House of Commons
Friday, June 28, 1901
Private Bill Business
PRIVATE BILLS [Lords] (STANDING ORDERS NOT PREVIOUSLY INQUIRED INTO COMPLIED WITH)
laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, viz.:—
Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time.
Barry Railway Bill
Stalybridge, Hyde, Mossley, and Dukinfield Tramways and Electricity Board Bill
Read the third time, and passed.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 9) BILL
Read the third time, and passed.
LOCAL GOVERNMENT PROVISIONAL ORDER (No. 11) BILL
As amended, considered; to be read the third time upon Monday next.
Metropolitan District Railway Bill
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Private Bills (Group N)
reported from the Committee on Group N of Private Bills, That the parties opposing the Local Government Provisional Orders (Housing of the Working Classes) (No. 2) Bill had stated that the evidence of Mr. John Hepper, surveyor, of Leeds, was essential to their case; and it having been proved that his attendance could not be procured without the intervention of the House, he had been instructed to move that the said John Hepper do attend the said Committee on Tuesday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Ordered, That John Hepper do attend the Committee on Group N of Private Bills on Tuesday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Private Bills (Group K)
reported from the Committee on Group K of Private Bills, That, for the convenience of parties, the Committee had adjourned till Thursday next at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to Arizona Copper Company, Limited, Order Confirmation Bill, and West Surrey Water Bill, without amendment.
Also Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 5) Bill, Tendring Hundred Water Bill, Richmond Gas Bill, Derwent Valley Water Board Bill, and Petersfield and Selsey Gas Bill, with Amendments.
Also Amendment to Milford Docks Bill [Lords].
Also Amendments to Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill [Lords], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Law with regard to the making of Bye-laws by County Councils." County Councils (Byelaws) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Gas and Water Works Facilities Act, 1870, relating to Frimley and Farnborough District Water, Henley-on-Thames Water, Hungerford Water, South Staffordshire Water, and Wokingham Water." Water Orders Confirmation (No. 1) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Tramways Act, 1870, relating to Birkdale Urban District Council Tramways, Crompton Urban District Council Tramways, Leamington Tramways, Royton Urban District Council Tramways, Swindon Corporation Tramways, and Wrexham District Tramways." Tramways Orders Confirmation (No. 2) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Barry, Crompton, Foots Cray, Friern Barnet, Isle of Thanet (Rural), Newbury Pudsey, Ross, Roundhay, and Royton." Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, and Electric Lighting (Scotland) Act, 1890, relating to Clydebank, Crieff, Dalkeith, Dollar, Falkirk, Galashiels, Gourock, Jedburgh, Melrose, and Oban." Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 8) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Alnwick, Annfield Plain, Benfieldside, Consett, Handsworth, Norton Pickering, St. Austell, Shildon and East Thickley, and Whitley and Monkseaton." Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 9) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Bromsgrove, Goole, Ilkley. Lyndhurst, the extension of the area of supply of the Midland Electric Corporation for Power Distribution, Limited, Northwood and Ruislip, Rickmansworth, Rishton, Great Harwood, and Clayton-le-Moors, and Warwick." Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No.1) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Lewisham and Penge." Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 12) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade, under the Gas and Water Works Facilities Act, 1870, relating to Dearne Valley Water, Mid-Kent Water, Perranporth Water, Slough Water, and Tilehurst, Pangbourne, and District Water." Water Orders Confirmation (No. 2) Bill [Lords].
Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to the Ayr County Buildings." Ayr County Buildings Provisional Order Confirmation Bill [Lords]. And also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm an agreement between the Ecclesiastical Commissioners and the Lessees of the Parsonage of Doncaster and certain other heriditaments comprised in an Indenture of Lease dated the 2nd day of June, 1847; and to provide for the winding up of certain trusts connected therewith which were created by the Doncaster Tithe Deed of 1821; and for other purposes." Doncaster Tithe Trust Bill [Lords].
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 5) BILL [Lords]
Lords' Amendments to be considered upon Monday next.
WATER ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 1) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 229.]
TRAMWAYS ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 2) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 230.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 7) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 231.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 8) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 232.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 9) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 233.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 11) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 234.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 12) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 235.]
WATER ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 2) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 236.]
AYR COUNTY BUILDINGS PROVISIONAL ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
[UNDER THE PRIVATE LEGISLATION PROCEDURE (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1899.]
Ordered to be read a second time upon Monday, 8th July, and to be printed. [Bill 237.]
DONCASTER TITHE TRUST BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Petitions
Education Bill
Petition from Llandrillo, for alteration; to lie upon the Table.
Elementary Education (Higher Grade and Evening Continuation Schools)
Petition from Bradford and other places, for alteration of Law; to lie upon the Table.
Sale of Intoxicating Liquors on Sunday Bill
Petition from Totland Bay, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
SALE OF INTOXICATING LIQUORS TO CHILDREN BILL.
Petitions in favour; from Hereford (nine); Ross; Twickenham; Enfield (two); Northwich; Hammersmith; Plymouth (two); Roehampton (two); Acton; St. Pancras; Wandsworth; Dron; Birmingham; Carlisle; Hackney; Lemington-on-Tyne; West Dulwich; Blackpool; Bradninch; Gildersome (three); and Llanelly; to lie upon the Table.
Sovereign's Oath on Accession Bill
Petitions against; from Marylebone; and Peldon; to lie upon the Table.
Returns, Reports, Etc
Board of Education (Welsh Intermediate Education Act, 1889)
Copy presented, of Report of the Board of Education on the Administration of Schools, under the Welsh Intermediate Education Act, 1889 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Judicial Statistics (England and Wales)
Copy presented, of Judicial Statistics for England and Wales for 1899, Part I. (Criminal) [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Finance Accounts
Copy presented, of Finance Accounts of the United Kingdom for the year ended 31st March, 1901 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 238.]
Woods, Forests, and Land Revenues
Copy presented, of Seventy-ninth Report of the Commissioners, dated 28th June, 1901 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 239.]
Isle of Man
Account presented, of Revenue and Expenditure for the year ended 31st March, 1901, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 240.]
Civil List Pensions
Copy presented, of List of all Pensions granted during the year ended 20th June, 1901, and charged upon the Civil List [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 241.]
Alkali, Etc., Works Regulation Acts. 1881 and 1892
Copy presented, of Thirty-seventh Annual Report on Alkali, etc., Works by the Chief Inspector, being for 1900 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 242.]
Trade Reports (Annual Series)
Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 2640 and 2641 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
South Africa
Copy presented, of Correspondence, etc., between the Commander-in-Chief in South Africa and the Boer Commanders so far as it affects the destruction of property [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Paper Laid Upon the Table by the Clerk of the House
Charitable Endowments (London).—Further Return relative thereto [ordered 2nd August, 1894; Mr. Francis Stevenson ]; to be printed. [No. 243.]
Grocers and Off-Licences, Etc. (Belfast)
Return ordered, "showing (1) the number of Spirit Grocers or Off-Licence Holders in Belfast; (2) the number of such Licences granted within the past five years; (3) the number of Prosecutions against such Licence Holders during the past five years; (4) the number of Convictions recorded against such persons during the past five years (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 46, of Session 1897)."—( Mr. Field .)
Questions
Questions
South Africa—Native Labour in the Gold Mines
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies under what law or regulations and by what authorities (labour inspectors or others) matters relating to native labour in the gold mines of the Transvaal are at the present time being administered, and whether penalties of imprisonment with hard labour or lashes are now applicable as under the Pass Law and the Gold Law of 1896, which are enacted for the purpose of facilitating and promoting the supply of native labour in the gold diggings and for the better controlling and regulating of the natives employed.
The law in force is that of the late South African Republic, which has been modified in favour of the natives by proclamation of the High Commissioner, under which magistrates' courts and special criminal courts have been established. Any sentence imposed by a magistrate whereby a penalty exceeding a fine of £10, or imprisonment for three months with or without hard labour, or twelve lashes is ordered must be forwarded to the legal adviser of the Government (Mr. Solomon) for confirmation, reduction, or quashing. As I have already stated in reply to a question on the subject, a circular has been issued by the legal adviser to the Transvaal Government, warning magistrates to be sparing in the use of the lash.
Do I understand from the answer of the right hon. Gentleman that contracts can be enforced by imprisonment with hard labour and with lashes at the discretion of the magistrate, subject to the reference which he has mentioned—that is to say, that forced labour is insisted on under these conditions?
No, Sir; that is not the question the right hon. Gentleman has put on the Paper. If he wishes information as to what is contained in that law in detail, I must ask him to give me notice of the question. Meantime, I will only say that the new law as affecting natives is much more favourable than the Gold Law under which they were regulated by the late Government.
That I understand, but, unfortunately, the inverted commas were omitted in the question as it appears upon the Paper. I quoted the preamble of the Gold Act, the provisions of which are for the purpose of facilitating and promoting the supply of native labour in the gold diggings and for the better controlling and regulating of the natives employed. Do I understand that, though modified, the "promoting and facilitating of the supply of labour in the goldfields" is still enforced by imprisonment with hard labour and with lashes, though less in degree than under the former Act?
I do not object to the way in which the question has been put down. I can only say that I did not understand that the right hon. Gentleman was quoting verbatim from any particular Act, and under these circumstances I must, I fear, ask the right hon. Gentleman for further notice.
I am obliged to the right hon. Gentleman for having mentioned that, because I am informed that there is a law against inverted commas at the Table. When I put the question I quoted from the Act, but the quotation is made to appear as if they were my own words.
* : The rule has been a very necessary one, as the right hon. Gentleman would find if he had to deal with notices; but I am sure that if the right hon. Gentleman had been aware of the rule his ingenuity would have enabled him to avoid the difficulty.
I am obliged to you for that information, and, in future, when inverted commas are struck out I will say, "You will observe these are not my words."
Boer Remounts
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, with the view of preventing the Boers from obtaining remounts, any systematic plan has been formed for compulsorily purchasing all workable horses in Cape Colony; and, if so, whether he has any information to the effect that this plan is being systematically and exhaustively carried out.
Yes, Sir; a systematic plan with this object has been carried out for six months past.
Does that extend to all horses?
All horses that are serviceable.
Camps of Concentration
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the medical officer's report upon the state of health of the children in Bloemfontein camp has yet been received at the War Office; and, if so, will it be published in extenso , and will he say when.
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the doctor's report on the state of health of the children confined in the Bloemfontein concentration camp has been received, and will be laid before Parliament.
Lord Kitchener has been asked by telegraph if such a report has been received, and to ask for it if it has been received. The Secretary of State cannot pledge himself to lay a Paper until it is received.
asked when the War Office expected to receive the report.
I really cannot tell that, but judging from the length of time required for letters I should say in about a month.
When the report is received will it be published in extenso?
The Secretary of State cannot pledge himself until he has received and read it.
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state, or will obtain information and at a subsequent date state, what has been the number of children born in the concentration camps, and what has been the mortality among such children.
I think this information can be obtained, and I will inquire.
Visitors to the Camps of Concentration—Mr. Adrian Hofmeyr
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether a gentleman named Adrian Hofmeyr visited the camps of concentration in the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony with the permission of the Government or of the military authorities; and, if so, under what circumstances and for what purposes such permission was given, and in what capacity he was acting.
I have no information on the matter. In no case have the military authorities been guided from here as to permits given to visit the camps.
Can the noble Lord obtain any information on the subject of this question?
We can, of course; but the matter is entirely in the hands of the military authorities in South Africa, and the Secretary for War does not intend to interfere in any way with their discretion.
Status of the Bank of Africa
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state what reply he has received to his inquiry as to the reason for the conferring in last September on the Bank of Africa, by a proclamation issued by the Governor of Johannesburg dealing with the conduct of banking business in that city, the privilege of having its notes accepted as cash at all the Government offices within the town and district of Johannesburg; and will he say at what date this inquiry was made and to whom it was directed.
I have requested that a copy of the proclamation in question may be forwarded, and on its receipt I will give the hon. Member the information he desires
False War News
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether Lord Kitchener has made inquiry or demanded explanation from the author of a Reuter telegram, dated Krugersdorp, 2nd February, stating that Dr. Walker, who was among the killed at Modderfontein, was finally despatched by a Boer, who battered in his head with a stone, whereas Captain G. H. Glasson, the officer in command of the post captured at Modderfontein, has stated that Dr. Walker was hit only once by a stray bullet and died from the effects of his wound, that the Boer general expressed his deep regret at the occurrence, and that every possible kindness was shown to the wounded soldiers by the Boers; can he state the explanation, if any, which has been given of this statement; and will the author of the telegram be continued in his position with the sanction of the military authorities.
I am not aware of what action was taken by Lord Kitchener in this matter, or what explanation has been given of this statement, except that it was false. Any disciplinary action rests with Lord Kitchener, and I am not prepared to interfere in the matter.
Has Lord Kitchener been communicated with, and is this man still to be allowed to act as a war correspondent?
I am perfectly certain that Lord Kitchener will take any action that he thinks desirable.
Will the noble Lord communicate with Lord Kitchener with regard to this matter, as he was communicated with with regard to Vlakfontein? I am one who has not unbounded faith in Lord Kitchener.
Lord Kitchener was communicated with, and his answer was that the statement was entirely false.
May I ask whether this war correspondent who has been convicted of shameless falsehood—
Order, order! The hon. Gentleman is repeating the same question over and over again.
The noble Lord will not answer my question.
* : Order, order!
Time-Expired Men in South Africa—South Wales Borderers
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War can he state the reason why men of the 6th Battalion Rifle Brigade who were drafted into the South Wales Borderers are being detained in South Africa beyond the term of their enlistment; whether he is aware that a man named Dempsey has been detained for several months beyond the term of his engagement; that this man is the son of a poor shoemaker to whom he was a help at the trade, and will he cause him to be discharged and sent home forthwith.
No Militia Reservists are being detained in South Africa beyond the additional period to which they are liable to serve under the terms of their engagement. I am not aware of the particular case referred to.
Is the noble Lord aware that the terms of the engagement were not explained to this man?
No, Sir.
Militia Uniform
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he can state whether, seeing that the letter "M" has been removed from the uniform of the rank and file of militia regiments, it is proposed to issue a similar regulation with respect to the uniform of militia officers.
The men wear the name of the regiment on their uniform, and when the "M" was removed the number of the battalion was added to distinguish them from the men of the line battalions. Officers do not wear the name of the regiment on their uniform, and it is for that reason the distinction in dress is maintained.
Retired Soldiers in Woolwich Arsenal
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the fact that time-expired soldiers employed in Woolwich Arsenal are not entitled to pension on discharge, although they are so entitled in other departments, for example, prisons, Army Pay Office, barracks, parks; whether pensions were formerly granted in the Arsenal; and, if so, can he say why they are not granted or have been discontinued.
Time-expired soldiers employed in the various War Department manufacturing and store establishments are paid, like other workmen, at the market rate; and, therefore, like other workmen, are not entitled to superannuation allowances, though in certain cases they are entitled to a gratuity on discharge. Pensions were discontinued by the Superannuation Act of 1859.
Salisbury Plain ManœUvres— Compensation to Farmers
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the damage caused by the trespass of soldiers, before the last harvest, to the crops on the farms adjoining Salisbury Plain; whether he has decided on what principle compensation shall be paid; and whether, in view of the dissatisfaction that prevails at the compensation awarded by officers with no local or expert knowledge, he can give an assurance that in future when disagreement arises no decision as to the amount of compensation shall be made until the statement of the farmers or their valuers has been heard.
My attention has been called to some cases of the nature mentioned. The following is the procedure adopted for deciding compensation in the Salisbury Plain district:—(1) An inquiry on the spot by a staff officer, referring when necessary to an arbitrator approved by both sides; or (2) in special cases the appointment of a board of officers to inquire into the case; or (3) in the case of artillery, the employment of representatives of local land agents. Any cases not locally settled would be referred to the War Office. This procedure has been found to work well, and I see no reason for disturbing it.
Naval Officers and Foreign Languages
* : I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can state the percentage of British naval officers—who can converse freely in any one of the languages of the great naval Powers—namely, France, Germany, and Russia; and will he say what facilities or inducements to acquire foreign languages are offered, and whether examinations are held for the granting of certificates of proficiency to naval officers who may qualify in foreign languages; and, if so, how often the examinations are held, and the number of certificates that have been granted.
103 officers have certificates as interpreters; their names and the languages in which they are qualified are given on page 343 of the Navy List. This list does not of course exhaust the number of officers who have a knowledge of European and other foreign languages, but who have not presented themselves for examination. For the instruction of officers in squadrons, where no French instructors are borne, officers qualified as interpreters are granted an allowance. Allowances are granted to officers on foreign stations qualified to act as interpreters in languages spoken within the limits of the command. No particular dates are fixed for the examination for interpreterships, but candidates are allowed to apply for examination when they please, opportunities being given to candidates to improve their colloquial knowledge by the grant of four months leave on full pay to study on the Continent. Officers who, on examination in Russian, obtain certificates of the 1st and 2nd class, receive gratuities of £150 and £75 respectively.
* : To increase the knowledge of foreign languages. Could not the Admiralty undertake to give higher marks in the examination of cadets for French, German, and Russian than for Greek and Latin?
said he was entirely in sympathy with the view that the study of foreign languages should be encouraged, but there were difficulties in the way. It was hoped, however, that these might be overcome.
Is it not the case that in other navies—the Swedish, for instance—the officers are required to know several foreign languages?
I am not aware of that.
rose to put a supplementary question.
* : Order, order! The question has been fully answered.
May I ask this question. The hon. Gentleman has stated that four months leave given to officers to qualify themselves in foreign languages. All I wish to ask as a supplementary question is whether the hon. Gentleman can say how many officers have availed themselves of that tour months leave.
I shall be happy to answer that question with notice.
Some hon. Members appear to think that when a question seems naturally to occur to the mind upon hearing an answer, it necessarily arises out of the answer. Strictly speaking, a supplementary question is only in order when it is asked in order to elucidate some ambiguity or to supply some omission in the original answer.
Meat Rations for the Navy
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, when inviting tenders for supplies of meat for the Navy, he will require that home-grown beef be supplied.
There is no objection to stipulating for the supply of home-bred cattle in places where arrangements can be made for the slaughtering to be effected under proper supervision, but otherwise the Admiralty are not prepared to change the present system.
Do the present contracts contain any provision prohibiting or even limiting the supply of foreign meat?
I have quoted the actual terms of the present contracts three times recently, and will repeat them, again for the hon. Member's information if he will give me notice.
Am I to understand that they contain no such stipulation?
[No answer was returned.]
That is too hard a question.
Cruise of the Channel Fleet—Visit to Orkney
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty if arrangements can be made for the Channel Fleet to visit Orkney and Shetland during their next autumnal cruise.
Arrangements for the autumnal cruise of the Channel Fleet cannot be taken into consideration till after the manœuvres.
Mediterranean Fleet—Torpedo Boat Destroyers
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, seeing that fifty-four torpedo boat destroyers are required on the Mediterranean Station, he can explain why the squadron under Admiral Fisher's command contains only twelve efficient vessels of this description.
The number of destroyers in the Mediterranean at present is sixteen, of which two or three are usually under repair. The number fifty-four given by the hon. Member does not correspond with any standard of numbers established by the Admiralty. It is proposed to increase the number of destroyers in the Mediterranean as soon as vessels are available for the purpose.
New Admiralty Buildings
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether it has been decided to erect a fourth wing to the Admiralty buildings fronting the Horse Guards Parade, if so, can he state what the cost of it will be, and whether any opportunity will be afforded of judging of the new building.
Yes, Sir; this new wing is about to be erected at an estimated cost of £150,000. The design was exhibited for some time in the tearoom for the inspection of hon. Members. If the hon. Member desires to see the design I shall be happy to show it him.
Arabi Pasha
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can state the yearly allowance Arabi Pasha received while in Ceylon, and whether such or any allowance is to be continued to him.
* : Arabi Pasha has been in receipt of an allowance of £600 a year from the Egyptian Government while in Ceylon. His Majesty's Government have not yet been informed what arrangements the Egyptian Government propose to make for the future.
Coal Duty Remissions
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that it is a common practice to ship mixed cargoes of coal of varying qualities, or partly large and partly small, at one price per ton for the whole cargo; whether, in such cases, when the price is below 6s. per ton, the duty will be remitted on the whole cargo, though the market price of some of the cargo, if sold independently, might at the time be above the limit of remission; and, if not, will he say who will determine the prices of the various qualities in cases of dispute.
I am afraid that permission to average prices f.o.b. would give a very serious extension to the concession I have made. That concession is "that a rebate of duty shall be allowed on any coal the value of which f.o.b. is proved to the satisfaction of the Commissioners of Customs not to exceed 6s. per ton." Therefore, when an exporter claims this rebate in respect of a mixed cargo of coal, he must prove to the satisfaction of the Customs how much of that cargo consisted of coal of a value f.o.b. not exceeding 6s. a ton.
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if any accurate estimate can be arrived at of the loss to the revenue by the remission of the duty in respect of the cheaper coals without forecasting the course of the market and of prices during the remainder of the financial year; and if he will state, in arriving at the estimated loss of £100,000 to the revenue, what quantities of coal he anticipates will be exported at a price below 6s. per ton in the three months ending 30th September, 31st December, and 31st March next, respectively.
Of course any estimate might be considerably affected by any great rise or fall in present prices; but I must decline to give the figures for which the hon. Member asks. I have never known such a request made with regard to any estimate before.
But how did you arrive at the estimate?
That is a question such as has never before been addressed to me since I became Chancellor of the Exchequer six years ago.
Machinery Cleaning Accidents
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it is possible to give a Return of the accidents which occurred through cleaning under machinery in motion, and cleaning machinery in motion, during the last year, or other recent period for which figures are available.
* : As regards accidents through cleaning machinery in motion the right hon. Baronet will find a table with reference to the year 1899 in the Chief Inspector of Factories' Report for that year. The figures for 1900, which will appear in the forthcoming Report, are six fatal and 1,635 non-fatal accidents. I am afraid that it is not possible to give figures as to accidents caused by cleaning under machinery in motion.
Prevention of Railway Accidents
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he can state when the rules made under the Railways (Prevention of Accidents) Act will be ready and put into operation, and what is being done to promote the adoption of automatic couplings.
A large number of objections, to the draft rules have been received from railway companies and others, and as the hon. Member is, no doubt, aware if these objections are not removed the objectors have, under the statute, a right of appeal to the Railway and Canal Commissioners. Lord James of Hereford has kindly consented to deal with the objections, and I hope that they may be removed without incurring the delay which appeals would necessarily cause. It is obvious that I cannot say when the rules will come into operation, but every step consistent with the procedure under the Act will be taken to expedite matters. As to the other part of the hon. Member's question, I understand experiments are being made by the railway companies which will prepare the way for any action the Board may take hereafter. I can assure the hon. Member that the question will not be lost sight of.
Highland Railway Company Valuation
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, as representing the Secretary for Scotland, whether he is aware that, under the present system of railway valuation in Scotland, the Highland Railway Company will this year escape liability to assessment for poor and school purposes in respect of many parishes through which the railway passes, and in which it has railway stations; and, seeing that these conditions impose difficulties on many parishes in the Highlands, will he consider the expediency of introducing legislation with a view to amend the system of railway valuation in Scotland.
* : There is no possibility of legislating on the subject suggested in the question of the hon. Member at present. I must not be held as accepting in all respects the accuracy of the assumptions made by the hon. Member in the first paragraph of his question.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received no communication from the Ross-shire County Council bearing out the statement in my question?
* : Facts are one thing and assumption another.
Holy Trinity Church School, Southport
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he is aware that two scholars, aged twelve and seven respectively, attending the Holy Trinity Church day school at Southport were required to attend the service at Holy Trinity on Ascension Day, and that the mother of the scholars in question, Mrs. Pickavant, of 11, Kensington Road, Southport, had given instructions to her children not to attend such service, and had formally withdrawn them under the Conscience Clause from the teaching of the Church Catechism in the school, and whether the Vice-President will take steps to prevent the recurrence of such irregularity.
No. The Board of Education have received no complaint from Mrs. Pickavant on the subject, and there is no reason to think that the provisions of the Elementary Education Act are not observed in the school.
Burnley Higher Grade School
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education, having regard to the fact that the Burnley School Board has asked permission to transform its higher grade school into a higher elementary school, and that the Board of Education has refused to allow the school to be continued either as a higher grade or as a higher elementary school, whether he can state what provision he suggests should be made for the 3,000 children at present in the upper standards and above, many of whom are receiving and desire to receive instruction beyond the ordinary day school code.
The children in the upper standards can be legally instructed in the schools of the Burnley School Board. There is, as the Board of Education are advised, ample accommodation in Burnley for all scholars desiring instruction higher than elementary.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the grammar school accommodation, to which his answer presumably refers, is already filled with children of the middle class, and that a fee of eight guineas per year is charged?
I am not aware of that, but I am informed that there is ample accommodation for those who wish to go to a higher school. If, however, the hon. Gentleman can give me any information to the contrary I will inquire.
Audit of Irish Rural District Accounts
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that in a memorandum of county at large charges towards which urban districts are liable to contribute, recently issued to local authorities in Ireland by the Local Government Board, the cost of audit of county at large accounts was omitted, and that rural districts are now obliged to pay not only for their own district audit but also for the county at large which embraces accounts with the urban districts; and, seeing these accounts are proportionate to their contribution on rateable valuation, whether he will cause the Local Government Board to issue a revised memorandum.
The memorandum was issued not as an instruction, but with the object of eliciting the opinions of local authorities. Various modifications have been suggested, and these, together with the hon. Member's proposal, will be carefully considered by the Board before definite action is taken.
When may we expect a definite decision?
It shall be given without any undue delay.
Irish Agricultural Schemes
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland who is the gentleman in charge of the approval or otherwise of schemes made under the Agricultural Act by local authorities; will he explain why the scheme made by the Longford County Committee on 26th January was only sanctioned on 26th April, after three months delay; and will the organisation of the Department be altered so as not to have such delays.
The approval of the Department is given to these schemes after examination, inspection, and report by its expert officers. No undue delay has taken place in the consideration of these schemes, which involve in all instances the organisation of a system of education new to Ireland and the coordination of that system with the work of other educational authorities.
The right hon. Gentleman has not given me the name of the gentleman I asked for.
There is no particular officer in charge of that work.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give me the names of the several officers who have to do with it?
I think the assistant secretary is the person who, perhaps, attends to it more closely than anyone else.
Irish National Teachers' Residual Grant
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state when the balance of the residual grant usually paid in March will be paid to the Irish national teachers.
I am informed by the Commissioners that, with the payments made in April the full payment of residual grant to all teachers was completed.
What decision has the right hon. Gentleman come to in regard to the particular case presented to him?
Of course the hon. Member knows I have to refer these questions to the Commissioners. That has been done, and they tell me that where there are exceptional circumstances they will be exceptionally considered. I have had no reply from them as to the particular case referred to.
When will you have a reply?
I will communicate again with the Commissioners.
Ballyshannon Police
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the numbers of Roman Catholic and Protestant constables respectively stationed at Ballyshannon before the transfer thereto of the present head constable, the numbers at present, and if any reason can be assigned for the increase of Protestant constables in a district where over 90 per cent. of the people are Roman Catholics.
The numbers are nine and three, respectively, before the transfer, and eight and five at present. The variations are due to the exigencies of the public service and are merely ordinary fluctuations.
Dunfanaghy Fair Rent Applications
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can say when judgment will be delivered in the fair rent applications heard by Sub-Commission No. 1 at Dunfanaghy, county Donegal, on 11th December, 1900, and what is the cause of the great delay.
Judgment was delivered in the cases referred to at the end of March.
Longford County Council and Irrecoverable Rates
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether it is within his knowledge and with his sanction that the Local Government Board for Ireland have reversed the practice, which after full consideration they have followed for two successive half-years, of sanctioning the cancelling of rates which the Longford County Council had carefully considered and found to be irrecoverable; and whether he is prepared to receive a deputation consisting of two members of the council and the secretary to discuss this matter, and put forward the claim of the council for a reversal of the Board's present action.
The Board has not reversed the practice adopted on former occasions. It has no power to sanction the striking off of rates which are legally recoverable, even though at the time they are practically uncollectible, and the county council has been so informed. The Board has applied to the council for a statement showing what steps have been taken by the collectors to recover the arrears; when this statement is received the matter will be further considered.
Will the right hon. Gentleman receive a deputation from the county council on this subject?
The Board have applied for certain facts, and on receiving them they will further consider them.
Does the right hon. Gentleman then refuse to receive the deputation?
It would be useless for me to see it until the statement had been received and considered.
White Estate, Bantry
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state approximately when the sale of the White Estate, near Bantry, county Cork, will take place.
I cannot at present assign a date, even approximately. The land judge issued a request for an inspection under the 40th section on the 11th instant. The inspection will be carried out as soon as possible.
Labourers' Cottages in County Cork
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that, at the recent inquiry into an improvement scheme under the Labourers (Ireland) Acts, promoted by the Cork Rural District Council, several cottages were rejected by the Local Government Board inspector for the reason, as specified by him, that the cottages were apparently not required; and, whether an inspector is empowered on these grounds to reject applications for labourers' cottages when those applications are supported by sworn evidence as to unsanitary conditions, and the necessity for the cottages proved by the medical officers and the rural district councillors representing the electoral divisions concerned.
The reply to the first paragraph is in the affirmative. The opinion of the inspector was arrived at after a careful examination of the evidence. The suggestion that new cottages should be passed as a matter of course where the existing houses are condemned and the rural district council support the application, cannot be acceded to, as there may be other houses available in the district, or labourers may not be required at the place selected.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Local Government Board Inspector recently rejected a number of applications in the Middleton district?
I was not aware, but I imagine that if so there were good reasons.
Pre-Emption Rights in County Cork
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the number of cases in the west riding of Cork in which, during the last ten years, landlords exercised the right of preemption under the Land Acts; and, seeing that when this right is exercised the true value as assessed in the courts is invariably but one-third of the selling value in the open market, will he, for the protection of Irish tenant farmers, recommend to His Majesty's Government the advisability of introducing a Bill to secure to the occupiers an absolute right of free sale.
The Land Commissioners have only cognisance of cases such as the question refers to where under Section 1 (3) of the Land Law Act, 1881, the parties having disagreed they apply to the court to fix the true value. The number of such cases in the past ten years, in the district referred to, is six. Two applications are pending. The reply to the second paragraph is in the negative.
Royal Irish Constabulary—Cases of Sheridan and Mahony
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether Sergeant Sheridan and Constable Mahony, recently discharged from the Royal Irish Constabulary, were charged with putting a threatening notice into the pocket of a man named Ryan; whether he will explain why a public sworn inquiry was refused; and, whether any inquiry has been held in connection with the discharge of these two policemen, what has been the result of such inquiry, and what has become of the man Ryan in connection with whose arrest the policemen have been discharged.
These men were not tried by a disciplinary court of inquiry or any description of sworn inquiry, and it was decided by the Crown that there was not evidence to prefer a criminal charge of conspiracy against them. The Lord Lieutenant, however, was so satisfied that their conduct had been improper in the case, that he exercised his statutory authority in discharging them from the force. I have no knowledge of the movements of the man Ryan and do not propose to make inquiry.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered my question as to whether a public inquiry was refused these men, and what has become of Ryan?
The case against Ryan broke down, and Ryan was at once discharged, and walked away. I believe Sheridan asked for an inquiry, but the Lord Lieutenant, in the exercise of his discretion, refused to grant it.
In view of the fact that the charge has been made, and that it is commonly believed to be true, that these policemen planted a threatening notice on the person of the man Ryan, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of having that charge investigated?
No, Sir; in consequence of the nature of the evidence given by the officers, the charge broke down altogether, and there, so far as the Irish Government is concerned, is an end of the matter.
Then are we to understand there has been no investigation into this charge of planting a threatening notice in the pocket of the man Ryan?
The hon. Gentleman must not understand that. The officers brought forward their case in court, and their evidence was found not to be trustworthy.
Then may I ask the right hon. Gentleman—
* : Order, order! The question on the Paper has been fully answered.
County Roscommon Assistant Surveyors
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Local Government Board are prepared to sanction the appointment of two additional assistant surveyors for the county Roscommon at £50 a year each, on the condition that the salaries of the three existing assistant surveyors remain the same as when they were under the grand jury—namely, £80 a year each.
The Local Government Board propose to hold a local inquiry to determine, under the provisions of the statute, the increase of remuneration in proportion to the increase of duties payable to these officers, and at this inquiry the question of the alteration of the assistant surveyors' districts and the necessity for the appointment of additional surveyors will be fully considered by the inspector.
Carrick-On-Shannon Waterworks
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state what steps the Local Government Board have taken to have the townlands of Townparks fixed as the area of charge for the Carrick-on-Shannon Waterworks in accordance with the original sealed order made by the Local Government Board when the waterworks were constructed.
As stated by me yesterday, the question of the areas of charge for special sanitary expenses is still under consideration.
Belleek Police
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he would state the number of Protestant and the number of Roman Catholic constables stationed at the village of Belleek, county Fermanagh, and how far that place is from Ballyshannon.
Is it in order to put a merely geographical question?
Five of the six constables stationed at Belleek are Roman Catholics. The village is five miles from Ballyshannon.
Irish Bookbinders' Complaints
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has yet received the Report from the Commissioners of Education in Ireland as to the complaints sent by him to them from the Bookbinders' Society; and, if so, what steps he purposes to take to meet the claims of these men.
No, Sir; I am still in correspondence with the Commissioners on this subject.
May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that he asked me to put this question down a fortnight ago? Ought we not to have a reply by now?
I am disappointed that none is ready.
Do these Commissioners ever sit and do any work?
* : Order, order! The right hon. Gentleman has said that he cannot possibly answer the question on the Paper.
Leitrim Evictions
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the eviction campaign now proceeding on the Tottenham estate at Kiltyclogher, county Leitrim; whether he is aware that 100 police are engaged in the campaign, and that the first person evicted was an old woman aged over eighty years, who was left in a ditch, and on what grounds a number of people who were looking on were batoned by the police.
The Sheriff of Leitrim requisitioned protection in the execution of sixteen ejectment decrees on this estate. A force of 100 police was ordered to protect him and his assistants. Two evictions were carried out on the 25th instant; in one case a woman of the age stated was put out, and in two other cases the ejectments were postponed as there was a sick person in each house. No evictions were carried out on the 26th instant. Yesterday two evictions were carried out, and two were abandoned on account of sickness in the houses. There is no truth whatever in the statement in the last paragraph; the police did not draw their batons.
Why were so many police drafted into the district?
No more were sent than were necessary.
Camolin Disturbances
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a wooden hall for Gospel services was erected at the village of Camolin, county Wexford, on the 21st instant, by Mr. A. H. Robb, of the Evangelistic and Missionary Alliance; that on the same night, at 9.30, an attack was made on the hall, in which no service was being held, by a crowd of about 300 Roman Catholics, and the hall knocked down and the woodwork broken; and that the two policemen present were utterly powerless to protect the place, and the men who were in charge chased into the police barracks; and whether any persons have been made amenable for this outrage.
The following Question also appeared on the Paper—
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he is aware that Mr. A. H. Robb and his associates have been carrying on their operations in county Wextord for some weeks unmolested by the people, and that the reason for the taking down of their structure by the people of Camolin on the 21st instant, when it was attempted to be erected, was that Mr. Robb and his friends erected it in front of the residence of the Roman Catholic curate at Camolin, within three yards of his house, and blocking access to the road; and in view of the fact that Protestants took part in taking Mr. Robb's structure asunder, and of the irritation caused by proceedings like those of Mr., Robb and his associates, the Irish Government will, in order to prevent a breach of the peace, make such representations to the heads of the Evangelistic and Missionary Alliance as will cause them to refrain from such acts.
The facts are generally as stated. The police did not anticipate an attack on the structure. No violence was offered to persons. A prosecution has been directed against seven individuals who were identified by the police on the charge of riot and unlawful assembly.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the first part of my question.
I believe the facts are as stated. The hut was erected on a piece of waste ground under the bedroom window of the Roman Catholic curate's house, and about ten feet distant therefrom. It did not block access to the road. One Protestant was identified as taking part in the attack upon the hut. I doubt the expediency of making representations as suggested at the end of the question.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give the same facilities for erecting huts for evicted tenants?
What right have those marauders there?
* : Order, order!
Land Judge's Court, Ireland
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state the number of estates at present in the Land Judge's Court in Ireland, the number of officials employed in the court and the amount of salary they receive, the number of receivers acting for the court, and the number of solicitors acting for the several parties concerned in the said estates.
The number of estates pending in the Land Judge's Court on the 1st November last is stated in the Judicial Statistics to have been 2,776. The number of officials employed in the court, with their salaries, will be found at page 300 of the Annual Estimates for the current year. The number of receivers is 396. The number of solicitors employed by the several parties is not known.
* : The right hon. Gentleman has given the number of receivers at 396. One receiver may act for a number of estates, and the number of estates given last year was 1,290.
Labourers' Cottages at Carrick Macross and Castleblaney
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how much per annum is the Exchequer contribution to the unions of Carrickmacross and Castleblaney, respectively, for labourers' cottages already built in these unions, and whether he is aware that schemes for the erection of labourers' cottages are in progress in these unions; and can he say how much of the £40,000 grant-in-aid of the building of labourers' cottages in Ireland under the Land Act of 1896 will be available annually in the unions mentioned.
The payments out of this grant are not a fixed annual sum. The share of each county in the grant is distributed annually amongst the rural districts in proportion to the yearly expenditure of each such district on labourers' cottages. When the schemes now in progress in the unions mentioned are carried into effect the expenditure on cottages will be taken into account in determining the share payable to each union.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the last part of my question.
The shares of counties and rural districts paid in respect of the financial year 1899–1900 will be found fully set forth in the Board's last annual Report.
Boarding Out of Harmless Lunatics
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has received reports on the practice of boarding out harmless lunatics in Belgium and other countries, and whether he will consider the question of introducing legislation to enable Boards of Guardians and lunatic asylum authorities to board out harmless lunatics in Ireland.
I have received information with respect to the practice referred to, and I am considering whether it would be advantageous in Ireland.
Ulster Custom—Gosford Estate
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the evidence in the case of Ballantine v. the Earl of Gosford, to the effect that it had been the practice on the Gosford estate for sixteen years to treat the Ulster Custom as non-existent where the tenant had gone into the Land Court to have a fair rent fixed, a course of conduct which Mr. Justice Andrews said could not be sustained at law; and, whether, on this evidence and the general effect to defeat the Custom throughout Ulster, he will consider the necessity of legislation to protect the tenants in the exercise of their legal rights.
My attention has been called to a newspaper report of the evidence in this case, which was substantially to the effect stated. The judgment of Mr. Justice Andrews, however, declared the law, and by the publicity given to it the tenants will no doubt be fully informed of their rights. Whether any further legislation is necessary to protect and enforce the Custom, which is the object of the Bill introduced by the hon. Member for North Antrim, will be considered.
Local Government (Ireland) Rules, and Rules of Court
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether he is aware that, at the last spring assizes held at Trim, the judge was unable to determine a petition presented by the Meath County Council under Section 10 (3) of the Local Government (Ireland) Act, 1898, owing to the dates prescribed by the rules of court being inconsistent with those prescribed by the Local Government Board; whether those rules have since been so revised as to enable the said petition to be determined at the assizes to be held on the 1st July next; and whether he will advise the Government to recoup the county council the costs of this second application.
The facts, I believe, are as stated in the first paragraph. The Local Government Board have drafted a fresh Order rescinding the previous Order of 9th May, 1899, and substituting provisions which will not conflict with the Rules of Court Order of 13th May, 1899. The proposed Order is now before the Lord Chancellor. There is no fund out of which to recoup the county council, as suggested.
Supreme Court, Ireland—Suitors' Money
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can state the amount of money standing to the credit of suitors in the Supreme Court, Ireland; whether he can state upon what terms this money is allowed to remain in bank; whether, seeing that the fund increases yearly, he will consider the advisability of advancing loans from the accumulations for works in Ireland.
A Return giving full and detailed information on this subject is in proof (House of Commons Paper, 201) and will be issued very shortly. The cash balance, which is about £300,000, is at the Bank of Ireland. No interest is received upon it, but the bank, in consideration of it, keeps accounts of the various funds in court, whether cash or securities. The corresponding cash liability is between £500,000 and £600,000. Apart from other considerations, I do not think it would be prudent to make any draft upon the cash balance, and I can hold out no hope of the legislation which would be necessary for the purpose. The cash balance has been increasing in recent years, but it is less than it was fifteen years ago. I have already pointed out to the hon. Member that, besides the Local Loans Fund, there are other funds available in Ireland from which loans might be made for the purposes in which he is interested.
Crown Quit Rents
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can state what amount of money has been paid into the Treasury under the Purchase Acts (Ireland) as payments to the Woods and Forests Fund; will he state whether this quit rent is the property of the Crown in Ireland; and, if so, how this money has been spent; and whether, in future, it can be made available for re-afforestation purposes in Ireland.
Between the passing of the Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1881, and the 31st March, 1901, the sum of £171,103 has been paid, not to the Treasury, but to the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, for the redemption of quit rents payable for lands in Ireland, which quit rents were the property of the Crown. The purchase moneys have been merged in the general capital account of the Commissioners, and, under the Crown Lands Act, 1829, must be invested in the purchase of land or other hereditaments, or the redemption of charges or incumbrances on land already belonging to the Crown. It could not, therefore, be used for the purposes suggested.
The right hon. Gentleman has not stated where the moneys have been spent.
The Treasury have nothing to do with that. The money is paid into the Commissioners' account, and they invest it according to law in the purchase of land and other hereditaments.
But where is the money invested—in Great Britain or in Ireland?
I cannot say where.
Has not much been invested in London ground rents?
A considerable sum has been no doubt, but land has also been purchased in various parts of the United Kingdom.
Irish Geological Survey—Case of F. W. Egan
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been called to the case of the late Mr. F. W. Egan, of the Geological Survey of Ireland, whose death on 6th January, 1901, was shown by medical evidence to be due to injuries received by his being thrown on 17th July, 1899, through no default of his own, from an Irish car on which he was travelling in discharge of his duty on the survey; and whether, since Mr. Egan's death was due to an injury specifically attributable to the nature of his duty, he is prepared, under the provisions of the Superannuation Act of 1887, to grant to the widow some gratuity or annual allowance.
Yes, Sir, a pension of £65 16s. 8d. per annum has been awarded to Mr. Egan's widow.
Irish Teachers' Pensions
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state from what source or sources the Irish Pension Fund is drawn, whether his attention has been called to the fact that the Imperial Treasury does not contribute to it, that the premiums paid by the teachers in recent years have been trebled but the pensions lowered, and that the Treasury has recouped itself for the £18,000 given to the general fund by withholding the retiring allowance formerly paid to the Irish teachers; and whether, as the British Teachers' Pension Fund received substantial aid from the Treasury, a similar and proportionate grant will be made to the Irish fund.
The Irish Teachers' Pension Fund is drawn from (1) an endowment of £1,300,000 appropriated to the purpose out of the Irish Church surplus; (2) premiums deducted from the salaries of teachers; (3) grants-in-aid voted by Parliament from time to time. I cannot admit that the Treasury does not contribute to the fund or that the premiums paid by the teachers have of late years been trebled, or that the pensions have on the whole been lowered. No retiring allowances or gratuities have been discontinued, except in the case of teachers who have elected to receive increased allowances from the fund established in 1880. The Vote for teachers in England and Wales is £58,315.The grant-in-aid proposed for the Irish Teachers' Pension Fund is £18,750. This proportion does not appear unfavourable to Ireland.
Is it not the fact that the pensions in the first class have been reduced, and that the contribution—
* : Order, order! The hon. Member is commenting on the answer.
Rosscarbery Mails
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that letters posted in London for the 8.45 evening mail do not arrive at Rosscarbery until 8 o'clock the second following morning, whether the mails are detained in Clonakilty, a town eight, miles from Rosscarbery, from 2 o'clock the previous day, and, if so, will steps be taken to forward the mails to Rosscarbery on their arrival at Clonakilty.
The Postmaster General will cause. inquiry to be made; the result shall be communicated to the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Irish Land Legislation
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he can state what course the Government intend to take in regard to the Irish Land Bill promised to be introduced in the King's Speech.
I beg at the same time to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he is aware that the sales of land under the Land Act of 1896 in Ireland are progressing slowly; and whether, as there is nearly a quarter of the land of Ireland in the Encumbered Estates Court, the Government propose to expedite sales by the improvement of the fortieth section.
I have no statement to make at present with regard to the legislative programme of the Government. With reference to the Bill alluded to by the hon. Member, he is as well aware of the general state of public business as I am.
Navy Votes
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if, in view of the facts that upwards of nine millions sterling are proposed to be spent upon new construction of ships and appurtenances of His Majesty's Navy in the current financial year, that no statement has been made to the House by the Secretary to the Admiralty upon this expenditure, and that no general discussion upon its has yet been possible, he can see his way to secure some amount of time for such discussion.
The following Question also appeared on the Paper—
* : I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether Navy Estimates will be the business of Supply on Friday, 5th July, and, if not, whether he can fix an early date for affording the House an opportunity of discussing the policy and progress of shipbuilding on Vote 8, Navy Estimates.
I think it will probably be convenient if Vote 8 of the Navy Votes is taken first on Friday next. This must not be regarded as an absolute pledge, however, as it is inconvenient to give such pledges until the week in which the Estimate is to be taken.
The Education Bill
I wish to ask the First Lord of the Treasury a question with respect to the Education Bill. A great number of questions have been addressed to him on the subject in the House of Commons in vain, but I observe that he appears to have made a very full statement in another place. I ask, therefore, whether he has any information to vouchsafe to the House of Commons.
As the right hon. Gentleman has done me the honour to read my statement to which he has referred, I am afraid that I have nothing to say with which he is not already acquainted.
We do not all read The Times newspaper.
I did not say that the hon. Member did. It is not he who has addressed this question to me. The right hon. Gentleman referred to the report, and I presumed that he had read it. Therefore I have nothing to say to the right hon. Gentleman which he does not know. But no doubt there are Gentlemen opposite to whom what I am going to say is news. In those circumstances I may relieve their curiosity if I say that His Majesty's Government do not think it desirable to proceed in the present session with the Bill which has been read a first time; and they propose to substitute for it a shorter measure dealing with the emergency arising out of the Cockerton judgment.
What is the reason that, in reference to this most important question, the House of Commons has received only a few words, while the gentlemen upstairs heard a long speech?
The speech would have been out of order in this House.
I notice that the right hon. Gentleman, speaking to a more favoured audience than the House of Commons, told them what was the character of the Bill which he intended to introduce. Will he not vouchsafe the information to us also?
I do not know whether I am in order, but I may say that the Bill will be introduced on Monday by the Vice-President. Without anticipating the statement of my right hon. friend, I can, perhaps, satisfy the burning curiosity of the right hon. Gentleman by stating that the clause of the Bill will be founded on the corresponding clause in the abandoned measure.
When will the Second Reading be taken?
The Bill has not yet been read a first time.
Yes, but bearing in mind the present condition of public business, and the fact that the educational authorities will have to take action, cannot the right hon. Gentleman give some indication?
At a very early date.
Selection (Standing Committees)
reported from the Committee of Selection, That they had discharged the following Member from the Standing Committee on Law, and Courts of Justice, and Legal Procedure:—Mr. Boland (added in respect of the Youthful Offenders Bill); and had appointed in substitution Mr. Cullinan.
further reported from the Committee, That they had added to the Standing Committee on Law on Courts of Justice and Legal Procedure the following Fifteen Members in respect of the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill:—Mr. Bell, Mr. Griffith-Boscawen, Mr. Jesse Collings, Mr. Crombie, Mr. Fenwick, Sir Henry Fowler, Mr. Gretton, Sir William Houlds -worth, Major Jameson, Mr. Reginald Lucas, Mr. Middlemore, Sir Barrington Simeon, Dr. Thompson, Mr. Tritton, and Mr. Whittaker.
further reported from the Committee of Selection, That they had discharged the following Member from the Standing Committee on Trade (including Agriculture and Fishing), Shipping, and Manufactures:—Sir Robert Penrose-FitzGerald; and had appointed in substitution Mr. Louis Sinclair.
Reports to lie upon the Table.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to Demise of the Crown Bill, without Amendment.
New Bill
Tied Houses (Freeing)
Bill to secure freedom for Holders of Licences for the Sale of Intoxicating Liquor, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Rea, Mr. Yoxall, Mr. Taylor, Mr. Whitley, Mr. Layland-Barratt, Mr. Bell, Mr. Soares, and Mr. Rigg.
Tied Houses (Freeing) Bill
"To secure freedom for Holders of Licences for the Sale of Intoxicating Liquor," presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time upon Friday, 12th July, and to be printed. [Bill 238.]
Supply [13th Allotted Day]
Considered in Committee.
(In the Committee.)
[Mr. J. W. LOWTHER (Cumberland, Penrith) in the Chair.]
Civil Service Estimates, 1901–2
Class III
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £61,468, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1902, for such of the Salaries and Expenses of the Supreme Court of Judicature, and of certain other Legal Departments in Ireland, as are not charged on the Consolidated Fund."
* : I rise to move a reduction of this Vote for the purpose of calling attention to the delay attendant upon proceedings in the Irish Land Judges Court, to some of the causes of those delays, and to the necessity for immediate administrative action to remedy the grievances arising therefrom. The court has a very curious history. It was originally formed in the year 1848 as the Encumbered Estates Court, and was designed for the purpose of selling the estates of bankrupt Irish owners. In ten years after the famine this court, as then established, had cleared nine thousand properties, and passed £23,000,000 through its hands. In 1858, this special class of work being finished, the Landed Estates Court took its place, but I cannot say that it did anything like the work of its immediate predecessor. If hon. Members choose to consult the Report of the Committee of 1878 appointed to inquire into the failure of the Purchase Clauses of the Act of 1870, which sat under the chairmanship of Mr. Shaw-Lefevre, they will find that that Committee came to the conclusion that these beneficent clauses of the Act of 1870 had been simply strangled by the procedure of that court. Then when the Judicature Act passed the Landed Estates Court was practically converted into a branch of the Court of Chancery, and it is now known as the Land Judges Court. My object is, first of all, to show that the original intentions of Parliament, when the Act of 1896 was passed, have been seriously impaired and interfered with, although the learned judge himself has apparently done everything in his power to promote the purpose of that Act. In 1894, when the Fry Commission sat, evidence was given by the Secretary to the Land Commission—and he is a most careful and competent official—that there were 1,500 estates in the court for sale at that time; that receivers had been appointed in 1,226 of such estates, and that, excluding the estates of minors, the rent roll represented by these receivers was £648,000. I know well that these estates are not all under Section 40, and they do not represent the whole of the land rented. A great number of the estates—I should say, perhaps, the majority of them—would naturally come under Section 40, because one of the conditions that brought these estates under Section 40 was that there should have been a receiver appointed; and in 1,226 out of the 1,500 the Committee will notice receivers have been appointed. Now, taking the annual rental of these estates at £648,000, and capitalising that at twenty years purchase, we bring out the fact that there is in this court thirteen million pounds worth of property, to nearly the whole of which the 40th section of the Act of 1896 was intended to apply. The late Chief Secretary, when introducing that Bill, said most of these estates have been in court for years; that they have been vainly offered for sale to the public; that such figures show to a large extent that the Land Judges Court has ceased to exercise the functions of a court to facilitate the transfer of land, and it has drifted more and more into a State department to collect the rents of bankrupt estates. Whatever may be said of the Act of 1896, and whatever may be said about the object of the Court, one thing it was never intended to do, as the late Chief Secretary fairly said—it was never intended to create a huge rent office for the collection of the rents of bankrupt Irish landlords. The object of the Act, under Section 40, is as plain as anything could well be. Parliament decided then, so far as it was possible to do so, that a real effort should be made in order that these estates, which represented a rental of £648,000, should be sold to the tenants, is because it expressly provided that notice should be served upon the tenants, and that they should have the right of preemption. Now, Parliament has designed many things for Ireland, but there are people in Ireland more effective in their way than even Parliament. Those people have not the slightest idea of giving up the firm grip they have of their holdings if they can at all help it.
It is close upon five years since the Act of 1896 was passed—half the period during which the Encumbered Estates Court sat and passed 9,000 estates, involving £23,000,000, through its hands. What has been the outcome up to the 31st March, 1900? I am forced to give this date because I have failed to get the Land Commission Report up to date. The estates dealt with under Section 40 number 34, the purchasers 524, and the amount of the purchase money is £156,918. I will double the numbers and double the amounts—nay, I will treble them if the Chief Secretary likes. No one can say that that is a satisfactory result, and it surely is right that Parliament should be apprised of it and look into it. Parliament intended that these estates should be sold, and they are not being sold; and we have a right to ask why they are not being sold. The Act embodied a great policy which was entrusted to this Department to carry out, and the results are as I have stated. Why is this so? It is not due to the Act that that failure has taken place, and it is not due to the Irish Government. It is not due, above all things, to the Land Judge, for the land judge is speaking every day in Dublin in condemnation of the delay. It is not due to any of those subtle influences of which we sometimes hear a good deal, and which are said to prevent the carrying out of a beneficent policy. Nothing of the kind. It is due entirely to different causes, and those causes are remedial and do not require legislation. If they did I should be out of order in suggesting it. There were delays which were perhaps unavoidable at the first, when the Act came into operation, delays that might have been expected. The question which arose upon the fortieth section of the Act was, Is it mandatory on the judge? Was he forced to sell, or had he a discretion, and could he do as he liked? This question was decided in the affirmative, that the Act was mandatory. It was compulsory sale so far as the property subject to the Act was concerned. That much was clearly established in the Court of Appeal. Then it went to the Appeal Court. There the question arose, and it caused a good deal of delay—Had the judge the sole right to fix the price, or was he bound by the valuation of the Land Commission? That occupied further time, but these blocks have all, happily, been got rid of. All these difficulties have been cleared away, and yet the wheels refuse to go round. Let the Committee listen to Mr. Justice Ross himself, speaking only a few weeks ago, within the last two months. Commenting on the length of time some cases had been in court, he said— Final notice for settlement of the rental was served on the tenants prior to 1882. What does final notice for settlement of the rental mean? It is a fine piece of legal jargon, and one of the pieces of legal machinery by which the delays are created. Notices were again served on the tenants in 1890. They heard no more about it for eight or nine years, then another notice of final settlement was served upon them, and the rental up to this day is not finally settled, although the tenants are all paying their rents. It is finally settled so far as the payment is concerned. There is another plan by which this web is woven so that nobody could get out of court. There is the settlement of a schedule of incumbrances—another piece of legal jargon meaning the amount the bankrupt landowner owes to his creditors. Why should the landowner be treated in any different way from the ordinary bankrupt trader? Why is his case not treated like an ordinary bankruptcy in trade? They soon find out in the Bankruptcy Court how much a trader owes. Why are these estates to be kept there from the Middle Ages? My answer is that, in the first place, these estates are kept there because of the personal interests of the receivers, 300 or 400 in number, representing 1,200 estates, being against the public policy of Parliament.
That is the first thing to which I must direct the attention of the Chief Secretary for Ireland. Who are these receivers? This is one of the refuges of the derelict English garrison. The sons of landowners grow up without any profession, without any honest trade, and they are unable to turn their hands to anything. There is no use for them now in the colonies, and therefore they make interest with the Castle or somebody else—stranded weeds on a desolate shore—and an income of £50 or £100 a year is a great deal to them. They are sent down on these wretched tenants—perhaps the poorest tenants in Ireland. Their own interest is to keep the thing going, and they take care that the rental takes a long time to fix, and that the schedule encumbrances takes as long before it sees the light. The receivers must first be dealt with, or they will go on hamstringing this Act if Parliament, which is only five years old. There is another class to which I wish to refer—the solicitors. It is curious that when Consols were at £114, and when the bankrupt Irish landowner got that sum in Consols for £100 Guaranteed Land Stock, things looked a little bright, and the solicitors began to move; but now that Consols are down at £94 the glut has got worse than ever. The other day Mr. Justice Ross declared that if this went on he would fine the solicitors connected with these estates. When the solicitors were about to be fined for the way they were delaying and obstructing the proceedings of the court, they said they could not get on with the work because the department was undermanned. They declared in open court that they were not to blame because when they went to the office they could not get the work done, there not being men to do it. That is a matter that requires the attention of the Chief Secretary, because it is an actual necessity that this block should be removed. Between the receiver, the solicitor, and the agent this Act of Parliament, and previous Acts, have never had a chance. That hon. Members should have spent laborious days and nights in the Committee of 1894, which really led up to the Act of 1896, in trying to devise methods by which these estates could be got out of court, and that their efforts should be thwarted and brought to naught by men who had a personal interest in delay, is something which I imagine the House of Commons will not tolerate. The Chief Secretary for Ireland, in reply to me earlier in the session, declared that Mr. Justice Ross was doing the work of two men. I think that that is probably true, but if there is any difficulty in that direction I take leave to give my right hon. friend a hint. There are Irish judges who are not doing the work of two men, and if that is the cause of delay some other judge might be appointed to assist in this work and to facilitate the carrying out of the policy embodied in the Act of Parliament. If the clerical staff is inadequate, it is the bounden duty of the Chief Secretary to see that it is made adequate. Even if this were done, until the receivers, solicitors, or agents are dealt with, nothing effective can or ever will be done. It was the same for thirty or forty years. If hon. Members will look at Mr. Shaw Lefevre's Report on the Bright clauses they will find that the Landed Estates Court, which was the predecessor of the present court, simply put every difficulty in the way of purchase, and that they strangle the Act. The first Land Purchase Act was the Church Act of 1869. Parliament did a wise thing then; it fought shy of the Landed Estates Court altogether; it entrusted the carrying out of the glebe purchases to the Church Temporalities Commission, which, of course, was a body appointed by Parliament; they came into personal contact with the tenants, and 6,000 occupying owners of the glebe lands were created in a few years without any trouble or friction.
What do I ask now? Here is a court that either cannot or will not do its duty. I have tried to point out some of the difficulties standing in its way. The Chief Secretary is not now in the position which other Chief Secretaries have been in. The right hon. Gentleman is not carrying great measures through the House at present, and surely we are entitled to ask that legislation, which has already been passed, shall be effectively administered and carried out. The first thing, then, that I have to ask is that there should be a Parliamentary inquiry into these difficulties. Nothing else will do in my opinion. Let us have a second Committee like that presided over by my right hon. friend the Member for the Montrose Burghs, and I dare to say that things will begin to move. Will the right hon. Gentleman grant that inquiry, or, if not, will he himself undertake to look into the question and see what it is that is clogging the wheels? The last point is rather in the shape of a question than of an argument. The entire policy of the Purchase Acts, as many hon. Members know, was changed in 1885. When the Act of 1881 was passed Parliament only advanced three-fourths of the purchase money, and in the glebe cases it was two-thirds. In 1885 Parliament, for very good reasons, resolved to advance the whole of the purchase money. The real reason was that the poor people who had to find a fourth or a third really borrowed it from the gombeen men, and very often their last state was worse than the first. I find from the Land Commission Report that of the estates sold in this court last year the valuation by the Land Commission was £146,793, and the price subsequently fixed by the Land Judge's Court was £156,918—that is to say, that the tenants had to pay £10,125 more than the land had been valued at by the Land Commission. That is a reversion to the old evil policy of sending the tenants to the gombeen man, and I ask under what warrant that policy is being pursued. I maintain that if the law were properly carried out, between 30,000 and 40,000 occupying tenants might be created into owners of their own holdings without any further advance of money. The Act of Parliament is there, the money is there, if only this court can be cleansed. I repeat that if the Chief Secretary will not legislate on this question, even although he admitted to the House that a grievance existed, we have a right to have the Acts already passed carried out faithfully and honestly. I submit that the Chief Secretary ought to frankly say—when he admits this grievance, which has also been admitted by everyone who knows the court—what he intend to do, for things cannot go on as they are doing. I beg to move.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £60,468, be granted for the said Service."—( Mr. T. W. Russell. )
* said he had listened with great interest to the speech of the hon. Member for South Tyrone, and had been rather astonished at the intimate knowledge which the hon. Gentleman had shown in regard to the working of the Landed Estates Court. After the arguments used by the hon. Gentleman the most dull-minded or prejudiced Member of the House must admit that he had made out a case which could not be gainsaid. He had had personal experience of the working of this court both as an owner and occupier of property, and though it might be rather strong to say it, he unhesitatingly stated that the system practised in that court was a system of barefaced robbery. He was aware of several properties which had been placed in that court, and had remained there for years, and neither the owners nor the mortgagees ever received a single penny out of their properties. The principal and interest had been paid ten times over, but neither the mortgagees nor the owner had got a cent; all had gone to the officials, the lawyers, and the receivers. Under these circumstances it was simply astonishing that a matter of such importance to so many parties should be so long neglected. They had heard over and over again in the House, and they heard also in Ireland, of the horrible manner in which these poor bankrupt landlords had been treated by I the National organisation; but that treatment was as nothing compared to the treatment they received at the hands of the officials of that court, which was under the control of this Parliament. The hon. Gentleman had said that the receivers and lawyers were the cause of the delay, and he had most accurately described the receivers as the sons of broken-down landlords, and Unionists who, if they were not able to make their livelihood out of these properties on which they had been appointed receivers under the court, would be in a very poor state indeed. He said without the slightest hesitation that at present there existed in Ireland a conspiracy of the vilest character to try to prevent the sales of these estates in the court as well as there outside the court. That conspiracy must certainly be within the full cognisance of the right hon. the Attorney General and the gentlemen in Dublin Castle, who knew very well that these receivers and officials of the court and the solicitors, aye, and counsellors too, did not want to settle the Irish land question by purchase. They knew that if these estates could be sold to-morrow these gentlemen would find their occupation gone, and therefore they very much preferred putting the money into their own pockets than into the pockets of the owners, occupiers, and the mortgagees.
Probably the right hon. the Attorney General would state that the United Irish League was trying to rob and conspire against the landlords, and perhaps he would take action and prosecute members of the League. But what was he doing to his own friends? He was allowing them to rob the owners and mortgagees and farmers the whole time. He had received within the past few days communications from some estates in his own constituency, and he found that similar communications had been addressed to some of his hon. friends from other parts of Ireland. One of them was to the effect that it was the ordinary custom in Ireland that the rents due in May were not collected by the landlords until the autumn, but notices had been sent out by the receiver on 18th June stating that unless the rent due on 1st May was paid within four days the tenant's names would be sent to the estate's solicitor and steps taken to evict them from their farms. It was a remarkable fact that these notices had been sent out all over Tipperary and Westmeath and other counties, which showed that there was a conspiracy on the part of the officials in the Landed Estates Court to put the tenants to unnecessary worry and trouble. The Attorney General might laugh, but it was within his own knowledge that on many estates there has been lately activity on the part of the receivers to break down the custom of not collecting the May rents until the autumn, when the tenants were able to realise the money with which to pay their rents. He must say that the hon. and learned Members opposite who laughed were generally gentlemen who got their fees in advance. He held in his hands a letter from the tenants on an estate where they had been negotiating for twelve years with a receiver in regard to the sale of their farms to the tenants. The maps had been signed, the number of years purchase had been agreed upon, and the tenants thought that the purchase would be closed any day; but alas! it was only a case of pay, pay, and many of them had been put to enormous cost. The fact was, the solicitor did not want to sell. Within the last few days a case had come under his notice in county Galway, where the owner of a fairly large grazing farm agreed to divide that farm amongst the surrounding tenants. He went the length of agreeing to the number of years purchase that was to be paid, and to the division of the land. The tenants actually drew lots as to what portion of the grazing farm they would have. A solicitor came down from Dublin to arrange the matter with the tenants, and all the agreements were prepared, and the tenants expected to hear day after day that the purchase was completed. But—and this was another portion of the conspiracy—the solicitor said to the tenants that they must accept the purchase without having the right to the game on the property. Some of the tenants agreed to that, but the majority refused to barter their right to the game. The result was that the solicitor went back to Dublin, and the purchase was broken off. Instead of the large grazing farm being divided amongst the tenants, it was sold to a large grazier.
He maintained that there was proof positive of a regular combination to try and defeat the interests of the tenant. In March last he had asked for a very simple Return showing the number of estates in the Landed Estates Court in Ireland, the number of officials, including local receivers, employed in the management of these estates, and the gross sum received by the receivers in 1899, and the net total available in that year for those beneficially interested, after the deduction of expenses. The answer was that the right hon. Gentleman was unable to grant the Return. If that Return had been made it would have given the House an idea of how these estates were managed, where the rents collected were going, and how little the owners and the mortgagees received. The right hon. Gentleman had given him a Return of the number of estates and the number of receivers, but he had not given him the number of solicitors employed, although that might have been done without the slightest difficulty. That was again part of the conspiracy to defeat the proper working of the Act. When an estate was put into the Landed Estates Court a receiver was appointed. The receiver appointed a solicitor, but the receiver never paid the solicitor. The solicitor was remunerated in proportion to the number of motions he made in court, and the number of returns he put in, and the the numbers of writs and processes he issued. The consequence was the ruin of the owners. Moreover, the solicitor seldom, if ever, attended the court himself. He sent up a clerk to the court to make the motion. He had been in the office over and over again, and he must say that the late Mr. Edward Murphy, who was at the head of that office, gave him considerable insight into the procedure and condemned the system as strongly as anyone. That gentleman had said to him over and over again that, if he had the power to deal with this matter, in three months he would have the whole thing settled. He had seen these solicitors' clerks come into the office to make applications for certain purposes, but he never heard that they knew anything of the business more than the man in the moon. The only thing they seemed to understand was never to forget to demand "Costs of motion, Sir." The fact was that that sort of thing went on day after day in the Landed Estates Court, keeping up a system in order to fill the lawyers' pockets. There ought to be no hesitation whatever, after the case which had been made out by the hon. Member for South Tyrone, on the part of the Chief Secretary to undertake a Parliamentary inquiry into the whole matter. The Acts which had already been passed should be enforced, and if that were done the congestion which existed at present in the court would be relieved. The Committee of Inquiry should be appointed at once, and report this session. The parties concerned should be brought before the Committee upstairs, and subjected to cross-examination, so that they would be unable to shift responsibility on to other shoulders. A Departmental Committee would be only a farce, and a waste of time and money. In conclusion, he had no hesitation in stating that the present system was a system of robbery, plain and unvarnished, which would not be tolerated in any other country.
* said he wished to support the motion of the hon. Member for South Tyrone. Section 40 of the Land Act of 1896 was a well-meaning section, and was framed for the express purpose of giving Irish tenant-farmers a chance of purchasing their holdings in the Encumbered Estates Court; but owing to the form of the section, and to the mode of procedure to which it had given rise, only a very small proportion of the estates, as compared with the vast number in the court, had been sold. He would trace some of the reasons why the sale of these estates was prevented. First of all, there was a whole army of harpy solicitors fighting for their own hand; they sometimes numbered fifteen or twenty on a single estate. That might seem incredible, but it was a fact. Then there were the officers in the court, and the receivers, and all these gentlemen were interested in delaying and preventing the sales, so that if something was not done the Encumbered Estates Court would be like the nuts and apples in the old song, they would "never be sold." He had asked the Attorney General for Ireland a question as to the comments which had been made by Mr. Justice Ross on the officials of the court, but the right hon. Gentleman said that Mr. Justice Ross had never condemned the officials of the court at all, but that he had taken every opportunity to cause the solicitors who had charge of the estates to sell them as quickly as possible. With all respect to the right hon. Gentleman and to Mr. Justice Ross, he thought there was no occasion to ask the solicitors who had charge of the sale of the estates to hurry up, because they were quite anxious enough to get rid of the estates in order to get hold of other estates. But it was to the interest of the officials of the court to delay and prevent the sale as long as they could, for, with each of the estates sold, they were losing a portion of their bread and butter. The way in which the 40th section of the Land Act of 1896 was administered was that when an estate was placed on the list for sale the land judge requested the Land Commission to inspect the estate and report the price. Two Commissioners were sent down to inspect the holdings and value them. Assuming, for argument's sake, that they fixed the price at sixteen years purchase; he asked the House to recollect that these gentlemen were experts, and ought to know the value of the land. Now the racket began. The mortgagees went to the judge in the Landed Estates Court and said, "This estate is worth twenty years purchase, and we appeal to you not to sacrifice our interests." Then the owner of the estate would go to the judge and say, "There are two years arrears on my estate, although the tenants are not at fault, owing to the terrible depression in the value of agricultural products and the increased expenses they have to pay; and I ask you to consider my interests." And then the land judge might say, as he had often said in these cases: "I will not sell this estate for less than 19 years purchase." Surely, when the Land Commission fixed the price of the estate and said they would advance a certain loan to buy it, and that they would give no more money, the land judge, as seller, ought not to ask any more, particularly as he was a judicial member of that body. Either the land judge should have power to increase the loan, or he himself should be compelled to accept the price fixed by the Land Commisson. It would not be just to give the land judge power to increase the amount of the loan, because power should not be vested in him to put the land at a higher value than that at which the experts of the Commission had valued it. Under the Act, when there was an order for the sale of an estate, or where an estate was insolvent and had to be sold, the land judge must give the first chance of buying to the tenants of the estate, but the land judge never dreamt of having notice served on the tenants, with the result that the tenants were very often not in court when the 40th section was applied. The Attorney General for Ireland had said sufficient notice had been given, and in some cases special notice was given; but, as a matter of fact, the only notice that was given was given in the law lists of the daily papers. Nine-tenths of the Irish farmers never saw the daily papers at all; and the other tenth who did might just as well attempt to derive such information as they required from the Milky Way as to get it from the law lists in the daily papers, which nobody but lawyers could understand, and which even lawyers themselves found it very difficult to glean information from, unless they happened to be interested in a particular case. When an estate had to be sold, notice should be given to all the tenants and everyone concerned, and moreover he would say that a list should be made out in the Land Judge's Court showing first the number of cases; second, the counties in which they were situate; third, the rents as shown by the last receiver's account; fourth, the date on which the estates were placed in court; and fifth, what proceedings, if any, had been taken for the sale of the estate or the application of the 40th Section. It would not be a difficult thing to do, and it was necessary, so that everybody should know how the matter stood. In the King's Speech a promise had been made by the Government to introduce a Bill to facilitate the voluntary sale and purchase of land as between landlord and tenant; that promise had not been fulfilled, and its chance of fulfilment now seemed rather remote; but he hoped, if it ever was fulfilled, the points he had mentioned would be considered.
There were serious anomalies in the present law. One was, it had been held, that where the judge could not come at the fee simple the estate could not be sold, so that if there were a head rent of only a few pence an acre the tenants could not obtain the benefit of the 40th Section. Another was that where there was a spendthrift landlord who got into difficulties, and the estate had to be sold, the tenants were fortunate, because under the terms of the purchase of their holdings they got a reduction of 6s. or 7s. in the £ off their rent, but the tenants under a good living landlord had to continue under their old rent, and could get no reduction. There was no cure for this state of things except the compulsory sale of the land to the tenants. A leading Member of the Government had said, not very many years previously, that the Government would kill Home Rule with kindness. If that was the desire of the Government they might make an honest attempt to do so by bringing in a Bill for the compulsory sale of the land, giving fair play under it to all concerned. But Home Rule would never be killed, because that sentiment had come down to the Irish people through seven and a half centuries of blood and tears, and it would never be relinquished. Their fathers fought for it with pikes and muskets. Irish Members were fighting for it now in the House, and Ireland would always supply men enough to continue the struggle.
* said, as a Member of the last Parliament, he remembered the passage of the Land Bill of 1896, and the high hopes held out to the Irish party by the Irish Executive as to the happy effect that this particular section—Section 40—would have in clearing out some of the bankrupt estates in Ireland. The hon. Member for East Mayo, he recollected, did not quite believe in those prophecies, and time had vindicated the view which he took on the passage of that Bill, and had shown that, so far as this particular section was concerned, it was practically inoperative. He could not entirely agree with the hon. Member for South Tyrone that no blame could be placed on the shoulders of Mr. Justice Ross for the failure of this section of the Acts; he thought it was a great misfortune that that gentleman was placed over this tribunal. He did not intend to allude to the administration of the Act since Mr. Ross had been made a judge, but he said without hesitation that when a Member of this House Mr. Ross was a violent partisan of the landlords.
* : The hon. Member is probably aware of the rule that forbids any attack upon a judge, and yet he seems upon the point of violating it.
* said he had guarded himself against that. He had said he did not allude to Mr. Justice Ross as a judge. He was speaking of Mr. Ross as a Member of this House.
* : It would not be in order to discuss his past. The hon. Member cannot dissociate Mr. Ross of the past from what Mr. Ross is now. Mr. Ross is still the same person.
* said he bowed to the ruling of the Chair. He quite admitted that Mr. Justice Ross was the same now as he was before he had been made a judge; he would labour the point no further. He had not intended to have spoken upon this particular Vote, because he thought he could not usefully contribute to the discussion, his interest in the working of Section 40 and the general administration of the Land Judge's Court being a local interest, which arose entirely from the operation of the 40th section in the county of Longford, one of the divisions of which he represented. There were three estates in that county under the management of the Dublin courts, the history of the mismanagement of one of which would never be forgotten in county Longford whilst Ireland was visible above the Atlantic. The manner in which a money-lending solicitor of Dublin, now dead, the late Thomas Alder Cusack, had been allowed to get hold of the Jessop estate in Longford, and had been allowed, apparently for no other reason than sheer devilment, to evict every tenant on the estate, was one of the most striking instances of the scandalous operations carried on under the eyes of the law in Ireland. In the whole of this fertile district, a tract of country nearly ten miles long, there was not to-day, nor had there been during the last forty years, a tenant in the occupation of a holding which his forefathers had enjoyed. They had been evicted either altogether and their houses burnt down or let back as caretakers, without a fragment of right to the land they were born on. Part of the game was not to take any rent for five, six, or even ten or thirteen years, and then suddenly to come down with a demand for the whole. If the unfortunate tenant was unable to raise the money he and all his belongings were hurled out to the roadside, and the house levelled to the ground.
was understood to say that the Jessop estate, to which the hon. Member was referring, was not under the administration of the court.
* said he did not understand the distinctions between the different courts, and this particular estate might not have been under Mr. Justice Ross's courts, but he did know that the management of estates in county Longford had been scandalously overlooked by the courts, and that in consequence of the gross mismanagement large fertile tracts of land had during the last twenty-five or thirty years been laid waste. As the hon. Member for South Tyrone had said, the men who were appointed to these receiverships were the shipwrecked mariners of the British garrison who had no decent trade or occupation to follow. In the case of the Annaly estate, which certainly was under the Landed Estates Court, the receiver appointed was, he believed, the son of the bankrupt landlord, the Hon. Henry White—he might be mistaken in the name—who, as far as he recollected, was distinguished as having taken part in the Jameson raid.
said the present receiver, Mr. Richard White, was no relation to the family over whose estate he had been appointed receiver.
He may still be a ne'er-do-well.
said that, if that was the case, perhaps Mr. Henry White had recently been relieved of his position. In this instance a large tract of arable land attached to the manor house of Rathcline had been cleared in order to create a great demesne and deer park. When the Landed Estates Court came to sell the property they considered the advisability of cutting up this large tract of land into a number of farms. The people whom they had selected as buyers were not the people whose forefathers had been evicted or the tenant farmers of the district, but landlord-hangers-on, agents, bailiffs, and so on from other parts of the county. The extraordinary part of the business was that many of these men had not the price of their shirts, yet the sales were sanctioned by the court, whereas the tenders of solvent tenant farmers living in the district were not even considered. Other cases, such as that of the Granard estate, where there had been scandalous mismanagement, might be mentioned, but it was useless to produce further evidence, because the right hon. Gentleman the Attorney General, if he chose, could doubtless say that he knew more about these scandals than anybody else. Their desire was to know what the Government proposed to do. He did not anticipate that the Attorney General would give much assistance in the matter, because his mind seemed to be some- what prejudiced against the Nationalist Members. But was there any reality in the promise in the King's Speech that the settlement of this question would be undertaken? The hon. Member for South Tyrone had said that the question did not require legislation, and had asked for a Parliamentary Committee. The appointment of a Parliamentary Committee was a slow way of dealing with any subject; but perhaps it was the best they could do under the circumstances, and he should be greatly disappointed if that reasonable request was not acceded to. Their experience of the present Government, however, had been one of successive disappointments. It was now said that, instead of giving effect to the statement in the King's Speech, it was proposed to put into force the Coercion Act in two counties in Ireland. It seemed that the right hon. Gentleman was more ready to listen to the unwise counsels of the landlord representatives than to yield to the moderate request of the hon. Member for South Tyrone. If the Government followed the advice tendered by The Times and other papers as regards coercion they would only show to the Irish people still more clearly that to come to Parliament for the redress of grievances was little better than a farce, and he hoped it would arouse the people of Ireland to make such an effort for freedom as would convince the right hon. Gentleman that he could no longer treat their demands with contempt.
* said his complaint was that the Land Judges Court was run simply as a political machine. Every move was apparently dictated by political motives. From the highest lawyer in the court to the humblest solicitor, all seemed to imagine that when they entered the court the eyes of the Empire were upon them, and in everything they did they had an eye to its political effect. In county Sligo especially, during the last six months, the receivers under the court had been used for the purpose of exasperating the people in order to bring about a new era of oppression and coercion. He would give as a specific instance of the manner in which the court was used for dishonest political purposes the example of an estate, with a large grass farm, near Castlebaldwin. The neighbouring tenants for years used to put their cattle to graze on that farm, and the receiver made a substantial profit on it. And what did the Land Judge's Court do? They tried to deal a blow at the United Irish League. The tenant's offer for this farm was £90 per year, but in spite of this the offer of a gentleman from Dublin at £60 was accepted. The result was that the people of that locality were deprived of the privilege of grazing their cattle or taking meadow off this farm. As a result crime and outrage were stirred up by the landlord's party, and one of them now was awaiting his trial for shooting. Gentlemen who were failures in every other walk of life could always find a resting place as a receiver, and one of these gentlemen in particular had been instrumental in arousing strife in Sligo. It was in the case of a large mountain "run" near Tobercurry, which the surrounding tenants used to use. They were willing to buy the farm, but the receiver would not permit them to do so, and he selected a gamekeeper from Scotland named Perdue. He had a claim for the malicious burning of the bog, and he got more than the fee simple of it at the last county court in Sligo. All that was done with a political motive in order to stir up strife, crime, and outrage. The Land Court was used as a piece of political machinery to force the hands of the right hon. Gentleman in order to bring about a new reign of coercion in Sligo. If the Chief Secretary wished to try a fall with the men of Sligo or Leitrim he could assure him that they would be quite a match for him, as they had been for his predecessors.
The Land Judge's Court was run simply to put money into the pockets of needy receivers and very greedy lawyers. In one case he knew that there were sixteen solicitors, and in that case if a man applied for a lease he must serve notices on all the sixteen solicitors who would have to be paid either by the tenant or out of the estate. Thus they were blocked at every possible point. Those things were done deliberately by the solicitors for the purpose of milking costs out of the estates. In one case, where there was only a difference of £3 in the valuation, the receiver and the solicitors insisted on having an expensive local inquiry and arbitration, and the district council were forced to go before the Privy Council. In another case the sum of £250 was offered for land upon which to build houses under the Housing of the Working Classes Act. The solicitors and the receiver came down from Dublin and employed counsel, and in this way they piled up the costs. When the case went to arbitration the price was fixed at £214. Those were some of the scandals carried on under the cloak of the Land Judges Court, and the sooner the right hon. Gentleman took this matter in hand seriously the better it would be for the smoother working of the legal machinery. The Land Judge's Court was run purely on political lines, and if the Chief Secretary wished to have this work done properly he ought to convey some hint to the Land Court Judges that they might expedite matters, and cease this scandal of piling up law costs. When these estates got into the hands of greedy; lawyers it was very easy for them to prolong matters. Anybody acquainted with these cases in Dublin knew that every device was used to pile up costs and to delay decisions being arrived at. The lawyers in Dublin were clogging and hampering the machinery that Parliament devised for turning the tenants into owners, and the Chief Secretary ought to insist upon this work being expedited, so that more estates would be sold to the tenants.
* pointed out that under the various Land Acts 62,000 tenants had been created, and that they were comparatively prosperous and peaceful. They had precedents before them, and they ought to consider whether the case for Ireland did not stand different now to what it did a few years ago. The present impasse in Ireland dates back to the legislation of 1881, under which the dual ownership of land was recognised, established, and placed upon a legal footing, and from that hour to this it had been the aim and object of all parties to counteract the evils of that pernicious Act. He did not believe that out of the whole 670 hon. Members of the House of Commons there was one who could conscientiously rise in his place and defend the dual ownership of land in Ireland, or the Act of 1881, which was responsible for it. Where there was a will there was a way, and he hoped some way would be found to further the purchase system. He was quite aware that the scheme involved a sum of £120,000,000, butthey had known a great many financial operations which looked very large on paper, but which had been completed by a single stroke of the pen. If the Government would adopt the plan of his hon. friend the Member for South Tyrone a way could be found, and the result would be very greatly to the benefit of the people of Ireland.
I only rise for the purpose of supporting one of the suggestions made by my hon. friend the Member for South Tyrone. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has used language about the Act of 1881 which, I think, it would be difficult for him to support. It is quite true that that Act recognised dual ownership, but it did not create it. The question I should like to put to the hon. Gentleman is, How could the Government of the day have governed Ireland in 1881, and afterwards, but for the passage of that Act? I take a very strong view of that Act; and, for my own part, I think that, of the many great measures in which Mr. Gladstone had a leading share, the Land Act of 1881, which did so much for the pacification of Ireland at a time of great disturbance, was one of those that redounded most to his credit. My hon. friend who spoke last has made a suggestion which I should have thought dubious. He has suggested that the Chief Secretary should give hints to the land judge, Mr. Justice Ross, as to the manner in which he should administer his court, but that, I think, is rather dangerous ground. My hon. friend the Member for South Tyrone has made an eloquent and important speech upon what everybody who has been at all concerned in the affairs of Ireland during the last twenty years knows to be a great and recognised scandal—namely, the amount of land which for all those years has been in the Land Judge's Court. I have not the slightest intention of impugning the conduct of any of the judges who have presided in that court, but the Committee will feel that a state of things under which it was possible for the judge chiefly concerned in the administration of the Act to use the language which my hon. friend opposite quoted from Mr. Justice Ross is one which we ought not to regard with anything like equanimity. My hon. friend, I believe, did not name the amount of the annual rental of the property which is now within that Court.
Yes, I gave the rental as stated by the late Chief Secretary, and the total is £638,000.
It is undoubtedly between £600,000 and £700,000, and that property remains there year after year, and is administered by an army of receivers. I do not at all accept all the language which has been used about the receivers, but still it is indefensible that this enormous amount of landed property should be administered year after year in this extremely costly and unsatisfactory manner. I am sure the Chief Secretary will regard all this as a scandal. My hon. friend has suggested that if the Government were not prepared to legislate they might at least grant a Committee of Inquiry similar to the one which was granted in 1894, and I would respectfully and strongly urge this suggestion on the attention of the Chief Secretary. It is quite true that the right hon. Gentleman and the Attorney General know all the circumstances of the working of the Act, and especially of Section 40, which we were told, and rightly told, in 1896 was designed as an extremely important feature in that very important Act; but the object of appointing a Select Committee would be to collect information on the subject on a very small scale, as the Committee of 1894 did on a large scale, so that the House may have the facts before them. Naturally most of the English, Scottish, and Welsh members, whose interest is intermittent, cannot be expected to attend to the operation of the Irish Land Acts in detail, and it would be an extremely satisfactory way of making the House feel its responsi- bility in regard to laws which have been passed to have the facts as to the working of this piece of legislation brought before us in the form of evidence and the Report of a Committee. As it is, we have, even in Ireland itself, some myths in regard to this subject. Purchase, we know, is the ultimate solution of the Irish land question. Therefore, I am bound to say that I entirely agree with the policy of my hon. friend the Member for South Tyrone. I hope the Chief Secretary will consent to set up a small Select Committee next year to deal with this question.
In reply to the right hon. Gentleman, I may say I do not propose to follow him in his references to the Act of 1881. It will serve my purpose to remind the Committee that when that Act was brought in a member of the present Government, then a member of Mr. Gladstone's Government, the Duke of Devonshire, stated, as the right hon. Gentleman said, that the ultimate solution of the agrarian difficulty in Ireland was to be sought for in purchase. That is a question upon which I think almost all who have studied this question are agreed. We begin to differ when the compulsory element is brought in. The right hon. Gentleman has again affirmed his belief in the blessed word compulsion; and I, on the other hand, must again pronounce my scepticism, and say that I am opposed to its introduction. We are agreed that the solution of many of the difficulties which press in Ireland is to be found in an extension of purchase; and, therefore, quite naturally, interest is aroused in the working of a court which was given extra facilities and powers some years ago for the very purpose of accelerating purchase on the estates which are administered more or less under its ægis.
The field I have to cover this afternoon is really very narrow. The zeal of Mr. Justice Ross has not been impugned. I am very glad to notice that my hon. friend the Member for South Tyrone in no way attributed the disappointment which he felt to any laxity on the part of Mr. Justice Ross. And, even if that were not so, I should not be in order in discussing the position of that judge, although I must tell the Committee that he has shown very great energy in the discharge of the work committed to him. Then, again, the officers of the court have not been criticised. Criticism has been directed against the solicitors. We have been asked how many solicitors have been engaged. I am advised that it is impossible to arrive at the total number of solicitors engaged in this work; all I can say is that there has been an increase of 30 per cent, in the total number of solicitors in Ireland since the Act of 1881 passed, and I have no doubt that the increase which applies to the whole body applies particularly to those engaged in the work of the Land Judge's Court. I think my hon. friend is under some misapprehension as to the amount of work which has been done in this court, which is not work of sale. Mr. Justice Ross has to discharge a great number of other duties with reference to town properties, with regard to encumbrances, declaration of title, and many other matters, which I confess are somewhat obscure to me, but which I am told take up a great deal of time. I am told that the Land Court is engaged on the special work of sale only on one day in the week, and that the other five working days are devoted to matters which do not accelerate the sale of land. That is one fact which I know, and I believe a good many other facts are present in the mind of the hon. Member for East Mayo which make it not very hard to see why matters do not progress as rapidly as we all wish; but they do progress. We must not judge of the amount of sale carried on, or the rate of acceleration, solely by the sales under the 40th section. Under that section £540,123 worth of loans has been sanctioned, but outside that section, and under the court, £843,310 worth has been sanctioned since April, 1897. I am taking a period which tests the direct and indirect effect of the Act of 1896, which shows there have been loans to the amount of £1,383,443, all told, in five years. These figures show on analysis that the 40th section is working faster and faster; that, whereas at the outset the amount sold under agreement was very large, in 1897 £197,212, and under the 40th section only £18,017, now that relation is reversed. Last year, that is to say from April of last year until 31st March this year, £220,809 of property was sold by agreement, and £270,789 worth was sold under the 40th section, or £491,589 worth in all—nearly half a million. So, although it is true that a total of only £1,300,000 is shown for five years, half a million is shown for last year. Of that the larger portion is to be attributed to the working of the 40th section. That result is due to the zeal and energy of Mr. Justice Ross. But although that is very satisfactory, all mu t wish that his efforts might be attended with even greater success. The hon. Member who has moved the reduction seems to think that a good deal could be done by administrative action; and a good deal is being done by the administrative action of Mr. Justice Ross. I doubt whether it is possible for the Government to do very much more, if it confines itself solely to administrative action. I should be out of order in referring to legislation, but there are difficulties in the working of this court which cannot be dealt with effectively by administrative action. Mr. Justice Ross has to convey an indefeasible title—that is no light task—and in conveying it he might inadvertently convey one man's land to another man. The law of the land has provided safeguards against his doing so by a number of statutory rules. Maps have to be made, every rood of the land which is to be conveyed has to be mapped, and that map has to be brought to the notice of all adjoining occupiers and owners, lest some portion of their property should inadvertently be taken from them. These precautions are the law of the land, and no amount of administrative action on the part of the Government can prevent the operation being a very lengthy one.
* : May I ask whether this procedure is not framed by Rules of Court for the purpose of creating obstruction?
I think my hon. friend is in error. The Estate Court is handicapped more heavily than the Land Commission. It is bound by law to create an indefeasible title, and to convey the fee simple, and to do those the labour is great, and a great deal of time must elapse. There are two other difficulties which I consider more grave than does my hon. friend. One of them is the difficulty which arises in adjusting all the rights of those whose tenants are becoming owners with the indefeasible title to a fee simple. When the estate is still an estate, the estate usages prevail. A man has access to a bog, although it is not on his holding, but when he and his descendants are being set up in life, one cannot leave such matters to chance. They have all to be decided and confirmed, and they can only be settled when the tenants who are to be purchasers come to some agreement upon the matter. Occasionally it takes a long time to come to any agreement on the subject. What happens is this. The court issues notice to the tenants apprising them of all these things. In many cases the tenants pay no attention to that notice. The matter proceeds, and A discovers that B has to go across his holding or to use a bit of the bog to which A thinks he has a better title. At once the fat is in the fire, and no rental can be fixed until all these disputes have been adjusted. Although I should be out of order if I referred to legislation, I am convinced that the sale of land in Ireland cannot proceed with greater rapidity either under this court or any other until some greater powers are given to somebody to arrange these disputes. These are matters which would impress themselves upon any Chief Secretary, and matters upon which he could always obtain very good advice by persons competent to give it. My hon. friend made light of the difficulty of getting rid of the superior interest. That question is a great difficulty. It seems somewhat obscure to my hon. friend, because he asked me why Mr. Justice Ross should refuse the sum which the Land Commissioners were prepared to advance. In some cases Mr. Justice Ross cannot convey an indefeasible fee simple until it has been discharged of all superior interest, and those superior interests cannot be bought out except at an arbitration price.
* : That is true of the Land Commission too. The whole thing has to be cleared before they can sell, but they never go beyond their price.
I beg my hon. friend's pardon, but that is not so at all. If it is apparent to Mr. Justice Ross that these superior interests cannot be acquired except for a sum greater than the Land Commission is ready to advance, it is demonstrated that the sale cannot proceed at all. But there are other grounds on which a higher price may he fixed. The Land Commission fixes the price of a holding as agricultural land and nothing more, and if there be upon it timber, and any bog in excess of what is needed for the holding as an agricultural holding, they do not add anything to the purchase money on that account. But Mr. Justice Ross is not there to protect the landlord, but the mortgagees and creditors, who are entitled to have the whole of their assets realised. The two matters are distinct. The Land Commission advance as much as they believe to be covered by the working value of the land as an agricultural holding, and no more. Mr. Justice Ross is bound to see that the creditors have a fair sale of the asset on which they have lent their money. Again, it must he apparent that difficulties may arise from the fact that these two objects have to be kept in mind by two separate public departments. I think I have sufficiently indicated the difficulties and explained a good deal of the delay which has taken place. I am glad to notice from the figures I gave that, in spite of difficulties so great, the sale is proceeding at a greater pace from year to year. The acceleration which has taken place in face of such difficulties shows that there is a good deal of momentum in the sale in Ireland at the present moment, and I think the momentum will carry the movement very far indeed. I have been asked about giving greater assistance to Mr. Justice Ross. Something has already been done. Mr. Justice Ross has recently been given greater assistance by the Treasury. I was then asked whether the Government would grant a Parliamentary inquiry. I must confess that I am somewhat averse to a Parliamentary inquiry. Mr. Justice Ross and his staff are working very hard, and their labours are being rewarded. To have a Parliamentary inquiry now would only arrest this acceleration in the work.
One effect of a Parliamentary inquiry might be that the Committee might recommend judicial assistance, of which there is abundance at disposal in Ireland.
Quite so, but as a preliminary step to that the Committee might call a number of Mr. Justice Ross's assistants over here, and keep them for weeks and months, as witnesses, which would cause delay. But my hon. friend suggests as an alternative that I should endeavour myself to discover what is clogging the wheels. I have made some effort to do so, and I will persist in that effort. I may say that the announcement in the King's Speech this year is not illusory; that the Government is as much convinced as any Member of the House that a land Bill for Ireland is a necessity.
said the concluding announcement of the Chief Secretary was interesting and instructive to those who remembered that in 1896 the Government stated that another Land Bill for Ireland they would never see. He was of opinion that the Chief Secretary's conviction on the point would be deepened during the coming winter. As regards the speech of the hon. Member for South Tyrone, for which he thanked that hon. Member, there was one point in which he differed from him, and that was where the hon. Member spoke so highly of the learned judge of the Landed Estates Court. He took an entirely different view on that subject. The Chief Secretary took a hopeful view of the progress that was being made with land sales in Ireland. That was a rather amusing fact, but was it not remarkable that the acceleration synchronised with the spread of a great agitation in the country? If it were true that the wheels of the land purchase machinery were at last beginning to move, the effect was due, first, to the influence of the United Irish League, and next to the influence of the movement started in Ulster by the hon. Member for South Tyrone. The Chief Secretary put forward various excuses for the delays that had occurred, and explained the enormous difficulties and complications in the sale of land in Ireland. Did he forget the history of this court? Did he forget how the court was established in 1848, when the sale of land was infinitely more difficult, and its only object was to sell the property of the old landed gentry without any regard for the fact whether they were ruined or not? It was in accordance with the doctrines of that time that in ten years £28,000,000 worth of Irish property was sold at a sacrifice to English capitalists, without giving the owners a chance, and one-third of the gentry of Ireland were ruined. How did these difficulties arise now? When the estates were sold to English capitalists there was no difficulty; but now, when the sales were to Irish tenants, all these difficulties became apparent. The fact was that this court, which was unknown to the law of England, and which was to afford machinery for the rapid and cheap sale of land in Ireland, was perverted from its purpose by the action of the judges in hanging up estates from year to year. The original object of the court was to afford machinery for the rapid and cheap sale of land in Ireland, and the law as interpreted for ten years—and he believed it to be the law at the present moment—was that the court had no right to hang up estates and nurse them as it was doing now. It was no business of the court to act as rent collector, and to rig the land market by refusing to sell estates. That practice—and he challenged the Attorney General for Ireland to contradict the statement—was contrary to the will and intention of the legislature. In his opinion the court in keeping these estates hung up indefinitely was acting illegally and against the whole spirit and letter of the law. For twenty-five years this rigging of the market had gone on, and the court was acting illegally, in his opinion, in pursuing this course. He quoted in support of this argument the judgments of Lord Cairns in the case of the Greer estate, and of Lord Justice Walker in the case of Owens (under the 40th section). The latter judge had laid it down clearly that the practice followed by the court was contrary to the law. It was a practice introduced by Judge Flanagan, and it had led to all the delays and difficulties that had occurred. A scandal had arisen not from the law but from the mal- administration of the law. The former Chief Secretary thought the 40th section the most important of the whole Bill, and he expressed the belief that an end would be put to the delay and to the nursing and the hanging up of estates in the Land Judge's Court. Every head on which the late Chief Secretary recommended this clause to the House of Commons had been falsified.
Although he had supported the 40th section when it was originally introduced, he then anticipated amongst other dangers that the effect would be to run up the land market by keeping off it land that should be put upon it, and by refusing the tenants the right of buying at reasonable prices. Everything he had said with reference to this clause had been verified. Nearly two years was wasted after the passing of the Act between two branches of the Land Court as to the working of this section. The question in dispute was carried through the highest courts in the land, and the object to be determined was whether the Land Judge's Court had the right to persist in raising rents above what the Land Commission thought proper. Under the 40th section the judge of the Land Court ordered that the experts should make a report upon the estates that had come into the market. He had applied over and over again for information as to what were the instructions given to the experts going on to those estates, but he could never get an answer, and he believed that these experts did not draw any distinctions between the interests of the tenants and the interests of the landlords; they reported a price which they thought could be fairly charged to the farmer. They valued the farms as they found them, simply as going concerns, without the slightest regard to the fact that full half the value of the farm as a going concern was the property of the tenant. The report was sent to the Land Court, which raised the price enormously. Therefore, as a rule, the price put upon these farms was greatly in excess of the fair value of the tenant's interest, and the unfortunate tenant was compelled to go to the moneylender to borrow the money to buy not only the landlord's interest in the farm, but his own interest also. They had complained not only of the scandalous and monstrous delays in the interests of the habitues of this court, but of its issuing machinery to bull the market in a manner most unjust to the tenants. Many of the receivers were not honest men. They were poverty-stricken, without the means of living, and over and over again these receivers had pocketed the money of the tenants, and they had given false and wrongly-dated receipts, and had taken money on account for which no receipts had been given at all, and defrauded the tenants in every way. The whole system was the most indefeasible system of landlordism that ever was in force. He had a letter from a most respectable farmer in the county Westmeath who had the misfortune to be under one of those receivers. The estate was the Fitzgerald estate, and the farmer had been under the harrow of this abominable court for four years. This farmer got his rent reduced in the Land Court, and shortly afterwards he received the following letter, dated May, 1901— machine, and with creaks and jolts it would again jog along; but his faith as regards the clearing out of this Augean stable and the giving effect to this Bill, which was now locked up in the recesses of the Irish Office—both desirable events—was entirely, and firmly, and strongly, based upon the combination of the Presbyterian farmers of the North and the United Irish League.
* said he did not think the debate need be further prolonged, and, inasmuch as hon. Members were desirous of getting to the Vote upon the salary of the Chief Secretary, he might say that, in his opinion, this matter had been thoroughly threshed out; and, so far as he was concerned, he would be glad if a division could now be taken, because he intended to go to a division in order that the Committee might decide on a matter of urgent public importance. He just desired to say a word or two in connection with what had fallen from his right hon. friend the Chief Secretary for Ireland. If he had been a new Member he should have fallen a victim to the blandishments of the Chief Secretary. But those who knew Ireland must have realised that the right hon. Gentleman, though he had treated the question very gravely and courageously, had not yet touched the bottom of it. What the right hon. Gentleman had said about the court giving fee-simples and settling claims was true of every sale under the Land Commission, whose work was effected without all this delay. What the right hon. Gentleman had said must of course impress English Members, because they did not know what the land system of Ireland was. The officials who were working this system could not be brought to book by any other means than a Committee of the House of Commons. Nothing would cure the evil and get the wheels of the machine to move until the people who were clogging it were got into the witness chair upstairs.
said the hon. Member for South Tyrone had reminded the Committee of the fact of how little the English Members understood the Irish land question, and how difficult it was to get them to come to an intelligent appreciation of the existing system in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman had explained that only one day in the week was Mr. Justice Ross engaged in dealing with this matter; and that in each case he had to give an indefeasible title to the fee simple. Giving an indefeasible title meant that, first of all, the court searched back to the Unencumbered Estates Act of 1840, and in doing that it had to read every document, go through every marriage settlement and every will, in order to find out everything which had been done with reference to the estate since 1848. If that did not prove sufficient, it would go back possibly to somewhere about 1788, which would necessitate reading another set of documents; it would then go further back to the attainders of the Prince of Orange, and further still to the Act of Explanation of Charles II. This naturally led them back to the Act of Settlement of Charles II., and to the Cromwellian Act of Settlement, and possibly back to the reign of Elizabeth. This explained the delay which took place, and if the Government were really anxious to expedite the sale of land in Ireland and do away with the congestion in this matter, the best thing they could do would be to bring in a compulsory measure which would do away with the necessity of all this search for an indefeasible title.
Question put.
The Committee divided: Ayes, 119; Noes, 175. (Division List No. 291.)
AYES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.) Bolton, Thomas Dolling Causton, Richard Knight Allan, William (Gateshead) Boyle, James Channing, Francis Allston Allen, Chas. P. (Glouc., Stroud) Brigg, John Cogan, Denis J. Ambrose, Robert Burke, E. Haviland Condon, Thomas Joseph Austin, Sir John Burns, John Craig, Robert Hunter Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Burt, Thomas Crean, Eugene Bignold, Arthur Caine, William Sproston Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) Blake, Edward Caldwell, James Cullinan, J. Boland, John Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Daly, James Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen) Leng, Sir John O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N Delany, William Lewis, John Herbert O'Malley, William Dillon, John Lundon, W. O'Mara, James Donelan, Captain A. MacNeill, John Gordon Swift O'Shaughnesy, P. J. Doogan, P. C. M'Cann, James Power, Patrick Joseph Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) M'Dermott, Patrick Reddy, M. Duffy, William J. M'Fadden, Edward Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Duncan, J. Hastings M'Govern, T. Redmond, William (Clare) Dunn, Sir William M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Remnant, James Farquharson Edwards, Frank Minch, Matthew Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) Elibank, Master of Mooney, John J. Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.) Farrell, James Patrick Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Robertson, Edmund (Dundee) Fenwick, Charles Moss, Samuel Roche, John Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith) Moulton, John Fletcher Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Ffrench, Peter Murnaghan, George Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh. Field, William Murphy, John Soares, Ernest J. Flynn, James Christopher Nannetti, Joseph P. Sullivan, Donal Gilhooly, James Nolan, Col. J. P. (Galway, N.) Thompson, Dr EC (Monagh'n, N Gladstone. Rt. Hon. Herb. John Nolan, Joseph (Louth. South) Tully, Jasper Goddard, Daniel Ford Norton, Capt. Cecil William Wallace, Robert Hammond, John Nussey, Thomas Willans Walton, John L. (Leeds, S.) Hayden, John Patrick O'Brien, James F. X. (Cork) Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale- O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid.) Weir, James Galloway Helme, Norval Watson O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) White, Luke (York, E.R.) Hemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles H. O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) White, Patrick (Meath, N.) Horniman, Frederick John O'Connor, J. (Wicklow, W.) Whitlaker, Thomas Palmer Jones, William (Carnarvonsh.) O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Williams, Osmond (Merioneth Jordan, Jeremiah O'Doherty, William Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) Joyce, Michael O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.) Kennedy, Patrick James O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Leamy, Edmund O'Dowd, John Mr. T. W. Russell and Sir Leigh, Sir Joseph O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Thomas Esmonde. NOES. Acland-Hood, Capt. SirAlex F. Clare, Octavius Leigh Hamilton, Marq of (L'nd'nderry Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Harris, Frederick Leverton Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Coghill, Douglas Harry Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Haslett, Sir James Horner Archdale, Edward Mervyn Colomb, Sir John Charles R. Hay, Hon. Claude George Arkwright, John Stanhope Colville, John Higginbottom, S. W. Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Hope, J. F. (Sheffld, Brightside) Bagot, Capt. Josceline Fitz Roy Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Hoult, Joseph Bain, Colonel James Robert Cranborne, Viscount Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) Baird, John George Alex. Cross, Herb. Shepherd (Bolton) Hudson, George Bickersteth Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manc'r Cust, Henry John C. Hutton, John (Yorks., N. R.) Balfour, Capt. C. B.(Hornsey) Dalrymple, Sir Charles Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (Leeds Dickson, Charles Scott Jessel, Captain Herbert Merton Balfour, Maj. KR (Christchurch Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Johnston, William (Belfast) Banbury, Frederick George Digby John K. D. Wingfield- Keswick, William Barry, Sir Francis T. (Windsor) Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Kimber, Henry Bartley, George C. T. Dixon-Hartland, Sir F. Dixon Knowles, Lees Bathurst, Hn. Allen Benjamin Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Laurie, Lieut.-General Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M.H. (Bristol Duke, Henry Edward Law, Andrew Bonar Beckett, Ernest William Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Lawson, John Grant Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Dyke, Rt. Hn. Sir William Har Lecky, Rt. Hn. William Edw. H. Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edw. Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Bigwood, James Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J (Manc'r Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Blundell, Colonel Henry Finch, George H. Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Bond, Edward Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Long, Rt Hn. Walter (Bristol, S. Boulnois, Edmund Fisher, William Hayes Lonsdale, John Brownlee Bowles, T. Gibson (King's Lynn Fitzroy, Hn. Edward Algernon Lowther, C. (Cumb., Eskdale) Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Flannery, Sir Fortescue Loyd, Archie Kirkman Brown Alexander H. (Shropsh. Fletcher, Sir Henry Lucas, Col. F. (Lowestoft) Brymer, William Ernest Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, SW. Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Bull, William James Garfit, William Lyttelton, Hon. Alfred Bullard, Sir Harry Gordon, Hn. J.E. (Elgin & Nairn Macartney, Rt. Hon. W. G. E. Carlile, William Walter Gore, Hn. G. RCOrmsby-(Salop Macdona, John Cumming Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon MacIver, David (Liverpool) Cautley, Henry Strother Green, Walford D (Wednesbury Maconochie, A. W. Cavendish, V. C.W. (Derbysh. Gretton, John M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E. Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Groves, James Grimble M'lver, Sir Lewis (Edin., W.) Chamberlain, J Austen (Worc'r Guest Hon. Ivor Churchill M'Killop, Jas. (Stirlingshire) Chapman, Edward Hamilton, Rt Hn Ld. G. (Midd'x Majendie, James A. H. Malcolm, Ian Randles, John S. Welby, Sir C. G. E. (Notts.) Maple, Sir John Blundell Rankin, Sir James Wentworth, Bruce C. Vernon- Maxwell, W J H (Dumfriesshire Rasch, Major Fred. Carne Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Meysey-Thompson, Sir H. M. Ratcliff, R. F. Wills, Sir Frederick Molesworth, Sir Lewis Rentoul, James Alexander Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.) Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Ritchie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson Wilson, John (Falkirk) Moon, Edw. Robert Pacy Robertson, Herbert (Hackney Wilson, John (Glasgow) Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Ropner, Colonel Robert Wilson, J W. (Worcestersh., N.) Morgan David J (Walthamst'w Saunderson, Rt. Hn. Col. Edw J. Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford Seely, Charles H. (Lincoln) Wolff, Gustav Wilhelm Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute Sharpe, William Edward T. Wortley. Rt. Hon.C. B. Stuart- Nicol, Donald Ninian Simeon, Sir Barrington Wylie, Alexander O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Smith, H C (North'mb Tyneside Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Peel, Hon. Wm. Robert W. Spear, John Ward Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong Pierpoint, Robert Stanley, Lord (Lancs.) Younger, William Pilkington, Lt.-Col. Richard Stone, Sir Benjamin Platt-Higgins, Frederick Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Pretyman, Ernest George Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Sir William Walrond and Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Thornton, Percy M. Mr. Anstruther. Purvis, Robert Webb, Colonel William George
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Class II
Motion made, and Question proposed, " That a sum, not exceeding £9,676, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1902, for the salaries and Expenses of the Offices of the Chief Secretary in London and Dublin, and of the Inspectors of Lunatic Asylums."
moved that the Vote be reduced by £100. He need hardly inform the Committee that he was not actually moving that reduction from any feeling of hostility to his right hon. friend. He had no doubt whatever that his right hon. friend had during the tenure of his office been animated by great sympathy towards all classes in Ireland, and that he possessed the essential qualification of a successful Chief Secretary—namely, a strong backbone. His object in moving a reduction was in order to call attention to a condition of affairs at Limerick which had aroused much indignation amongst the Loyalist portion of the people of Ireland—an indignation which he could not exaggerate. A Dr. Long went to Limerick in 1898. He was a medical practitioner of very considerable skill, and also belonged to the society called the Irish Church Mission. He united in his own person the duty of prescribing for the physical woes of humanity and of giving advice on spiritual matters, which he at any rate believed to be of vital importance to humanity at large. The proselytiser was not a popular character, and never would be, to the majority of the Members of this House, or with the Government of the day, or even with the police authorities. It was so in the days of St. Paul, who was the most distinguished proselytiser that ever lived in the world. Wherever St. Paul appeared he caused considerable excitement and something, like what hon. Gentlemen might call social confusion. Proselytising was carried on very largely even in the House of Commons. He had heard the Leader of the House making eloquent and logical speeches to the distinguished persons sitting opposite him. The right hon. Gentleman was a proselytiser, and he really thought that on some occasions his efforts had not been altogether all in vain. Proselytising in matters political, was accepted as one of the legitimate devices of the politician; but when it came to proselytising in matters of religion, then that was held to be a grave matter for reproof. He, however, held that to a man who firmly believed a truth of any kind, it was his duty to try and get others to adopt the same opinion. [A VOICE FROM THE IRISH BENCHES: 'What about Kruger?] He did not understand the meaning of the interruption or see how the remark applied. If a man were sitting on a fence he was not in a position to proselytise on any question; but if he were on one side or the other, and believed it was the right side, it was his duty to try to get people to share his opinion. Believing, as he did, that religious opinion was the most im- portant of all truth, he maintained that the first duty of any man, whatever his religion might be, was to try to influence the minds of his fellows with the truth in which he believed. He did not share at all in the condemnation which had been heaped on Dr. Long and the society to which he belonged. One of their great objects was the conversion of Roman Catholics, and he contended that that was a perfectly legal object in a free country where they could say what they liked, and where meetings could be held at which expressions could be used diametrically opposed to the best interests of the Empire, and where even traitors could spout under police protection. Therefore he maintained that Dr. Long, whose acquaintance he had not the honour of having, so far as he had been proselytising, had been acting within his rights as a British citizen, and no one had the right to interfere with him. Dr. Long received in his house in Limerick a large number of the poorest class of people, and gave them medical ministrations free, gratis, and for nothing, and he accompanied these medical ministrations by speaking to them on the subject of religion, which he thought so important. But he made no bargain whatever; whether they liked his opinions or not, they got his services as a medical man. When it was found that Dr. Long was an agent of the Irish Church Mission the priests of Limerick held a meeting, and with two medical Catholic gentlemen they started to make it hot for Dr. Long. One of the priests, Father O'Leary, went to Dr. Long's dispensary, where a number of patients were getting medical assistance, and he inisisted on hunting them out of the room and ordered them never to go there again. He was backed up by another priest, the Rev. Mr. Tiernay, who preached a sermon on the matter, to which he wished to call the attention of the Committee as a specimen of the sort of sermons they had in Ireland. A report of the sermon appeared in the Munster News for 28th September, 1898. In that sermon Dr. Long was described as being a hired agent of the Irish Church Mission, the enemy of the Catholic Church, and the sooner he got a definite and unexpected call to some other mission the better, for his true character was a proselytising "souper" Now, the Committee probably did not derive much knowledge from the word "souper," but in Ireland it was a name to conjure with, for, if the people were persuaded that a man was a "souper," he lived a very uncomfortable life in any town in Ireland, and it was, desirable that he should retire elsewhere. He generally disappeared like a comet. But the priests did not get rid of Dr. Long so easily as that. [A VOICE FROM THE IRISH BENCHES: Not while the salary, lasted.]
* : How does the hon, and gallant Member connect any of these matters with this Vote?
said that the Chief Secretary was responsible for law and order in Ireland. The law had been broken in Limerick, and he did not think that sufficient police protection had been granted to Dr. Long. He thought the Government in Ireland could be held distinctly responsible for the failure in protecting Dr. Long. What he wanted to point out was that the priests had made up their minds that Dr. Long was to be got rid of at all hazards. After the sermon of Father Tiernay, and after Father O'Leary had made a morning call on Dr. Long and called him a brute, and said the sooner he got out of Limerick the better, Dr. Long was publicly insulted in the streets; and was assailed with stones, eggs, and cabbages, which was the natural result in Ireland when a man was held up to public execration by the priests. Limerick was in a most deplorable state. The masters of Limerick were the priests, who decided that at all hazards Dr. Long was to be got rid of. That threw a sidelight on the social condition of Ireland and the way the country was governed. There was no freedom in Limerick at the present time. There was a man named McCabe, who lived in a tenement house in which were many other inhabitants. McCabe was the only Protestant in the whole tenement, the rest being Roman Catholics. Dr. Long attended McCabe and his wife, which was more than could be endured by the reverend gentleman who interfered with the doctor. This was what McCabe said—
"On a recent evening the Roman Catholic priests came into my room, and one of them, said, 'It is you who is causing all this annoyance.' My wife told him he had no right to interfere, and the priest said, ' It is a nice place you have nested yourselves in, among my people.'"
After that the mob broke the windows, and when his wife and daughter went out on Friday morning his wife was struck and his daughter struck in the eye, which was blackened. If that happened in Belfast, what would occur? Hon. Members opposite would rise up in towering indignation and point to the existence of that monstrous state of things in the capital of Ulster. What excuse was there that that state of things should be permitted to go on? The only hope was that when the case was brought before the court justice would be done. A prosecution was instituted against the Rev. Mr. O'Leary and others. When the case came up, and when it was proved that these things happened under the direct guidance and instigation of the rev. gentleman, the case was simply dismissed. But, not satisfied with that, Dr. Long appealed to the judge, Mr. Hickson. In dismissing the case, that gentleman said that it was disgraceful that these things should happen, and suggested that they could be stopped by leaving the doctor absolutely alone in his professional capacity. In other words, they were to boycot him. Then a remarkable thing happened. Another rev. gentleman got up and made a strong and fiery speech, pointing out the necessity for getting rid of this proselytism. That ought not to have happened in a court of justice. It was a mockery of justice. What would happen at Belfast if such things took place—if, say, Mr. Trew, whom hon. Gentlemen opposite did not seem to admire, had been brought before the magistrate and his case heard and dismissed, and a priest of the Church of Ireland were to get up and make such a speech? He thought hon. Gentlemen opposite would be up in arms, and no doubt it would be perfectly right. These things caused in Ireland at this moment a tremendous amount of excitement and anger, which he for one was very sorry to see kindled. He hoped that the representatives of the Government in reply would hold out some hope that the Astonishing action of this magistrate would not pass unnoticed. He ventured to say that in a short time, if the Irish National League were permitted to exist in Ireland, this would be the state of things not only in Limerick, but in other parts of Ireland. [Nationalist dissent.] To give prominence to the matter, he had thought it necessary to move the reduction of his hon. friend's salary; but he had no intention to divide the House upon it.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Item A (Salaries) be reduced by £100, in respect of the Salary for the Chief Secretary."—( Colonel Saunderson. )
* said he would not have intervened in the debate if the city which he represented had not been brought forward. They had listened to a very amusing but not very instructive speech. The reason why hon. Members brought forward the case was that they were feeling so insecure in their constituencies that they wanted to tap the orange drum to save their political skins. He desired to state the relationship of the various religious denominations. For forty years they had always lived on terms of goodwill except when some paid hireling like Dr. Long came to disturb the public peace. There were half a dozen different religious denominations in Limerick, and he challenged contradiction when he said that there was no case in which a Protestant had been attacked or a window broken. Colonel Saunderson had made his statement secondhand, but he (Mr. Joyce) spoke from practical knowledge of all the circumstances which led up to the disturbance raised by this man, Dr. Long. He went to Limerick two years ago and made public that he was dispensing free medicine and advice. He did not mention his spiritual tendencies at that time. Naturally poor people availed themselves of his medical ministrations, and were supplied gratis with advice and medicine for the body. When Dr. Long thought his earnings were secure he tried another tack and gave them spiritual comfort for their souls. When Catholic clergymen found that Dr. Long was trying to do for Limerick what centuries of persecution could not do, they would not permit any of their flock to avail themselves of his medical ministration and forbade them to go to his place. He said if they would not go to his place he would go to theirs, and then he went into the most Catholic quarters of Limerick trying to get what was impossible—a single convert to his views. It was only then that the people of Limerick got angry with Dr. Long, and when he found he could not get at the adult population of Limerick he tried his hands upon the little children—scoundrel as he was—trying to seduce them to tea parties with tea and sweets for their bodies, and something else for their souls. At this the people became very angry, and Dr. Long applied for police protection. Yet this man tried to evade the police and to make a scene and become a martyr—a somewhat cabbage-stalk martyr. If Dr. Long wanted to convert anybody, or wanted to administer in his medical capacity, why did he not go to South Africa and minister to the poor soldiers? If he wanted to administer his religion why should he not go to darkest Africa? If he did, his salary perhaps would not be so big, nor would he have the benefit of police protection. Or he might possibly go to minister in darkest England. He held that the Chief Secretary had information from the police, that if it had not been for the exertions of the Catholic priests Dr. Long might have been injured by ignorant people. He only wanted the House to know that this doctor was condemned by every section of every religious denomination. Letters had come from the Jewish persuasion, and one from a Protestant minister, both condemning the man, and it was only when Dr. Long, who had no church but his surgery and no creed beyond his salary, came to proselytise in cities like Limerick, where such scoundrels were let loose among the people, that these disturbances took place, such as had arisen in Belfast when the people rose and swept them from their path. The men of Limerick would not pursue this man. The women of Limerick in the past had thrashed and driven the Dutch beyond the city walls, and the women of Limerick to-day would hunt Dr. Long if he was not very careful of what he was doing, and did not keep away from the homes of the Catholic people,
pointed out that this Dr. Long, who represented a noble profession, went to Limerick about two years ago as the agent of a Scripture society. The people of Limerick, however, did not require his ministrations, as there were in that city a number of excellent Catholic clergy. The ordinarily peaceful state of the place was shown by the fact that for one quarter sessions after another the very distinguished judge there—Judge Adams—had been receiving white gloves. The people of Limerick did not desire to injure this man, but, at the same time, they were a spirited people. The women and girls of Limerick at one time drove the Dutchmen from the walls, and they might do the same with this fellow. It was ridiculous to spend £600 a year on extra police protection, for Dr. Long, whose great desire was to gain cheap notoriety and to become a martyr, but who did not want a broken skull. That was what he would probably get, however, if he remained in Limerick; for, while Protestants and Catholics lived amicably together, they did not want to be disturbed in this manner. If Dr. Long wanted to civilise human beings he would find better material to civilise down Ratcliff Highway. There were millions of people in London who did not know that there was a God, and hundreds of others who did not care whether there was or not.
said he regretted that there was no other way of raising this question concerning the recent riots in Limerick except by moving a reduction of the Chief Secretary's salary. He thought it was rather unfortunate that he could not bring such an important subject forward under more satisfactory circumstances. He desired to say at the outset that he did not find any fault with the conduct of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland in this matter. He believed that the right hon. Gentleman was very anxious to do the best he could to protect both the sections of the people in Ireland concerned in this matter, and he had done his best to deal with the question fairly and impartially. The case of Dr. Long was first raised in this House by a question put by him soon after the Whitsuntide holidays, but since then there had been very great excitement in various parts of Ireland, because it was imagined on the part of some Protestant people that the Chief Secretary was not willing and anxious to protect the lives of certain persons who were obnoxious to the Roman Catholic majority. The story of Dr. Long was known all over the British Isles, and they would be indebted to the press for giving an impartial report of the proceedings in that House. He felt sure that the more the case was known the more the sympathies of the great British people would be enlisted on the side of liberty of speech, and that they would not be a party to sanctioning any proceedings which would restrict that liberty and freedom of speech which was the glory of the land we lived in and belonged to. Dr. Long had been about two years in Limerick, and gave spiritual advice as well as medical prescriptions, only following the example of his Master, who healed the sick in body as well as ministered to the souls. He was accused of being a proselytiser; but those who accused him belonged to a Church that was the most extensive proselytising agent the world had ever seen. His life was made a burden to him; he could not ride on his bicycle without police protection, or visit any of his patients without being protected. Life was not worth living for him. Great excitement has naturally been raised on this question in Ireland. An enormous meeting, which was densely crowded, was held in the Rotunda at Dublin on Tuesday last. [A NATIONALIST MEMBER: How many Protestants were there from Limerick?] The utmost sympathy was excited, and a demand made that the Chief Secretary and the Government of Ireland should use more stringent means to protect the lives and liberties of the Protestant minority, even in such a place as Limerick. They had heard an eloquent denunciation of Dr. Long, and he regretted that the Lord Chief Justice had joined in the denunciation. In his charge the Lord Chief Justice said:—
"I see that the people of this city have been somewhat excited by the presence of the Dr. Long—I think that is the name. He is an agent of what I believe is described as the Irish Church Missions to Roman Catholics. He has been mobbed by the people. Now, of course, any violence on the part of the people is wholly indefensible; it is much to be depre- cated. But if the people would take my advice—and I have great interest in this city from old associations—they would leave these agents of that society entirely alone; they would pass them, and not notice them; they would not make martyrs of them, because, gentlemen, if they make martyrs of them, they only secure that the monetary stream comes in greater volume from England. It comes in greater volume from a very pious, a very well meaning, and, indeed. I would say, a very rich section of the English community. The people should not make martyrs of these agents of this society. The Protestant community—the respectable Protestant community of this city and of this country—do not in any way associate themselves with these attempts by this so-called Irish Church Missions to Roman Catholics. They do not associate themselves with them either in my own native county of Clare, or here in the city, or the county of Limerick, or elsewhere throughout the south of Ireland, The respectable Protestant community all adhere to their own religion consistently and devotedly. The Irish Church Missions are supported in England by people who are very well meaning, who are very religious, but who have no conception of the worthlessness of the Irish Church Missions in this country. That is all I say. It is enough."
He also wished to call attention to the fact that at the Dublin annual meeting of the Society for Irish Church Missions held on the l6th of April last, which was presided over by the Bishop of Derry and Raphoe, and attended by over sixty clergymen, the chairman eloquently advocated the rights of Dr. Long. It was not his intention to prolong the debate, but he could not be in his place in Parliament, representing a constituency in the North that felt deeply the value of Protestantism to its prosperity and progress, without raising his voice on behalf of the persecuted in Ireland. It would be an ill day for England when the nation took no interest in civil and religious liberty; and if the great battle that had been waged for centuries was to be terminated by the defeat, instead of victory, of the right against the wrong. When he first addressed the House on behalf of free processions in Ireland, he claimed the right for Roman Catholics as well as Orangemen. He had never receded from the position he took up in 1869 in that House, and the same liberty he claimed for himself he would extend to His Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects. Therefore he asked the Chief Secretary and the Government of Ireland to do what in them lay to protect the rights and liberties of the Protestant minority as well as the liberties of the Roman Catho- lics in that country. He felt confident the right hon. Gentleman would do his best. It was a hard and thankless task to be Chief Secretary, as he was sure to be opposed by both sections. But he could stand there and say, though perhaps he would be censured for saying it, that he believed the right hon. Gentleman was doing his very best to hold the scales of justice impartially between the Protestants and Roman Catholics of Ireland.
* said that, as one of the representatives of the county of Limerick, he should be wanting in his duty if he did not say a few words upon this subject. One would have thought that the hon. Members for North Armagh and Belfast would have been gratified with the answer given by the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland some time ago in reference to Dr. Long. The Chief Secretary had stated that he regretted the action taken by Dr. Long, but instead of regretting, the hon. Members for North Armagh and Belfast stood up there as champions of Dr. Long, the avowed proselytiser. Instead of being the aggrieved party, as he was represented to be, Dr. Long was going round the city of Limerick constituting himself the aggressor, and provoking an exhibition of hostile feelings. Dr. Long was actually stirring up animosity between Protestants and Catholics such as had never existed before. It was with feelings of pain that he rose to speak on that occasion at all, because he did not like to hear of any ill-feeling being aroused between Protestants and Catholics. He would much rather that the spirit of toleration which had always existed in the south of Ireland, and especially in Limerick, should have continued to exist. The present state of things was no fault of the Catholics of Limerick, which was essentially a Catholic city. Dr. Long came to Limerick some two years ago, and he went around the city offering his professional services gratuitously to the Catholic poor, whom he tried to divert from their religion. Naturally Catholic people were indignant to think that a stranger and an adventurer, who was an avowed proselytiser, should do such a thing. From the reception which Dr. Long received he ought to have seen that his proper place was not in Limerick, but in China or South Africa. He could not be made, however, to understand this, and he continued his nefarious practices in Limerick. He had by his conduct excited the people to violence, and he had provoked them to breaches of the peace. No wonder that the Catholic clergy were compelled to interfere in order to protect their flock from the insults of Dr. Long. Father O'Leary was summoned for using abusive language to Dr. Long calculated to create a breach of the peace. The case was adjudicated upon by four magistrates, including Mr. Dickson, the resident magistrate, a member of a Protestant family in the south of Ireland, and dismissed. In his opinion it was Dr. Long who ought to have been summoned and bound over to keep the peace, and not Father O'Leary. By such conduct as this Dr. Long was making himself more and more obnoxious every day, and the respectable Protestants and Catholics of Limerick were disgusted with him. A Protestant clergyman recently wrote a letter to the newspapers, in which he stated that he had lived all his life in the south of Ireland, and he had not experienced the smallest difficulty in keeping on good terms with the Catholics. This Protestant clergyman further stated that, if Protestants had been insulted, he feared they had brought on the insults themselves in order to gain a little cheap martyrdom. That was the good feeling which existed between the Protestants and Catholics in the south of Ireland, and they could not expect that the Catholics of Ireland would put up with Dr. Long's insults any longer.
* said he did not like the mixture of theology and medicine. It would be to the interest of Christian charity if Dr. Long could transfer his work to some less inflammable district. At the same time Dr. Long had done nothing that he had not a legal right to do, and he thought it was untrue that he had forced himself upon people. He asked no one to come to him, and he never visited without an invitation. He never forced people to listen to him, or interfered with the liberty of his patients. His proselytism took place in his own house; on the occasion on which he was insulted by Father O'Leary he was simply paying a professional visit to a patient of his own religion, and a perfect reign of terror prevailed in Limerick against all who were connected with him. He thought Irish Members were very unwise in applauding this state of things. There was rising in the country a strong anti-sacerdotal feeling, which was likely to place formidable barriers in the way of some of the things which Irish Catholics most desired. If hon. Members had come forward and dissociated themselves from such exhibitions of mob violence they would have greatly helped, and certainly would not have injured, their cause. Whatever might be thought of Dr. Long's proceedings, the way he had been treated was perfectly deplorable. He did not like to discuss the conduct of magistrates, but it appeared to him that the language used by the resident magistrate, who exhorted the people from the bench to give Dr. Long "no employment as regards his profession," was a most deliberate advocacy of boycotting. He did not know whether the use of that language could be contradicted or explained, but it appeared in the Irish press on the 8th June, and up to the present it had remained uncontradicted, unqualified, and unexplained. And this was language used in a country where anything that was likely to lead to boycotting was peculiarly dangerous. He did not say anything about the gross impropriety, after the case was finished, of allowing the parish priest to address the court. He did not see how any reasonable person could defend that. While entirely dissociating himself from these missionary methods, he thought his right hon. friend was quite right in directing attention to the conduct of the resident magistrate.
* said he would support the motion for the reduction of the Chief Secretary's salary for different reasons from that brought forward by the right hon. and gallant Member who brought forward the case of Dr. Long. His reasons were, the arbitrary, suppression of public meetings in Ireland, and the attempts to silence the public press and to destroy the right of free speech. What they complained of was that the right of free speech was no longer accorded to them in Ireland, and that alone would be sufficient to justify them in voting for the reduction of the right hon. Gentleman's salary. On the first day of this year a meeting was to be held in Foxford, county Mayo, and to be addressed by the hon. Member for East Mayo. The meeting was called for a perfectly legitimate object, and yet 200 policemen were drafted into the town to suppress it, and prevent the Member for the division from addressing his constituents. The meeting was suppressed on the affidavit of a police constable or a district inspector, the statements in which the promoters of the meeting had no opportunity of traversing, and the truth of which they were unable to inquire into. The Chief Secretary may say that there was a grazing farm in the district that had been grabbed, and if the meeting had been allowed to proceed language denunciatory of the grabber might have been used. But that could not supply justification for the action of the Chief Secretary. If it did, we would arrive at this preposterous condition of things—in any district in which a grazing farm was grabbed it would, follow that there the right of public meeting and free speech ceased. If the Chief Secretary feared that language would here be used to which he could take exception, he had his remedy in the courts, but nothing could excuse his wanton and capricious interference with the rights of the people to public meeting. He remembered also the suppression of meetings in the parish of Ballyhaunis, meetings called for perfectly legitimate objects. The Island Farm in that parish had been surrendered to the landlord. The parish is one of the poorest in Mayo, and the people were most anxious that the Congested Districts Board would purchase it for purposes of redistribution. Week followed week and month followed month, and yet the Board did not move; and in the end the farm was grabbed by a grazier, who came all the way from North Mayo to take it. The result of his action had been to keep the whole district in a ferment of excitement and unrest ever since. Meetings were called to protest against the action of the grazier, but they were not allowed to be held. The representative of the division attended, but he was not allowed to speak; on the con- trary, he was chased all over the country by the police and subjected to every form of humiliation and insult. Then there was the Roheen meeting; he went to Roheen to speak, but there was a large force of police present to prevent him. The meeting was not suppressed by the usual proclamation; there was no pretence to observing legal forms. A district inspector of police named Lowndes, an upstart, who, by some freak of fate, was wearing an officer's uniform, told him that he would not allow the meeting to proceed. He asked him what was his authority for suppressing the meeting; he would give none. He asked him why the meeting was suppressed; he declined to answer. And yet hon. Members were surprised when Members from Ireland expressed their hatred and contempt for the administration of law under which such things were possible.
The hon. Member proceeded to deal with the action taken by the Attorney General against the County Council of Mayo in connection with certain huts erected for evicted tenants in that county. In the May of last year two families—numbering fifteen persons in all—were evicted from their holdings on the estate of the Marquess of Sligo, in the village of Arderry, in the county of Mayo. The evictions, which were carried out by a large force of police, were attended with every circumstance of harshness and cruelty. For a month after their eviction the unfortunate people, having had no place to go to, were obliged to sleep out by the side of a ditch adjacent to their former homes. A more pitiable spectacle than that presented by these poor creatures, lying out by the side of this ditch, exposed to all kinds of weather, and with the scantiest clothing, it would have been hard to find. Their neighbours, moved by their wretched condition, although almost as poor as themselves, resolved to subscribe a few shillings in order to provide for them a rough shelter pending a settlement, with Lord Sligo and reinstatement in their former homes. In the middle of June a number of people met in the village for the purpose of erecting the huts. They attempted in the first instance to erect them on the side of the road, but the police prevented them from doing this. Then a tenant on a neighbouring estate, the estate of Colonel Logan, gave permis- sion for the erection of the huts on his land. The district inspector, seeing this, at once despatched one of his sergeants to Colonel Logan's bailiff, a man named Rose, to inform him of what was being done, and to hurry him up to the scene. When Rose arrived he threatened poor O'Brien with the displeasure of his landlord—and every unfortunate tenant in Ireland knows what that means—if he allowed the huts to go up on his holding. O'Brien, intimidated in this way, withdrew the permission he had given. A member of the county council who was present during these proceedings promised the people that he would ask permission at the next meeting of that body to have the huts erected on an expansion of the public road at Arderry, where they would in no way interfere with any traffic passing over the road. Before he came to that point at which the Attorney General and Chief Secretary appeared on the scene, he might be allowed to say a few words as to the village of Arderry itself. Arderry was a very remote and very unfrequented village in the West-port union. It was one of the poorest and most squalid villages in one of the most congested districts in the west, and the population did not exceed half a dozen families altogether. The road on which the huts were allowed to be erected was made as a "relief" road in 1891, and the House would understand from that that it was made not so much with a view to meeting any requirements of public traffic or convenience as to help the poor villagers through the usual bad season. Indeed, whole and sole traffic on the road consisted of the donkey carts of the villagers that passed into Westport two or three times a week. The people having subscribed a few shillings for the purchase of timber, and having received permission from the County Council, the huts mere put up; but no sooner were the evisted tenants sheltered in them than they found that the shadow of Lord Sligo was still hanging over them. The noble Marquess was evidently furious that his victims were not allowed to perish of hunger and exposure on the roadside. He next set himself to the task of dislodging them from their humble refuge, and in this discreditable work he invoked and received the willing aid of Dublin Castle. In a few days the county council received a communication from the chief Crown solicitor pointing out that the erection of the huts narrowed the road by a few inches, and demanding their immediate removal. Fancy the Castle being more concerned about the rights of the people of the county of Mayo than the elected representatives of the people themselves Such a burlesque would not be possible in any country outside Ireland. The council referred the letter to the county surveyor, with instructions that he should visit Arderry, see if the huts were the obstruction they were said to be, and report to the council at their next meeting. At the next meeting the county surveyor sent in his report. The council was fortunate in having as its surveyor one of the most trustworthy and efficient public officers in Ireland. He went over to them from the old grand jury, and if he had any political opinions at all, they were not those held by the great majority of the council in whose service he was. Mr. Dickson reported that the huts were erected upon a piece of waste ground on the side of a mountain road, that the waste ground was an expansion of the road, and in no sense formed part of the travelling way. The huts were also quite clear of the travelling way. The distance between the huts and the opposite. fence was 17 feet, which was the exact width of the road itself a distance of 200 yoads further north. In his (Mr. Dickson's) opinion the huts were no obstruction whatever to public traffic, and in any case there was very little traffic, on account of the inaccessibility of the district. With that report before them, the county council refused to remove the huts, taking into consideration that the huts were purely temporary in character, and that they had been erected by public charity for the purpose of saving from death and hunger Lord Sligo's victims. But at the particular spot where the county council allowed these huts to be erected, for several years past ricks of turf had been allowed to be built up, and the Attorney General had never, so far as he knew, taken exception to them. As a matter of fact, all these waste pieces of ground, and all these extensions of public roads all over the country were so utilised by the people, and the Attorney General had never taken exception to the practice; but when it came to a question of saving from death by exposure the victims of a harsh landlord, the Attorney General and the Executive immediately intervened, and prevented public charity doing its work.
The Chief Secretary had recently been in the West of Ireland, and knew the condition of the congested districts. He had been in the cabins of the people and knew what their poverty was. Was he going to play the part of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde? When he was there he was full of soft words to the people; was he now going to stand up here as the apologist of conduct which increased the sufferings of the people with whom he had expressed such effulgent sympathy? Some time ago the county surveyor made a report on the number of encroachments on the public road in the county of Mayo, which the Attorney General had passed by; and he would ask the Chief Secretary whether it was his intention to enforce the law strictly in regard to obstructions of this kind. A wooden house had been erected at Ardagh for fourteen years, and neither the Attorney General nor the Chief Secretary had taken objection to it. Then, police barracks had been erected on the roadside and no objection had been taken. Further, a fishing lodge had been built by a Mr. Brown, a notorious landlord, and neither the Chief Secretary nor the Attorney General had taken the trouble to interfere. He wanted to know whether there was going to be one law in the county of Mayo for the landlords and the police, and another law for the common people? He would ask the Attorney General and the Chief Secretary whether it was to be understood, from their action in this case, that they intended to compel the prosecution of every person who had erected any building which lessened the width of the public road. He did not expect, however, that the right hon. Gentlemen would pin themselves to a policy of that kind, because, if they did, they would involve the whole county of Mayo in a sea of litigation. Not a single ratepayer in the county of Mayo had ever lodged a single complaint against these huts, and even the Attorney General would never have said a word about it had it not been that the Marquis of Sligo had complained. The Attorney General paid no rates in Mayo, knew nothing about the county, and had no sort of connection with it. Suppose this had happened in the county of Devon, did anyone suppose that the Attorney General for England would have brought the county council of that county to London, and impeached them there, because they had encroached upon an isolated track, or that a county council in Scotland would have been brought to Edinburgh because they had narrowed temporarily a path in the Highlands by six inches? But things might be done in Ireland with impunity which could not be done in England or Scotland. The Attorney General proceeded against the council, and got an injunction from the Master of the Rolls to compel the removal of the huts. So the little shelters had to come down, and so far the advantage was with Lord Sligo. What he wanted to know was, why did the Chief Secretary and Attorney General insist on pulling down these huts, whilst they allowed serious obstructions all over the .country to pass unnoticed? Hon. Gentlemen opposite were accustomed to reproach Irishmen with their want of respect for law and order. What respect could they have for a system of administration that differentiated in this way between two classes of the people? So long as law was administered in Ireland in its present one-sided and partisan character, so long would they despise it, and so long would they be justified in resisting it by every means in their power.
* said that the concluding sentences of the hon. Member who had just sat down were a very eloquent commentary on the matter brought before the Committee by the right hon. Member for North Armagh. Those who had listened to the latter Gentleman and the Member for the University of Dublin must acknowledge that the right hon. Member for North Armagh was fully justified in calling the attention of the Government and the Committee to this affair in Limerick. He was not going into the details of what had been occurring in that city during the last two years, but he desired, in one or two sentences, to say to the Committee that the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland was under a delusion if he thought that the respectable Protestants of Ireland had no sympathy with Dr. Long. He had fully investigated all the facts, and he believed that Dr. Long had done nothing in Limerick which any respectable man need be ashamed of. Dr. Long went to that city for a purpose, and it was no disgrace to him that he was connected with the Irish Church Mission. [A VOICE FROM THE IRISH BENCHES: He confessed himself that he was a proselytiser.] Every Christian was a proselytiser, and the hon. Gentleman who interrupted him was very ignorant of the history of one of the greatest orders of his own Church—for example, that of the Jesuit Missions in China and in South America, which based their strongest hopes upon their converts by the fact that they gave them benevolent and free medical advice. He entirely agreed with the observation of the hon. Member who said that the people of Limerick were a peaceful people and had no desire to interfere with Dr. Long. It was perfectly true that for months no person had interfered with that gentleman until an agitation was started by certain people. What he wanted to impress on his right hon. friend the Chief Secretary was the fact that the serious condition of affairs in Limerick was not that Dr. Long had been subjected to violence, but that other inhabitants, members of his own faith, who were entitled to his advice as a medical officer, had been persecuted and debarred by force from getting that relief. Comment had been made on the action of the resident magistrate, but he believed that the county inspector had been equally tolerant of the gross abuse of law and order. He was not at all sure that the county inspector and the resident magistrate were altogether to blame, because they had been living in an atmosphere in which those things had been tolerated. He was glad to observe that within the last few days the violence of the mob had been lessening, but for two years it had been allowed to go on and had gradually increased. It had been said, on the other side, that Dr. Long had been wanting to get a martyr's crown; but Dr. Long had made no complaint, either in the press or to the party with which he was identified in this House, until the violence in Limerick could no longer be tolerated. He hoped that his right hon. friend would see that neither in Limerick nor in any other part of Ireland would mob-law be allowed to encroach on the civil rights which every inhabitant of Ireland was entitled to demand under a constitutional Government.
He wanted to call attention to what, he must say, was an equally serious condition of affairs in Sligo and other districts of Ireland. In 1898 an organisation, now well known as the United Irish League, was started; and, so far as he could judge, the motives of the United Irish League differed in no material fact from the motives of the old Land League. ["Hear, hear" from the Irish Benches.] He was glad to find that hon. Gentlemen opposite agreed with him, and therefore he would not argue that question further. The founder of the United Irish League explained very explicitly its policy in a letter to a secretary of a branch league in county Clare. He said that each county was to have a free hand to carry out the views of the League as it best suited the necessities of the county. In one county they were to break up the large grazing farms, and in another county they were to stamp out what was known as "land-grabbing." Then they immediately proceeded to inaugurate a policy of enforcing their views all over the country. In the month of September, 1898, a meeting was held at Roscommon to denounce a man who had done a perfectly legal thing—namely, taken a farm from which the tenant, who had not paid his rent, had been evicted—and a speaker at that meeting told his audience that a man who did that would have his life made extremely unhappy and uncomfortable. Shortly after that meeting was held the senior Member for the City of Cork sent a letter to the editor of the Irish World in New York. It was through the Irish World that three-fourths of the money was received by the United Irish League for their policy of plunder and assassination. It was a significant example of the part which the United Irish League played, even at the very early stage of its existence, that the editor of the Irish World was chosen by its founder to be the recipient of a cablegram regarding its methods and policy, and in a few weeks £600 was subscribed through that newspaper to enable the United Irish League to carry on its operations. Within a few weeks graziers were forced to appear on the platforms of the United Irish League and to abandon the farms which they had legally taken. Now what was the policy of the Irish Executive at that time? He at once said that he could not in the least blame the right hon. the Chief Secretary for the condition of Sligo and other parts of the country at the present moment. His right hon. friend was under a damnosa hereditas .
It was extremely dangerous to treat a movement of this character in the way in which it had been treated by those responsible for law and order in Ireland. Their policy was to pooh-pooh the United Irish League, and to treat it as a body which would die out. But it did not die out. The influence of the United Irish League had gone on increasing, and now it was a hundred times greater than in the year 1898. It had branches all over the country and had committees which summoned what they called obnoxious persons before them. The whole paraphernalia of the Land League had been in existence for the last two years, and they had enforced their policy by the usual methods. They had maimed and killed cattle, sent threatening letters, and had fired on houses. He could multiply instances where this had been done. The result was that in the districts, where the League operated there was no such thing as liberty of action. Since 1898 there had been a steady increase in the class of crime by which these associations maintained their power. In 1898 the number of cases of killing or maiming cattle was nineteen, and in eighteen of these cases no one was made amenable or convicted. In 1899 the number had increased to twenty-seven, and in not one case was anyone convicted or made amenable. In 1890 the number was thirty-four, and in thirty-one of these cases no one was convicted or made amenable. The number of threatening letters had increased from 101 in 1898 to 137 in 1900. The number of cases of firing into dwellings was five in 1898, and in not one case was anyone made amenable. In 1899 there were seven cases, and in 1900 there were ten cases, in nine of which no one was made amenable. In the first quarter of 1900 the number of agrarian crimes in Ireland was fifty-nine, in the second quarter seventy-six, in the third quarter eighty-nine, and in the fourth quarter fifty-five. In the first quarter of 1901 the number was sixty-five. Any one of these offences was sufficient to terrorise a whole district. He quoted as an instance of wholesale intimidation a resolution passed at a meeting of a branch of the League in which it was declared that any person in the neighbourhood who did not join the League would be "eligible for the forty-foot pole medicine." Even the local manager of one of the largest provision firms in the kingdom, which had invested a large amount of capital in their business in Ireland, had found it necessary to obey the League and refuse to deal with a certain woman because he could not trust the administration of the law. He would ask the Committee to listen for a moment to what one of the ablest and certainly most experienced of the county court judges had said in this matter. He had a case before him of malicious burning of a considerable amount of mountain heather. Judge O'Connor Morris said in giving judgment— All experience had shown in Ireland that that protection could not be given when an organisation had established itself, as the United Irish League had done, by any of the methods which the Executive Government had tried up to the present moment. He did not blame them for failing to secure convictions or failing to make anybody amenable in the specific cases of agrarian offences which he had shown to be gradually growing up since 1898. They had not got the means under the ordinary law to procure convictions, but they had a most effectve instrument in their hands, and if they did not use it they were responsible for all the injury to property and for all the intimidation. As a Unionist Member who spent many weary hours in passing the Coercion Act through the House, he frankly confessed it was a matter of great regret to him that he had had to address the Government of which he was a supporter in the manner in which he had. He could only trust that, having brought this state of affairs prominently before his right hon, friend, he would do all in his power to check—and he could check it if he chose—the power of this organisation. [Mr. W. REDMOND: Hang us all!] All he asked was that his right hon. friend would now do that which every supporter of the Government desired he should do—namely, to give to the words of Lord Salisbury a practical and living effect in every district in Ireland.
* : My right hon. friend the Member for South Antrim has made a speech which demands a reply. I should be the last person to seek to minimise the gravity of the subject which he has just handled during the last half of his speech. I believe it will be for the convenience of those who have been present during the debate if I begin at the beginning, and deal first with the case brought before the Committee by my right hon. and gallant friend the Member for North Armagh—the question of Limerick and Dr. Long. My right hon. and gallant friend in introducing the subject to our notice advocated the right and liberty of everyone to express exactly what he thinks on every subject, and he was good enough also to pay me the compliment of attributing to me a policy of backbone. I am sure, therefore, my right hon. and gallant friend will wish me to be very explicit even if I differ from him with regard to some aspects of this question. I shall say at once that I find myself more closely in accord with my right hon. friend the Member for Dublin University who has expressed his disapprobation—not very strongly but clearly—of this mingling of theology with medicine, and above all with medical attention which is given gratis. That does not mean that Dr. Long is not entitled legally to conduct his campaign on the line he has elected to follow. In my opinion, Dr. Long is legally entitled so to act, and therefore he is entitled to protection at the hands of the law in the course he has elected to pursue. In my opinion, it is a most unfortunate course; it is a course which may be followed with considerable advantage in China or Peru, and even in this country, but which cannot be pursued with any great public benefit in Ireland. This problem comes up in a new form in this case. We have been, more familiar with it when we have had to deal with missionaries who carry on their missionary efforts by public preaching in the streets. This is the same problem in another guise. The view taken by the Government of the day in 1891 is precisely the view I take, if my view is of any interest on Dr. Long and his missionary efforts. [An HON MEMBER: There is no street preaching.] I say it is the same problem in another guise, and I am not concerned to criticise either of these methods. I admit that they are legal, but I think they are unfortunate. My ground for so thinking has been stated in words which I should like to submit to my right hon. friend. They are the words of the present Leader of the House, who had in 1891 to deal with the problem, and they were published at the time. He wrote this—
My right hon. friend, in introducing question, asked us to think what would happen in such a case in a Protestant part of Ireland. I must honestly say that if in Belfast an agent of one of the Catholic orders were to proselytise by giving medical relief, I think he would arouse a great deal of indignation. The only question before us concerns the duty of the Executive Government, and that duty is to protect those who are doing nothing that is illegal. That protection has been given to Dr. Long, and will be given. My right hon. friend the Member for South Antrim stated that the disturbances had been occurring for two years. I think he has been misled on that point. They occurred two years ago, and I am informed, and I know that I am accurately informed, that there was a complete cessation of the disturbances until the beginning of the year, when there was a recrudescence. I need not go into the cause of the recrudescence of the disturbances. I think many persons are to blame. Dr. Long is unwise in pursuing this method of trying to convert Roman Catholics, and it is more than unwise to use language that is calculated to inflame; but it is quite another thing to hold that the Government of the day can do, or ought to do, anything more than protect persons from molestation at the hands of the mob, and prosecute any person who may have broken the law by being so engaged. That is the whole duty of the Executive Government. The public prosecutor is not concerned with the motives or the objects which influence the people with whom he comes in contact. He is bound to see that each one is allowed to go about what he considers his business, so long as he does not interfere with other people. The Government may be allowed to express the opinion that it is regrettable that such a state of affairs should occur, and the hope that all persons will use their best endeavours to allay any irritation that has been aroused. My, chief anxiety in touching on this question was to utter no word which could add to that irritation in any form. My duty here is simply to say that the Government will protect Dr. Long as it has protected him, and will arrest persons for molesting him, but beyond I giving that protection as he passes about the streets of Limerick the Government has nothing to do in the matter at all. Having said so much on that subject, I ought to pass next to the speech of the hon. Member for North Mayo, and upon that I shall not dwell at any great length, because I want to come to the second part of the speech of my right hon. friend the Member for South Antrim. The particular matter the hon. Member for North Mayo brought before the Committee was the erection of certain huts at Arderry, in county Mayo. He did not, in my opinion, seem quite to realise the position held by the Mayo County Council in this question. The county council are in effect the trustees of the King's highway, and yet they not only allowed that trust to be misappropriated, but they actually passed a resolution in favour of the misappropriation, by approving the erection of huts on the King's highway. The Attorney General was bound to intervene to have the huts removed. In this case the county council not only condoned, but applauded that interference with the property committed to their charge. The hon. Member is misinformed in saying that action was taken at the instance of Lord Sligo. It was communicated to the Government and to my right hon. friend the Attorney General chiefly by the very residents represented by Mayo County Council, who proclaimed to the whole world that they were in favour of this obstruction being built.
Will the right hon. Gentleman intervene if the existence of other obstructions on the public highway are brought to his notice?
* : I think I have already dealt with that point. If the hon. Member assures me that there are huts on the high road, and if a motion is made for their removal, action will, no doubt, be taken. It is a question of law, and I do not think I can usefully employ the time of the Committee in discussing a hypothetical matter which is not before us. I pass to the concluding portion of the speech of my right hon. friend the Member for South Antrim. As I said, he has handled a subject of a gravity which it would be impossible to minimise, and I approach the subject with great seriousness, and with a sense of all the responsibility which must weigh upon anyone who happens to be Chief Secretary for Ireland at a time when an effort is being made—whether on a large scale or a small scale is not the point—to restrict the liberty of individuals in that country. But my right hon. friend will not mind my saying that he seemed to me to overstate his case somewhat, because he has not all the information at his command which naturally is at my command. He has information as to those parts of Ireland where matters are least satisfactory; but it is not daily brought in upon him as it is upon me that those parts of Ireland are not typical of the greater part of Ireland. If only one person in Ireland were boycotted—prevented from doing what he has a right to do, or forced to do what he has a right to refrain from doing—it is the duty of the Executive to protect him with all the powers at its command. But the question of the area over which liberty is being restricted—however unimportant otherwise—does affect policy when specific methods of dealing with the evil are recommended. They have been recommended to the Committee by my right hon. friend. He based his argument on the outrages which have been committed, and, therefore, I will take the opportunity of giving some figures on the extent to which agrarian crime prevails in Ireland at this moment. It may be convenient to take the year in which the Crimes Act was withdrawn from operation—1892. In that year there were 405 agrarian outrages, or 213 excluding threatening letters. In 1898, the year in which the United Irish League was founded, there were 243, or 143 excluding threatening letters. Of those, according to information received by the Government, which is kept closely informed, 29, or excluding threatening letters, 20, were attributable to the influence of local branches of the League. In 1899 the numbers were 246, or excluding threatening letters, 136, of which 48 in all, or 29 excluding threatening letters, were attributable to the influence of local branches of the League. In 1900 there were 281 agrarian outrages, or 143 excluding threatening letters, of which 76, or 30, excluding threatening letters, were attributable to the influence of the League. In the first five months of this year there were 105 agrarian outrages, or excluding threatening letters, fifty-one. This is at the rate of 252 agrarian offences in the year, or 122 excluding threatening letters, and that is a lower figure than that for any year since the Crimes Act was withdrawn. Of the fifty-one, excluding threatening letters, in the first five months of the year thirteen were attributable to the influence of the branches of the League. Do not let my right hon. friend suppose that this is an answer to the whole of his contention, but I think it well to put alongside of the other facts, the figures which seem to be germane to the issue he has raised. It must be present to our minds, in considering the gravity of these offences, that boycotting in the past has often been followed by terrible crimes.
I shall next give the figures as to homicide; there were four cases in 1892, one in 1898, three in 1899, two in 1900, and so far none this year. In 1892 there were seven cases of firing at the person, three in 1898, three in 1899, three in 1900, and one in the first five months of this year. The figures as to incendiary fires show a serious state of things; there were sixty-seven in 1892, sixty in 1898, forty-six in 1899, thirty-six in 1900, and twenty-five in the first five months of this year, an average of sixty for the year; but, of course, these fires are more prevalent in summer than winter. Still it cannot be denied that, thorp, have been malicious incendiary fires in Ireland in the course of the last few weeks, and that is a dastardly form of crime which is very difficult to bring home to the perpetrator. It is a method by which a person, prompted by folly or wilful malice, can do a great deal of harm. My right hon. friend specially mentioned the killing and houghing of cattle. As to the killing and houghing of cattle, there were forty such cases in 1892, nineteen in 1898, twenty-six in 1899, thirty-four in 1900, and in the first five months of this year only four. I pass from that by stating that the general trend of the whole of these figures is to show a steady diminution in overt crime of an agrarian character. The figures as to boycotting are not by any means so satisfactory as the figures relating to agrarian crime, and the Committee will see that that is a grave matter. The number of cases of boycotting in 1892, when the Crimes Act was withdrawn, was as low as three; it was twelve in 1898, nineteen in 1899, thirty-three in 1900, and on the 31st May last the number was twenty-five. There has thus been a reduction in the past twelve months, but there are in Ireland at this moment twenty-five cases in which the persons affected are subjected to this reprehensible form of interference with private liberty, but they will be protected with all the protection which can be given to them. I hope I am not wearying the Committee by giving so many figures, but if I take the number of persons under special police protection the totals are as follows: In 1892, 760; in 1898. 644; in 1899, 606; in 1900, 389; and in 1901, 374. It may be said that we are not giving sufficient protection. All I can say is that if any person in Ireland feels that he needs protection, he shall, if necessary, have it. Such persons shall be protected by the police, any person who molests them will be prosecuted, and the whole power of the law will be used to defend the life, limbs, and liberty of any subject of the King in Ireland. We could take other tests in order to discover whether it is indeed true that the local branches of the United Irish League are over-riding the law of the land over great areas in Ireland. I did not mean to continue to inflict so many statistics upon the Committee, but perhaps it would be a fair test to take the counties in which the local branches of the League follow the most extreme courses, to take the object upon which the efforts of the League when first established in those parts of Ireland were, and still are concentrated, and to see what has been the practical effect of the action of the League. I think the question of the letting of grass lands in those counties would be a good index figure by which to measure the extent of this evil which exists, and must be cured. The efforts of the League in the counties of Mayo, Leitrim, Galway, Roscommon, and Sligo have been directed against the grass-farm system—the system of letting out grass-farms for eleven months in the year so as to keep them outside the provisions of the Land Act. That has been one object of the League. Another object has been to induce the owners of these farms to adopt a different system of cultivation. As I am on this subject, let me say that any man is free to hold any view he pleases as to the best form of land tenure in any country; he may preach and advocate that view; he may say you ought to have small instead of big holdings, or big instead of small holdings; he may argue that more money may be made by ranching or stocking a district, or that more money may be made by growing fruit. But what he may not do is to try to advance his opinion as against other men by resorting to terrorism. Therefore, when I give these figures, it is not to be supposed that I am advocating one form of farming rather than another; my point is that the League has advocated a form of farming, with this result—that the number of eleven-months farms in the five counties unlet at this moment, owing to the influence of the United Irish League, is sixteen; the acreage of eleven-months grass farms unlet at this moment owing to the influence of local branches of the league is 3,212 acres. The area of land let under the eleven-months system in the five counties at this moment is 224,769 acres, and the amount unlet owing to economic causes is 11,642 acres. These figures show that there are evidently a great many people in the West of Ireland who pursue the kind of farming they approve without let or hindrance, or who snap their fingers at the edicts promulgated by the local branches of the League. It would not, however, be exhaustive to take only the acres let out on the eleven-months system. There are also a number of farms which are retained by the landlord and stocked by himself, or let out to neighbouring holders to be stocked. The acreage of land in these five counties which is either not stocked or only partially stocked, owing to the influence of the League, is 3,202, the acreage of farms stocked is 82,059, and the acreage not stocked for reasons other than the influence of the League is 3,173. There has been a steady diminution of the failure to stock farms in the last three years; whereas the percentage of farms unstocked or partially stocked, owing to the influence of the League, was in 1899, 9 per cent., last year it was 6 per cent., and this year it is only 3.6 per cent, of the total amount of such grass lands.
I hope the Committee have followed the object with which I have given these figures; it is not to express any opinion as to the kind of farming that ought to be followed in Ireland, but to show that in the five counties where the local branches have advocated the most extreme courses, where they have published resolutions in the columns of newspapers, or, at any rate, such resolutions have appeared in those columns, even there the main industry of Ireland has not been profoundly, or even appreciably, affected by these reprehensible courses. I have already trespassed at too great length on the time of the Committee, but other facts might be given, all bearing in the same direction, and going to show that this evil is, as a matter of fact, confined to very small and circumscribed areas. There is a belt from Sligo into Leitrim, and there is a small area in Galway, and the whole of the increase in the number of farms unlet this year is attributable to that one place. Of the area that I named, over 3,000 acres are in that one place and in the neighbourhood of Athenry. The evil is localised to those two spots. It is the duty of the Government to deal with such an evil. If these lands are not let, because people who otherwise would take them are terrorised into not taking them, it is the duty of the Government to protect any man who wishes to take them. It is the duty of the Government to resist any mob which comes forward with bands or banners to molest any person engaged in agriculture on the farms; it is the duty of the Government to anticipate the probability of any such disturbances, and upon its own responsibility to do what has already been done, and will be done again, if necessary, namely, where such crowds collect in order to advance the war upon one of these farms, to place police there, and to say, "Thus far you shall come, but no farther," in order that men may be encouraged to pursue a legal avocation. [Cries of "What about Queen's Island?"] It is also the duty of the Government when there is evidence of a criminal conspiracy to inflict this penalty of boycotting to prosecute that criminal conspiracy, but—and this is the point to which I wish to come—to put the Crimes Act into operation does not assist the Executive Government—[A NATIONALIST MEMBER: "Then why do you not repeal it?"]—in this one part, and a most formidable part, of its task, namely, the collecting and sifting of evidence of criminal conspiracy. When the Crimes Act was introduced the then Attorney General for England pointed out that the question of criminal conspiracy must always involve a good many questions of fact as well as of law, and the real difficulty in making persons amenable for the crime of criminal conspiracy is to bring home the questions of fact. I can quite understand the indignation of my right hon. friend when he reads in the advertisement columns of newspapers resolutions such as those to which he has referred. But those advertisements are nothing but a clue, which must be followed up if the charge is to be brought home. The intent, the method, and the purpose of those who have met together have to be curiously considered, and it is only on the advice of expert lawyers that any Government will proceed in a case of criminal conspiracy unless they are certain, or almost certain, that a conviction can be secured. Criminal conspiracy is one of the most insidious diseases that can attack the body politic. For this reason no course is more foolish than to use the weapon which the Government possesses against it unless we are sure of effecting a cure in any particular case. If cases can be selected in which punishment can be brought home, it should always be brought home. Where such a course is possible no effort should be spared to stamp out criminal conspiracy, which, as I have said, is one of the most insidious diseases that can sap the life and liberty of a State. But the trend of my right hon. friend's speech was not that we should proceed to prosecute persons who could be made amenable for the crime of criminal conspiracy, but, as I understand him, that we should proclaim the United Irish League throughout Ireland. The main trend of the array of facts which he brought before us was to point to the conclusion that there was the fons et origo of all this trouble, and that the thing should be stamped out at the head. When the present Leader of the House, who was then Chief Secretary for Ireland, introduced the Crimes Act, he stated that he did not rest his case, as my right hon. friend tonight has done, so much upon statistics as upon the general state of affairs throughout the country, and he used this sentence: "We have first to prove that the law is not enforced over a large and important part of Ireland." That proof I cannot offer to this Committee. The law is enforced over by far the greater part of Ireland. The evil to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred—arid we are indebted to him for putting it so clearly—is confined to small areas which can be easily managed, and I should indeed be perverting that great instrument to which so much time was devoted in the troublous days of 1887 if I were to use it for purposes which could be accomplished by the ordinary law.
said that two facts stood out clearly and unmistakably in the debate—that Ireland once again had a strong, widespread, and united popular organisation, and that Ireland was, perhaps without parallel in Europe, a crimeless country. He had listened with great interest to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Antrim, and had wondered why during the last two or three years they had heard nothing of his burning indignation at the state of affairs in Ireland. It had occurred to him, however, as a singular coincidence that the outspokenness of the right hon. Gentleman upon this subject only arose when, for one reason or another, he had been forced to migrate from a seat above to a seat below the gangway. The fact that the right hon. Gentleman had been silent for those two or three years was a proof that he was not serious in his attitude that night, because his political integrity and patriotism were such that if he had really thought the country of his birth and of his affections was threatened, as he had depicted that night, by something almost worse than pestilence and famine, he would have thought nothing of the sacrifice involved in dissociating himself from the Government in order to express his views to the House. But no. This serious state of things had dawned upon his mind only when, with less responsibility and greater leisure, he had been able to turn his mighty intellect from questions connected with the Admiralty to questions of public order in Ireland. He, however, congratulated Ireland upon the testimony the right hon. Gentleman had given, for he had assured the Committee that the United Irish League was a great, widespread, and powerful organisation, increasing in power every day. That was true, and he thanked the right hon. Gentleman for his testimony to the fact. The United Irish League was spreading in power all over Ireland. It was to-day giving heart and hope once more to the people of Ireland. By universal admission, the last two years had witnessed a revival of the national movement, a reunion of the national forces, and the creation of a great and powerful organisation. The right hon. Gentleman had said, as if it could be used as a sneer against its supporters, that the United Irish League had the same principles as the Land League. Why, it was their pride that that was so! Ths United Irish League was the lineal successor of all those great national movements which from the days of O'Connell and before had been marshalled for the protection of the lives, liberties, and property of the Irish people. It was the successor of the Land League and of the National League; it had the same principles at heart; it was working for the same object; and it was a consolation to some of its supporters to know that it had amongst its leaders some of the same men.
The second fact which stood out clearly was equally satisfactory to Ireland and to himself—namely, the crimelessness of Ireland. He ventured to say that it would be impossible for anyone to point to any other country of a similar population in the world with such a record. The common experience in Ireland was that the Judges went from assizes to assizes and found practically no criminal business to transact. He did not hesitate to say that there were more crimes against life and limb and property committed in London in one month than there were in Ireland in five years. He desired to connect these two facts, which stood out so clearly in the debate that night, arid he asserted that the crimelessness of Ireland was due to the existence of a strong popular organisation in the country. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Antrim seemed to imagine that it was the policy of the national organisation to promote crime in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman was an Irishman, and, whatever else he might say against his countrymen, he would not deny them a fair share of political intelligence. There was only one thing which could destroy the ultimate and, as he believed, the near triumph of the national movement, and that would be the connection of that movement with crime. It was the purpose of the United Irish League, by binding the Irish people in what might be called a trades union, whereby their rights would be protected, to wean them away from those forms of violence which in the past had wrought so much injury to the national cause of Ireland. The revival of the national movement, the reunion of the national forces, and the resurrection, so to speak, of the Land League, on the one side, coupled with the absence of crime on the other side, were proofs that in this movement the Nationalist party were working on legal and peaceable lines, and that their desire was, by methods honourable and legal in themselves, to promote the interests of those whom they represented.
The Chief Secretary that night had found himself in a somewhat peculiar position. The Nationalist Members had intended to inaugurate a strong attack upon the administration of the right hon. Gentleman, but they were forestalled by the attack coming from the Chief Secretary's own side. The right hon. Gentleman was in the position of having been attacked with equal vehemence by the Unionist Orange party and by the extreme Nationalist party, but he ought not on that account to be allowed to evade giving a fair and square answer to the indictment of the Nationalists. The main part of the right hon. Gentleman's reply was devoted to the criticisms of his own supporters, while the exceedingly able and cogent speech of the hon. Member for North Mayo was treated with a surprising levity and seeming want of courtesy. That speech, which was dismissed in a single sentence, arraigned the whole policy of the right hon. Gentleman in Ireland—not merely with reference to the huts in Mayo, a most import ant question in itself, but also in regard to the foolish attacks on the national movement by the attempted suppression of meetings, than which there was nothing more contemptible and ridiculous in the public life of Ireland. The attempts to suppress free speech were never effective. If they were it would be a very serious thing for the Chief Secretary. If free speech was really suppressed, the discontent must, to use a famous phrase, be driven beneath the surface, but the result to the right hon. Gentleman and his Government and to the peace and order of the country might be very lamentable. He would give an example of the kind of thing that was going on in Ireland, and the Committee would be able to see whether it did not really recall the most successful operabouffe methods adepted by Mr. Gilbert. He and his hon. friend the Member for East Mayo, a few days after the arrival of the Chief Secretary in Ireland, went to address a meeting in county Wicklow. Both he and his hon. friend lived in Dublin, within an hour of the place of meeting. When they arrived on the Sunday morning at the railway station at Wicklow, to their astonishment they found there a resident magistrate, a number of police officers, and some hundreds of policemen armed with rifles. On making inquiries they were told that on the Friday before a proclamation had been signed and issued suppressing the meeting. He and his hon. friend had actually been allowed to go down to the district without being informed of this fact, and they had not the remotest idea of any local circumstances which would justify the suppression of the meeting. What did they do? Well, they held several meetings. The first was held in the town hall of the county town. The hon. Member for East Mayo then went in one direction, and he went in another, He did not know whether to take it as a compliment or not, but, his hon. friend did not receive so much attention from the police as he did. The hon. Member for East Mayo held, he believed, two most successful meetings. He himself attempted to address a meeting, when—he stated this on his personal honour and authority—without the slightest provocation, without an angry word being spoken or a blow struck, the people were attacked and batoned by the police, and men were struck down and carried away bleeding from their wounds. ["Shame."] He instantly complained to the resident magistrate, and the reply he received was, "The fault is yours; why did you come here and attempt to I address a suppressed meeting?" Was it possible for the English Government in Ireland to obtain the respect of anyone in that country when such methods were adopted? The methods were not effective; they did not suppress the meetings, On this occasion three or four meetings were held instead of one, and all the newspapers published six or eight columns of speeches instead of perhaps the two columns they would otherwise have done. The only result of such tactics was that the Government appeared before the people as one that desired to suppress free speech and as one that could be outwitted by the people It Was ludicrous, and yet they had not had a single word from the Chief Secretary on the subject. It was impossible that the discussion should be allowed to close without some answer being given. He had hoped it would have been possible to conclude the debate that night, but in view of the fact that the Chief Secretary had ignored this question it would be monstrous to do so.
In conclusion, he desired to add his invitation to that of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Antrim to the Chief Secretary to put the Coercion Act in force. He spoke as one who knew what that Act meant, as one who had suffered imprisonment under it, and who, therefore, did not speak lightly. The one thing he most disliked in the present political relations between England and Ireland was that England was able to preserve the form of constitutionalism in Ireland; the substance she had never had since the Union. From his point of view—the point of view of one who hated English rule in Ireland, and whose life's ambition was to destroy that rule—he would be glad to see this mask of constitutionalism torn from the face of the Government, and the Coercion Act put into brutal operation as it was ten years ago. He warned the right hon. Gentleman and the Government that the more the national organisation was attacked the stronger it would become, and the more it was maligned by its enemies the more united it would grow, and the sooner would arrive the time when it and the Irish people would be strong enough to end once and for all British rule in Ireland.
protested against the manner in which the right of free speech and public meeting had been dealt with by the Executive in Ireland. He was proud to think that all the efforts of the Member for South Antrim had failed to discover a single case of outrage attributable to the influence of the United Irish League. After the comments of the London press and of the Irish Unionist papers during the last ten days, he had indeed expected that some case or other would be brought forward, seeing that County Sligo had been represented to be in a state bordering on insurrection; but no such case had been made out. The only things which had been demonstrated were the strength of the League and the singular freedom from crime in Ireland. He supported the motion for a reduction of the Vote because of the suppression by the authorities of legally convened and constituted meetings held for the purpose of establishing a great agricultural trades union for that was what the United Irish League really was. If a trades union organisation was legal in England, the United Irish League organisation was legal in Ireland. If the blackleg was a person to be regarded by the trades unionists of England as a party to be shunned, the agricultural blackleg in Ireland—the land-grabber—was a person to be treated in the same way by the agricultural trades unionists in Ireland. He further complained that while the editors of Nationalist newspapers had been prosecuted and imprisoned for con- tempt of court, simply because they had ventilated public grievances and national wrongs, the editors of Unionist newspapers had been permitted unbridled licence to malign and blacken the characters of their countrymen, to hold Irishmen up to the hatred and contempt of the people of England, and to interfere with the free course of justice. He instanced two cases of malicious burning of heather which were brought before County Court Judge Morris recently at the quarter sessions of Sligo. Although the solicitor for the County Council signified in open court his intention of appealing against the decisions of the Judge, so that the cases were still sub judice , Unionist newspapers both in Sligo and in Dublin published articles stating that the United Irish League was responsible for the burnings, and that the only course open to the Judge at the Assizes was o affirm the decision of the court below. If that was not contempt of court he did not know what was; but nevertheless the Attorney General had taken no steps against the editors of those papers. Other instances might be given, but as the time for the conclusion of the debate had arrived, he would have to refrain from going further into the matter.
Question put.
The Committee divided:—Ayes, 100; Noes, 174. (Division List No. 292.)
AYES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.) Fuller, J. M. F. O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid. Allan, Charles P (Glouc., Stroud Gilhooly, James O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) Ambrose, Robert Gladstone, Rt. Hon.Herbert J. O'Connor, J. (Wicklow, W.) Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Goddard, Daniel Ford O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Boland, John Griffith, Ellis J. O'Doherty, William Bolton, Thomas Dolling Hammond, John O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.) Boyle, James Hayden, John Patrick O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Brigg, John Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale O'Dowd, John Burke, E. Haviland Helme, Norval Watson O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Caine, William Sproston Hemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles H. O'Kelly, J. (Roscommon, N.) Caldwell, James Horniman, Frederick John O'Malley, William Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Jones, William (Carnarvonshire O'Mara, James Carew, James Laurence Jordan, Jeremiah O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Causton, Richard Knight Joyce, Michael Power, Patrick Joseph Channing, Francis Allston Kennedy, Patrick James Reddy, M. Cogan, Denis J. Layland-Barratt, Francis Redmond, J. E. (Waterford) Colville, John Leamy, Edmund Redmond, William (Clare) Condon, Thomas Joseph Leigh, Sir Joseph Rigg, Richard Craig, Robert Hunter Levy, Maurice Schwann, Charles E. Crean, Eugene Lundon, W. Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) Cullinan, J. M'Cann, James Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Daly, James M'Dermott, Patrick Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen) M'Fadden, Edward Stevenson, Francis S. Delany, William M'Govern, T. Sullivan, Donal Dillon, John M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Thomas, F. Freeman-(Hastings Donelan, Captain A. Minch, Matthew Thompson, Dr EC (Monagh'n, N Doogan, P. C. Mooney, John J. Tully, Jasper Duffy, William J. Moss, Samuel Wallace, Robert Dunn, Sir William Murnaghan, George White, Patrick (Meath, North) Elibank, Master of Murphy, John Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Evans, Sir Francis H (Maidst'ne Nannetti, Joseph P. Farrell, James Patrick Nolan, Col. John P. (Galway, N.) TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Ffrench, Peter Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Sir Thomas Esmonde and Field, William Norman, Henry Mr. Patrick O'Brien. Flynn, James Christopher Nussey, Thomas Willans NOES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Beach. Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Bignold, Arthur Chamberlain, J. A. (Wore'r) Allhusen, Augustus Henry E. Bigwood, James Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry Archdale, Edward Mervyn Bond, Edward Chapman, Edward Arkwright, John Stanhope Brassey, Albert Churchill, Winston Spencer Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Brymer, Wm. Ernest Colomb, Sir John Charles Ready Austin, Sir John Bull, William James Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Bain, Colonel James Robert Carlile, Wm. Walter Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J (Manch'r. Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (Leeds Cautley, Henry Strother Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Balfour, Maj KR (Christchurch Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh. Cox, Irwin Edw. Bainbridge Cranborne, Viscount Johnston, William (Belfast) Purvis, Robert Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Pym, C. Guy Crossley, Sir Savile Keswick William Randles, John S. Cust, Henry John C. Knowles, Lees Rasch, Major Frederick Carne Dalkeith, Earl of Lambton, Hon. Frederick W. Ratcliff, R. F. Dalrymple, Sir Charles Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Renshaw, Charles Bine Dickinson, Robert Edmond Lawrence. Wm. F. (Liverpool) Rentoul, James Alexander Dickson, Charles Scott Lawson, John Grant Ridley, Hn. M. W. (Stalybridge) Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Lee, Arthur H. (Hants., Fare'm Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. T. Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Robertson, Herbert (Hackney Duke, Henry Edward Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Ropner, Colonel Robert Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Leveson-Gower, Fredk. N. S. Round, James Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesh'm Royds, Clement Molyneux Fellowes. Hon. Ailwyn Edward Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S.) Russell, T. W. Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J (Manc'r Lonsdale, John Brownlee Sandys, Lt.-Col. Thos. Myles Finch, George H. Lowther, C. (Cumb., Eskdale) Saunderson. Rt. Hn. Col. E. J. Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Lucas.Col. Francis (Lowestoft) Seely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln Fisher, William Hayes Lucas, R. J. (Portsmouth) Smith, James P. (Lanarks) Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. Lyttelton, Hon. Alfred Smith, Hn. W. F. D. (Strand) Fletcher, Sir Henry Macartney, Rt. Hon. W. G. E. Spear, John Ward Foster, Philip S (Warwick, S.W Macdona, John Cumming Stanley, Lord (Lancs.) Galloway, Wm. Johnson Maclver, David (Liverpool) Stroyan, John Garfit, William Maconochie, A. W. Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Gordon, Hn J. E. (Elgin & Nairn Majendie, James A. H. Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Gore, Hn. G. R C Ormsby-(Salop Malcolm, Ian Thornton, Percy M. Gore, Hn. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc. Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir HE (Wigt'n Valentia, Viscount Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John Eldon Maxwell, W J H (Dumfriesshire Warde, Col. C. E. Goulding, Edward Alfred Meysey-Thompson, Sir H. M. Webb, Col. Wrn. George Green, W. D. (Wednesbury) Mildmay, Francis Bingham Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury) Molesworth, Sir Lewis Wentworth, Bruce C. Vernon- Grenfell, William Henry Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Whiteley, H. (Ashton-u.-Lyne) Gretton, John Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Groves, James Grimble Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Wills, Sir Frederick Hamilton, Rt. Hn Lord G (Mid'x Morgan. David J (Walth'mst'w Wilson, A. S. (York, E.R.) Hamilton, Marq of (Lnd'nderry Morrell, George Herbert Wilson, John (Falkirk) Harris, Frederick Leverton Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Wilson, John (Glasgow) Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) Wilson, J. W. (Worcestersh., N. Haslett, Sir James Horner Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Higginbottom, S. W. Murray, Chas. J. (Coventry) Wortley, Rt. Hon.C.B.Stuart Hobhouse, H. (Somerset, E.) Nicol, Donald Ninian Wylie, A. Hope, J F. (Sheffield, Brightside O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Hoult, Joseph Peel, Hon. Wm. Robert W. Young, Commander (Berks, E. Howard, John (Kent Faversh'm Penn, John Younger, William Hudson, George Bickersteth Pierpoint, Robert TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Hutton, John (York. N. R.) Pretyman, Ernest George Sir William Walrond and Jessel, Captain Herbert Merton Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Mr. Anstruther.
It being after Midnight, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House.
Resolution to be reported upon Monday next; Committee also report Progress; to sit again upon Monday next.
Consolidated Fund (No. 2) Bill
Considered in Committee.
(In the Committee.)
[Mr. GRANT LAWSON (Yorkshire, N.R., Thirsk) in the Chair.]
Clause 1:—
Question put, "That Clause 1 stand part of the Bill."
The Committee divided:—Ayes, 187; Noes, 62. (Division List No. 293.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Bigwood, James Chapman, Edward Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Bond, Edward Churchill, Winston Spencer Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Brassey, Albert Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Allen, C.P.(Gloucester, Stroud) Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Colomb, Sir John Charles R. Archdale, Edward Mervyn Brymer, William Ernest Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Arkwright, John Stanhope Bull, William James Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Caldwell, James Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Carlile, William Walter Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Bain, Colonel James Robert Causton, Richard Knight Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manch'r Cautley, Henry Strother Craig, Robert Hunter Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (Leeds Cavendish, V.C.W. (Derbysh.) Cranborne, Viscount Balfour, Maj K R (Christchurch Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Crossley, Sir Savile Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H (Bristol) Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Cust, Henry John C. Bentinck, Lord Henry C, Chamberlain, J Austen (Worc'r Dalkeith, Earl of Bignold, Arthur Chaplin, Rt, Hon. Henry Dickinson, Robert Edmond Dickson, Charles Scott Lambton, Hon. Frederick W. Handles, John S. Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) Ratclitfe, R. F. Duke, Henry Edward Lawson, John Grant Renshaw, Charles Bine Dunn, Sir William Layland-Barratt, Francis Rentoul, James Alexander Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Lee, Arthur H (Hants., Fareh'm Ridley, Hn. M. W. (Stalybridge) Elibank, Master of Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Rigg, Richard Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D. Leigh, Sir Joseph Ritchie. Rt. Hon Chas. Thomson Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) Fergusson, Rt Hn. Sir J. (Manc'r Leveson-Gower, Fredk. N. S. Ropner, Col. Robert Finch, George H. Levy, Maurice Round, James Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Long, Col. C. W. (Evesham) Royds, Clement Molyneux Fisher, William Hayes Long, Rt. Hon. W. (Bristol, S. Russell, T. W. Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. Lonsdale, John Brownlee Sandys, Lt.-Col. Thos. Myles Fletcher, Sir Henry Lowther, C. (Cumb., Eskdale) Saunderson. Rt Hn. Col. Edw. J. Foster, P. S. (Warwick. S. W.) Lucas, Col. Francis(Lowestoft) Seely, Chas. Hilton (Lincoln) Fuller, J. M. F. Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) Galloway, William Johnson Lyttelton, Hon. Alfred Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh.) Garfit, William Macartney, Rt. Hn. W G Ellison Smith, Jas. Parker (Lanarks.) Gordon, Hn J. E. (Elgin & Nairn) Macdona, John Cumming Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Gore, Hn G R. C. Ormsby-(Salop Maclver, David (Liverpool) Spear, John Ward Gore, Hn. S. F.Ormsby-(Linc.) Majendie, James A. H. Stanley, Lord (Lancs.) Gorst, Rt.Hon. Sir John Eldon Malcolm, Ian Stevenson, Francis S. Goulding, Edward Alfred Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir H E (Wigt'n Stroyan, John Green, Walford D (Wedn'sb'ry Maxwell, W. J. H (Dumfriessh.) Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) Meysey-Thompson, Sir H. M. Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Grenfell, William Henry Mildmay, Francis Bingham Thornton, Percy M. Gretton, John Molesworth, Sir Lewis Valentia, Viscount Griffith, Ellis J. Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Warde, Col. C. E. Groves, James Grimble Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Webb, Col. William George Hamilton, Rt. Hn Lord G (Mid'x Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.) Harris, Frederick Leverton, Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow) Wentworth, Bruce C. Vernon Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Morrell, George Herbert Whiteley, H. (Ashton-u.-Lyne) Haslett, Sir James Horner Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Williams, Col. R. (Dorset) Hayne, Rt. Hn. Charles Seale Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Helme, Norval Watson Moss, Samuel Wills, Sir Frederick Higginbottom, S. W. Murray, Rt Hn A. Graham (Bute Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.) Hobhouse, Hy. (Somerset, E.) Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) Wilson, John (Glasgow) Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightsd. Nicol, Donald Ninian Wilson, J. W. (Worcestersh., N. Horniman, Frederick John Norman, Henry Wodehouse, Rt Hn. E. R. (Bath) Hoult, Joseph Nussey, Thomas Willans Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Wylie, Alexander Hudson, George Bickersteth Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt. Wellesley Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Jessel, Capt. Herbert Merton Penn, John Young, Commander (Berks, E.) Johnston, William (Belfast) Pierpoint, Robert Younger, William Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Pretyman, Ernest George Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) Pryce-Jones, Lt,-Col. Edward TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. Keswick, William Purvis, Robert Knowles, Lees Pym, C. Guy NOES. Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.) Hammond, John O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Ambrose, Robert Hayden, John Patrick J. O'Doherty, William Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Jordan, Jeremiah O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.) Boland, John Joyce, Michael O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Boyle, James Kennedy, Patrick James O'Dowd, John Burke, E. Haviland Leamy, Edmund O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Lundon, W. O'Kelly, J. (Roscomrnon, N.) Carew, James Laurence M'Dermott, Patrick O'Malley, William Cogan, Denis J. M'Fadden, Edward O'Mara, James Condon, Thomas J. M'Govern, T. O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Crean, Eugene M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Power, Patrick Joseph Cullinan, J. Minch, Matthew Reddy, M. Daly, James Mooney, John J. Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Delany, William Murnaghan, George Redmond. William (Clare) Dillon, John Murphy, John Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Doogan, P. C. Nannetti, Joseph P. Sullivan, Donal Duffy, William J Nolan, Col John P. (Galway, N. Tully, Jasper Farrell, James Patrick Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) White, Patrick (Meath, North) Ffrench, Peter O'Brien, Kendal (Tip'er'ry, Mid Field, William O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny), TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Captain Donelan. Flynn, James Christopher O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) Gilhooly, James O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W).
Clause 2:—
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Clause, 2 stand part of the Bill."
said that the Committee were entitled to some explanation from the Chancellor of the Exchequer with reference to the clause. The Treasury were to be empowered to borrow over thirty-five millions at a rate of interest not exceeding 5 per cent. Did that mean that 5 per cent. was to be paid? Before the war the Treasury could borrow at 2 3/4 per cent., and was it the effect of the war that they should now pay 5 per cent.? It appeared to him that British credit would soon be on a level with some of the South American republics. He thought it should not be permitted to go forth without some explanation that English credit had fallen so low, as a result of a war with a small nation, that the Treasury could not borrow money at less than 5 per cent.
* : If the hon. Member will look back he will find the same clause in every Consolidated Fund Bill. Of course, the Government will not pay 5 per cent, Even the bank rate is now 3 per cent., but I do not suppose we shall borrow at all.
said he understood the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but ho had a serious point to raise. A loan issued by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was generally regarded as profitable, and he desired that instead of floating the loan across the Atlantic or in France or Germany it should be confined to persons in the British Islands. Whatever advantage might be derived from the loan should be confined to the British Islands, and there was plenty of money in Great Britain and Ireland to supply the needs of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He would move an Amendment limiting the loan to the British Islands.
* : I have already put the question that Clause 2 stand part of the Bill.
said in that case he would move the rejection of the clause.
Question put.
The Committee divided:—Ayes, 182; Noes, 61. (Division List No. 294.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Chapman, Edward Fitzroy. Hn. Edward Algernon Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Churchill, Winston Spencer Fletcher, Sir Henry Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Foster, Philip S (Warwick, S. W Allen, C. P. (Glouc., Stroud) Colomb, Sir John Charles R. Fuller, J. M. F. Archdale, Edward Mervyn Colston, Chas. Edw. H. A. Galloway, Wm. Johnson Arkwright, John Stanhope Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Garfit, William Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Corbett, A. C. (Glasgow) Gordon, Hn. J. E (Elgin & Nairn) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Gore, Hn G. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop Bain, Col. James Robert Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc.) Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r) Craig, Robert Hunter Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John Eldon Balfour, Rt. Hn. G.W. (Leeds) Cranborne, Viscount Goulding, Edward Alfred Balfour, Maj K R (Christchurch Crossley, Sir Savile Green, W. D. (Wednesbury) Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol Cust, Henry John C. Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Dalkeith, Earl of Grenfell, Wm. Henry Bignold, Arthur Dickinson, Robert Edmond Gretton, John Bigwood, James Dickson, Charles Scott Griffith, Ellis J. Bond, Edward Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Groves, James Grimble Brassey, Albert Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G. (Midd. Brodrick, Rt. Hn. St. John Duke, Henry Edward Harris, Frederick Leverton Brymer, William Ernest Dunn, Sir William Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Bull, William James Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Haslett, Sir James Horner Caldwell, James Elibank, Master of Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale Carlile, William Walter Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Helme, Norval Watson Cautley, Henry Strother Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edw. Higginbottom, S. W. Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh. Fergusson. Rt Hn. Sir J (Mrnc'r Hobhouse, Hy. (Somerset, E.) Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Finch, George H. Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightsd. Cecil, Lord H. (Greenwich) Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Horniman, Frederick John Chamberlain, J. A. (Worc'r) Fisher, William Hayes Hoult, Joseph Howard, John (Kent, Faversh.) Mildmay, Francis Bingham Seely, Charles H. (Lincoln) Hudson, George Bickersteth Molesworth, Sir Lewis Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) Jessel, Captain Herbert Merton Montagu, T. (Huntingdon) Sinclair, Capt. J.(Forfarshire) Johnston, William (Belfast) Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Smith, James P. (Lanarks.) Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) Morgan, David J (Walthamst'w Spear, John Ward Keswick, William Morrell, George Herbert Stanley, Lord (Lancs.) Knowles, Lees Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Stevenson, Francis S. Lambton. Hon. Frederick Wm. Moss, Samuel Stroyan, John Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Lawson, John Grant Nicol, Donald Ninian Thornton, Percy M. Layland-Barratt, Francis Norman, Henry Valentia, Viscount Lee, Arthur H (Hants., Fareh'm Nussey, Thomas Willans Warde, Colonel C. E. Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Webb, Col. William George Leigh, Sir Joseph Peel, Hn Wm Robert Wellesley Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts.) Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Penn, John Wentworth, C. Bruce Vernon Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S Pierpoint, Robert Whiteley, H (Ashton und. Lyne Levy, Maurice Pretyman, Ernest George Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham) Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Williams, Osmond (Merioneth Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S Purvis, Robert Wills, Sir Frederick Lonsdale, John Brownlee Pym, C. Guy Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.) Lowther. C. (Cumb., Eskdale) Randles, John S. Wilson, John (Glasgow) Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft) Ratcliff, R. F. Wilson, J. W. (Worcestersh., N. Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Renshaw, Charles Bine Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Lyttelton, Hon Alfred Ridley, Hon. M. W (Stalybridge Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart Macartney, Rt. Hn. W G Ellison Rigg, Richard Wylie, Alexander Macdona, John Camming Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas Thomson Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Maclver, David (Liverpool) Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) Young, Commander (Berks, E.) Majendie, James A. H. Ropner, Colonel Robert Younger, William Malcolm, Ian Round, James Maxwell, Rt. Hn Sir H E (Wigt'n Royds, Clement Molyneux TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. Maxwell, W J H (Dumfriesshire Russell, T. W. Meysey-Thompson, Sir H. M. Sandys, Lt.-Col. Thos. Myles NOES. Abraham, William (Cork, N. E. Hayden, John Patrick O'Doherty, William Ambrose, Robert Jordan, Jeremiah O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.) Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Joyce, Michael O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Boland, John Kennedy, Patrick James O'Dowd, John Boyle, James Leamy, Edmund O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Burke, E. Haviland Lundon, W. O'Kelly, Jas. (Roscommon, N. Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) M'Dermott, Patrlck O'Malley, William Cogan, Denis J. M'Fadden, Edward O'Mara, James Condon, Thomas Joseph M'Govern, T. O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Crean, Eugene M'Killop. W. (Sligo, North) Power, Patrick Joseph Cullinan, J. Minch, Matthew Reddy, M. Daly, James Mooney, John J. Redmond, John E. (Waterford Delany, William Murnaghan, George Redmond, William (Clare) Dillon, John Murphy, John Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Doogan, P. C. Nannetti, Joseph P. Sullivan, Donal Duffy, William J. Nolan, Col. J. P. (Galway, N.) Tully, Jasper Farrell, James Patrick Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) White, Patrick (Meath, N.) Ffrench, Peter O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid) Field, William O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Captain Donelan. Flynn, James Christopher O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) Gilhooly, James O'Connor, Jas. (Wicklow, W.) Hammond, John O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)
Clause 3 agreed to.
Bill reported, without Amendment; to be read the third time upon Monday next.
Youthful Offenders [Expenses]
Resolution reported—
"That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be pro- vided by Parliament, of contributions towards the cost of maintaining in custody children or young persons under any Act of the present session to amend the law relating to Youthful Offenders."
Resolution agreed to.
Adjourned at twenty minutes before One of the clock till Monday next.