neither that nor the Royal Irish Constabulary Vote was allowed to come up. The only way in which a Government could be brought in touch with the people was by criticism, and the result of this rule had been to destroy criticism of the Irish Estimates by the Irish Members. After all, it was in the hands of the people, and a Government could only act through the power of the people. There were many reasons why Irish Members should have the fullest opportunity for discussing the Estimates, and it would be their duty to intervene in this discussion—though their intervention in foreign questions was not received with gladness— having regard to the fact that in one way or another levies would be made upon. Ireland in respect to the expenses of a war which the majority of the people considered unnecessary and unjust.
was unable to agree with the views just expressed. This was not to be a great legislative session, but was rather to be devoted to the prosecution of the war and strengthening the defences of the country. Those matters could only be discussed on the Army and Navy Estimates, and having regard to the state of feeling in the country, he thought the House should have ample time to discuss the Army Votes. A great deal more time should be given to them than had been allotted in former years. That was a point on which both sides would agree, and he thought some modification of the rule might be allowed this session.
said the rule had one great advantage. In the course of the two preceding sessions two-nights had been spent in long promenades through the lobbies. That was not a dignified performance, and might be put an end to by the judicious use of this rule. He hoped that the time allotted would lie so used as to enable the House to discuss the Estimates fully, but not so as to allow obstruction. In his opinion the Government had not applied the closure sufficiently, and he hoped the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Treasury would use the power in his hand to bring the discussion to an early termination.
I have always regarded #his rule as the most ingenious that was ever framed. Nothing has so facilitated the general business of the House and Government as this rule, and on that point the right hon. Gentleman is to be congratulated on the success of his ingenious plan. But he will at once admit that if this power is not carried out with the most scrupulous care injustice may be done to various sections of the House, like that which was done to the representatives of Ireland. What has happened? In 1897, 1898, and 1899 Votes of the utmost importance to Irish Members were passed over without dis- cussion. That was not due to the fault of the Irish Members. During the last three years we have been prevented from discussing at all some of the most important Votes for Ireland. Our case is entirely different from that of England and Scotland. If Scotch Members found that their most important Estimates had been closured without discussion for three years, I think at the end of the third year they would have a conclusive case for asking for a larger amount of time than in previous years. We have received three days for the discussion of the Irish Estimates in each of the last three years, and in view of the fact that many of these Votes have not been discussed for three years, I submit that this year at any rate the Irish Members should be given more than three days. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he would not think it fair to give five days instead of three for the discussion of the Irish Estimates, and we would be able to utilise these days in discussing those Estimates which have not-been discussed for the last three years. There is one concession I would like to ask of the right hon. Gentleman, and to my mind there will be no difficulty in granting it. This proposal does not preclude the Government from taking other days besides Fridays, and therefore they can take continuous days. It is of importance to the Irish Members that the Irish Votes should, if possible, be taken on consecutive days, as a considerable number of Members come over from Ireland specially for the discussion of the Estimates, and it would be very inconvenient for them to come over one Friday, then go back and have to return on the succeeding Friday. I would ask the First Lord of the Treasury very respectfully to take the Irish Votes on consecutive days, and at such a period of the session as will meet with the views of the Irish Members, and also to give us this year a larger proportion of time for the discussion of the Irish Estimates.
I confess it has always seemed to me that the Irish Members have always had far more than their fair share of the time of the House. They are allowed days of their own for the Irish Estimates, and then they generally come in and assist us with their advice on the Imperial Estimates, which of course they have a perfect right to do. If there were to be a fair allocation of the time of the House on any intelligible principle, I think hon. Gentlemen opposite would find that they were entitled to far less than they receive.
Closure the Irish Estimates altogether.
I am coming to that, although I do not approve of that course. This is the fifth time in which this Sessional Order has been introduced, and every year it is introduced brings us, I am afraid, nearer to the time when perhaps it will be made a Standing Order. In view of that fact I would point out that the effect of this rule is to deprive private Members—the representatives of the Commons as distinguished from the representatives of the Ministers—of all power. This is called the House I of Commons, but it really is in a fair way to become a den of Placemen, on account of the successive steps whereby: all power is taken out of the hands of private Members and put into the hands of the Government. First of all we have got the closure, and I am very far from wishing to see it applied, either to the hon. Gentlemen for Ireland or to the hon. Members on this side of the House. Then we have the practice whereby the House allows the Government every year to take an enormous proportion of the time which by the Standing Orders—the effect of the wisdom of centuries—is allocated to private Members. By Standing Orders three-fifths of the time of the House belongs to private Members, and two-fifths to the Government. The year before last the Government took nine-tenths of the time instead of the four-tenths to which it was entitled. The fault lies with the House altogether. Let the House consider what this Sessional Order amounts to. When I was first introduced to the arts of Parliamentary life by my hon. friend the Secretary to the Treasury, whom I really suspect to be the author of this Order, what I found was that absolutely the solo engine and weapon which we as private Members had to meet the Government with was discussion of the Estimates. It was by threatening, I will not say obstructive, but adequate discussion of the Estimates, and by the assertion of our right to debate these Estimates fully, that we were able to get anything out of the Government. I have had many things out of the Government, and after consultations behind the Speakers chair I have observed a greater reticence than perhaps I would otherwise have thought fit on the Estimates. When you pass this Order all that power is gone. You give the Government twenty days, and the result is that instead of the Estimates being discussed in the time of the Government, they are discussed in private Members' time. The Government do not care a straw how those twenty days are passed, and if nineteen out of the twenty were given to hon. Gentlemen from Ireland—although then I do not suppose they would be satisfied the Government would not mind—for the twentieth day would guillotine everything left and give them all they want. The result is that the private Member is drawing nearer to the time when he will be deprived of almost his last chance of dealing with the Government. In days gone by the debate on the Address was generally finished before the dinner hour; it now takes about ten days, because private Members, having been driven off the Votes in consequence of this Order, come on to the Address. There are three things in this rule, all independent of each other one is good; the other two are lamentably and entirely to be condemned. The allocation of Fridays for Supply is good though even that filches the days of private Members—but the limiting of the number of days to twenty and the limitation of the period to the 5th August are utterly bad. All hard and fast rules are bad in a House like this, because we may be engaged in important duties when the discussion comes to an end. Twenty days did not suffice even last year. We had last year 151 Votes to discuss; the result was that on the 3rd or 4th August the fatal twentieth day—there were rushed through before ten o'clock nineteen Votes involving 2½ millions of money. I say "rushed through," because it was manifestly, impossible at that last hour to discuss the Votes, no matter what their importance. After ten o'clock forty-six Votes, involving £5,100,000, were guillotined, so that on that evening sixty-five Votes out of the whole 151, involving nearly eight! millions of money, were passed, and therefore nearly half the Votes were not discussed at all, but had their heads cut off under the operation of this rule. Among them were some very important Votes, such as the Vote for Uganda, the Vote for the Treasury, the Home Office, the Foreign Office, the Mercantile Marine, and for that Secret Service money which we now know was altogether insufficient and the Vote for which, if not guillotined, might have been increased by the familiar process of moving its reduction. This shows that it is very bad to have a hard and fast rule at all. There should be no limit of twenty days, and the time should not end on the 5th August. I have only risen to say that the repetition of this Sessional Order is the repetition of too successful attempts made in the past on behalf of all Ministers, because when a man becomes a Minister he seems to acquire the habits of his predecessors on the Treasury bench, and is anxious to deprive the private Member of all opportunities and all power, and to take the whole of the time for the Government alone. To that extent I think this is an unfortunate rule. This session we are in special circumstances, but these special circumstances require rather more than less discussion, because in all probability some of the very great Imperial matters in which we are now so anxiously concerned will have to be discussed on the Estimates. Still we are in special circumstances, and I am perfectly certain that Members on both sides of the House will feel inclined to diminish discussion as much as possible, and strengthen the hands of the Government for a vigorous prosecution of the war. I think this Sessional Order is a dangerous thing. I fear it more on the fifth time than I did on the first, because it tends more nearly to become a Standing Order. I trust that a stand may be made against it, and that the Government will make it more elastic by leaving' out the limitation as to the number of days, and also the limit of August the 5th as to time.
I shall reply very briefly to the speeches made by hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House, most of them, I am afraid, in a spirit hostile to the rule. My hon. friend who has just sat down made a startling revelation of the methods he was in the habit of adopting in the days before this rule came into force, and he indicated what I confess shocked my innocent mind, that it had been his practice, under threat, I will not say of obstruction, but at all events of able and eloquent discussion, to induce the then occupants of the Treasury Bench to make all sorts of surrenders and compromises. He regrets that happy time, and thinks that the privileges of private Members are seriously curtailed because they have now no opportunity of driving these surreptitious bargains behind the Speaker's chair. But I can hardly believe, even if such were the habitual procedure in days gone by, that my hon. friend would seriously desire that those days should be restored. I will point out this to him. He enumerated the number of Votes passed without any discussion under the automatic closure at the end of the session. I think if such transactions as my hon. friend refers to did take place, precisely the same thing occurred in those days, and equally important Votes were passed through with equally marvellous rapidity. The hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent said the closure was not sufficiently applied during the course of the Estimates last year. The closure is really very imperfect. I always desire to work it in harmony with the general feeling of hon. Gentlemen engaged in the discussion. There are times, no doubt, when it has to be applied, but very often the result of such an operation is to irritate temper and prolong discussion, and so far from turning the stream of the debate into useful and fertilising channels, it turns the discussion into a wrangle in which there is more temper than wisdom shown. I can assure my hon. friend that I am most anxious to see the time of the House allotted as fairly as possible between the different Votes, but it is impossible for that to be done solely on the initiative of any Minister. Only by the co-operation of the House and also by the co-operation of bodies of Members such as the Irish Members with reference to Irish Votes, and the Scotch Members with reference to Scotch Votes, is any satisfactory allocation of time between the Votes in any way possible. Two hon. Gentlemen from Ireland complained of the beggarly allowance of time given to the Irish Estimates, and they complain, as I understand, of the distribution of that time between the Irish Votes. Let me remind hon. Gentlemen that the allocation of time between the Irish Votes is left entirely to the Irish Members. When I am told that this Vote or that was not brought on at a convenient time last year on the days allocated to the Irish Votes, I can only reply that it was the fault of the Irish Members themselves. I am always ready to place Votes in the order in which the main body of the critics of the Government are desirous of seeing them. The arrangement of the Votes is not so much for the Government as for the critics of the Government, and if I have been obliged to be the actual person responsible for the arrangement of the Votes I have been always ready to take the advice of hon. Members concerned. The first year this rule was brought in I said I should like to see the order of the Votes and the days on which they were to be taken settled by a Committee, of which, unlike all other Committees, the majority should belong to the Opposition. I frankly admit I still have a strong leaning to that plan; it would relieve me from a very serious and disagreeable responsibility, and I cannot help thinking that it would be found to work well. But I am I well aware that the change is rather contrary to the general spirit of our proceedings, and that there would be difficulty in getting the House to accept it. I think, therefore, the Government have an unanswerable case with reference to the arrangement of the Votes. I now come to the time given to the Votes. It is, of course, open to argument whether the twenty days allocated are sufficient. The twenty days were, if I remember rightly, fixed on after a consideration of the average time taken in previous sessions for Supply. That seems to me to have been a fair arrangement, and my opinion is that the House would be sorry to see the period increased. The time seems to be sufficient, but if the House thinks otherwise I shall not regard it as an infringement of the rule if the number of days is increased; but I should have to get a much stronger expression of opinion in favour of the increase. I do really think that the Irish Members have a very adequate slice of the period allocated for Supply given to them. The hon. Member for Waterford threw out a suggestion that instead of taking Fridays for Irish Votes we should take successive days so far as it was possible. If that be the general view of the Irish Members it is an arrangement which I should be very glad to consider. The hon. Member for Lichfield wished a special exception made this year in favour of the Army Estimates, but I would point out to him that we are discussing day after day at the present time Army affairs in a manner which does not trench on the twenty days for Supply, and that a very convenient opportunity is given on the Speaker leaving the chair on the Army Estimates to raise Army questions, and, further, that the elasticity our rules of Supply still possess will be found not insufficient to meet the necessities of the case. These are all the points which have been brought before the House, and I hope we will now proceed to a division.
The Army Votes this year will require very careful consideration, and I would accordingly move to add the word "two" after the word "twenty" in the Order, so that we may have better opportunity of discussing them. The Under Secre-
AYES.
| ||
| Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.) | Flavin, Michael Joseph | Moulton, John Fletcher |
| Allen, William (Gateshead) | Flynn, James Christopher | Norton, Capt. Cecil William |
| Ambrose, Robert | Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Herbt. J. | O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Goddard, Daniel Ford | O'Connor, Arthur (Donegal) |
| Asquith, Rt. Hn. H. Henry | Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick) | O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W. |
| Austin, M. (Limerick, W.) | Griffith, Ellis J. | Oldroyd, Mark |
| Barlow, John Emmott | Gurdon, Sir William B. | O'Malley, William |
| Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire) | Harwood, George | Parnell, John Howard |
| Beaumont, Wentworth C.B. | Hayden, John Patrick | Pease, J. A. (Northumberland |
| Billson, Alfred | Hayne, Rt. Hon. Chas. Seale- | Pickersgill, Edward Hare |
| Birrell, Augustine | Hazell, Walter | Pilkington, Sir G.A.(Lancs, SW |
| Blake, Edward | Holland, William Henry | Power, Patrick Joseph |
| Bowles, Capt. H.F. (Middlesex | Horniman, Frederick John | Price, Robert John |
| Brunner, Sir John Tomlinson | Joicey, Sir James | Redmond, J. E. (Waterford) |
| Bryce, Rt. Hon. James | Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Buchanan, Thomas Ryburn | Kay-Shuttleworth, Rt Hn Sir U | Reid, Sir Robert Threshie |
| Burt, Thomas | Kearley, Hudson E. | Rickett, J. Compton |
| Caldwell, James | Kilbride, D nis | Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) |
| Cameron, Sir Chas. (Glasgow) | Kinloch, Sir John George S. | Robson, William Snowdon |
| Cameron, Robert (Durham) | Kitson, Sir James | Schwann, Charles E. |
| Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. | Langley, Batty | Scott, Charles P. (Leigh) |
| Channing, Francis Allston | Lawson, Sir W. (Cumberland) | Shaw, Thomas (Hawick, B.) |
| Clark, Dr. G. B. | Leese, Sir Joseph F.(Accrington | Sinclair, Capt. Jn. (Forfarsh.) |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | Leng, Sir John | Smith, Samuel (Flint) |
| Crean, Eugene | Lewis, John Herbert | Soames, Arthur Wellesley |
| Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) | Lloyd-George, David | Souttar, Robinson |
| Curran, Thomas B. (Donegal) | Lough, Thomas | Stevenson, Francis S. |
| Curran, Thomas (Sligo, S.) | MacDonnell, Dr MA (Queen's C | Sullivan, Donald (Westmeath) |
| Dalkeith, Earl of | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Sullivan, T. D. (Donegal, AY.) |
| Dalziel, James Henry | M'Arthur, Wm. (Cornwall) | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) |
| Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles | M'Cartan, Michael | Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, K.) |
| Donelan, Captain A. | M'Crae, George | Thomas, D. A. (Merthyr) |
| Doogan, P. C. | M'Ewan, William | Trevelyan, Charles Plilips |
| Douglas, Chas. M. (Lanark) | M'Ghee, Richard | Tully, Jasper |
| Dunn, Sir William | M'Leod, John | Wallace, Robert |
| Emmott, Alfred | Maddison, Fred. | Walton, Joseph Barnsley) |
| Engledew, Charles John | Mandeville, J. Francis | Watson, Eugene |
| Esmonde, Sir Thomas | Mendl, Sigismund Ferdinand | Wedderburn, Sir William |
| Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorg'n) | Montague, Sir S.(Whitechapel | Weir, James Galloway |
| Farquharson, Dr. Robert | Moore, Arthur (Londonderry) | Whiteley, George (Stockport) |
| Farrell, James P. (Cavan, W.) | Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen) | Whittaker, Thomas Palmer |
| Fenwick, Charles | Morley, Rt. Hon. J. (Montrose) | Wilson, F. W. (Norfolk) |
| Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund | Moss, Samuel | Wilson, H. J. (Yorks, W.R.) |
tary for War told the House that we have not had sufficient time in recent years to discuss the Militia or the Volunteer force. If that is so there is all the more reason why we should discuss them this year, and the two extra days which I propose to add would enable us to discuss very important questions dealing with the defence of this country. I beg to move, Sir.
seconded the Amendment.
Amendment proposed—
"In line 8, after the word 'twenty,' to insert the word 'two.'"—(Mr. Strachey.)
Question put, "That the word ' two' be there inserted."
The House divided:—Ayes, 136: Noes, 230. (Division List No. 13.)
| Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.) | Woods, Samuel | TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Ktrachey and Mr. Courtenay Warner. |
| Wilson, John (Govan) | Young, Samuel Cavan, East) | |
| Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough.) | Yoxall, James Henry | |
| Woodhouse, Sir JT (Huddersf'd |
| NOES. | ||
| Acland-Hood, Cap. Sir Alex F. | Egerton, Hon. A. de Tatton | Loyd, Archie Kirkman |
| Allhusen, Augustus Henry E. | Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D. | Lucas-Shadwell, William |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward | Macartney, W. G. Ellison |
| Archdale, Edw. Mervyn | Fergusson, Rt. Hn Sir J (Manc'r) | Macdona, John Cumming |
| Arnold-Foster, Hugh (). | Field, Admiral Eastbourne) | MacIver, David (Liverpool) |
| Arrol, Sir William | Finch, George H. | Maclean, James Mackenzie |
| Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John | Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne | Maclure, Sir John William |
| Austin, Sir John (Yorkshire) | Fisher, William Hayes | M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool) |
| Bailey, James (Walworth) | Flannery, Sir Fortesene | M'Killop, James |
| Baird, John Geo. Alexander | Flower, Ernest | Malcolm, Ian |
| Baldwin, Alfred | Foster, Colonel (Lancaster) | Marks, Henry Hananel |
| Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Man.) | Foster, Harry S. (Suffblk) | Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F. |
| Banbury, Frederick George | Fry, Lewis | Melville, Beresford Valentine |
| Barnes, Frederic Gorell | Galloway, William Johnson | Middlemore. J. Throgmorton |
| Barry, Rt. Hon. A. H. S. (Hunts | Gartit, William | Milward, Colonel Victor |
| Bartley, George C. T., | Gedge, Sydney | Monckton, Edward Philip |
| Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H.(Bristol | Gibbons, J. Lloyd | Monk, Charles James |
| Begg, Ferdinand Faithful | Giles, Charles Tyrrell | Montagu, Hon. J. Scott (Hants |
| Bethell, Commander | Gilliat, John Saunders | Moon, Edward Robert Pacy |
| Biddulph, Michael | Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk. | More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire) |
| Bill, Charles | Gold, Charles | Morrell, George Herbert |
| Blakiston-Houston, John | Goldsworthy, Major-General | Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) |
| Blundell, Colonel Henry | Gordon, Hon. John Edward | Muntz, Philip A. |
| Bonsor, Henry Cosmo Orine | Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John Eldon | Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute |
| Bowles, T. Gibson (King's Lynn | Goschen, Rt. Hn. G.J. (St. Geo. | Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) |
| Brassey, Albert | Goulding, Edward Alfred | Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath |
| Broadhurst, Henry | Gourley, Sir Edward Temperley | Myers, William Henry |
| Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John | Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) | Newdigate, Francis Alexander |
| Brookfield, A. Montagu | Gretton, John | Nicol, Donald Ninian |
| Brown, Alexander H. | Greville, Hon. Ronald | O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens |
| Butcher, John George | Hall, Right Hon. Sir Charles | Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay |
| Buxton, Sydney Charles | Hilsey, Thomas Frederick | Parkes, Ebeuezer |
| Carson, Rt. Hon. Edward | Hamilton, Rt. Hon. Lord G. | Pease, H. Pike (Darlington) |
| Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lanes.) | Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert Wm. | Penn, John |
| Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh | Hardy, Laurence | Phillpotts, Capt. Arthur |
| Cecil, Evelyn (Hertford, East) | Haslett, Sir James Horner | Pierpoint, Robert |
| Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) | Helder, Augustus | Pilkington, Rich (Lanes Newt'n |
| Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J.(Birm. | Henderson, Alexander | Platt-Higgins, Frederick |
| Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r | Hill, Sir Edw. Stock Bristol | Plunkett, Rt Hn Horace Curzon |
| Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry | Hoare, E. Brodie (Hampstead | Powell, Sir Francis Sharp |
| Chelsea, Viscount | Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) | Pretyman, Ernest George |
| Coghill, Douglas Harry | Hobhouse, Henry | Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward |
| Cohen, Benjamin Louis | Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry | Purvis, Robert |
| Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse | Houston. R. P. | Pym, C. Guy |
| Colomb, Sir John Chas. Ready | Howard, Joseph | Rasch, Major Frederic Carne |
| Cook, Fred. Lucas (Lambeth) | Howell, William Tudor | Rentoul, James Alexander |
| Cooke, C. W. R. (Hereford) | Hozier, Hon. James Henry C. | Richardson, J. (Durham, S. E.) |
| Cotton-Jodrell, Col. Edw. T.D. | Hubbard, Hon. Evelyn | Richardson, Sir T. (Hartlepool) |
| Courtney, Rt. Hon. Leonard H. | Jackson, Rt. Hn. Wm. Lawies | Kidley, Rt. Hn. Sir Matthew W. |
| Cox, Irwin Edw. Bainbridge | Jeffreys, A. Frederick | Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Charles T. |
| Cripps, Charles Alfred | Jenkins, Sir John Jones | Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) |
| Cross, Herb. Shepherd (Bolton) | Johnston, William (Belfast) | Rollit, Sir Albert Kaye |
| Cubitt, Hon. Henry | Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) | Rothschild, Hon. Lionel W. |
| Curzon, Viscount | Kenyon, James | Round, James |
| Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan | Kenyon-Slaney, Col. William | Royds, Clement Molyneux |
| Denny, Colonel | Keswick, William | Russell, Gen. F.S. (Cheltenham) |
| Dickinson, Robert Edmond | Knowles, Lees | Russell, T. W. (Tyrone) |
| Digby, John K. D. Wingfield | Lafone, Alfred | Rutherford, John |
| Dixon-Hartlaud, Sir F. Dixon | Laurie, Lieut.-General | Ryder, John Herbert Dudley |
| Dorington, Sir John Edward | Lawrence. Wm. F. (Liverpool) | Samuel, Harry S. (Limehouse) |
| Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers | Lawson, John Grant (Yorks) | Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert |
| Doxford, Sir William Theodore | Lecky, Rt. Hon. Wm. E. H. | Saunderson, Rt. Hn. Col. E. J. |
| Drage, Geoffrey | Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie | Savory, Sir Joseph |
| Drucker, A. | Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham | Seton-Karr, Henry |
| Duncombe, Hon. Hubert V. | Lorne, Marquess of | Sharpe, William Edward T. |
| Dyke, Kt. Hon. Sir Wm. Hart | Lowe, Francis William | Simeon, Sir Barrington |
| Sinclair, Louis (Romford) | Tennant, Harold John | Wilson, John (Falkirk) |
| Smith, Abel H. (Christehurch) | Thorburn, Sir Walter | Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks) |
| Smith, James Parker (Lanarks) | Thornton, Percy M. | Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E.R. (Bath |
| Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) | Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray | Wortley, Rt. Hon. C.B. Stuart- |
| Stanley, Ed. James (Somerset) | Tritton, Charles Ernest | Wylie, Alexander |
| Stirling-Maxwell, Sir John M. | Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter) | Wyndham, George |
| Stone, Sir Benjamin | Webster, Sir Richard E. | Wyvill, Marmaduke D'Arcy |
| Strauss, Arthur | Welby, Lieut.-Col. A. C. E. | Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong |
| Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley | Wharton, Rt. Hon. John Lloyd | |
| Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier | Whitmore, Charles Algernon | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. |
| Sutherland, Sir Thomas | Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) | |
| Talbot, Rt Hn J.G. (Oxf'd Univ. | Williams, J. Powell- (Birm.) |
Main Question put.
The House divided:—Ayes, 303; Noes, 02. (Division List No. 14.)
AYES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. | Coghill, Douglas Harry | Goddard, Daniel Ford |
| Allan, William (Gateshead) | Cohen, Benjamin Louis | Godson, Sir Augustus Frederick |
| Allhusen, Angustus Hnry Eden | Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse | Gold, Charles |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Colomb, Sir John C. Ready | Goldsworthy, Major-(General |
| Archdale, Edward Mervyn | Cook, Fred. Lucas (Lambeth) | Gordon, Hon. John Edward |
| Arnold-Foster, Hugli O. | Cooke, C. W. Radcliffe (Heref'd) | Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon |
| Arrol, Sir William | Cotton-Jodrell, Col. Edw. T.D. | Goschen, Rt. Hn. G.J. (St.Geo's. |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Courtney, Rt. Hn. Leonard H | Goulding, Edward Alfred |
| Asquith, Rt. Hn. Herbt. Henry | Cox, Irwin Edw. Bainbridge | Gourley, Sir Edw. Temperley |
| Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John | Cripps, Charles Alfred | Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) |
| Austin, Sir John (Yorkshire) | Cross, Hbt. Shepherd (Bolton) | Gretton, John |
| Bailey, James (Walworth) | Cubitt, Hon. Henry | Greville, Hon. Ronald |
| Baird, John George Alexander | Curzon, Viscount | Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick) |
| Baldwin, Alfred | Dalkeith, Earl of | Gurdon, Sir Wm. Brampton |
| Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r) | Dalrymple, Sir Charles | Hall, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles |
| Banbury, Frederick George | Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardign | Halsey, Thomas Frederick |
| James, Frederic Gorell | Denny, Colonel | Hamilton, Rt. Hn. Lord George |
| Barry, Rt Hn AH Smith-(Hunts | Dikinson, Robert Edmond | Hanbury, Rt. Hn Robert Wm. |
| Bartley, George C. T. | Digby, John K. D. Wingfield- | Hardy, Lawrence |
| Beach, Rt Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol | Dixon-Hartland, Sir F. Dixon | Harwood, George |
| Beaumont, Wentworth C. B. | Dorington, Sir John Edward | Haslett, Sir James Horner |
| Begg, Ferdinand Faithfull | Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- | Hayne, Rt. Hn. Charles Seale |
| Bethell, Commander | Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) | Hazell, Walter |
| Biddulph, Michael | Doxford, Sir Wm. Theodore | Helder, Augustus |
| Bill, Charles | Drage, Geoffrey | Henderson, Alexander |
| Billson, Alfred | Drucker, A. | Hill, Sir Edward Stock(Bristol |
| Birrell, Augustine | Duncombe, Hon. Hubert V. | Hoare, E. Brodie (Hampstead) |
| Blakiston-Houston, John | Dunn, Sir William | Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) |
| Blundell, Colonel Henry | Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir Wm. Hart | Hobhouse, Henry |
| Bonsor, Henry Cosmo Orme | Egerton, Hn. A. de Tatton | Holland, William Henry |
| Bowles, Capt. H.F. (Middlesex) | Elliot, Hon. A. R. Douglas | Horniman, Frederick John |
| Bowles, T. Gibson (King's Lynn | Emmott, Alfred | Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry |
| Brassey, Albert | Farquharson, Dr. Robert | Houston, R, P. |
| Broadhurst, Henry | Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edw. | Howard, Joseph |
| Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John | Fenwick, Charles | Howell, William Tudor |
| Brookfield, A. Montagu | Fergusson, Rt. Hn Sir J (Mancr | Hozier, Hon. Jas. Henry Cecil |
| Brown, Alexander H. | Field, Admiral (Eastbourne) | Hubbard, Hon. Evelyn |
| Brunner, Sir John Tomlinson | Finch, George H. | Jackson, Rt. Hn. Wm. Lawies |
| Bryee, Rt. Hon. James | Finlay, Sir Robt. Bannatyne | Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick |
| Buchanan, Thomas Ryburn | Firbank, Joseph Thomas | Jenkins, Sir John Jones |
| Burt Thomas | Fisher, William Hayes | Johnston, William (Belfast) |
| Butcher, John George | Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund | Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex |
| Buxton, Sydney Charles | Flannery, Sir Fortescue | Joicey, Sir James |
| Caldwell, James | Flower, Ernest | Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) |
| Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. | Foster, Colonel (Lancaster) | Kay-Shuttleworth, Rt Hn Sir U |
| Carson, Rt. Hon. Edward | Foster, Harry S. (Suffolk) | Kenyon, James |
| Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.) | Fry, Lewis | Kenyon-Slaney, Col. William |
| Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbys.) | Galloway William Johnson | Keswick, William |
| Cecil, Evelyn (Hertford, East) | Garfit, William | Kinloch, Sir John George S. |
| Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) | Gedge, Sydney | Kitson, Sir James |
| Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J.(Birm.) | Gibbons, J. Lloyd | Knowles, Lees |
| Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r | Giles, Charles Tyrrell | Lafone, Alfred |
| Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry | Gilliat, John Saunders | Langley, Batty |
| Chelsea, Viscount | Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbt. John | Laurie, Lieut.-General |
| Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) | Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay | Smith, Samuel (Flint) |
| Lawson, John Grant (Yorks.) | Parkes, Ebenezer | Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) |
| Lawson, Sir W. (Cumberland) | Pease, H. Pike (Darlington) | Stanley, Edward J. (Somerset) |
| Lecky, Rt. Hn. William Ed. H. | Pease, Joseph A. (Northumb.) | Stevenson, Francis S. |
| Leese, Sir J. F. (Accrington) | Penn, John | Stirling-Maxwell, Sir John M. |
| Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie | Phillpotts, Captain Arthur | Stone, Sir Benjamin |
| Leng, Sir John | Pickersgill, Edward Hare | Strauss, Arthur |
| Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham | Pierpoint, Robert | Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley |
| Lorne, Marquess of | Pilkington, Rich. (Lancs N'ton) | Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier |
| Lowe, Francis William | Pilkington, Sir G.A (Lancs. SW | Sutherland, Sir Thomas |
| Loyd, Archie Kirkman | Platt-Higgins, Frederick | Talbot, Rt Hn J.G. (Oxf'd Univ. |
| Lucas-Shadwell, William | Plunkett, Rt. Hn. H. Curzon | Tennant, Harold John |
| Macartney, W. G. Ellison | Powell, Sir Francis Sharp | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) |
| Macdona, John Cumming | Pretyman, Ernest George | Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E. |
| MacIver, David (Liverpool) | Pryce-Jones. Lt.-Col. Edward | Thomas, D. Alfred (Merthyr) |
| Maclean, James Mackenzie | Purvis, Robert | Thorburn, Sir Walter |
| Maclure, Sir John William | Pym, C. Guy | Thornton, Percy M. |
| M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool) | Hasch, Major Frederic Carne | Tomlinson, W. Edw. Murray |
| M'Arthur, William (Cornwall) | Reid, Sir Robert Threshie | Trevelyan, Charles Philips |
| M'Ewan, William | Rentoul, James Alexander | Tritton, Charles Ernest |
| M'Killop, James | Richardson, J.(Durham, S.E.) | Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter) |
| Maddison, Fred. | Richardson, Sir T. (Hartle'pl) | Wallace, Robert |
| Malcolm, Ian | Rickett, J. Compton | Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) |
| Marks, Henry Hananel | Ridley, Rt. Hon, Sir Matt. W. | Wason, Eugene |
| Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F | Ritchie, Rt. Hon. C. Thomson | Webster, Sir Richard E. |
| Melville, Beresford Valentine | Robertson, Herb. (Hackney) | Welby, Lieut.-Col. A. C. E. |
| Mendl, Sigismund Ferdinand | Robinson, Brooke | Wharton, Rt. Hon. John Lloyd |
| Middlemore, J. Throgmorton | Robson, William Snowdon | Whiteley, George (Stockport) |
| Milward, Colonel Victor | Rollit, Sir Albert Kaye | Whitmore, Charles Algernon |
| Monckton, Edward Philip | Round, James | Whittaker, Thomas Palmer |
| Monk, Charles James | Royds, Clement Molyneux | Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) |
| Montagu, Hn. J. Scott (Hants) | Russell, Gen. F.S. (Cheltenham | Williams, J. Powell (B'ghm.) |
| More, Robt. Jasper (Shropsh.) | Russell, T. W. (Tyrone) | Willox, Sir John Archibald |
| Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carm'rthen | Rutherford, John | Wilson, F. W. (Norfolk) |
| Morley, Rt. Hn. J. (Montrose) | Ryder, John Herbert Dudley | Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) |
| Morrell, George Herbert | Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert | Wilson, John (Falkirk) |
| Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) | Saunderson, Rt. Hon. Col. E.J. | Wilson-Todd, W. H. (Yorks.) |
| Moss, Samuel | Savory, Sir Joseph | Wodehouse, Rt. Hon. E. R (Bath |
| Muntz, Philip A. | Schwann, Charles E. | Woodhouse, Sir JT(Huddersf'd |
| Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) | Scott, C. Prestwich (Leigh) | Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart |
| Murray, Col. Wyndharn (Bath) | Seton-Karr, Henry | Wylie, Alexander |
| Murray, Rt. Hn. A. Graham | Sharpe, William Edward T. | Wyndham, George |
| Myers, William Henry | Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) | Wyvill, Marmaduke D'Arcy |
| Newdigate, Francis Alexander | Simeon, Sir Barrington | Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong |
| Nicol, Donald Ninian | Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire) | |
| Norton, Capt. Cecil William | Sinclair, Louis (Romford) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES:—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. |
| Oldroyd, Mark | Smith, Abel H. (Christchurch) | |
| O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens | Smith, Jas. Parker (Lanarks.) |
NOES.
| ||
| Abraham, W. (Cork. N.E.) | Farrell, James P. (Cavan, W.) | Power, Patrick Joseph |
| Ambrose, Robert | Flavin, Michael Joseph | Price, Robert John |
| Austin, M. (Limerick, W.) | Flynn, James Christopher | Redmond, J. E. (Waterford) |
| Barlow, John Emmott | Griffith, Ellis J. | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire) | Hayden, John Patrick | Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) |
| Blake, Edward | Kearley, Hudson K. | Souttar, Robinson |
| Burns, John | Kilbride, Denis | Steadman, William Charles |
| Cameron, Sir Charles (Glasgow) | Lewis, John Herbert | Strachey, Edward |
| Cameron, Robert (Durham) | Lloyd-George, David | Sullivan, Donal (Westmeath) |
| Channing, Francis Allston | MacDonnell, Dr MA (Queen's C | Sullivan, T. D. (Donegal, W.) |
| Clark, Dr. G. B | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Tully, Jasper |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | M'Cartan, Michael | Wedderburn, Sir William |
| Crean, Eugene | M'Ghee, Richard | Weir, James Galloway |
| Cress, Alexander (Glasgow) | M'Leod, John | Wilson, Henry J. (York, W. R.) |
| Curran, Thomas B. (Donegal) | Mandeville, J. Francis | Wilson, Jos. H. (Middlesbrough |
| Curran, Thomas (Sligo, S.) | Moore, Arthur (Londonderry) | Woods, Samuel |
| Dalziel, James Henry | Moulton, John Fletcher | Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles | O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) | Yoxall, James Henry |
| Donelan, Captain A. | O'Connor, Arthur (Donegal) | |
| Doogan, P. C. | O'Connor, Jas. (Wicklow, W.) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Mr. Courtenay Warner. |
| Engledew Charles John | O'Malley, William | |
| Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan | Parnell, John Howard | |
Ordered, That so soon as the Committee of Supply has been appointed and Estimates have been presented, the Business of Supply shall (until it be disposed of) be the first Order of the Day on Friday, unless the House otherwise order on the Motion of a Minister of the Crown moved at the commencement of Public Business to be decided without Amendment or Debate; and the provisions of Standing Order No. 56 shall be extended to Friday.
Not more than twenty days, being days before the 5th of August, on which the Speaker leaves the Chair for the Committee of Supply without Question put, counting from the first day on which the Speaker so left the Chair under Standing Order No. 56, shall be allotted for the consideration of the Annual Estimates for the Army, Navy, and Civil Services, including Votes on Account, the Business of Supply standing first Order on every such day.
Provided always, that on Motion made after Notice by a Minister of the Crown to be decided without Amendment or Debate, additional time, not exceeding three days, may be allotted for the Business of Supply, either before or after the 5th of August.
On the last but one of the allotted days, at Ten o'clock p.m., the Chairman shall proceed to put forthwith every Question necessary to dispose of the outstanding Votes in Committee of Supply; and on the last, not being earlier than the twentieth of the allotted days, the Speaker shall, at Ten o'clock p.m., proceed to put forthwith every Question necessary to complete the outstanding Reports of Supply.
On the days appointed for concluding the Business of Supply, the consideration of such business shall not be anticipated by a Motion of Adjournment under Standing Order No. 17; nor may any dilatory Motion be moved on such proceedings; nor shall they be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order relating to the Sittings of the House.
Provided always that any Additional Estimate for any new service or matter, not included in the original Estimates for the year, shall be submitted for consideration in the Committee of Supply on any day not later than two days before the Committee is closed.
Provided also that the days occupied by the consideration of Estimates supplementary to those of a, previous Session, or of any Vote of Credit, shall not be included in the computation of the twenty days. Provided also that two Morning Sittings shall be deemed equivalent to one Three o'clock Sitting.
Business Of The House (Reports Of Money Committees)
Ordered, That the proceedings on the Reports of the Committees of Supply and Ways and Means, and other Committees authorising the expenditure of Public Money, may be entered upon at any hour, though opposed, and shall not be interrupted under the provisions of any Standing Order regulating the Sittings of the House, except of Standing Order No. 5.—( Mr. A. J. Balfour.)
Ecclesiastical Assessments (Scotland)
I beg to ask leave to bring in a Bill relating to Ecclesiastical Assessments in Scotland. This is practically the Bill to which the House gave a Second Reading last session, when it was introduced by the hon. Member for Elgin and Nairn. The Bill has been redrafted, and we have given effect, as far as possible, to the suggestions made on that occasion.
Bill to amend the Law regarding Ecclesiastical Assessments in Scotland, ordered to be brought by the Lord Advocate.
Ecclesiastical Assessments (Scotland) Bill
"To amend the Law regarding Eccle siastical Assessments in Scotland," presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 83.]
Supply
Considered in Committee.
(In the Committee.)
[Mr. J. W. LOWTHER, Cumberland, Penrith, in the Chair.]
Army (Supplementary) Estimates, 1899–1900
Number Of Land Forces
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a further number of Land Forces,
not exceeding 120,000, all ranks, be maintained for the service of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland at home and abroad, during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1900."—( Mr. Wyndham.)
It will be in the recollection of most hon. Members that during the last session of this House in October I took the opportunity of opposing the Vote of ten millions for the prosecution of the ' war. I did everything in my power to oppose the prosecution of the war, believing it to lie unnecessary and utterly unjust. In continuation of the protest I made last session, I now rise to offer opposition to the Vote which is before the House to increase the Army by 120,000 men and give £13,000,000 more to prosecute this war. I have reason to know that the action of hon. Members who oppose the war has created a great deal of displeasure both in this House, and in the country. English Members i who have opposed the war have in some instances been offered actual violence when addressing public meetings in this country. In Ireland it is different: there we have the support of our constituents; but we who represent Ireland have during the Parliamentary session to live in: England, and I may say there is not a post delivered in this House which does not bring to me and other Members numbers of letters reviling us in the most virulent terms because we have the common courage to state here that which we know expresses the feelings of our constituencies. Mr. Lowther, no amount of intimidation of this character will prevent me from honestly saying that which I feel is right, and what I should be a coward not to say. Hon. Members representing Unionist constituencies have sometimes quoted speeches made by me in Ireland in connection with this war. I am prepared to repeat here every sentence of the speeches I made in Ireland on the subject. It is not because we are confronted with the representatives of the British people that we would abate our tone in the slightest degree, or one sentence of our sympathies with regard to this war. Whatever you may think of our sympathies, treasonable and disloyal as you regard them, scandalous as you may regard our views of an Imperialism which has cost so much blood and treasure, you must admit that we have the courage of our opinions, and that with our voices and by our votes we are to oppose every step which is taken to prosecute this war. I cannot regard with admiration, or even common respect, the attitude of the great bulk of the Liberal party in regard to this war. With a few brilliant exceptions the Liberal party has funked the whole matter. Speeches have been made stating that the war is unjust, cruel, and not warranted by circumstances. It has been denounced in all the moods and tenses, but when it comes to the point of voting millions of the hard-earned money of the taxpayers there will not be half a dozen Liberal Members with sufficient courage to walk into the lobby against the Vote. Yesterday a meeting was held at the Westminster Palace Hotel, and a number of resolutions were passed; by the first, it was solemnly declared that this war was a crime and a blunder; by the last of a long string of resolutions, unbounded confidence was expressed in the Leader of the Opposition and the leaders of the party generally. What does it mean? To a plain man it is extraordinary to find great politicians in a party of this country stating in one breath that the war is a crime, and in the next voting-millions of money for its prosecution. The argument seems to be that this war is unjust, but it is to the advantage of England to prosecute it to a conclusion. However unjust, however criminal, it is necessary for the honour of the country, the glory and the good name of England, that the war should be prosecuted for many more months to come, with untold shedding of blood and spending of treasure. I say that every additional day, week, and month the war lasts is calculated to bring greater dishonour, shame, and loss of glory to England. If the people had any regard for their good name, and desired to do that which would cause every people in the world to respect England, they would say there was a mistake made in commencing this war, and the best way we can repair that mistake is to admit that it was made and withdraw from this proceeding, and acknowledge before the world the error of judgment which led us into it, and give the people of South Africa that independence for which they are prepared to lay down their lives. Then all the world will say when England made a mistake she had the courage to acknowledge it—a great deal more courage is often shown by acknowledging an error than the prosecution of a war. We hear about the disaster of Majuba. I was one of those who rejoiced at it, but even we could not restrain from paying a tribute of admiration to the action of Mr. Gladstone, and the then Liberal Administration which had the courage to face the fanaticism of the Tory jingo Imperialists of the country and make peace with the Transvaal, giving back to the Dutch people in South Africa the right to govern their own country, because it was the right thing to do. And nothing has redounded more to the honour of England throughout the world than the policy of Majuba. I listened to the speech of the man whose conduct has at least filled every generous-minded Irishman with admiration, the late Member for Plymouth, Sir Edward Clarke, a strong Unionist, who had the courage of his opinions, and who vacated his seat in Parliament, but who by so doing has gained the respect of every politician in the world. I should like to see some Liberal statesman exhibit some of the spirit and manliness of Sir Edward Clarke, but they think it is better not to take a course which may cause their constituents to call upon them to resign. Although the big battalions behind the Government were compelled to go into the lobby against him, the House is obliged to admit that the balance of argument was with Sir Edward. The most remarkable part of this discussion appears to me to be the complete change of front on the part of the Government.
Order, order! The question the hon. Member is now going into is not relevant to the question before the Committee. The policy which led up to the war cannot be discussed; only the policy of continuing it.
Then I will go no further than to say that all last session we were told of specific grievances, and now the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary says that the war has not been brought about by any specific penny of Imperial money is to be given to grievance, but is the consequence of old, relieve, and when we shall be asked to strained relations, existing even before 1881. That is a complete change of front It is said that the object of the war is to make peace. Are the Government sanguine enough to believe that after months, and perhaps years, of bloodshed in South Africa, after thousands of homes in South Africa have been rendered desolate and miserable, that the Dutch and English will sit side by side in friendship and amity. Where is there an historical parallel in the world which goes to prove that a bloody campaign of this kind tends to the peace of two races? I was reading a short time ago a speech of one of the greatest statesmen of his age, Edmund Burke. He was speaking on the American War, and he used these remarkable words, which are, I venture to think, applicable to this war—
You have been using force against the Boers for the whole of the century, and the result is that so far from there being peace, the lines of separation are wider than ever. It is no use to sanction the increase of 120,000 men to the Army without dealing with the cost, and we shall be asked to sanction a Vote of £13,000,000. £23,000,000 has already been spent on this horrible campaign. From an Irish point of view can anybody complain if we raise our voices to protest against this enormous expenditure when we see the dire necessity in our own country for the expenditure of capital, and if we view with dismay and indignation the initiation of a policy which denies Ireland everything she wants, and lavishes on what we believe to be an unjust war such expenditure. I am glad that I am not an English Radical Member to be compelled to sit silently on these benches and vote million after million, when the House knows perfectly well that that money should be devoted to matters of greater and more urgent importance in the interest of the masses. I am not going to enter into any alternative schemes in regard to this matter; but when we have, as we have at this time, a famine in India resulting in 4,000,000 of the Indian subjects of Her Majesty suffering all the horrors of misery and starvation, and which I am told not a penny of Imperial money is to be given to relieve, and when we shall be asked tomorrow to vote £13,000,000 to drive to their last rest 100,000 men in South Africa whose only crime is their love for their country, I say it is a scandal and a disgrace. I venture to predict that England will never be secure until she learns the lesson that other peoples have the same spirit of patriotism and national pride which they themselves possess, and that they should also be allowed to live and be proud of their country. I served on the Committee on Old Age Pensions last year, and everybody who has studied this question knows that the one great difficulty, and the one argument that could be adduced against establishment of old age pensions in this country—for the relief of aged working men who can no longer toil—was that the necessary funds could not be found, that the money was not available, and no Chancellor of the Exchequer could be found who would give it. That being the only argument against a measure which, in principle, received the support of the right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary, I say here, Sir, that I thank God I am not a Radical or a Liberal Member of Parliament to sit silently in this House and vote millions of money for this unjust war; while relief is denied which might sweeten the old age of working men whose right arms are no longer strong, and who are suffered to drag their weary limbs through the streets of this land, in absolute misery and want to the end of their days, or beg their way to the workhouse. I do not know what the immediate result of this war will be. I do know that great enthusiasm exists throughout the country in regard to it; and whether inside or outside this House, the general cry seems to be, "Hang the expense!" "Send out the money," say they. "The great thing to do is to plant the Union Jack in Pretoria." That is the prevailing sentiment of the day. Ah, but a revulsion of feeling will yet succeed this frenzied cry for war, as sure as I am standing here to-night. It may be later, it may come soon; but sooner or later the time will come when not only the Government, who are responsible for this extravagant expenditure of blood and treasure, but every man in this House who gives his vote to this resolution will be called to account by the country and his constituents. You will be asked why you sanctioned this expenditure, when at the same time you offered no relief to your starving fellow-subjects in India, and made no provision for the old age of your kith and kin in England,, Scotland, and Ireland. You are aiding. in prosecuting a war which no one can say will under any circumstances bring; glory to England. One hundred and twenty thousand men are being asked for in this Vote. I wonder if it has ever occurred to the people of this country what a great disparity there exists between the forces now opposed to each other in South Africa. I wonder if the outside public realise that at the present time there is in South Africa in the uniform of the Queen and under the command of Lord Roberts an army of soldiers-under arms larger in number than the whole Boer population—men, women and. children—in the Transvaal and Orange Free State combined. I give the figures. Figures, like all statistics, may vary to some extent, but I say that nobody who has inquired into the statistics of the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, or who has secured his information on the spot can deny that approximately the figures I have given are correct. Excluding the Uitlanders and the people of British blood in the Orange Free State and the Transvaal, there are 180,000 Boers, men, women,, and children, in those two small provinces. I have heard it said by one authority that there are 10,000 more, and by another that there are 10,000 less; but I have never heard it stated by anyone speaking with authority that there are, even on the widest estimate,, more than 200,000 men, women, and children in the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. Accordingly with your 200,000 men you have a soldier with a weapon in his hand for every man, woman, and child in the two Republics you are invading. And yet we are now asked to-vote for 120,000 more men. I have not yet heard it explained by the Under Secretary of State for War what is to be-done in the way of garrisoning South Africa when the war is brought to a close. After you have planted the Union Jack in Pretoria you will require 100,000 men to permanently garrison South Africa,, and they will have to be maintained there a longer time than you would care to prophesy on the occasion of this Vote. The rural population of the whole of these vast territories is almost entirely Dutch, and to guarantee peace you must make your garrisons strong; enough, and I say therefore to prevent the outbreak of a revolution you must permanently lock up your 100,000 men there, and that will inevitably force you into a scheme for conscription. The proposed new Army scheme is neither voluntaryism nor conscription; it is a sort of half-hearted steering between the two, but it cannot possibly work, and in the end, as I have said, the country will be driven to adopt conscription. But will they do it? I say it will be impossible for nine-tenths of the Volunteers and the young men of this country to give up their employment and go under canvas for one month; their employers could not sanction it; it would derange the whole commercial life of the country. I say that when this war has passed away, and when the people see things in their proper colours—at present they can see nothing but khaki colour, an extremely unpleasant colour, in my opinion—it will be found that this little war in South Africa has landed the country into an expenditure of what in the end will be 100 millions. We hear a great deal just now about the way in which the colonies have supported the mother country, and no doubt the colonists have warmly responded to the call. The principal reason for that, I take it, is that you gave them the Home Rule which you won't give us in Ireland. Be that us it may, the colonists have supplied you with quite a number of men; but I know them intimately, and I venture to say that the colonies will not give you one single penny piece towards the future extra cost of your increased regular Army. If, then, you are going to increase your standing Army, and to depart from the old British principle of a small standing Army, with a, goodly complement of Volunteers, I would ask you who is going to bear the increased cost? It will have to be borne solely by the people of this country. Sir, it seems to me that this war inaugurates a sad and serious era in the history of England. It is an era of unjust and unnecessary warfare waged against a small Christian country. It is leading us into a policy of maintaining a huge standing army, which is the beginning of a ruinous system of militarism—a system that is already sapping the life's blood of the Continent. What is to be gained by it? Supposing you disarm every Dutchman in the Transvaal to-morrow, what better off will you be? You would have the territory, it is true; but God Almighty knows that this Empire has territory enough already. If this war is to be continued, in the name of common honesty let the mask of hypocrisy be torn from the face of those who are prosecuting it, and let the people see their mistake, that it is not a conflict in the cause of right or of good government, but in the furtherance of a policy of aggrandisement and land-grabbing. An hon. Member asked the other day—"Force alone is but temporary, and a nation is not governed which is perpetually to be conquered.'
Ay, it was a sad, a miserable day for the Boers that their country was not nearer to America. Had it been otherwise the wings of the American Eagle—that glorious emblem of liberty and equality—would have sheltered them in this time of stress and trial. As my hon. friend said, however, they can put their trust in God. Most sincerely do I believe, Sir, that the defeats and disasters which have overtaken the British forces hitherto have not been due to want of pluck and courage on the part of the men, or for want of gallant leadership by their officers. I solemnly avow my firm conviction that they are due to the interposition of Heaven because the war is unjust. The right hon. Gentleman the Colonial Secretary wound up his speech last session by a quotation from Shakespeare, saying, with a jaunty air, as though the battle was won, that his quarrel was just. That was one of the wise sayings of William Shakespeare, but it applied not to your cause but to that of the Boors, for of them it may be said with perfect truth—"How can the Boers in the end expect to withstand the force of the British arms? Where are they to turn for help? Germany won't help them. America is too far away."
"Thrice is he arm'd that hath his quarrel just;
And he but naked, though lock'd up in steel.
Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted."
I have listened attentively to the eloquent speech which has just been delivered, but the whole of the argument stands or falls by the point whether or not this war is a just one. As the great bulk of my countrymen, after due consideration of the whole matter, have come to the conclusion that it is a just war, I do not propose to follow the hon. Member along the well worn path of argument which has already been so often trod in this House. Rather will I take the humbler part of asking the Under Secretary for War for a little further information and light. It appears to me that the lines upon which the Government have brought forward the proposed scheme are, perhaps, the only lines upon which they could act at present. But whether the proposals will produce a real and effective force, or whether they will prove abortive, depends entirely upon how they are carried out, and the steps that are taken with details. Therefore, without desiring the Under Secretary for War to go into all the petty detail, I would ask him in certain directions to fill in a little more the somewhat slight sketch with which ho has favoured the committee. When the great war was going on between North and South America both sides organised army after army, and rapidly turned large numbers of men into good fighting material. The problem which was then solved by the Northern States, appears to me to be the problem at present before this country. There is something extremely tangible in the proposals of the Government to raise a certain number of extra battalions and the long wished for artillery, for the regular forces of this country. But under ordinary circumstances it would undoubtedly take eighteen months or two years for those forces to become really effective and available. How do the Government propose to accelerate the bringing of these new men to an effective condition? If it is to be done rapidly, it is evident the ordinary routine of passing a man from the recruit stage to that of a regular soldier must be entirely altered. Setting up drill, general smartness, precision of parade movements are all most desirable in an army, but they are not really necessary for the actual matter of fighting, whereas shooting, skirmishing, the art of entrenching and making cover, and outpost duty are absolutely vital in modern war. Therefore, if these various units are to be brought together rapidly, it is evident that every single moment which, without over-working the men, can be devoted to instruction must be given, not to the merely ornamental portions of soldiering, but to the vital necessities of the fighting line. It may be said that this is the mere ABC, and will, of course, be attended to. I would ask the hon. Gentleman to remember that any officer who finds himself in command of any of these units, whether they be battalions or batteries, and sets aside tradition and proceeds to devote himself simply to the essentials of the fighting line, will risk his professional reputation and run the chance of professional ruin if he happens to be inspected by an old-fashioned officer who still retains the old tradition about this and that being necessary. The only safeguard will be clear and distinct orders issued from headquarters. I would ask whether the Horse Guards really recognise this condition of affairs, and are prepared to issue definite orders as to the instruction to be given to these new units. As to the proposals in reference to the Militia and the Volunteers, they are only semi-tangible. The whole of the remaining battalions of Militia are to be called out and placed in camps. In our country there are only about six months during which men can be instructed in camp, and many of the Militia regiments are certainly not up to strength. Therefore the proposals, as far as the Militia are concerned, rest on a series of "ifs." No doubt these battalions in camp will, m the course of five or six months, form a very excellent fighting body if sufficient recruits arc forthcoming to make them up to full strength, if that body of recruits are forthcoming during the next couple of months so as to enable them to go through a course of instruction in the summer months, and if a course of instruction in the real essential points of the fighting line is carefully laid down and followed. On those three "ifs" rests the probability of the Militia proposals resulting in a really effective force either for home defence or for South Africa. I should like the Under Secretary for War to tell us whether these things will be carried out. The War Office have no doubt about their ability to get recruits, but I have not come across anybody else who takes quite the same view. Moreover, the very figures given us by the Under Secretary of State for War during the debate bear out the idea that although in the course of time the numbers may be forthcoming, they will not be available in time for a complete course of instruction during the coming summer, because the Under Secretary for War reckoned to be able to get men at the rate of 3,000 per month. From the fact of starting below strength, combined with the drain that will take place on the Militia, we shall probably require from 21,000 to 30,000 men to bring the battalions up to full strength. That means that with a recruiting power of 3,000 per month, seven or ten months must elapse before the battalions are in full force. We should not, therefore, in all probability, in the course of this year be able to get our Militia battalions thoroughly effective. Under these circumstances I would ask whether the Government would be prepared, if they find they are not getting sufficient recruits, to fix a period at which they would have recourse to other means, namely, the ballot. I know the Government objects to any compulsion. But, in the first place, the Ballot Act is very different from conscription; secondly, wherever I have gone during the last month or so in my own constituency I have found all classes alike—shopkeepers, fanners, and labourers—recognising the necessity of there being in the future some means whereby the requisite men can be raised for the defence of the country; and lastly, the Ballot Act has undoubtedly been retained in order that in a case of great national emergency there should be some means of obtaining men promptly. Surely now, when our military resources are strained to the utmost degree now, when it is quite possible that within a few weeks we shall hear of the surrender of 10,000 of the very flower of the English Army, now is a moment of emergency. Will the Government undertake, if the necessary recruits are not forthcoming within some given period—I should like to say by the end of April—to bring the Ballot Act into force? If the Government were prepared to take any such action, they of course would have, in the intervening time, to take steps to make the Act available (it being at present suspended) and the machineiy workable. With regard to the Volunteers, I understand the proposal to be that corps should lie asked to go into camp, if possible, for a month. Under the peculiar circumstances of the moment it is possible that some battalions, at great personal sacrifice to many of the men and to many employers, may go to these camps. But the idea is entirely antagonistic to all the conditions of the Volunteer force, and there must be many battalions who would very much I like to accept the invitation, but will not be able to do so. There is one thing I should like to direct attention to in this connection. Now that recruiting for the Volunteers is thrown open, vast numbers of individuals will come forward and join—men with a certain amount of leisure, and who can afford to give the time. I should like to ask whether arrangements will be made whereby such men can go through a complete and thorough course at these camps, no matter to what corps they belong. Such an arrangement would no doubt result in great efficiency. I would further ask whether it would not be possible that some of those town corps which cannot go to the big central camps might lie allowed and assisted to form camps close to their local ranges, so that the men would be able to go to their work during the day, and in the early mornings and the evenings to do much excellent work, both in learning to shoot and in going through the necessary drills. This has in the past been successful in some cases. My last point is about the standing camps. I shall be very glad to be told that there will be at all events two or three organised, not merely as camps of instruction,, but as real military camps of not less than divisional equipment—that they will be provided with the whole proper staff' of a division, medical staff, commissariat and transport, so that they will each be able at the end of six or seven months to turn out a division capable either of going to a point in England for home defence, or, if necessary, as a corporate body to South Africa to continue the war. I think if the Under Secretary for War, without going into too much detail, will throw a little more light on the general scheme, he will relieve a great deal of the anxiety at present felt by many people throughout the country, and who, like myself, cannot really, as the scheme stands, feel very much confidence as to its ultimate success.
I have listened to nearly the whole of the debate, and have noticed that very few Members have referred in detail to the Volunteer force of the country. It is proposed to invite tee Volunteers to camp for one month. I do not like that invitation at all, because I am satisfied that the Volunteer forces throughout the country will not be able to respond to it. The Government are not treating the Volunteers in the right spirit. At the present time the Volunteers are expected to go to camp for one week during the year. It is generally admitted that those camps are anything but successful, because, taking a battalion of 1,000 men, only half the battalion are in camp for, say, three days, and the other half for the remaining three days. The whole battalion, therefore, is not together for more than one day, on the average, during the training. Accordingly, to ask the Volunteer force throughout the country to respond from patriotism to the extent of one month when they cannot do it for one week, is certainly unfair and not right. [An HON. MEMBER: Where does the patriotism come in?] I will tell the hon. Member where the patriotism comes in presently. I do not suppose that five per cent., or ten per cent, at the outside, of the battalions of Volunteers will respond to this invitation, but I will assume that ten per cent, do so. What will be the result? It will be impossible even for that very small percentage to be in camp for a month and to do work efficiently as soldiers, for the very same reason that the Volunteers throughout the country cannot do it for the shorter period of one week. It is impossible for some members of even the most efficient battalions in the country to give a month for their country's service. Take the concrete case of a clerk earning 25s. per week. That man may be worked up to concert pitch for the honour of his corps, and in his patriotism responds on behalf of his battalion. He goes to camp for one month, everything is found for him—although the allowance in the past has not been sufficient.
Do you know that from experience?
No, but—
He is not a Volunteer, evidently.
Yes, I am. At the end of the month this man goes homo, and what is his position? During that time he has been without his wages, and his family have had to suffer. Is it reasonable for this, the richest country in the whole world, to expect that from a man who cannot do it without stinting his family? Therefore, to give this invitation to the Volunteers is like asking a man to dinner when you know very well that he is going to refuse. What will be the effect? Members of Volunteer battalions who do not respond to this invitation will not be thought much of, and it will be supposed that while they could do a week's camping, as a sort of picnic, they refused to go to camp for a month when their country invited them. Such a state of things will have a very serious effect upon the Volunteer force in the future. It may be said that the employers of labour ought to pay the wages of these patriotic men. But I do not think that that is right. Why should an employer who perhaps has a number of Volunteers in his employ make this sacrifice? For these reasons I do not hail with satisfaction the proposals of the Government in this respect. I hope that in the course of next week we may have some promise from the Government that the ordinary capitation grant may be increased irrespective of whether or not the Volunteers respond to this invitation for one month's training.
I said that in my speech.
But we do not know exactly to what extent. I hope the grant will be sufficient to enable even the humblest Volunteer to go to camp without having to stint his family while he is away. My reason for making these few remarks is that during the short time I have been in Parliament I have found that unless the Under Secretaries of State are spoken to pretty directly they take it for granted that it is all right, that their proposals are perfectly satisfactory, and that the House of Commons does not want the capitation grant increased. I hope the hon. Gentleman will bring pressure to bear upon the Secretary of State in his department, so that justice may be done to the Volunteers, and a capitation grant; given of at least, £1 per man more than at present. If that is done I have not the slightest doubt that the Volunteer force in this country will in a short time lie more than doubled in number. We in this House are all imbued with the same idea, namely, to avoid war and to maintain peace. The way to do that is to induce everybody to become a Volunteer, to get up to a standard of efficiency in drill, and to be able to handle his rifle. Then when we have got our countrymen to become Volunteers, when the people of the colonies and of the home country are all Volunteers, and we are able to defend ourselves if ' attacked, we shall be able to defer war indefinitely, and to use the great influence, power, wealth and intelligence of this country to promote increased prosperity in the future, and to strengthen the commercial predominance that we enjoy, f am in favour of this proposal to increase our Volunteer forces. When conscription was mentioned a great many hon. Members of this House cheered it to the echo, but I know many hon. Members do not hold that opinion privately, and I am one of them. I think it can be avoided, and the only way to do it and maintain the greatness of our Empire is by adopting a moderate application of the Ballot Act. The knowledge that a man may be unsuccessful in the ballot: and have to be a soldier for three months in the year will cause him to say to himself: "I am not going to run the risk of being balloted for; I will join the Volunteers." By that very stroke you would increase the Volunteers by hundreds of thousands, and though I am opposed to war—and there is no Member of this House more averse to it than I am—I say frankly that if I thought our country was absolutely unprepared to meet the great emergencies that we have had to meet during the last three or four months I certainly should have hesitated to have given my vote for this war. In my opinion, no blame attaches to the Colonial Secretary or to the Cabinet for this war, and in regard to it we have been living in a fools paradise. We little thought that this Empire would have been put to such straits, and if it had not been for our colonies and their assistance both of men and money—putting on one side altogether their moral worth throughout the world—our difficulties might have been still greater. We have seen the noble patriotism shown by the Volunteers and the Yeomanry, and others from civil employment, who have readily responded to the appeal made to them to assist us in seeming for our fellow-countrymen out in the Transvaal what the nation has considered almost to a man is their due as regards political rights and liberty in a distant country. It is not a question of Government or party, but it is a question of our military system. We live in an age of railways and electric power, and yet as regards our military capabilities you can compare them to nothing else but the old feudal system, the days of canals and coaches. It is a fact that our military system is at present no better than the antiquated feudal system, without its advantages, and I was delighted when the Government, of which I may be considered a hearty supporter—and I have given them more votes, I believe, than most members on this side of the House—at the very outset decided that they would take the chivalrous part of saying that they would defend the actions of their Department. When I heard that I was more than satisfied, and I look forward to the time when the war clouds have passed by and when victory will be on our side [An HON. MEMBER: Question!] There is no question about that, for it is bound to come. When that time arrives we shall do full justice to the Boers, and we shall give them more justice than their own Government gave them. We shall give equal rights to all races in South Africa, and they will enjoy the same freedom and independence as is now enjoyed in our colonies and by ourselves. When the war is over I trust that we shall have a thorough and most impartial inquiry into the shortcomings of our military Department, and that no victory, however triumphant and complete, shall stop this.
I rise, Sir, to add my voice to the number of those who from this quarter of the House have unanimously denounced the war which has been entered upon in the Transvaal as an unjust and unnecessary one, and being convinced of the injustice of the war I intend to record my vote against the granting of any sum which will be utilised for the continuance of what I regard as an unholy enterprise. I hold the opinion, and I hold it in common with not only my own countrymen, but many an honest man throughout the length and breadth of Great Britain, that if the Boers were only allowed to live the lives God had given them in peace, and if there had been no gold in the country, there would have been no war in the Transvaal to-day. It is the greatest nonsense for Members opposite to say that the Uitlanders were suffering under any grievance which could justify a war. I think the remarkable figures and unanswerable facts quoted the other evening to a crowded House by the hon. Member for Carnarvon must have proved conclusive to any mind which was at all open to conviction that the rate of wages and conditions of life under which the Uitlanders lived and prospered in South Africa should be the envy of the working classes of this country, and certainly of Ireland. If Her Majesty's Government, instead of embarking upon this awful war, had looked around them at home in their own country, they would have found ample room for the rectification of serious grievances, not alone in this country, but especially in Ireland. To hear hon. Members opposite constantly referring to the unjust rule of President Kruger, and expressing their abhorrence of Transvaal tyranny, one would scarcely think that they were the same hon. Members who refuse to wipe from their statute book a law which deprives the people of Ireland of the greatest bulwark of all liberty—trial by jury. Again, Sir, who would think that the liberty-loving legislators opposite—who are prepared to spend priceless blood and millions of the taxpayers' money for the sake of a few-votes in the Transvaal—are the same gentlemen who bolster up a second chamber in their own country—a chamber for the election of whose members nobody can cast a vote—a chamber, too, which has power to nullify the enactments of men elected by the votes of the people themselves? I think, if I may venture to predict, that the time is not far distant when the people of this country—whatever their views may be to-day—will curse the war and those who created it. When the present Government came into office they hummed and hawed when questioned as to old age pensions, as they did about their financial arrange- ments with Ireland. Then they talked about enormous expenditure. Yes, but old age pensions could only benefit the poor of the British Isles. But, Sir, when an occasion arose which would ultimately bring gain to the rich shareholders of the Chartered Company, the Government, with very little ado, plunged the country into a war which will cost the country some forty or fifty million pounds and your own national prestige as; well. Then, Sir, with regard to the question of England's interference with; the Boers and the internal affairs of their country. I believe that the Boers had a perfect right to say on what terms they would allow votes to foreigners who came I to their country to make use of their land. Every country in the world exercises that right, and why the Boers should be deprived of it I cannot understand.
The hon. Gentleman is not entitled to go into the causes I of the war or the policy which led up to I it. He is entitled to protest against the I continuance of the war.
We are told I also by right hon. and hon. Members opposite, and by a largo section of the press of this country, that the Boers were arming themselves, and that sooner or later war must come. Why should there be war, unless brought about by the attitude of this country, or by the conduct of another Jameson? Considering the raid of 1895, what fools the Boers would have been if they had not armed themselves. Which one of us when once surprised by burglars would not at once write oft' to Birmingham for a stout lock and a six-chambered revolver; and talk as you may, we have no evidence to show that the Boers made any preparations of a warlike nature until after the raid—a raid which was contemptible in its conception as well as in its execution. Who was the arch-conspirator in this raid? Who can deny that it was Mr. Cecil Rhodes himself?
The hon. Gentleman is really contravening my ruling. I have already pointed out that he is not entitled to discuss the policy which led up to the war. That does not arise on this Vote.
I regret, Mr. Lowther, if I have departed from your ruling. I will conclude, Sir, by joining in the general condemnation from these benches of this unjust and unholy war; and being unjust, should not he continued. When this war is over, what will you gain? No matter with what success your arms meet in even the immediate future, the prestige which was yours but a few months ago is shaken, if not shattered to-day. The war is unjust, audit is costing you millions of money and priceless blood; and from the policy which Her Majesty's Government seem determined to pursue, it looks as if blood is still to flow and money is still to be spent. We in this quarter of the House, representing as we do a people asking for their own liberty, have had no part in this crime against civilisation. On the contrary, we have voted against it, we have spoken against it. It is a war which can only bring shame and disgrace on those responsible for it—a war which will add another, blot to the already besmirched escutcheon of England.
Mr. Lowther, the proposals of the Government have perhaps already been discussed from the military aspect, but after all these are Army Estimates, and with the approval of the Committee I should like to make a few remarks from the military point of view, and ask for information on certain points. I may say at once that I entirely approve in the main of many of the proposals of the Government, and I take this opportunity of expressing my admiration of the manner in which the mobilisation of the troops has been and is being carried out by the War Office. I did not believe it could have been carried out with such success. Twenty years ago some troops were sent in a great hurry to Zululand—only a fourth of the present force in South Africa—a fortnight after the receipt of the news of the battle of Island Iwana, but on the arrival of the troopship at St. Vincent it was found that it had no coal to enable it to proceed, and the troops had to remain at St. Vincent for nearly a fortnight. The present enormous force has been sent out without any hitch or any difficulty at all, and I give great credit to the War Office for the manner in which the mobilisation was carried out. We have been able to mobilise a very large force for home and foreign service, but we have no provision for the future—no force ready to take the field at a moment's notice. That is, I have always contended, our weak point. On the outbreak of the war in South Africa we had not a single regiment ready to take the field. The Under Secretary for War says that the War Office could send troops from the Mediterranean, but it is forgotten that those garrisons must be relieved have always supported the short service and reserve system, but I have also, strongly advocated that we should always have a force ready DO take the field at a moment's notice. What the country would like to know is whether we have a strong force ready now to go to South Africa if required and telegraphed for. Whenever one force is sent out there should always be another force ready to take its place here and follow it up when required. We are sending a large number' of Militia and Volunteers to South Africa, but I consider it is not masses, that we require, but efficient and thoroughly trained men. I cannot understand why all these bodies should be called army corps. We have no commanders for these army corps in England, and a division is far more suitable and more pliable for us in this country. The organisation of the United Kingdom is quite sufficient, and I would ask why it is considered advisable to complicate that organisation by imitating the German system. If army corps are required they can easily be made up by three divisions, which is the normal number in an army corps, and we can add the artillery and cavalry, which should always be kept ready. I consider that different training-is required for our troops from that to which we have been accustomed in years gone by. Marches past and drills of that kind are not sufficient. Instead of that class of drill I consider we should have-far more rifle practice. I have advocated that before in this House, and also in the country. All the infantry should have a course of rifle practice for two months at least, instead of for only three weeks as at present. The Volunteers are allowed, I believe, seventy-five rounds, but many men often fire only twenty rounds. When the new regulations come into, force, each man will, I understand, be required to fire forty-two rounds, but every round of ammunition served to the Volunteers to fire should be required to be fired in order to qualify for the capitation grant. I hope this subject of shooting will receive the most careful consideration of this House and the Government. We see the value of good shooting in South Africa now. The Boers are admirable shots, and we have unfortunately seen the value of their good shooting. I would like to ask the Under Secretary for War whether there is a large amount of ammunition in South Africa, not only for the purposes of the active part of the war, but also for practice on the lines of communication, and if not whether a sufficient amount will be sent out. Then there is the question of rifle ranges in England, which is no doubt a very difficult one. The hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary for War, in answer to a question of mine, said he did not think that much could be done with the large number of ranges closed since the Lee-Metford was issued to the troops, because they would be dangerous. I think he is mistaken. Ranges abroad are almost in the towns, and by a careful system of walls and arches small ranges might be made perfectly safe and very effective. I consider a 300 yards range is far better than no range at all. It gives practice to the troops in firing from the shoulder, and with a small dark-coloured target, very different from the large mass of black and white now used, it would be a very satisfactory range. Another point I should like to impress on the Under Secretary is that there should be at least a general officer to superintend the shooting in the Army. Until the outbreak of this war there was a junior colonel in charge of the rifle shooting of the British Army, but he is now in Lady-smith doing admirable work, and no one is in charge. I consider that a general officer should have the superintendence of this most important duty, because I am convinced that not big battalions but straight shooting will win the battles of the future. The troops should have far more practice with the rifle than at present, to the exclusion, if necessary, of the old-fashioned drill. At inspections the general officer inspects a regiment in many details, but he rarely inspects its capacity in shooting at ranges or in scouting. The time has arrived for a change in the fighting dress of all our troops. We; began the change in the Zulu War, when our men were in red and our officers in; blue—as bad a combination as possible. But in 1885 Sir Charles Warren, during the Bechuanaland Expedition, which was most admirably conducted, turned the colour of the dress of the force from that of a butterfly to a chrysalis—from red to brown. All the officers were armed with rifles and bandoliers, there was hardly a sword in the force, and no distinguishing, marks. Yet, with such an experience before us, troops went to South Africa lately with kilts, badges, and swords, and they suffered accordingly. The Yeomanry uniform is quite unsuitable for mounted infantry. I would ask what dress has now been decided on by the War Office for service on the Continent, or for drill here in England? Rod is a most conspicuous colour, and it is ridiculously impracticable to train men in peace time against men in red, when they will never see a bright colour in war. In stalking we try to see our game, and to prevent the game seeing us; but in South Africa we reverse the process—the Boers see our men, but they do not see the Boers, except at bayonet distance. It is absolutely necessary to have a dress for drill in the United Kingdom which our troops would be able to take abroad for active service. It is most expensive to the country that there should be so many sorts of uniform. Troops have been sent to South Africa with hardly a single article used in peace service, except the kilts of the Highlanders and the black belts of the Rifle regiments. It is also a great expense to officers. I understand that young officers who at the beginning of the year had got most expensive kits were unable to take with them to South Africa a single article of that kit. The Guards actually required four new coats. These are small details, but some of these details, especially in the dress and accoutrements of the soldiers, mean the lives of men. I hope this subject has been very fully considered by the War Office. The time has arrived when the country asks for less of the, show and more of the business of war.
I would not have intervened in this discussion but for the speech of an hon. Member who spoke of this war being unjust, and one which would be- smirch the fair fame of this country. I am one of the youngest Members of this Parliament, and have recently gone through a contested election in which the war in South Africa was practically the sole topic discussed. I condemned the negotiations which led up to the war, but I maintained that if the President of the Transvaal had been as desirous of peace as his friends said he was peace would have been maintained. I was sent here, Mr. Lowther, by my constituents on the express understanding that I would vote for the necessary men and money to bring this war to a triumphant issue, and I am glad to have had the opportunity of saying these few words with reference to what my attitude was at my election. I have listened to tins discussion throughout, and have been much interested in the various speeches made in the various quarters. I listened with great attention to the speech of the hon. Member for Salford division. He is an old athlete, and told us something of the athletics at the public schools. He and the hon. Member for the Woodstock Division of Oxfordshire were officers together in the early sixties at Rugby. When we went to the University together my hon. friend continued his volunteering experience by joining the Oxford Volunteers. I did not do so because I had a commission already in South Ayrshire, which I carried on for some time. When I came to London I got too heavy for rowing, and was no longer able to enjoy the pursuits of my youth, but I joined the Inns of Court Rifle Volunteers, otherwise called the "Devil's Own." Reference has been made to the difficulty of getting Volunteers to meet together. That has not always been a difficulty. When I was an officer in Scotland we thought nothing of going eighteen or twenty miles to drill, although these were not the days of bicycles. I would impress on the Under Secretary for War, the necessity of giving every possible encouragement to the Cyclist Volunteer Corps in this country. We have excellent roads. Cyclist corps are a cheap and a mobile force. Their mounts do not require stabling, food, or grooming, just a little oiling and dusting now and then, and they can do their fifty or sixty miles a day without fatigue. I think that the Volunteers have had too much of the cold shoulder from the War Office in the past: and they require to be en- couraged in every possible manner. It has been said that a cavalry officer must have a private income of £400 or £500 a, year; but no young man can become a Volunteer officer unless he has private means at his command. I should like to see means taken to get the best young men with the best brains as Volunteer officers, irrespective of their private income. I heard a story the other day of two soldiers who wore going out on active service to South Africa, and who were talking of the Volunteers who were also going out. One said to the other, "Now we shall see what these damned twopenny-halfpenny Saturday afternoon soldiers can do." I venture to say that the Volunteers will give an extra good account of themselves, and that they are only too proud at this moment to be of service to the country. I trust, therefore, the War Office will encourage the Volunteers in every possible way. I was glad to sec in The Times today the letter of Lieutenant-Colonel Loft-house, who commands the Inns of Court Volunteers, suggesting that if there is to be a Militia ballot, which I should strongly deprecate, Volunteers who have passed as marksmen may very well be exempted.
I have first of all to congratulate my hon. friend the Under Secretary for War on the speech with which he introduced this measure of Army reform. I also sincerely congratulate him on a former speech, which raised him to the front rank of debaters of this House. I congratulate the country that at last we have got a Government which is prepared to put forward a real measure of Army reform for homo defence. I do not profess to be an expert in Army matters, but I feel pretty sure that the proposals of the Government will, upon the whole, be received with satisfaction in the country. I regret, however, that I cannot endorse the proposals which are made in regard to the Volunteers. I very much fear that these will be somewhat abortive. First of all, I believe that, unless the Government are prepared to give the Volunteers very substantial pay, the proposal to put them for a whole month under canvas will not be successfully carried out. As a large employer of labour I know the difficulty to which employers of labour will be put if that plan is carried out. It might be successful if their going under canvas was limited to every second year, for in that case I am sure employers would do their utmost to facilitate such an arrangement.
It is limited to only this year.
I am glad misapprehended the hon. Gentleman. I am prepared to go very much further than the Government in the matter of Army reform. I am quite prepared to go the length of modified compulsion, and one way of effecting that would be to put the Militia ballot into force, exempting all members of the Volunteer force who became efficient. If not efficient then they should be liable to the ballot, and if drawn be compelled to serve. After some years training of both the Militia and the Volunteers I believe you could commence a system of Reserves which would provide an enormous and efficient military force for the purposes of home defence, available to meet any emergency. I agree with the hon. and gallant Member for Bath that the Government should encourage rifle clubs, and also that special attention should be devoted to rifle shooting in the Army. Reforms of other kinds are absolutely wanted. The cost of living for officers in the Army, especially in the cavalry regiments, is so great that no one but a man of wealth can join. That is a state of matters which no other country in Europe would permit. The expense officers are put to in connection with their uniform is also too great, and would not lie permitted in Germany, France, or Russia, perhaps the greatest military Powers in the world. The Army should be held out as a profession, and I do not think an army officer should be ashamed to walk about the streets in his uniform. The khaki uniform is comparatively inexpensive, and, as a fighting garment, nothing could be better. I hope the Government will take this matter of clothing into serious consideration, because in the present day the scarlet uniform is discredited, and has become absolutely impossible. Although not quite germane to the present debate, I wish to take the opportunity of congratulating the War Office on the extraordinary ability shown in sending our forces to South Africa. A number of leading journals and military critics have been very severe on the Government, but I hold the Government deserves the thanks of the nation for what they have done. We have not had the experience of a great war for many years, and the fact that the War Office, in conjunction with the Admiralty, has been able to land a fighting force of 200,000 men in South Africa, in the short time at their disposal, is a very admirable performance. In conclusion, I again press upon the Government the careful consideration of some modified form of compulsory military service, without which I do not think we can have a thoroughly equipped force ready for any emergency and under all circumstances.
I wish to call the attention of the Under Secretary for War to the view which is held by many hon. Members with regard to the Volunteers. If the Government persist in a month's drilling in camp for the Volunteers in each year, I rather fancy they will find that they will kill the Volunteer system altogether. It is impossible for the class of men to whom the Volunteers belong to leave their employment for a period of a month at one time. The Under Secretary intimated, that he did not yet know what grant would be made to the Volunteers for their month under canvas. Even supposing you give them a pound or two, that would not help their employers for and it would the loss of their be found that it would prevent young men being engaged in responsible positions in shops, offices, factories, and other places if it became known that they arc-under contract with the Government to leave their employment for a whole month to go under canvas. That would be a fatal part of the scheme, and an equally fatal part would be the prolonged of Militia training. It would t and. upset all industrial employment to such an extent that it would prove highly detrimental to the interests of both these branches of home defence. At the present time it is exceedingly difficult to get any considerable number of Volunteers to go under canvas for one week, and many who go once do not attempt to go again, because of the great inconvenience. If you inquire among Volunteer officers and non-commissioned officers, you will find that the enormous difficulty they have in whipping up a sufficient number of their regiment to make a decent appearance in camp is not: imaginary, but real. [An HON. MEMBER: Not in Lancashire.] After all, is this not true, and has it not been proved by this war, that men who have never been in camp or under military training in large numbers are equally efficient in the field as fighting soldiers as those who have spent a long time in barrack life and in reviews and parades. The real thing, if you want to make this enlarged branch of our home defence effective, is to teach the men to shoot. That is a thing you have never taught the men. I agree that rather than have no range at all a 100 yards range would be better. There can be no difficulty in obtaining a 300 yards or a 500 yards range. If you are going in to be a military nation, with universal service in the; Army, the landowners will have to contribute their part to the scheme by surrendering their property for rifle practice, without which home defence or any other defence is a mere delusion and a snare. In regard to the artillery, only a month i back I met a gentleman who was on his way to volunteer his services for South Africa, and he assured me that only in one week, all the years he had been in the Volunteer service, had he had any practice with a breech-loading gun. What use is there in wasting men's time and causing expense if they have not the proper materials to perfect themselves upon? These are things which, in the interest of everyone concerned, it is desirable for the Government to take seriously into consideration. I understand the Government said that they detest conscription. Ah! but there are hon. Members sitting behind the Government, men of experience and authority in military matters, who have expressed an opinion in favour of it, who say that you will be compelled to come to it, but that you must first take the Militia ballot. But what is that but conscription? It is conscription in the instalment form for home service. The Government have, no doubt, got to the end of their tether in regard to the usual common mode of voluntary enlistment, and I doubt if they will be able to find the men, even if we give them the money, without adopting other means than those now before the House. One of the hon. and gallant Members opposite, in the office of candid friend, said—
The hon. and gallant Gentleman had in his mind, no doubt, that the Government could not get the men by the proposals which are under discussion. I do not think they will, and I am sure the Government themselves do not think they will, and if they attempt some of the reforms to which I have referred, they will not only not increase the Volunteer force, but decrease and ultimately destroy them. Now I do not want to see the Volunteers destroyed or discouraged, or any step taken which will strike a blow at their efficiency or numbers. I am not approaching this in any unfriendly spirit; I only wish to say I hope nothing will be done that may injure this branch of the service. I hope the Government will tell the hon. Member for Evesham at what period of the failure to obtain men they will come to the House and ask for authority for the Militia ballot. That is a very important question, and one which I should not have dared to ask. We are to-night on the threshold of a great military future; we are initiating a scheme by which, in time, every youth of eighteen years of age will have to do so many years service in the Army of this country. I am not arguing the rights or wrongs of the question, but we ought to have some information with respect to it, and not have it thrust upon us without warning. I wish the Government could in its wisdom pension off some of its prominent members and their associates; if they could do this we should not want this increase of home defence. Your policy of unrest is the cause of our military difficulties, and while you are expending money and shedding blood abroad, many of your people at home are dying from want of the necessaries of life. I am not prepared to refuse the demands of the Government now. A great conflagration has been started and the only thing to be done is to extinguish it as soon as possible. But I hope the responsibility for the outbreak will be brought home to the hon. Gentlemen to whose actions the war is due, and that they will have to give an account of the crime which has necessitated the expenditure for which we are voting the supplies to-night."Your present scheme will not avail you, and will you tell us at what period in its failure you will come to the House and ask for general conscription?"
said the scheme proposed by the Government for increasing the efficiency of home defence was a very judicious one. He did not agree with hon. Members who advocated some modified form of compulsion. In the Volunteers we had a quarter of a million of men who had passed through the ranks, of whom the nation might well be proud, and in times of war such as this, this great body of able men had been a source of great comfort to the country. Private endeavour had supported the Volunteer movement in the most magnificent manner, but he regretted that on the part of the Executive the support had been of the most parsimonious description. He was very grateful, therefore, to hear that the capitation grant was to be increased. The amount by which it was to be increased had not been stated, and whether it was to be 2s. or £2 nobody knew, but he would urge the Government in any case to grant a very substantial amount. He would suggest the capitation grant should be raised to double its present amount, so that the Volunteer force might be put upon a sound financial basis. He urged the Government to give an increased capitation grant to Volunteer corps which did not possess either rifle ranges or drill-halls, and also to assist regiments whose officers had incurred financial obligations by establishing drill-halls. If the Government resolved to give the Volunteers substantial financial aid, they would be supported by the House and by the country, and would experience no difficulty in procuring the extra number of men now required.
For the last twenty years I have taken part in every military debate that has taken place in this House, and on this occasion I wish to say a few words on the proposed increase in the number of men which is now asked for. I wish the Under Secretary would see his way to ask for a far larger number of men than he has, because the temper of the House and the country and the men who are likely to come forward is such that no difficulty could arise in his obtaining whatever number he desired. I was very pleased to hear the hon. Member for Leicester say he would support this measure, although he somewhat threw cold water on the scheme by saying he did not think the men would be found. I have no doubt that if the War Office authorities set about the business in a proper straightforward manner, they will have no difficulty in filling the battalions. I can carry my recollection back to the time of the Crimean War, at which time we had to raise something like twenty-five battalions; but the system which was adopted then could not be carried out now. Twenty-five battalions were raised, and in many instances command was given to officers, colonels by rank, who had retired from the service. In those days the system of purchase was in vogue, and the colonel had the privilege of giving ten commissions as ensigns to ten gentlemen who desired to enter the Army. Each ensign had the power to bring in 100 men with him, and battalions of 1,000 strong were very soon formed. That system cannot be adopted now owing to the abolition of purchase. Another reason was that many of the commissions were given to officers of the Militia who brought their men with them. It is now different. I am glad to say the Militia is embodied and is at the front. I do not, however, despair of the result of this scheme. A number of the men whom the Under Secretary thinks he will be able to bring into the ranks will be men who have served with the colours and in the ranks for twelve years, and when we consider that many of the men who have served their twelve years are now only thirty, there are many between thirty and forty years of age who will willingly come forward and join the colours again in such numbers that the Secretary of State need not in any way fear the success of his scheme. With regard to the Militia, I do not wish to offer any observation. The Militia is represented in this House by hon. Members qualified to speak for it in a proper manner. Turning to the Volunteers, with which I have been connected ever since the initiation of the force forty-one years ago, and which I am still serving, I can say what is the feeling of the force in regard to this scheme. There is no doubt that the Volunteers are flocking by hundreds to be enrolled in the existing regiments, and the movement is progressing in a rapid and successful way. I thank the authorities and the Secretary of State for. War for the words he uttered the other day in another place that it is the intention of the Government to ask certain Auxiliary officers of high rank to take a seat in the War Office in order to act as advisers to the military authorities. We Volunteers, therefore, are now recognised more than heretofore. I can recollect in the early days it was very uphill work. We were, I will not say hardly tolerated, but we were looked upon with very little satisfaction by the military authorities. We have now reached that reward which the military authorities have been pleased to bestow on us during the past few years. The great question is will this scheme as put forward by the Government in all its phases be satisfactory? They will get the number of men they want, but as to the question of camping. There is one who has had a battalion in camp for twenty-six years past who will tell the authorities they will have great difficulty in getting the employers to allow, or the men themselves to remain in camp for a month. I have often thought, on the last day of the camp week, when I had had 800 or 900 men, who after their week's exertions had proved themselves well drilled, fairly disciplined, and satisfactory in every way, I have often thought, what a hardship and what a mistake it was that they were obliged to be disbanded and sent back into their civil life, when a few weeks more must have fitted them so much more for their soldier life. But I have thought all this over, and see great difficulty in the proposition put forward by Her Majesty's Government, that Volunteers shall or may, I believe that is the correct word, remain in camp for a period of one month. But if such is the wish of the authorities, I can assure the Government that as a commanding officer and one who has taken an interest in the force for many years, I will use every endeavour to carry out the wishes of the authorities, and I can say this for all commanding officers, in order that we may prove ourselves civilians first and soldiers afterwards. May I here say a word on the question of ranges. That is a matter which has occu- pied my mind and attention for many years. This is in my opinion the crux of the whole system of the Volunteer force. Provide the battalions with ranges within a near distance of the headquarters, and don't attempt to send them by rail two or three hours on a Saturday afternoon to go to their class firing. No amount of money the Government may offer to pay travelling expenses will meet that vexed question. Every endeavour should be made that suitable ranges should be found as near as possible to headquarters. And if I may otter a suggestion, let the military authorities have looked over, and once more have inspected, some of the disused ranges we had to give up when the Martini was exchanged for the Lee-Metford, and I feel sure, from my knowledge of rifles and ranges, that many will be found perfectly suitable now for the Lee-Metford. The hon. Member for Leicester said, and I agree with him, that if we cannot find ranges of 800 or 1,000 yards we should get ranges at 200 yards. I have always laid down this principle. We ought to endeavour to teach a Volunteer to shoot well up to 500 yards. I do not care what becomes of a man afterwards if he cannot carry out his class firing at a distance beyond that. Ranges of this kind at least can be obtained, and the Government at this time must use every endeavour to get such ranges for the Volunteers. I wish also that a little longer time were given to go into this important question. Another very serious matter is that connected with the transport of the Volunteers. That subject I have taken up for years, and in this House, on those benches and on these, I have urged on the military authorities and the Government the necessity of finding some proper means of providing transports for the Volunteers. The "man in the street" has told me that a few years ago a Committee sat in the House of Commons on that question and reported. And last year the Under Secretary for War put before the House the proposals of the authorities with regard to the transport allowed to Volunteers. I must say that it was not a satisfactory offer which the authorities made to us last year. The amount is not sufficient, and I do not think it will be found that any single commanding officer or brigadier has taken any steps to provide the transport or the allowance the Government offered. We were told that we were to be provided with hired transport. Well, I only hope that if we are to be provided with hired transport we shall be allowed to have a liberal allowance, and to find our own hired transport. Do not let us be thrust upon Messrs. Brown, Jones, Smith, or Robinson of any big town or city, because if this is done it will only be handed by them over to others who will possibly fail to carry out the requirements necessary. Give us a liberal allowance and then I feel satisfied that the question of transport, though it be only carried out by the Volunteers, will be far more satisfactory to the Volunteer force than it has been in the past. If the authorities are going into the question of the reorganisation of the Volunteers, may I suggest to them one matter, personal though it may seem, because it affects those in a position like myself—the system of brigadiers and brigades in the Volunteer force. At present the position held by myself and others is perfectly anomalous. We know nothing of what is going on in connection with our brigades, with the exception of the one week they are serving under us in camp. If the brigade system is to be carried out, if the Volunteer officers are to be made use of, give us more work to do, give us a little more insight into the working of the system than we have at present, and I hope and trust, whatever is done in the reorganisation or the resettling of the Volunteer force the Government will not lose sight, and the military authorities will not lose sight of it, that we are now a body of men over 215,000 efficient, I think the Under Secretary of State for War said, who are determined, if we are treated in a proper way and placed in the position in which our services can be used, we are men who have forgotten all that is past, and are determined to do our duty in whatever place the authorities may choose to send us.
Sir, I am not a military man, I am not a Volunteer, and, like nearly every other man of sense in the country, I am not a friend of the War Office. I wise, however, to speak on certain points raised by the hon. Gentleman the Under Secretary of State for War, in his speech, because I wish to protest against the scheme he proposes in some of its details-, and against merging some permanent arrangement for defence at home with some different scheme for attack abroad: I protest against the amalgamation of both, plans because it may be capable of political' misinterpretation in the constituencies,, and because I think emergency, schemes of military preparation ought not to be dragged into the arena of party controversy; and it would have been better for the Government had they confined themselves entirely to emergency proposals,, whether for South Africa, whether for the Militia, or whether for the Volunteers, and to have kept them almost religiously apart from the question of permanent defence and, probably, ultimate conscription, and which undoubtedly add needlessly to our military expenditure to an enormous extent. The people who support this War did not ask for this scheme that could have been produced when the Army Estimates came on. People want the machinery for this war perfected; they demand concentration from the War Office, and get confusion; they want quicker transport, more and better guns; they want routine abandoned,, red tape discarded, conflicting plans harmonised, the various movements co-ordinated with the ease and simplicity the Boers have displayed. They want the adaptation of means to ends, and that with promptitude. And, having said that, I protest, as a practical man, against the scheme because it savours of panic. It is very much like the speech of Lord Rosebery in another place this evening, in which his Lordship asked for many more men in. addition to those which you have already dispatched. But in this he is practically alone, and the reason; for the demand I the people cannot understand. The average British elector is quite convinced that there are quite enough men in. South Africa, if you only had better tactics, better strategy, and better leadership than we have had up to now. What we want is not more British' troops, but Boer generalship; and the sooner the War Office comes round to that view the better it will be for us. If this scheme is intended to impress foreign Powers, I say it has absolutely failed, because looking at the foreign newspapers—mind, I do not at all agree with all that the French and German and Austrian newspapers say of us—you find that section of Continental opinion, which you cannot judiciously ignore, is flatly against you. Again, if the scheme was intended to help the emergency in South Africa, it is, according to the military critics, useless. Once more the War Office has shown its inadaptability to meet difficulty with resource. What I wish to know is, where is the military expenditure of this nation going to stop? We are told that we want more men. Do we.? Well, the Transvaal Republic in population is about as large as the parish of Lambeth, or about two-thirds of the size of (that single London constituency which I have the honour to represent, and yet we are told that to fight an enemy of such proportions, 200,000 men are not enough. The total of our forces in this country, on the seas, and in our colonies and dependencies numbers nearly a million men. Yet we are told that is not enough. We are told that the Militia Ballot Act is to be abandoned, and that conscription will ultimately be necessary. I do not believe that this country will have conscription, and may I not suggest to the House of Commons that there is an alternative to this militarising of the people in the abandonment of our spread-eagle imperialism and our long-spoon diplomacy, and the telling of people abroad to mend their manners? Let us look at what it is leading us to, and glance at the figures of the expenditure during the short space of fifteen years. In 1885 we spent £30,000,000 on the Army and Navy; to-day we are spending the abnormal sum of £51,000,000. Where is this extravagance to cease? We are now spending £10,000,000 more than Russia; £14,000,000 more than Germany; and £10,000,000 more than France in naval and military armaments; yet we are told that it is not enough. Well, Sir, the British workman and the masses of this country have a knack of expressing themselves in no uncertain way at the poll against panic schemes of this order, and I believe the answer will be emphatic when his opinion is asked. There was one thing in the speech of the Under Secretary of State for War which was highly satisfactory, in as much as it conveyed an official repudiation by the Government of any attempt at conscription. That is the one spark of consolation that shone in his speech. But why does the Under Secretary for War repudiate conscription? Because he knows that conscription the people of this country won't have; and I put it boldly before the House now, that if the people of England have to choose between the lopping off of some of the colonies—that are not so valuable as some men seem to imagine—and the loss of a few millions a year in trade: if they are to choose, I say, between that and conscription they would rather lose those colonies and their attendant millions than have all the moral and social disadvantages that conscription imposes on an nation ["No, no!"] Some hon. Members say "No"; and the hon. Gentleman opposite nods his head. Does he want to reproduce in England the autocratic intolerance of Germany? Does he wish to see England smitten with the disease which Spain and Italy and France are suffering from in the terrorising despotism of military control? If he does, militarism, and its product, conscription, will do it. But conscription has been avoided by the Government less because of its national effects than for class convenience. One reason why I believe conscription was repudiated is that if it were once introduced the Army would no longer be the appanage of the aristocracy and the perquisite of the rich. Conscription would break down the family arrangement by which the titles get the salaries and the untitled get the work. In my opinion, the proposals for the training of the Volunteers are unworkable, and in this connection I have a suggestion to make on a problem which the War Office can readily solve if it is really in earnest. They have only to ask the Government to slip a clause into every railway Bill that passes through Parliament that Volunteers when engaged in travelling to I and from the shooting ranges shall lie carried free. That is a contribution I that railway companies ought to pay towards the Volunteers making themselves efficient in the art of defending their property in time of war. The Volunteers also want more efficient commanding officers than they now have, as merit in the Volunteer force, like the Army, is often over-ridden, because social position without military skill too often counts for promotion. Then we come to another branch of the scheme—and I am very sorry that we have not that fine old English gentleman, the gallant Sir George Chesney, with us this evening to reproduce on the floor of this House one or two of the frequent criticisms he wrote in that little booklet of his, nearly twenty years ago, as to what Great Britain needed for its expe- ditionary wars. He said, among other things, that we should always have an army of 30,000 men, which he specially defined, ready to take the field in less than twenty-four hours. A force mobile, ubiquitous, unencumbered by the useless gear a British army always has. Of course that is a principle which I expect would not find favour at the War Office. There is the insuperable obstacle, of officers baggage to take into consideration. This kind of thing ought to be stopped. Officers ought not to be allowed to encumber their regiments on the march with all the baggage I saw at Aldershot. Boot-trees should be left at home, as well as golf sticks, tennis racquets, and opera hats, and surplus uniforms. All this mountain of impedimenta affected by British officers, and which is bound to hamper the progress of an army, should be discarded when thousands of gallant lives are hanging in the balance. It is all very well for the Under Secretary to put up a Bill calling for men, to try to summon spirits from the vasty deep. I do not think men will respond after the war fever has passed. I am sorry to say that the middle and professional classes, who have clamoured for the war have not volunteered as they should have done. There are only two classes who pay the blood tax of their country—the aristocracy in the officers and the labouring classes in the men. This war has typified the mental and administrative decay of the governing classes. If the London County Council had managed its fire brigade with no more ability and promptitude than the War Office has displayed in the management of this war, people would have been burnt in their beds three nights a week. I am almost inclined to suggest that the management of the next war should be left to the fire brigade committee of the County Council. The Under Secretary has not mentioned the noncommissioned officer. How long is he to be debarred from that treatment his energy, ability, experience, and capacity deserve? The governing classes have drawn a ring fence round the commissioned ranks of the Army; and they have nipped in the bud the aspiration of the non-commissioned officer to gain his commission. This should not be allowed to continue when the margin of our officers is so rapidly dwindling in the present war by the pluck and gallant leadership of the officers. If you want to test the accuracy of my statement go to Aldershot, as I have done, and see for yourselves. You will see whole batteries going away in charge of youths of eighteen or nineteen years of age. We have colour-sergeants and sergeant-majors who with their experience are infinitely better than a dozen of these young fellows, thrown together. Why do I emphasise that? Because there is no mention of the-non-commissioned officer in the scheme. If hon. Members doubt the capacity of our non-commissioned officers let them go and see that splendid soldier Sergeant-major Foules, of the 1st Grenadier Guards, manage his battalion. In manner, ability, knowledge, and all that goes to make a good soldier he makes those men work bettor than the famous Guards I saw reviewed at St. Petersburg. We hear a good deal of the precision and drill of the Berlin Guards. Sergeant-Majors Foules' and Best's, of the Grenadiers and Cold-streams, are two of the best drills I have ever seen in Europe. But you will not give these men command of a regiment. Why? There is some reason. It is not because rankers are not fit or capable, it is because you have put a ring fence round the commissioned ranks that must be broken down if the Army is to be efficient and popular. Remove the-reason for refusing promotion from the ranks, and you will have abler, stronger, and better men in your Army than you now have, and until you do so-your Army will not be so popular as it deserves to be. The hon. and gallant Member who spoke on the other side suggested that we wanted more troops in Africa. I do not agree with him. What does the Figaro of yesterday say in criticising our military arrangements? It says that the reason the British soldier: has succeeded in all parts of the world, especially in hot countries, is that the-British military system has insisted on quality as against quantity. Instead of throwing a mass of 100,000 men, whether from the Volunteers or Militia, at the heads of the British I taxpayer, I believe you would do much more good if your unintelligent War Office were to insist on greater efficiency in the Army than we now have. By doing that you will follow the best traditions and experience of Greece and Rome in fighting, and you; will justify the opinion of every military critic on the Continent that we hold India and our colonies not by the number of our troops, but because of the pluck of the rank and file and the greater average efficiency of the unit in the voluntary Indian Army than is possible under conscription. I agree with that view, and it is because I have thought this matter out that I say the need of the Army is not great masses of troops, but the highest quality of efficiency that only a free enlistment system can yield. With regard to the dress of the soldier, I am one of those who have been subjected to a great deal of adverse criticism, because years ago I ventured to say what every military critic is now thinking, that the dress was unsuited to the work, and that the British officer too frequently dressed like a gilded popinjay. I repeat that statement on the floor of the House: it is justified by fact and by experience. Immediately a war breaks out you strip the officers of their upholstery, because it is a mark for the enemy; you take the gilt off the gingerbread, you have to leave the helmet with its attracting glitter at home, and all the gay and gilded trappings are discarded. When your troops should be ready and on the way to the front, needless delay is caused by your having to reclothe them tit for their proper work. The hon. and gallant Member who suggested an improvement in dress ought to know there is nothing connected with the soldiers that more requires reform, yea, revolution, than the dress of the private soldier. Of course, we all like to see both our soldiers and our sailors smart, but you can have smartness with efficiency in uniform and indistinctness in colour. Take, for instance, the regiment if the hon. and gallant Member for Essex—the Grenadiers. [An HON. MEMBER: The Cold-streams.] Very well, the Cold-streams—in dress they are all alike, and they are, though very showy, all equally bad. With his undress uniform you give him a hat that does not protect him from the rain or sun; it is a sort of inverted collar-box, and ought to have been condemned years ago. You stuff him into a tight-fitting tunic, distinguishable to the enemy and unpleasant to work in at home or abroad—so unpleasant that at Chitral and Dargai, where the men had to fight, the first thing that many of them did was to take their bayonet or knife and rip their tunics open, loose though they relatively are. At home the soldier prefers to do the most elementary duties in his shirt sleeves, because his dress does not give him freedom of physical movement. As to full dress, look at his busby! In the summer it is beastly hot, and in the winter it makes the man more miserable, because the rain comes down all over his face, and the longer he is in the rain the heavier the busby becomes. Coming from his head to his feet, look at the kind of boots you give these big fellows in which to do their drill and marching, the chief portion of a soldier's work. You spend £9 on his busby and 8s. on his boots. I would reverse the operation. I would not have him put into hard and unsympathetic boots such as you see him walking about the streets of London in. You ought to follow the example of the County Council in regard to their park-keepers, and spend 16s. or 18s. per pair for boots for your soldiers so as to make them comfortable, because a very good soldier ought to be a good walker. Now I come to my last point. You have difficulty in getting men. Why? The Nemesis of the English landlord has arrived. We are beginning to realise now that it was a mistake to depopulate the Scotch glens centuries ago. We are beginning to see, by the shrinkage of the Highland population, by the unwillingness of the Scotch to enlist, that it was a mistake to have the straths and valleys which formerly had 300 cottages with only two or three in them now. Deer have taken the place of men. But now the Nemesis of the landlord has arrived, and the governing classes cannot get strong, big men from the highland valleys and the Irish glens as was formerly the case. And what is more, England, rural do populated England, is now telling its tale in the difficulty of getting soldiers to fight your battles. When I am told there is a difficulty in getting recruits, my answer is that you, especially the gentlemen of England, are responsible for it. You have rendered it impossible for the countryside to find its modern archers, the men who saved you at Cressy, Poictiers, and Agincourt, to be reared in the villages, because you have turned them out—you have driven your yeomen to the towns. Your land system, the espion—age of your parson, the social inquisition of the country side, the petty tyranny of rural life are now beginning to tell in the outposts of empire. I also want to tell you this, when you talk about conscription remember that Britain is unlike Germany, France, or Italy. You can have a conscript army in Germany or other Continental countries. Why? Because the recruit serves as a rule in his own district and near his friends. But the very essential basis of the British Army is that you should have a foreign service of able, healthy, and o voluntary men. Therefore, when men ask in this House for conscription I tell them that it is unsuited to the work the British Army has to do. Immediately you impose conscription the efficiency of the British Army abroad will disappear, and you will want an army three times its present size, which will present the rapidity of movement, fitness of the unit, and decisiveness of action that our Colonial and Indian system of warfare demands. Above all, if you want the British Army to be as it should be, follow out what Napoleon did: take your Ney or Murat from the ranks where he has distinguished himself as a private or non-commissioned officer, make him an officer, and let ability and merit alone count for promotion in the British Army. If Napoleon had been conducting this war 500 commissions would have been given on the field to soldiers of the rank and file. Unless you do that you will discourage your Army; it will be unattractive, which means inefficient for its purpose. Then, when you have your Army reorganised and on a popular basis, I sincerely trust you will give the men greater freedom than they now enjoy. Treat them more like men and less like children. And, above all, when you have got your men and got your Army, do, in the name of England's honour and our best traditions, use them in an infinitely more just and better war than that in which our soldiers are at present engaged in South Africa.
I found it a little difficult to follow the speech of the hon. Member who has just spoken. He was kind enough to say that in the speech I made few days ago the only clear point was my repudiation of conscription. The only thing which to my mind is clear in the speech to which we have just listened is that the name of the War Office with the hon. Member is a term of generic reproach which he applies to anything which he reads in the newspapers or hears in the streets from which he differs, or which gives him a moment's annoyance. The hon. Member told us he was going to make one or two suggestions, but surely he underrates his contribution to the debate. The hon. Member ransacked the newspapers of every country and has gone far a field for his examples, but the upshot of the matter is that he is profoundly dissatisfied with all classes in this country. He blamed what he calls the aristocracy, because they were extravagant and stupid, but in the next portion of his speech he paid a tribute to their courage; and he proceeded to attack the middle classes. It is very difficult to follow all this, but in another part of his speech he said it was really too hard to expect any employer of labour to give his men leave for a week, a fortnight, or a month in the course of the year for a special emergency. But while he was so tender on behalf of employers of labour as a whole he saw no hardship whatever in asking the shareholders of railways to carry 300 or 400 men for nothing during the busiest months of the summer. I take a very much higher view than the hon. Member of the patriotism of employers of labour. In a year when it behaves us all to do what we can in order to make good the absence of the greater part of our Army in South Africa, I am convinced that the employers of labour will be among the first to assist us in that manner which lies best in their power. The hon. Member made a Special attack upon the arrangements for transport in South Africa. There is a great deal of misapprehension about that. I have here a letter from General Forestier-Walker, commanding the lines of communication, in which he says:—
That is a little fact to be set against all this rhetoric. The hon. Member made one definite criticism of our scheme; he said that we had been very ill-advised in not keeping the permanent part of this scheme separate from the emergency part of the scheme. But is that possible? The hon. Member may think so, but those in this House who are experts in the matter will not agree with him. The permanent part of this scheme is necessary unless the country is prepared to contemplate sending the forces that have been sent to South Africa and having no force in this country trained to take the swift offensive in the event of our being-threatened by any other Power. I will not argue with the Hon, member, because I know that the whole balance of military opinion in and out of the House is with us in asking for these batteries of artillery which are essential. As to the new infantry battalions, any one who has studied our duties in other parts of the Empire—the necessity of garrisoning India and the colonial stations—knows that the Army has been racked and strained because we have not a sufficient number of infantry battalions. Hon. members have been insisting that after this war is over we shall have to keep a garrison in South Africa, Is it, therefore, unreasonable to submit to this House a proposal for additional infantry battalions and additional batteries of artillery? We cannot keep this apart from the emergency scheme, because the need for both has arisen at the same time and from the same cause. I think I can now perhaps pass from the speech of the hon. Member. Before we had had a very variegated debate. There had been some speeches of one kind and other speeches more numerous of a very different kind. Of the first type there were the speeches of hon. Members representing Irish constituencies. With regard to these speeches I do not propose to take up the time of the Committee in dealing with them at very great length. The hon. Member who spoke first said that he had the courage of his convictions, and was prepared to support them by speech and vote. I never imputed any want of courage to him. gentlemen who came from Ireland."It will lie observed that there was on, and, indeed, some time previous to, December 31, a large unused balance of ox-transport amounting to 548 wagons with oxen complete and also a number of loose oxen."
You could not, because your great-grandfather was an Irish rebel.
I say this in no offensive spirit, but there are others of the countrymen of hon. Gentlemen from Ireland who are doing something more than talk, and giving something more than votes—who are giving their lives. I feel that there is no need for me to answer the words of hon. Gentlemen with my words, when their own countrymen are giving an answer with deeds and death in South Africa. Long after this somewhat factitious attempt, this gallery display, got up for the benefit of foreign countries, is forgotten—for it will not take up two lines in the Annual Register or any future history—the gallantry of Irish soldiers in South Africa will be re- membered. It will have several lines in history; and the most distinguished of the hon. Member's fellow-countrymen—Lord Roberts—will have some paragraphs, and perhaps some pages. The hon. Member said that our expectations that this war would be followed by peace would prove to be unfounded, and that no such result had followed any parallel event in history. The hon. Member cited the American war of the last century, but yon cannot prove that there is no parallel by merely quoting one instance in which a parallel could not be traced. For a better parallel I would direct the hon. Member's attention to the American war of this century. That was a war waged by white races, by Christians, by men each who believed that they were fighting for their rights, and that a great principle was at stake, and the side which took the larger view of what the development of humanity demanded—the side which was fighting for results beneficial not only to themselves, but to the whole future of the country which they inhabited—won in the end, but after great sacrifices and prolonged effort. That is the parallel which I would submit to the House.
I do not wish to interrupt the hon. Gentleman for one moment, but I am sure he will recognise that the parallel is not complete when he reflects that these two peoples were of the same race, not like the English and Dutch.
I doubt whether that improves the hon. Member's position. At the first blush it makes that war more repugnant. But we must not be carried away by emotion and sentiment. We must consider that the view which will bring the most benefit to the greater number of people over the longest period of years is the just view, and that is a view for which Christian gentlemen can fight with confidence. I feel that I have been rather led away by the matter to which I have referred. I pass to the other type of speeches—speeches which were in some measure invoked by the word "invitation" (the word is not in great favour just now, but I used it when I introduced this scheme), namely, an invitation for criticism and suggestion from those hon. Members who bear or have borne Her Majesty's commission, or who take an active interest in the Auxiliary forces. Well, we have had in the course of this discussion some useful suggestions; but I may perhaps be allowed to say that it would be impossible to go in detail all over these various points I which have cropped up. But I wish to: say, with regard to these remarks of hon. Members on both sides, that a great deal of their criticism has been anticipated, and I think they will find that many of their suggestions have been accepted. Now let me answer all these criticisms together, if I can, by this plain statement. Our proposals in respect to the Auxiliary forces are enabling: they are not mandatory. In the main I may say they are emergency proposals, and they are not; permanent proposals. I wish to make: that point quite clear, because one Member after another has got up and said, "Volunteers will never train for a month together. You make a great mistake in asking them to do so." That is very likely. It is very likely that the great majority of Volunteer corps cannot even in a year of great stress and of some legitimate apprehension make this sacrifice, or without the sacrifice falling on the employers of labour rather than on the men. But there are some corps which have asked to be allowed to train for a month. Now, in making our enabling proposal, would we not have put ourselves utterly in the wrong if we had said to all, "We will give you a camp and a water-supply and a payment to cover expenses for a week or ten days, but not for a longer period"? Why, I am sure that several members of this House who have asked for these privileges would have tackled me, and I should have had no defence. But now my defence is complete. If a corps cannot train for a month, let it train for a more limited period. The facilities we should offer will be commensurate with the disposition or ability on their part to train themselves. Then I have been told that the scheme was incomprehensible and impracticable, because I did not mention the exact terms of the inducement which would be offered. That was referred to by the hon. Member who spoke last, but it shows that he knows very little about the Volunteers. As things are now, in order to be efficient, a Volunteer has to do some twelve drills, of which three only need be battalion drills. There are cases where some corps can do battalion drills; easily, and other cases whore battalion drills are difficult of achievement owing to distance. They could not do these batta- lion drills, comparatively easy in some instances, except at an expense of £30, £40, or £50 to the commanding officer. Now how foolish it would have been if we had come down to this House with a cut-and-dried plan, saying we would give so much money for so many drills, which would be too little in some cases and far too much in others. We prefer to make two bold and broad conditions for the future with regard to the Volunteers. We say that, as a permanent proposal, we shall treat them better, and, as an emergency proposal as to this year, we say we mean to offer them facilities for making themselves efficient during the spring and summer. As to the inducements, we say that the expenses of the scheme which we recommend for adoption by the country must come, not out of the private purse of the Volunteers or their officers, but shall be paid for by the taxpayers of the country in return for the security which the Volunteers are going to give to the people of the country. Then we have the hon. Gentleman the Member for Bath, amongst many others, insisting upon greater facilities for musketry, and we agree with much that has been said on this subject. In asking the Volunteers to make themselves efficient, we shall have the greatest regard to shooting. We are asked, "Why not open close ranges?" But it must be remembered you cannot prevent a bullet going as far as it will; although you fire at the butts at 300 yards the bullet may go 2,000. Something more is needed, and the question is being studied. There is an ingenious device which may, and I think will, enable us to construct short ranges. That will be done, and in asking the Volunteers to make themselves efficient, we should give them the opportunity of shooting under the most favourable circumstances. Other hon. Gentlemen have urged that we should not give too much importance to mere smartness or precision in parade movements. Quite true. But some of the speakers do not seem to know that in the regular army a company or squadron are for a period of one or two months handed over to their company officers and instructed in those very duties of entrenching and so forth. I believe that when the Volunteers come under canvas—as they will, in spite of some of the croaking we have heard this evening—they will derive very great benefits not less distinguishable from those which have been derived from what is called company training. Then, us to underclothing. We are working at the War Office on this very subject. It may not prove such an economy as some hon. Members suppose, but every change as a rule costs more than the tiling you uproot. And, rightly so, because with every change you meet legitimate demands which have been too long denied. It is impossible in my opinion—I may be wrong, and I cannot pledge anyone to this—to make a fundamental change in the dress of the soldier without recognising that the State must give the necessary underclothing. It is quite impossible to have one dross for peace and war, for temperate and tropical climates, unless you can increase the cost of the underclothing, and therefore I am afraid that some disappointment will be caused as to the economy to be effected by a most workmanlike and businesslike proposal. Let us, I would say, preserve the traditional dress of the soldier for Sunday. That would not cost money, and traditional sentiment counts for very much, and rightly so. But to tell me that the garb in which the British soldier is now winning such glory and the respect of all races—[Irish laughter]—Hon. Members laugh, but I said the British soldier, and in that expression I, of course, include the Irish soldier. Is it not glorious to face death as they have faced it, and what is victory beside such noble sacrifices and such undaunted courage? That is the soldier's part. Let blame or failure be placed here, not on him. The dress in which he has fought will be a dress that will soon become romantic, and will be invested with more sentiment and with more tradition than those which are, after all, but the memories of the dress in which his forefathers fought.
Would the hon. Gentleman answer the question of the hon. Member for Battersea as to non-commissioned officers?
That subject is being considered, and is being acted on, as I think I informed the House some days ago. Special instructions have been telegraphed to Lord Roberts to discover, wherever he can, in the non-commissioned ranks of the large forces under his command those men who might make useful officers. But it is not such an easy matter as the hon. Member for Battersea thinks. The bulk of non-commissioned officers and privates wish to be quartermasters, and do not wish to take the heavier responsibility of commanding-troops in the field. But where they are suited for those duties very few impediments, if any, are placed in their path. If the Committee have followed these rather discursive remarks, if they are now satisfied, I will not say with the scheme, but with the principle which underlies the scheme—namely, that it is an enabling, not a mandatory, scheme, I hope that we may now be allowed to take the Vote. We do think that the occasion demands an effort on the part of all in this country. We have put compulsion on one side, not, as an hon. Member said, because the people will not stand it, but because we, the Government, will not have it, and least of all a modified compulsion. Modified compulsion has always led, and must always lead, to immoderate abuse. It is one thing to say to every, young man of twenty it is your duty to serve your country and you shall do it, and another thing to have a kind of lottery in which one out of thirty or one out of fifty would be adventitiously committed to a career which he does not wish to follow, and which, perhaps, involves him, making far greater sacrifices than would; have been made by any one of the other forty-nine. In one form or another that must lead, as it has always led, to the payment of enormous sums for substitutes, and if once you got that, as you had at the beginning of the century, when the use of the ballot was abandoned in consequence, you have corruption at the very basis of your military system. We do away with that if the Committee gives us that for which we ask. If we have three army corps why do you need to fill up the Militia beyond these establishments? If you cannot fill up these establishments it is because the Govern-I merit does not offer sufficient inducements. How does it advance your object to force men into the Militia? The scheme has been openly put forward by many speakers, not as one to build up, the Militia, but in order to drive men: into the Volunteers so as to avoid their' going into the Militia. I think it is more English, and more likely to fit in with the views of our countrymen, if we go to them frankly and say, "We want sc many soldiers, we want so many Militiamen,, and we want as many Volunteers as we can get, and we are prepared to pay you for it if you give evidence that you are determined and ready to make sacrifices corresponding to the inducements we offer." I believe our scheme for strengthening the military forces of the country will improve on acquaintance. I purposely put it forward without blandishment or praise because I think it will stand on its merits, and I on my part will always decline to float any scheme by issuing a highly-coloured prospectus.
I Intend to support the motion now before the Committee, not because I have any love for the administration of the War Office, for I think that is very bad indeed, but because I consider that at the present crisis in our country we should stand shoulder to shoulder and be prepared to find as many men and as much money as may be required in order to bring this war to a satisfactory conclusion. At the same time I feel that I must protest against the way this Supplementary Estimate has been introduced. I object to this process of mixing Supplementary Estimates with ordinary Army Estimates, and I fail to see why the hon. Gentleman would not have waited another six weeks, when the ordinary Army Estimates would come on. I am aware that as we extend our Empire we must have a larger force. It is no use closing our eyes to that fact. Nevertheless, all these extra men should be provided for in the Army Estimates and not in the Supplementary Estimates, I want to know where you are to find these men? In a time like this there may be no difficulty, but in time of peace then the difficulty will arise. The War Office knows what difficulties have arisen within the last two or three years in regard to recruiting. The Highlands of Scotland have become depopulated, and when you want recruits from that part of the country you will be unable to find them. What you ought to do is to arrange to put the people back on the land in order that we may have men to fill the ranks in the future. There is one matter to which I wish specially to call the hon. Gentleman's attention. In my own county I believe the Militia have to travel 200 miles before they can get to the depot. You should have barracks in Ross-shire, and then you would get men to join more freely. Some of the officers of the Seaforth Highlanders have their quarters in Dingwall, whilst the men have to go all the way to Fort George. The hon. Gentleman thinks it will be easy for employers of labour to allow Volunteers to go for a month's drill. He must not forget, however, that employers have to boar the expenses of management of their business during the absence of their employes, and the ordinary employer cannot afford to grant a lengthened leave of absence to his employes. The hon. Gentleman says it is not compulsory, but many Volunteers are business men, and cannot afford to go away for a long time. I do not believe the Militia will be able to go under canvas for the period arranged. I am sure you will have to arrange the time of the year to suit the men, and not merely to suit the officers. In Scotland, if you take the men during the fishing season, how are they to earn their living the other nine months in the year? You will also have to take care that you provide your Militia and Volunteers with rifles that are properly sighted. It is very discreditable that we should send out men to South Africa with rifles with inaccurate sights, simply to be shot down by the Boers. You should also provide your Militia and Volunteers with machine guns, and not old muzzle-loaders. The men ought to be drilled with the best weapons obtainable. I call the hon. Gentleman's attention to these matters, and I hope he will give them his careful consideration. I heartily support this motion, because I think it is our duty to do all we can to strengthen the hands of the Government at this crisis.
I wish to say a few words on the Vote before the House, because I feel it my bounden duty as an Irish representative to protest in the strongest possible manner against any increase in Her Majesty's forces in order to prosecute what I consider is an unjust and unfair war, by which you are endeavouring to take away the liberties of two Republics. I can only say in connection with the position the Under Sccretary of State for War occupies that I regret that such a noble descendant of such a noble Irishman as Lord Edward Fitzgerald should be occupying a position which is certainly not in harmony with the ideas and aspirations of his ancestors. We have heard in the debate that is going on many speeches, some for and some against the war. We have heard speeches made against the war by some gentlemen who feel it their duty to vote for the war. We hold that our position is consistent because from the beginning to the end of this war we felt it our duty to protest against it, because we believe it is unjust. Apart from any feelings we hold as Irish men, I say that on the utterances of your public men—of the Leader of the Government in this House and the Colonial Secretary, and on the opinion of the Leader of the Government in the other House, any Irishman is perfectly entitled on those opinions expressed to come to the conclusion, and form their opinions that this war is unjust and a cruel one. I do not wish to discuss this question at length, but perhaps I may be permitted to state that the Colonial Secretary once expressed his opinion that this war would be as cruel as it was immoral; and the right hon. Gentleman expressed that view on the question of the franchise, I believe, At that time the franchise was fourteen years. When Mr. Kruger made his proposal—
Order, order ! The policy which led to the war cannot lie discussed now.
I prefaced my remarks by saying that I did not intend to discuss that point. [Ministerial laughter.] I repeat, Mr. Lowther, that I did not intend to discuss that point at any length, but I wanted to say in the presence of the Colonial Secretary that what he said in 1896 was either false or true. If that declaration in 1896, that such a war would be unjust and immoral, is true, how much more unjust and immoral is the war now, when the franchise was reduced to five years? For that reason I say that the sooner this war is ended the sooner peace will prevail. The continuance of the war, in my opinion, means a continuance of war and strife in this country and elsewhere. A continuation of the war in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State will not alone mean a continuation of the war there. It may mean larger and more important complications for this Empire. Therefore, I hold that I am perfectly justified in saying that the sooner this war ends the sooner peace will prevail. We have had a statement made here about foreign alliances, and about the friendly expression of opinion by foreign Powers. If these statements are true, why have you an appeal here to night for another 115,000 men? Is it to subdue a population of 150,000 men, women and children, or is it as a menace to foreign Powers, whose alliance and friendship you profess to have? The longer you pursue this war the greater the danger to your Empire. The longer you pursue it the greater quantity of blood will you sacrifice on foreign soil. I ask what proportion of this 115,000 men must Ireland contribute. I am as convinced as I am standing in this House [Laughter]—I can assure hon. Gentlemen opposite that their laughing and jeering won't stop me—I am as sure as I am speaking here that the vast majority of the men who are fighting in South Africa are not fighting for liberty but for slavery. They are not fighting of their own free will, as they fought on the hillsides of Ireland for liberty, but they are fighting to take away that liberty which you yourselves gave, and which you acknowledge the Transvaal and the Orange Free State are entitled to. It is a mere subterfuge to state you are fighting for freedom and equal rights. In our judgment the war should cease, and many hon. Members on the other side know that this is not a war for the franchise but a war for gold. We have heard the very able Lender Secretary for War, in his reply, speak of the glory of British and Irish soldiers facing death in such a cause. I fail to see what glory can come on an Irishman's shoulders in carrying the Union Jack on to victory, and when he comes back minus an arm or a leg, or wounded in the body, he will be treated the same as the Crimean veterans, have been treated. I have made here appeal after appeal on behalf of the men who carried you on to victory in the Crimea, and what is your answer? Why, you gave those veterans an Irish workhouse and a pauper's grave. A man who fought at Alma, Inkerman, and Sebastopol you gave 8d. a day, and why won't you increase his pension? You say it is because the law is not retrospective; neither will it be retrospective when the men come back from the Transvaal. As long as the Irish can carry you on to victory and possess youth and health they are valuable to-you, but the moment they become unfit for service you throw them on the resources of a helpless wife and family, and you shift them about as you have shifted the wife of an Irish soldier who is an Englishwoman. [Laughter.] Yes, it is quite correct, and I will prove the case. Within the last twelve months you took a poor Englishwoman, whose husband died in your Army, and sent her into my constituency to be kept out of the rates at our expense.
rose in his place,
AYES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir A. F. | Fellowes, Hn. Ailwyn Edward | Lucas-Shadwell, William |
| Allhusen, Augustus Hn. Eden | Fergusson, Rt Hn Sir J.(Manc'r | Macartney, W. G. Ellison |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Field, Admiral (Eastbourne) | Macdona, John Cumming |
| Archdale, Edward Mervyn | Finch, George H. | MacIver, David (Liverpool) |
| Arnold, Alfred | Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne | Maclure, Sir John William |
| Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. | Firbank, Joseph Thomas | M'Arthur, William (Cornwall |
| Arrol, Sir William | Fisher, William Hayes | M'Crae, George |
| Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert H. | Fison, Fredk, William | M'Killop, James |
| Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John | Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund | Malcolm, Ian |
| Austin, Sir John (Yorkshire) | Fletcher, Sir Henry | Manners, Lord E. Win. J. |
| Bailey, James (Walworth) | Flower, Ernest | Martin, Richard Biddulph |
| Baird, John George Alexander | Foster, Colonel (Lancaster) | Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F. |
| Balcarres, Lord | Foster, Harry S. (Suffolk) | Maxwell, Rt. Hn. Sir Herbert E. |
| Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r) | Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co. | Middlemore, J. Throgmorton |
| Banbury, Frederick George | Galloway, William Johnson | Milward, Colonel Victor |
| Bartley, George C. T. | Gartit, William | Monckton, Edward Philip |
| Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol | Gedge, Sydney | Montagu, Hn. J. Scott (Hnts. |
| Beaumont, Wentworth, C. B. | Gibbons, J. Lloyd | Moon, Edward Robert Pacy |
| Beckett, Ernest William | Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H. (City of Lon. | Mure, Robt. J. (Shropshire) |
| Bemrose, Sir Henry Howe | Giles, Charles Tyrrell | Morrell, George Herbert |
| Bethell, Commander | Goddard, Daniel Ford | Moulton, John Fletcher |
| Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. | Godson, Sir A. Frederick | Muntz, Philip A. |
| Bill, Charles | Goldsworthy, Major-General | Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) |
| Billson, Alfred | Gordon, Hon. John Edward | Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) |
| Blakiston-Houston, John | Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir J. Eldon | Murray, Col. Wynd. (Bath) |
| Blundell, Colonel Henry | Gretton, John | Nicol, Donald Ninian |
| Bond, Edward | Greville, Hon. Ronald | Norton, Capt. Cecil William |
| Bowles, Capt. H.F.(Middlesex | Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick) | Olroyd, Mark |
| Bowles, T. Gibson (King's Lynn) | Haldane, Richard Burdon | O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens |
| Brassey, Albert | Hamilton, Rt. Hn. Lord George | Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay |
| Broadhurst, Henry | Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert W. | Parkes, Ebenezer |
| Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John | Hanson, Sir Reginald | Pease, Herb, Pike (Darlington) |
| Buchanan, Thomas Ryburn | Hardy, Laurence | Pease, Joseph A. (Northumb.) |
| Butcher, John George | Haslett, Sir James | Penn, John |
| Buxton, Sydney Charles | Homer Hayne, Rt. Hn. Charles Seale- | Phillpotts, Captain Arthur |
| Caldwell, James | Hazell, Walter | Pierpoint, Robert |
| Carlile, William Walter | Heaton, John Henniker | Pilkington, R. (Lanes Newton |
| Canston, Richard Knight | Henderson, Alexander | Pilkington, Sir G. A. (Lan. S. W. |
| Cavendish, K. F. (N. Lanes.) | Hill, Sir Edward Stock (Bristol) | Platt-Higgins, Frederick |
| Cavendish V. C. W. (Derbyshire | Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) | Plunket, Rt. Hon. H. Curzon |
| Cecil, Evelyn (Hertford, E.) | Hobhouse, Henry | Powell, Sir Francis Sharp |
| Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) | Holland, William Henry | Pretyman, Ernest George |
| Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm) | Horniman, Frederick John | Provand, Andrew Dryburgh |
| Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r | Howell, William Tudor | Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward |
| Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry | Hozier, Hn. James Henry Cecil | Purvis, Robert |
| Coghill, Douglas Harry | Jenkins, Sir John Jones | Rasch, Major Frederic Carn |
| Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse | Johnston, William (Belfast) | Rentoul, James Alexander |
| Colomb, Sir John Charles Ready | Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) | Richardson, Sir T. (Hartlep'l) |
| Cooke, C.W. Radcliffe (Heref'd) | Joicey, Sir James | Rickett, J. Compton |
| Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) | Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) | Ritchie, Rt. Hon. C. Thomson |
| Cotton Jodrell, Col. Ed. T. D. | Kearley, Hudson E. | Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) |
| Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) | Kenyon, James | Robson, William Snowdon |
| Cross, H. Shepherd (Bolton) | Kenyon-Slaney, Col. William | Round, James |
| Cubitt, Hon. Henry | Keswick, William | Royds, Clement Molyneux |
| Curzon, Viscount | Kimlier, Henry | Russell, Gen. F.S. (Cheltenh'm) |
| Dalkeith, Earl of | Kitson, Sir James | Russell, T. W. (Tyrone) |
| Dalrymple, Sir Charles | Knowles, Lees | Rutherford, John |
| Denny, Colonel | Lafone, Alfred | Ryder, John Herbert Dudley |
| Dickinson, Robert Edmond | Langley, Batty | Sharpe, William Edward T. |
| Dilke, Rt. Hon, Sir Charles | Lawson, John Grant (Yorks) | Shaw-Stewart. M. H. (Renfrew) |
| Dorington, Sir John Edward | Leese, Sir Jos. F. (Accrington | Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire) |
| Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers | Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie | Sinclair, Louis (Romford) |
| Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) | Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. | Smith, Abel H. (Christchurch) |
| Duncombe, Hon. Hubert V. | Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine | Smith, Jas. Parker (Lanarks.) |
| Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir Wm. Hart | Long, Col. Chase, W. (Evesham | Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) |
| Egerton, Hon. A. de Tatton | Lome, Marquess of | Strachey, Edward |
| Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas | Lowe, Francis William | Strauss, Arthur |
| Farquharson, Dr. Robert | Loyd, Archie Kirkman | Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley |
and claimed to move, "That the question be now put."
Question put, "That the question be now put."
The Committee divided—Ayes, 236; Noes, 39. (Division List No. 15.)
| Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier | Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. | Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks |
| Talbot, Rt. Hn. J.G. (Oxf'd Univ | Wason, Eugene | Wodehouse, Rt Hon E.R. (Bath |
| Tennant, Harold John | Webster, Sir Richard E. | Woodhouse, Sir J.T. (Huds'fd) |
| Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, E.) | Welby, Lieut.-Col. A C. E. | Wortley, Rt. Hon. C.B. Stuart- |
| Thomas, D. Alfred (Merthyr) | Wharton, Rt. Hon. John Lloyd | Wylie, Alexander |
| Thorburn, Sir Walter | Whitmore, Charles Algernon | Wyndham, George |
| Thornton, Percy M. | Whittaker, Thomas Palmer | Wyvil, Marmaduke D'Arcy |
| Tollemache, Henry James | Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) | Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong |
| Tomlinson, Wm. E. Murray | Williams, Joseph Powell-(Bir. | |
| Trevelyan, Charles Philips | Willox, Sir John Archibald | TELLERS FOR THE AYES:—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. |
| Tritton, Charles Ernest | Wilson, Charles Henry (Hull) | |
| Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) | Wilson, Frederick W. (Norfolk |
NOES.
| ||
| Abraham, William (Cork, N. E. | Flynn. James Christopher | Price, Robert John |
| Ashton, Thomas (Gair | Fox, Dr. Joseph Francis | Redmond, J. K. (Waterford) |
| Austin, M. (Limerick, W.) | Hayden, John Patrick | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Blake, Edward | Kilbride, Denis | Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) |
| Brunner, Sir John Tomlinson | Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cum'land | Sullivan, Donal (Westmeath) |
| Burns, John | MacDonnell, Dr. M.A. (Q'n's C. | Sullivan, T. D. (Donegal, W.) |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Tanner, Charles Kearns |
| Crean, Eugene | M'Ghee, Richard | Tully, Jasper |
| Curran, Thomas B. (Donegal) | Mandeville, J. Francis | Weir, James Galloway |
| Doogan, P. C. | O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) | Wilson, H. J. (York, W. K.) |
| Engledew, Charles John | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Woods, Samuel |
| Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan | O'Malley, William | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Captain Donelan. |
| Farrell, James P. (Cavan, W.) | Parnell, John Howard | |
| Flavin, Michael Joseph | Power, Patrick Joseph | |
Question put accordingly, "That a further number of land forces, not exceeding 120,000, all ranks, be maintained for the Service of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland at home and
AYES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir A. F. | Cavendish, V C.W (Derbyshire | Foster, Colonel (Lancaster) |
| Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden | Cecil, Evelyn (Hertford, East) | Foster, Harry S. (Suffolk) |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) | Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.) |
| Archdale, Edward Mervyn | Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J.(Birm.) | Galloway, William Johnson |
| Arnold, Alfred | Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r | Garlit, William |
| Arnold-Forster, Hugo O. | Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry | Gedge, Sydney |
| Arrol, Sir William | Coghill, Douglas Harry | Gibbons, J. Lloyd |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse | Gibbs, Hn. A.G.H. (City of Lon. |
| Asmith, Rt. Hn. Herbert. H. | Colomb. Sir John Charles Ready | Giles, Charles Tyrrell |
| Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John | Cooke, C. W. Radcliffe (Heref'd) | Goddard, Daniel Ford |
| Austin, Sir John (Yorkshire) | Corbett, A. Cameron (Glas.) | Godson, Sir Angustus Frederick |
| Bailey, James (Walworth) | Cotton-Jodrell, Col. Edw. T.D. | Goldsworthy, Major-General |
| Baird, John Geo. Alexander | Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) | Gordon, Hon. John Edward |
| Balearres, Lord | Cross, Herb, Shepherd (Bolton) | Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon |
| Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Man) | Cubitt, Hon. Henry | Gretton, John |
| Banbury, Frederick George | Curzon, Viscount | Greville, Hon. Ronald |
| Bartley, George C. T. | Dalkeith, Earl of | Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick) |
| Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M.H. (Bristol) | Dalrymple, Sir Charles | Haldane, Richard Burdon |
| Beaumont, Wentworth C. B. | Denny, colonel | Hamilton, Rt. Hon. Lord G. |
| Beckett, Ernest William | Dickinson, Robert Edmond | Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert Wm. |
| Benrose, Sir Henry Howe | Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles | Hanson, Sir Reginald |
| Bethell, Commander | Dorington, Sir John Edward | Hardy, Laurence |
| Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. | Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- | Haslett, Sir James Homer |
| Bill, Charles | Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) | Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale- |
| Billson, Alfred | Duncombe, Hon. Hubert V. | Hazell, Walter |
| Blakiston-Houston, John | Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir Wm. Hart | Heaton, John Henniker |
| Blundell, Colonel Henry | Egerton, Hon. A. de Tatton | Henderson, Alexander |
| Bond, Edward | Elliot, Hn. A. Ralph Douglas | Hill, Sir Edward Stock (Bristol) |
| Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middels'x | Farquharson, Dr. Robert | Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) |
| Bowles, T. Gibson (King's Lynn | Fellowes, Hn. Ailwyn Edward | Holland, William Henry |
| Brassey, Albert | Fergusson, Rt Hn Sir J. (Manc'r | Horniman, Frederick John |
| Broadhurst, Henry | Field, Admiral (Eastbourne) | Howell, William Tudor |
| Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John | Finch, George H. | Hozier, Hon J. H. Cecil |
| Buchanan, Thomas Ryburn | Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne | Jenkins, Sir John Jones |
| Butcher, John George | Firbank, Joseph Thomas | Johnston, William (Belfast) |
| Buxton, Sydney Charles | Fisher, William Hayes | Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) |
| Caldwell, James | Fison, Frederick William | Joicey, Sir James |
| Cable, William Walter | Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund | Kearley, Hudson E. |
| Causton, Richard Knight | Fletcher, Sir Henry | Kenyon, James |
| Cavendish, K. F. (N. Lancs.) | Flower, Ernest | Kenyon-Slaney, Col. William |
abroad, during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1900."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 239; Noes, 34. (Division List No. 16.)
| Keswick, William | Norton, Capt. Cecil William | Strachey, Edward |
| Kimber, Henry | Oldroyd, Mark | Straus, Arthur |
| Kitson, Sir James | O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens | Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley |
| Knowles, Lees | Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay | Sturt. Hon. Humphry Napier |
| Lafone, Alfred | Parkes, Ebenezer | Talbot, Rt. Hn. J.G. (Oxf'd Uni. |
| Langley, Batty | Pease, Herbert Pike Darlingt'n | Tennant, Harold John |
| Lawson, John Grant (Yorks) | Pease, Joseph A. (Northumb.) | Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan E. |
| Leese, Sir J. F (Accrington) | Penn, John | Thomas, David A. (Merthyr) |
| Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie | Phillpotts, Captain Arthur | Thorburn, Sir Walter |
| Lockwood, Lieut.-Col. A. R. | Pierpoint, Robert | Thornton, Percy M. |
| Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine | Pilkington, R. (Lanes, Newton | Tollemache. Henry James |
| Long, Col. C. W. (Evesham) | Pilkington, Sir G. A. (Lancs, SW | Tomlinson, Wm. E. Murray |
| Lorne, Marquess of | Platt-Higgins, Frederick | Trevelyan, Charles Philips |
| Lowe, Francis William | Plunkett, Rt Hn Horace Curzon | Tritton, Charles Ernest |
| Loyd, Archie Kirkman | Powell, Sir Francis Sharp | Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) |
| Lucas-Shadwell, William | Pretyman, Ernest George | Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. |
| Macartney, W. G. Ellison | Price, Robert John | Wason, Eugene |
| Macdona, John Cumming | Provand Andrew Dryburgh | Webster, Sir Richard E. |
| MacIver, David (Liverpool) | Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward | Weir, James Galloway |
| MacIvre, Sir John William | Purvis, Robert | Welby, Lieut.-Col. A. C. E. |
| M'Arthur, William (Cornwall) | Rasch, Major Frederic Carne | Wharton, Rt. Hon. J. Lloyd |
| M'Crae, George | Rentoul, James Alexander | Whitmore, Charles Algernon |
| M'Killop, James | Richardson, Sir Thos. (Hartlep'l | Whittaker, Thomas Palmer |
| Malcolm, Ian | Rickett, J. Compton | Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) |
| Manners, Lord Edward W. J. | Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas Thomson | Williams, Jos'ph Powell-(Birm. |
| Martin, Richard Biddulph | Robertson, Herbert (Hackney | Willox, Sir John Archibald |
| Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W.F. | Robson, William Snowdon | Wilson, Charles Henry (Hull) |
| Maxwell, Rt. Hon. Sir H. E. | Round, James | Wilson, Frederick W. (Norfolk) |
| Middlemore, John T. | Royds, Clement Molyneux | Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.) |
| Milward, Colonel Victor | Russell, Gen. F. S. (Cheltenham | Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E.R. (Bath |
| Monckton, Edward Philip | Russell, T. W. (Tyrone) | Woodhouse, Sir J T(Huddersf'd |
| Montagu, Hon. J. Seott (Hants.) | Rutherford, John | Woods, Samuel |
| Moon, Edward Robert Pacy | Ryder, John Herbert Dudley | Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart- |
| More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire) | Sharpe, William Edward T. | Wylie, Alexander |
| Morrell, George Herbert | Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) | Wyndham, George |
| Moulton, John Fletcher | Shaw-Stewart. M. H. (Renfrew | Wyvil, Marmaduke D'Arcy |
| Muntz, Philip A. | Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh. | Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong |
| Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute) | Sinclair, Louis (Romford) | |
| Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) | Smith, Abel H. (Christchurch | TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. |
| Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) | Smith, James Parker (Lanarks | |
| Nicol, Donald Ninian | Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) |
NOES.
| ||
| Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.) | Fox, Dr. Joseph Francis | Redmond, John E. (Waterford) |
| Austin, M. (Limerick, W.) | Hayden, John Patrick | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Blake, Edward | Kilbride, Denis | Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) |
| Burns, John | Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'land) | Sullivan, Donal (Westmeath) |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | MacDonnell, Dr. M.A. (Q'n'sC) | Sullivan, T. D. (Donegal, W.) |
| Crean, Eugene | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Tanner, Charles Kearns |
| Crilly, Daniel | M'Ghee, Richard | Tully, Jasper |
| Curran, Thomas B. (Donegal) | Mandeville, J. Francis | Wilson, Henry J. (York, W. R.) |
| Doogan, P. C. | O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) | |
| Engledew, Charles John | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Captain Donelan. |
| Farrell, James P. (Cavan, W.) | O'Malley, William | |
| Flavin, Michael Joseph | Parnell, John Howard | |
| Flynn, James Christopher | Power, Patrick Joseph | |
It being after midnight, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Resolution to be reported to-morrow; Committee to sit again to-morrow.
Business Of The House
I desire to make an appeal to the Government not to put down on the Orders any Bills of which there is no prospect or chance of them coming on. There is the Companies Bill, in which many Members are interested. I think it is very hard to keep us here until after midnight when there is no chance of that
Bill coming on, and it might be possible to put this Bill down when there is some likelihood of it being reached.
I am anxious to meet the views of the hon. Gentleman, but, as he is aware, it is extremely difficult to make correct prophecies as to Parliamentary weather. I will do my best to meet the hon. Gentleman's desire.
Rifle Ranges Closed In Eastern District
Return presented, relative thereto [Address 15th February; Mr. Powell-Williams]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 59.]
Adjourned at twenty-five minutes after Twelve o'clock.