House of Commons
Thursday, July 4, 1901
Private Bill Business
Kettering Urban District Water Bill
Lords' Amendments considered, and agreed to.
Biggleswade Water Board Bill
Read the third time, and passed.
London United Tramways Bill. (by Order.)
As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
Naval Works Provisional Order Bill
Read the third time, and passed.
Local Government Provisional Order (Port) Bill
As amended, considered; read the third time, and passed.
BIRMINGHAM (CITY) TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]
TYNESIDE TRAMWAYS AND TRAMROADS BILL [Lords]
Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Railway Bills (Group 9)
reported from the Committee on Group No. 9 of Railway Bills: That, there being no business ready for their consideration, they had adjourned until Monday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.
Report to lie upon the Table.
CHESTERFIELD IMPROVEMENT BILL [Lords]
Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to—
Electric Lighting Provisional Order (No.1) Bill,
Newry Port and Harbour Trust Bill
Tees Valley Water Board Bill,
Llandrindod Wells Urban District Council Water Bill,
Great Eastern Railway Bill, with Amendments.
Amendments to—
Prestatyn Water Bill [Lords],
Poulton-le-Fylde Gas Bill [Lords], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act for incorporating and conferring powers on the Hendon Tramways Company; and for other purposes." Hendon Tramways Bill [Lords].
HENDON TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Petitions
Agricultural Rates Congested District and Burgh Land Tax Relief (Scotland) Bill
Petition from Lanark, against reenactment; to lie upon the Table.
Burgh Sewerage, Drainage, and Water Supply (Scotland) Bill
Petition from Glasgow, against; to lie upon the Table.
Habitual Drunkards Bill
Petition from Glasgow, for the extension of provisions to Scotland; to lie upon the Table.
Metrical System of Weights and Measures and Coinage
Petition from Keighley, for legislation; to lie upon the Table.
Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill
Petitions in favour, from Glastonbury; Ventnor; Stepney; Colchester; Blakedown; and Tunbridge Wells; to lie on the Table.
Sovereign's Oath on Accession Bill
Two Petitions from Paisley, against; to lie upon the Table.
Returns, Reports, Etc
Allotments (Scotland)
Return [presented 3rd July] to be printed. [No. 251.]
Ecclesiastical Commission (Licensed Houses)
Return presented, relative thereto [Address 22nd April; Lord Hugh Cecil ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 252.]
Local Government Act, 1888
Copy presented, of Regulations made by the Local Government Board amending the regulations applying to the creation, issue, transfer, redemption, and other dealings with any Stock created by County Councils under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Public Health Acts Amendment Act, 1890
Copy presented, of Regulations made by the Local Government Board amending the regulations applying to the creation, issue, transfer, and redemption, and other dealings with any Stock created by Local Authorities under the Public Health Acts Amendment Act, 1890 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Diseases of Animals Act, 1894
Copy presented, of Report of Proceedings by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction for Ireland, under the Diseases of Animals Acts, for the year 1900 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Trade Reports (Miscellaneous Series)
Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Miscellaneous Series, Nos. 558 and 559 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Submarine Telegraph Contract (Ascension and Sierra Leone)
Copy ordered, "of Agreement made the 22nd day of June, 1901, between His Majesty's Government and the Eastern Telegraph Company, Limited, for the construction, maintenance, and working of a submarine cable between Sierra Leone and Ascension; together with a Copy of the Treasury Minute thereon dated the 23rd day of June, 1901."— ( Mr. Austen Chamberlain .)
Torpedo Boat Destroyers
Return ordered, "giving the names of all the various Torpedo Boat Destroyers which have been built for the British Admiralty, stating the date when they were ordered and of whom, the dates when they were launched, the number of official trials to which they were subjected, and the dates when they were accepted by the Admiralty, or, in the case of unfinished boats, the expected date of delivery; also the numbers of preliminary trials of boats of thirty knots or over, and particulars of typical cases where those trials have been exceptional in number and have extended over considerable periods."—( Sir Edward Reed .)
Questions
Questions
Boer Prisoners at St. Helenacase of Godefroy
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the fact that a young man named Godefroy, son of the Rev. Mr. Godefroy, of Pretoria, was shot in the camp of Boer prisoners in St. Helena by a British sentry on the 19th February, 1901; will he state what cause was alleged by the sentry for shooting this prisoner, what was the nature of the inquiry held, and what was the result of the inquiry.
* : The Governor of St. Helena informs me that Godefroy was shot in camp by a sentry on 9th February. A court of inquiry found that at the time Godefroy was stoning the sentry, who fired in self-defence.
Can the right hon. Gentleman enable me to see the full report of that inquiry? My information is of a totally different character.
* : The reports of such inquiries are not usually published.
Will the right hon. Gentleman take into consideration the fact that this is not an ordinary court of inquiry, but an inquiry into a case where a civilian was shot?
* : I will consider it.
Siege of Kimberley—Claim by the De Beers Company
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether a claim of £300,000 has been preferred by the right honourable Cecil Rhodes, De Beers Diamond Mine Company, at Kimberley, in relation to expenses alleged to have been incurred by Mr. Rhodes and by the company for goods supplied and services rendered during the siege; and, if so, what answer, if any, has been accorded to this demand of Mr. Rhodes and of the De Beers Diamond Company.
* : The sum of £300,000 was stated as the expense incurred, but I understand the amount really claimed is £54,641 4s. 9d. The accounts are being examined, but no payment has yet been sanctioned.
Concentration Camps—Burgher Camps Committee
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, in the month of January last, the Militia authorities in Johannesburg refused to allow to be cashed a draft for £300 which had been received by the local committee for the relief of the women and children in the prison camp at Johannesburg, and the committee were consequently obliged to return this draft and another for a similar amount to Cape Town, unused at a time when the urgent need for relief existed, and whether every facility is now afforded for committees, irrespective of nationality or politics, to convey relief in money or goods to women and children detained in prison camps in South Africa.
* : I am not aware of the matters alleged in the first paragraph. Every facility is afforded to committees to convey relief to the refugee camps under the superintendence of the Burgher Camps Committee. The facilities afforded and the assistance rendered have been acknowledged by the Netherlands Benevolent Society.
What is the Burgher Camps Committee?
* : It is, as I have explained more than once, a committee formed locally in order to facilitate the distribution of comforts and other gifts sent.
What is the nature of this committee? Who are they? Who constitute them?
* : I cannot give the hon. Member details; but I have already informed the House that Lord Kitchener has said that these committees have been formed locally and are now working.
Johannesburg Refugees
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that the population of Johannesburg and its immediate neighbourhood is now estimated at 30,000, whereas before the outbreak of hostilities the population of Johannesburg alone was 150,000; and will he state what steps, if any, have been taken to restore the 120,000 people driven out of Johannesburg by the war to their work and their homes.
I do not know whether the figures given by the hon. Member are correct or not, but I am aware that the number of refugees from Johannesburg is very large, and the question of their return has received, and will continue to receive, most careful consideration. It is governed by the exigencies of the military situation, but a certain number have already been allowed to return, and every effort is being made to accelerate the movement.
Wives of Fighting Boers—Proposed Deportation from Pretoria
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state why the version of the letter addressed by Lord Roberts to General Botha as published in the recent Blue-book suppresses several passages; and can he state whether in this letter Lord Roberts proposed to deport Mrs. Kruger, Mrs. Botha, and the wives and families of the fighting Boers from Pretoria.
Yes, Sir, Lord Roberts, under military necessity, did contemplate the exercise of his undoubted right to transfer the care and maintenance of the families of the enemy to their natural protectors. He abandoned his intention, as after correspondence he feared the women and children must inevitably suffer greater hardships and privations. As regards the first part of the hon. Member's question, perhaps he will kindly be good enough to refer to the title-page of the Blue-book, which publishes correspondence as far as it affects the destruction of property, and there would be no public advantage in publishing any further communications.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that these passages appeared in a leading Dutch organ, and that they have been deliberately suppressed in the Blue-book?
Does the right hon. Gentleman recollect that only on Tuesday last he denied to me that there was any correspondence with reference to the deportation—
Order, order! The question on the Paper has been answered.
Transvaal Gold Mines Taxation —Sir David Harbour's Report
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government will consider the advisability of taking any action to secure from the Transvaal Gold Mining Companies† a larger payment towards revenue and war purposes than the 5 per cent. additional tax on their profits, yielding £250,000 per annum, in view of the recommendation by Sir David Barbour to cancel the dynamite monopoly, which has hitherto yielded £600,000 yearly.
No, Sir. I do not think the hon. Member does understand the question yet. I do not know of any single company, either the Transvaal Gold Mining Company or any other, upon which a tax of 5 per cent.
† In the Question appearing on the Notice Paper the word "Company" was used.
would produce a sum of £250,000 per annum. Although it is the fact that the Boer Government did propose to impose a tax of 5 per cent, upon profits, that tax was not levied; and, accordingly, the 10 per cent. which Sir David Barbour recommends would be a tax levied for the first time. I have also to point out that, though Sir David Barbour made recommendations with regard to the dynamite monopoly, I have already informed the hon. Member that His Majesty's Government have not come to any conclusion on the subject, and therefore his question is one of pure hypothesis. On the whole, I have to say that the recommendations made in Sir David Barbour's Report are, as has already been stated, under the consideration of His Majesty's Government, and I am not prepared to make any further statement at present.
* : May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he did not state that His Majesty's Government agreed to the general principle laid down in the Report?
Yes, Sir.
Lands Settlement Report
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the Report of the Lands Settlement (South Africa) Commission, and in regard to the statement on the part of the Commissioners to the effect that it is to be feared that the expenditure of blood and money on the war will be wasted unless strenuous efforts be made to establish in the country at the close of the war a British population large enough to make division and disorder impossible, he will state to what extent His Majesty's Government propose to adopt the recommendations of the Commission.
I am not in a position to make such a statement for the reason given in my reply to a question by the hon. Member for the Rushcliffe Division of Nottingham on Thursday last.†
Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking Sieges
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if any Return can be prepared which will show the rate of mortality that prevailed among the women and children imprisoned by the Boers at Ladysmith, Kimberley, and Mafeking during their invasion of Natal and Cape Colony, more especially in reference of the high death rate from enteric caused by dead horses and other putrescent matter having been thrown into the river above Ladysmith; whether any Return can be prepared of the dietary of the women and children whilst imprisoned by the Boers, and whether the Boer commanders ever took any steps to ascertain if the children they had imprisoned were provided with a proper adequate daily supply of milk, or as to the adequacy of the dietary in general of the women; and will he order that the Returns, if granted, shall specify in each case whether the women and children in question were prisoners or at liberty to leave.
As regards Ladysmith, the civil population numbered about 8,000. They were not permitted by the Boer general to leave the town or the neutral camp at Intombi after the commencement of the siege. Our Returns do not give the numbers of sick or of deaths among the civil population. The proportion, however, of sickness among the troops, due to a considerable extent to causes similar to those which affected the civil population, was very heavy, and our Returns show that at one time it equalled about one-fifth of the available strength. Considerable suffering was occasioned among the civilians by the cutting of the water main, leaving as the only source of supply the Klip River, which was exceedingly foul from the causes mentioned by the hon. Member. The women and children were given the following rations during the siege. For adults: Preserved meat ½ lb., or fresh meat, either beef or horse flesh, ¾lb.; biscuit ½ lb., or 1 lb. bread, subsequently reduced when siege was prolonged. Children were given half rates. The milk supply was quite inadequate and was not even sufficient for those who were under treatment in the military and civil hospitals suffering from diseases which required a milk diet. It was impossible, therefore, to provide any supply for those in health, either women or children. The civil population of Kimberley numbered over 40,000. The deaths during the siege were 1,694. At Mafeking the white civil population numbered about 700. In seven months there were 36 deaths among them, or about 5 per cent. Of the native population we have not precise information as to deaths or sickness; nine women, however, are reported as having been killed by the Boers and two wounded in an attempt to leave the town on the 15th April, 1900.
In how many cases were the houses of these women and children burnt down by the Boers?
Army Medical Service—Committee of Experts
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the Committee of Experts to consider the future organisation of the Army Medical Service will take into consideration the arrangements to be made in time of peace for utilising in time of war the services of civil surgeons and trained civilian nurses in connection with the Army Medical Service; and will he state what will be the reference to the Committee.
The Committee will be invited to consider the general medical requirements of the Army. The Committee is a consultative Committee, and I do not propose to publish, the terms of reference.
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the Committee on the Army Medical Department will take evidence, and whether it will be allowed to suggest alternative schemes to that proposed by the chairman; and whether its proceedings will be public.
No, Sir. So far as at present arranged the Committee will not take evidence, and its proceedings will be private. It will, of course, be open to any member of the Committee to submit alternative proposals.
Third Gordon Highlanders—Disembodiment
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state the intentions of the Government with reference to the disembodiment of the 3rd Battalion Gordon Highlanders, now serving at Aldershot.
Orders for the disembodiment of this battalion have already been issued. The disembodiment will take place on the 6th instant.
Runnymede Rifle Range
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if his attention has been called to the fact that the Runnymede rifle range, near Staines, has been offered for sale to the War Office, and that the offer has been refused; and, seeing that this range is likely to be sold for other purposes and to cease to be available any longer for shooting, whether he will take the matter into reconsideration with the view of still securing this ground as a rifle range.
The purchase of the Runnymede range was refused, as it is not required for use by Regular troops or Militia.
Attestation of Recruits—Age Regulations
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether any punishment can be inflicted upon a recruit who on attestation gives a wrong answer as to age; and, if no punishment can be legally inflicted in such a case, whether he will take steps to provide adequate punishment.
I must refer the hon. Member to the answer given on 2nd April to the hon. Member for the North Division of Aberdeen, in reply to a similar question.† For the reasons given in that reply, effective results from any legislation on this point could not be expected.
Naval Organisation
I beg to ask the Civil Lord of the Admiralty whether the Government will consider the advisability of appointing either a Departmental Committee or a Committee similar to the one which, inquired into the reorganisation of the War Office, both to satisfy the country that the Department is in a position to stand the strain of prolonged naval operations, and, if necessity be shown, to prepare a scheme for placing that Department in a fit and proper condition to undertake the supervision of a possible naval war against one or more European Powers.
No reason is seen for an inquiry of the nature mentioned by the hon. Member, and it is not proposed to appoint a Committee for such a purpose.
Indian Army—Leave Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether he will take into consideration the proposal that much greater facilities at reduced charges should be given to officers and selected men in the Army, as a reward, to enable them to come to England for three months leave at intervals during their career in India; whether this could be arranged by affording them facilities on vessels returning or on specially chartered vessels; and whether, with the view of improving by such an arrangement the health and consequent efficiency of the army in India and increasing its popularity, he will cause an experiment to be made to carry out this proposal.
I should be glad if the facilities for taking leave could be increased with due regard to the requirements of the service and without imposing any undue charge on Indian revenues. But the question which the hon. member has raised is a large one, and could only be considered in consultation not only with, the Government of India, but also with the War Office, as it is closely connected with the grant of leave to soldiers serving abroad in other parts of the Empire. I will not lose sight of the question.
China—Russia and Manchuria
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can give the House any further information as to the position at present held or claimed by Russia in Manchuria.
* : I can add nothing to the statement I made on the 6th May on this subject. †
Is the noble Lord aware that a Yellow-book has been laid in the French Chamber giving information to 18th June on this and other Chinese questions?
[No answer was returned.]
Sir Claude Macdonald—Journey in American Liner
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that Sir Claude MacDonald, His Majesty's Minister in Japan, has travelled to this country via the United States, and by North German Lloyd steamship across the Atlantic; whether Sir Claude MacDonald's expenses upon this journey will be paid by the Foreign Office from public funds; if he will give instructions that official journeys from Japan shall in future be by the fast Empress Line of British steamships across the Pacific, by the Canadian Pacific Railway across Canada, and by a British steamship across the Atlantic; and if he will cause instructions to be issued by the Foreign Office that all official journeys outwards and homewards shall, when equal facilities are available, be made upon British vessels.
Sir Claude MacDonald's travelling expenses on this occasion will be defrayed from public funds. In such cases as this the con-
† See Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xciii., page 748.
venience of British officials concerned is the principal consideration, and the route chosen by Sir Claude MacDonald was the quickest available. It is not proposed to issue any instructions on the subject.
Welsh Colony in Patagonia
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if the commander of H.M.S. "Basilisk" has been asked to investigate into the treatment of the Welsh colonists in Patagonia by the Government of the Argentine Republic, and, if his report is in agreement with that of the chaplain of H.M.S. "Flora," what action His Majesty's Government propose to take.
* : The commander of His Majesty's ship "Basilisk" was not instructed to make any special investigation into the position of the Welsh colonists in Patagonia, but visited the settlement in pursuance of standing orders that the senior naval officer on the South-east coast of America shall arrange for periodical visits to the district. The reports of Commander Dodgson and of the chaplain of His Majesty's ship "Flora" agree in stating that some of the colonists are anxious to leave, and if possible to settle in a British colony. The Foreign Office and Colonial Office are considering whether action can be taken in furtherance of this wish.
His Majesty's Style and Title
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the development of interest in the colonies of the Empire in Imperial affairs, he will inquire into and consider, with special reference to the colonies, the desirability of representing to His Majesty and His Majesty's Government the advantage to the British Empire of His Majesty's style and title being so expressed as to more clearly recognise Royal and Imperial Sovereignty over the entire British Empire.
I have been in communication with the colonies, and I hope that Papers on the subject will shortly be laid, and a Bill introduced.
Ashanti—Deportation of Chiefs
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he has assented to an ordinance of the Gold Coast Colony which provides for the deportation and imprisonment of forty-six persons—kings, queens, chiefs and others—of Ashanti; and whether he will lay upon the Table Papers relating to the matter, showing the reasons for the ordinance and the specific charges made against each of the persons who are to be deported.
The Papers asked for will be included in Papers which I hope to lay very shortly.
Income Tax on Dividends
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that the income tax on dividends for the half-year ending on 30th June last has been deducted sometimes at 1s. 1d. and sometimes at 1s. 2d. in the pound, and whether he will state what is the proper rate for the tax to be deducted for the half-year in question.
It is impossible for me to say what would be the proper rate of deduction in any particular case without knowing the facts, but the Inland Revenue issued a circular in April, immediately after the Budget, which affords clear directions on the subject.
Coal Duty Remissions
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if he can now state how much of the amount of £100,000, remitted off the duty on coal of a value at the time of shipment not exceeding 6s. per ton, will go to the relief of the consumer abroad, and how much to the producer and exporter in this country.
* : This is entirely a matter of opinion. I think that last year it would have been a relief to the consumer abroad, but as I was convinced by the arguments put before me that in a bad year it might have fallen, at any rate to some extent, on the producer, I agreed to the exemption.
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will state the broad principle on which he proposes to exempt the duty on coal shipped before the 31st December next by merchants under free Budget purchase contracts of a speculative nature, that is contracts entered into with the producer but not covered by sales, whereas similar coal shipped during the same period by merchants under speculative sale contracts, that is contracts not covered by purchases, will be charged the full duty.
I have never proposed, and I do not think I have never been asked for, an exemption in favour of contracts for the purchase of coal from the producer here not covered by sales to a purchaser abroad. The whole question of exemption from duty relates to the latter. If a man has bought coal here merely with the intention of selling it to a purchaser abroad, he can either add the duty to the price of the coal to such purchaser or sell his coal in some other way. In either case it is a speculation.
City of London Police
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, seeing he has only a limited authority over the Commissioner of Police for the City of London, and as that official also is independent of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, he will grant an inquiry into the present mode of working of this system and the general results which accrue from this present arrangement.
* : I am afraid that, in the numerous answers I have given to my hon. and gallant friend on this subject, I have failed to make myself understood. I have repeatedly stated that the Commissioner acts subject to the control of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and while I am perfectly prepared to make an inquiry where a case is made out, I know of no case which is made out for such an inquiry as that suggested.
May I ask my right hon. friend if I am to take it that he is satisfied with the present division of responsibility?
* : I have no reason to be dissatisfied either with the control or the administration of the police in the City of London.
Burglaries at Brixton
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the recent burglaries in the neighbourhood of Brixton, the house of the vicar of Brixton having been broken into for the second time on last Thursday, and a post office broken into on Saturday; whether he can give the number of burglaries within the last quarter and the number of cases in which culprits have been made amenable; and, seeing that dissatisfaction prevails in the district at the failure of the police to cope with the evil, whether he will see that in future adequate precautions are taken to prevent a recurrence of these burglaries.
* : I have not by me the figures for which the hon. Member asks, but I have no reason to suppose that the precautions at present taken by the police for the protection of property in the district referred to are inadequate.
Seamen's Rating
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether, seeing that Section 126 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, states that a seaman shall not be entitled to the rating of A.B. unless he has served four years before the mast, he can say by whose authority superintendents of mercantile marine offices were given permission to enter men on articles of agreement who could not prove four years sea service, and the letters N.P. put opposite the names of such men.
The Board of Trade are ad- vised that, notwithstanding the provisions of the section to which the hon. Member refers, superintendents of mercantile marine have no power to refuse to allow seamen to be entered as A.B.'s in articles of agreement when they are presented as such by the owners or masters of ships, with whom, in fact, the responsibility of rating rests. Superintendents are acting in the matter under instructions issued to them by the Board of Trade.
May I ask if it is not within the power of the Board of Trade to appoint superintendents who can say whether a seaman is a seaman or not?
I do not think it would be in the power of the Board of Trade to do that.
May I ask whether this will be one of the matters to be inquired into by the Committee of which the right hon. Gentleman spoke?
I am not in a position to make any statement as to that.
Manning of Mercantile Marine
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether any instructions have been issued to surveyors of ships fixing the number of able seamen to be carried on sailing vessels and steamers; and if he is in a position to state how many able seamen would the rule provide for the "Primrose Hill," which was recently lost off the Welsh coast.
In reply to the first paragraph of the hon. Member's question, I would refer him to the reply I gave to a similar inquiry put to me by the hon. Member for East Clare on the 21st May. † With regard to the second paragraph, no scale has been issued by the Board of Trade laying down the number of A.B.'s that should be carried in such a case. I am, however, advised that the scale of manning recom-
† See Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xciv., page 773.
mended in the Report of the Manning Committee was complied with both as regards the number of "effectives" and the proportion of individual effectives.
Electric Tramway Accidents
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he will state whether electric tramways are inspected by an officer of the Board of Trade before being opened for the conveyance of the public; and will he say whether accidents on such tramways are made a subject of a Board of Trade inquiry.
The reply to the first portion of the hon. Member's question is in the affirmative. Wherever the circumstances seem to require it, accidents occurring on electric tramways are made the subject of an inquiry by an officer of the Board of Trade.
Civil Service Examinations at Inverness
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, as representing the Secretary for Scotland, whether it has been decided not to hold any more Civil Service examinations in Inverness; and, if so, will he state the grounds upon which the decision has been arrived at; also whether, in view of the importance of this question to persons in the north of Scotland, instructions will be given to continue the examinations in Inverness for a further period of two years, so as to give the experiment a longer trial.
Yes, Sir. The number of candidates at the thirteen examinations held at Inverness between the beginning of 1895 and last May was only thirty-nine, and the Civil Service Commissioners do not think that this result justifies the continuance of the experiment.
Hereford Will Registry—Radnorshire and Breconshire Wills
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that there is no complete index of the Radnorshire and Breconshire wills lodged at the Herefordshire registry; and whether, for the public convenience, the Commissioners of Inland Revenue will take steps to have such an index made.
I am aware that there is no complete index of the Radnorshire and Breconshire wills at the Hereford registry, but the same may be said of other registries, and I am informed that the cost of having such an index made in all cases would be "enormous." I am not prepared to recommend a grant for the purpose.
Post Office and Railway Companies — Interchange of Telegraphic Work
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether his attention has been called to the fact that the total value of the work done by the Post Office for Government was for the year ending 31st March, 1900, of the value of £70,746 11s. 6½d., of which £34,064 1s. 8½d. was for telegrams, and that there is a corresponding sum for work done for railway companies by the Department in excess of telegrams which for the same period amount to £59,676; and can he state what is the total money value of all services rendered by the Department to railway companies free of charge.
The sum of £70,000 mentioned in the hon. Member's question represents only the value of work performed by the telegraph department of the Post Office. Against this must be set the value of the work done by other Departments of Government for the telegraph service, amounting to nearly £90,000. I cannot say what is the total money value of all services rendered by the Post Office to railway companies free of charge; but it must be remembered that these services are part of the consideration paid to the companies for the acquisition of their telegraph rights by the Post Office, and that the Post Office gets a further quid pro quo in the shape of wayleave or other facilities.
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he can say what explanation there is for the fact that during the year ending 31st March, 1900, the number of telegrams sent for Government, amounting to 454,195, represent, as per the Postmaster General's Report, a money value of £34,064 1s. 8½d., whereas 1,443,766 telegrams sent free for railway companies only represent £59,676.
The explanation is that the Government telegrams were longer than the railway telegrams.
Science and Art Grants to Wales and Monmouth
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he will state what amount was expended in the year 1899-1900 by the Science and Art Department in grants to schools and classes in Wales and Monmouthshire, and whether he can state what amount was expended by school boards in Wales and Monmouthshire during the same period out of the rates for purposes declared by the recent decision to be illegal.
The Science and Art grants to schools and classes in Wales and Monmouthshire amounted in 1899-1900 to £9,541 2s. 9d., of which £3,756 3s. 1d. was in respect of grants to schools carried on in school-board buildings. The Board of Education have no means of estimating the amount paid by school boards for illegal purposes out of the rates. The amount in day schools would be very small; in evening schools it would probably constitute a larger proportion of their total expenditure in Wales.
Registration of Teachers
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he can say when the Order in Council containing the regulations for the registration of teachers will be laid upon the Table.
I am very much afraid that the Order in Council will not be ready to be laid for some time. The Report of the Consultative Committee is now before the Board of Education, and it will have to be very carefully considered. There are financial considerations involved which may require further communications between the Board and the Committee.
Cattle Diseases, Annual Report
* : I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he can state when the Annual Reports of Proceedings under the Diseases of Animals Acts and the Markets and Fairs (Weighing of Cattle) Acts, for the year 1900, will be presented to Parliament.
It is hoped that the report in question will be ready for circulation in about a fortnight.
North Sea Fisheries Convention
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, as representing the Secretary for Scotland, whether Sir Colin Scott Moncrieff, who represented the British Government at the recent Hydrographical Conference at Christiania, put forward a proposal in regard to the extension of the three-mile limit; and, if not, will he give the reason, and will he say whether any correspondence on this subject has passed between the British Government and the signatories to the North Sea Convention within the last two years.
* : Sir Colin Scott Moncrieff did not bring forward any proposal at the Christiania Conference in regard to the extension of the three-mile limit, nor was he instructed to do so. The object of the Conference was to devise an international programme of scientific research with a view of discovering the causes of the diminution of the supply of fish in the North Sea. It was outside their terms of reference to make any proposal that did not rest on a scientific basis, or have a scientific object. I am not a ware that there has been any recent correspondence on this subject between His Majesty's Government and the signatories to the North Sea Convention, excepting that the question of reserving certain areas in excess of the three-mile limit has been discussed with the Danish Government.
School Teachers in the Highland Crofting Counties
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, as representing the Secretary for Scotland, whether he is aware that in the Highland Crofting Counties a large proportion of the ratepayers who have the right to vote at parliamentary, county council, and parish council elections have no vote for the school board by reason of their rentals being under £4; and, seeing that in these circumstances these people have no voice in the selection of persons employed to teach their children, will he consider the expediency of introducing legislation such as will give school teachers in the crofting counties the right of appeal to the Scotch Education Department when under notice of dismissal by the school board.
* : We are not prepared to propose, legislation with the view of establishing any special conditions with respect to a right of appeal against dismissal in the case of teachers in the crofting counties.
Labourers' Cottages at Carrickmacross and Castleblaney
On behalf of the hon. Member for South Monaghan, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the amount of the Exchequer Contribution towards the erection of labourers' cottages, respectively, at the close of last year, to the unions of Carrickmacross and Castleblaney.
The amount remitted to the county council on behalf of the Carrickmacross District Council was £102, and on behalf of the Castleblaney, No. 1, District Council, £188. Further sums of £176 6s. 1d. and £324 19s. 1d. were paid to the Board of Works in repayment of loans to these district councils respectively.
Catholic Jurors and the Oath—Castlebar Coroner's Inquiry
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to an inquest held, last week at Castlebar Lunatic Asylum at which a Roman Catholic juror, named Michael Moran, refused to be sworn on a Protestant Bible, and demanded to be sworn on a Roman Catholic Bible which was lying on the table; is he aware that the coroner ordered the police to remove Mr. Moran; and will he state what authority he had for doing so.
It is true that the one juror named objected to be sworn on a Protestant Bible. The coroner, who is also a Roman Catholic, having a sufficient number of jurors, also all Roman Catholics, dispensed with Mr. Moran's attendance and gave an order that he should leave the court. He complied with the order. The coroner apparently acted on the authority vested in him by virtue of his office.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that in future the coroner has instructions to swear Catholic jurors on a Catholic Bible?
I believe I have no power over coroners.
Irish Education—Circular on Convent Schools
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware of the issue of a circular from the Education Office in Dublin, signed by the two secretaries, which they state they neither saw nor signed; whether any information in connection with the issue of this circular has come to the notice of any responsible official; if so, can he state when; whether the matter has been reported by any official to the Board; whether the delinquent has been ascertained; and whether any and what action has been taken by the Board.
The circular alluded to is one of two documents, drawn up to explain the manner in which the quarterly applications for grants to convent schools were to be prepared by the communities, and the amounts to be provisionally claimed pending final arrangements under the new rules. One of the documents related to schools receiving the full quarter's grant on the new system, and the other was used where payment was to be made partly on the new and partly on the old system. The original, which was a single document, was issued in June, 1900, under the authority of the resident Commissioner, and of the senior secretary who was then in office. On the occasion of the second issue, three months later, practically the same document was sent out with the same object, but in two parts, to suit the two distinct classes of case. For this course there was full official authority. There were two subsequent quarterly issues of the same papers—one in December, 1900, and one in March, 1901, when the necessity for any further use of the form came to an end.
But I submit that the right hon. Gentleman has not answered my question as to whether the circular bore the names of officials who deny that they either signed or authorised it.
I have read an account of what took place.
Will inquiry be made to find out if these allegations are well founded?
I have made careful inquiry, and the answer I have given is a fair and full statement of what occurred. If necessary, on the Estimates I shall be prepared to go into the matter at greater length.
Sanitation in Dromore
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he can give the date on which the Dromore, county Down, Urban Council made the Order to have the premises reported as unhealthy put in proper sanitary condition, and state what steps were taken to ensure the carrying out of the Order; is he aware that in Meeting Street there are over a dozen houses without a single closet, either earth or water, and that the medical officer of health repeatedly sent in reports as to the unsanitary condition of several houses to no avail, as the council did not enforce compliance with his recommendations; and, seeing that the inhabitants are dissatisfied with the council for not enforcing the sanitary laws, will he direct the Local Government Board to send an inspector to inquire and report on the condition of the town.
The Order was made on the 4th March, and prosecutions have been ordered by the district council against persons for not complying with it. The present medical officer has not reported on the condition of the houses in Meeting Street; the owners have undertaken to provide the sanitary accommodation to the absence of which the hon. Member just referred. The Local Government Board has not received any complaint of default by the sanitary authority, and does not, therefore, feel called upon to interfere in the matter.
Mountmellick Labourers' Cottage Scheme
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that two bills were received by the Mountmellick District Council on the 22nd instant from the arbitrator, one for £20 in connection with five cottages, and a second for £15 for three cottages in another scheme, and whether a resolution was passed at the meeting to the effect that the council considered the charges too high and protested against its payment; and if he will state upon what authority those claims were based, and whether the Local Government Board will request this arbitrator to abate his demand.
The Local Government Board is in communication with the district council in respect of the particular items, included in the amounts mentioned, to which exception is taken. The account will be carefully investigated by the Board, and if it be shown to be exorbitant, the Board will take steps to reduce it.
Irish Urban Rate Collection
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that discontent exists among urban councils in Ireland as to the present method of making, collecting, and accounting of rates in Ireland; whether, in order to obviate the difficulties created by the present system, he would be prepared to recommend that all urban rates be made on the same day, entered up in one rate book, and included in all sets of demand notes; whether he would dispense with Form 2, under the Urban Rate-Collectors' Order; and whether he would provide for a consolidation of rates for separate charges.
My attention has been drawn to the difficulties mentioned, and I am considering whether they can be removed.
When may we expect a decision?
I can give no date. I am doing all I can to forward the matter.
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that difficulty is experienced by urban councils in complying with the annual demands of the county council as at present made; that, in consequence of the quarterly payments to be made, the urban council, by reason of publication of notices making, assessing, and collecting rates, loses at least five weeks before it can commence to get the first quarterly payment collected; and whether, in order to prevent legal proceedings and costs against urban districts, half-yearly instead of quarterly payments might be made.
The difficulty referred to is experienced in some towns, but as a rule it is due to the delay of the urban councils in making their rate. If the estimates and other preliminary work in connection with the making of the rate are dealt with at a sufficiently early date before the commencement of the financial year, the collection could be started in time to enable funds to be raised to meet the demands of the county council. The Board considers that quarterly payments would be more convenient for the county councils, and for the unions and districts which have to be supplied by them with funds. It is necessary that provision should be made for the early payment by urban district councils of amounts demanded by county councils, as these latter bodies have to supply funds to the unions for the relief of the destitute poor, a proportion of which is payable by the urban area.
Early Closing of Shops in Dublin
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the remarks made by the magistrate of the Southern Division police court, Dublin, on a circular issued by the shop assistants of Dublin calling on the public to perform their shopping (drapery) before 7 p.m., and on the owners of drapery establishments to close their premises at this hour on all evenings except Saturdays; and whether he will state by what authority this magistrate has taken the action mentioned in this matter.
In the course of a trial for assault on a shopkeeper the magistrate commented on this circular, which had been issued by the Shop Assistants' Association. The language of the circular seemed to imply that, peaceful means having failed to induce the shopkeeper to close his shop, some other means should be adopted. The magistrate decided this case, of a shop assistant who had assaulted a shopkeeper, not on the circular, but on the facts. His reference to the terms of the circular was in the nature of proper comment on a document calculated to give rise to similar excesses.
Shannon Development Company's Service
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state particulars as to the number of passengers who came on to and left the boats of the Shannon Development Company at Kilgarvan Quay, Dromineer, Rossmare, and Williamstown; whether his attention has been called to a series of complaints, and will he take any steps to remedy the alleged grievance.
The hon. Member has communicated to me, in writing, a number of inquiries bearing on this and other matters connected with the Shannon steamer service, and I have forwarded to him to-day a detailed statement in reply. The Commissioners of Public Works, whom I have consulted, are not aware of the existence of any grievance such as alleged.
Labourers' Cottages in Croom Union
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state what is the cause of the delay in the building of two labourers' cottages on the lands of Mrs. Fitzpatrick and John Twomey, who require agricultural labourers, which lands are situate in the Ballygrennan division of the Croom Union, in the county of Limerick; whether he is aware that applications for the same were made about two years ago by two labourers named John Treacy and William Hennessy, whose houses were condemned by the local sanitary authority, and at the Local Government Board inquiry, held on 25th July, 1900, at Croom, were favourably considered; that since that time nothing has been done towards the building of those cottages but the marking of the plots and sites; and whether, taking into consideration the unsanitary condition of the labourers' dwellings, he will take steps to see that the cottages are built without further delay.
The erection of the two cottages in question was recommended by the inspector. A Provisional Order confirming the improvement scheme was prepared in January last, and its issue only awaits the settlement of some matters to which the Board has repeatedly directed the attention of the district council. The Board will again communicate with the council on the subject.
Innishowen Council Boundaries
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the Donegal County Council by resolution represented to the Local Government Board that the boundary of the Innishowen District Council should be altered so as to include within its area I those parts of the barony of Innishowen, county of Donegal, at present included in the Londonderry District Council No. 2, and seeing that a similar resolution was passed by the Innishowen District Council, can he state why a local inquiry was not instituted by the Local Government Board into these proposed changes, and if any steps have been taken by the Board to inquire into the advisability of these changes, in order to make this council's boundary, so far as the barony of Innishowen is concerned, identical with the county boundary.
Resolutions to the effect stated have been received by the Local Government Board, and the proposal is engaging its careful attention.
How long are we to wait? This matter has already been under the consideration of the Local Government Board for twelve months.
I am unable to fix a date.
Cork Technical Instruction Grant
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that out of the £2,400 due to the County Borough of Cork under the Technical Instruction Act for the financial year ending the 31st March a balance of £2,100 still remains unpaid; and whether, as the committee cannot carry on the work of the school without this money, he will cause this balance to be forwarded immediately with interest for the time it has been withheld.
The following Question also appeared on the Paper:—
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieu- tenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the proceedings at the last meeting of the technical instruction committee of the county borough of Cork; whether he is aware that, owing to the grant from the Department due for the financial year ending 31st March being withheld from the committee, the Christian Brothers have had to borrow money at a high rate of interest to pay debt incurred on account of the promised grant to their technical schools and colleges; and can he state what is the cause of the long delay on the part of the Department.
The Cork Technical Instruction Committee received a payment on account in January last, and a further payment on account will be made immediately on the Report of the Department's inspectors who are at present in Cork. There will be no delay in putting the committee in funds for all the purposes of the approved scheme as soon as certain necessary preliminaries are complete to the satisfaction of the Department.
Is it not the fact that the scheme put forward by the committee was approved long since by the Department, and that the delay is causing causing considerable inconvenience and loss to the schools in Cork?
I have no doubt it is causing inconvenience, but I do not gather that it will cause any loss ultimately.
Let us hope not.
Monaghan District Lunatic Asylum
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland is he aware that large sums of money have had to be expended in providing increased accommodation for patients in Monaghan District Lunatic Asylum during the past ten years, and that it is still congested; and, seeing that the Cavan County Council passed a resolution asking the Local Government Board to hold an inquiry with a view of converting one of the workhouses in that county into an auxiliary asylum for the harmless lunatics and to prevent a further outlay on buildings in Monaghan, will he state what steps, if any, the Local Government Board intend to take in this matter.
The Local Government Board will held an inquiry into this matter as soon as the engagements of its inspector will permit.
Sallybank National School Teacher
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the salary paid to the principal teacher, Sallybank national school, for the year ended 31st March last, was £9 17s. less than his consolidated salary fixed on the average of the three previous years; and that he would have received more than he has got for the year mentioned if the old system of payment had continued in force; and in view of the assurance repeatedly given that no teacher would suffer pecuniarily by the change, and the Board's Circular, dated 30th June last year, that it was the original intention of the Commissioners to pay consolidated salaries to all teachers from the 1st April, 1900, will he explain why the intentions of the Commissioners have only been carried into effect in respect to a small proportion of the teachers.
I am informed that the facts are not correctly stated in the first paragraph. This teacher did not suffer pecuniarily by the change in the mode of payment. The Circular of 30th June, 1900, explains why the Commissioners did not carry into effect their original intention to pay consolidated salary to all teachers from 1st April, 1900.
Clontifleece National School
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that, owing to an unfavourable report of the district inspector, on a ten months examination, held after an epidemic of measles which lasted four months, the principal teacher of Clontifleece national school was censured and fined £10; whether the united demand of the manager and the principal for an investigation into the conduct of the inspector during the examination has been refused by the Board; and, if so, on what grounds; and whether he will see that the fine of £10 is refunded to the teacher.
This teacher was admonished after the results examination of 1899, and warned that if he failed to effect improvement his salary might be reduced. The admonition was confirmed on appeal. After the examination of 1900 he was fined £10 for continued inefficiency. A demand for further investigation was not acceded to, as it did not appear to be based on adequate grounds. The Commissioners see no reason for refunding the fine.
LIMERICK—PROSECUTION HUGH McCABE
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the case of Hugh McCabe, who was convicted in Limerick on Friday, 28th June, for using obscene language; whether he is aware that this is the same man who wrote to the papers a letter, since quoted in this House, complaining of the persecution to which he alleged he had been subjected because he professed the Protestant faith; and whether, seeing that McCabe at his trial denied that he had written the letter, he will order an inquiry to be made into this matter.
The reply to the first paragraph is in the affirmative. The suggestion in the second paragraph conflicts with the suggestion in the third. The fact that McCabe did not write the letter had already been reported by the police, who made a careful inquiry at the time into the statements which it contained. No further action in the matter is necessary.
As this man has denied that he ever read or wrote the letter, will the machinery of the law be brought into operation to have the writer found out and prosecuted for forgery?
I am afraid I cannot undertake to assist the editors of newspapers in such a matter. No further action in the matter is necessary.
Did the letter bear the Belfast postmark?
Will the right hon. Gentleman take some action in this matter, seeing that the letter was placarded as a piece of Popish tyranny?
* : I have said that it is not proposed to take any further action.
Steam Trawling in Wexford Bay
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that steam trawling continues in Wexford Bay, notwithstanding that repeated fines have been inflicted; and whether there is any possible way of increasing the fine pending the passage into law of the Fisheries (Ireland) Bill; and whether, in consequence of the very great damage done by steam trawling, he will make the Act retrospective.
I understand that illegal trawling is not being carried on in Wexford Bay, as alleged. The reply, to the second paragraph is in the negative.
In view of the serious damage being done, cannot the right hon. Gentleman take some such action as I have suggested?
I am afraid if I endeavoured to carry more than is already contained in the Bill before the House its chances of passing in the present session might be seriously prejudiced.
Charge Against Mr. Walsh. J.P., of Tallow
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the fact that on the bench of magistrates before whom Mr. Walsh, J.P., of Tallow, and those charged with him with conspiracy were brought, two justices were in favour of returning the case for trial, two against returning the case for trial; that the case was returned for trial, though the bench was equally divided; and that at the last assizes held in Water- ford, though forty-three jurors were told to stand aside by the Crown, no conviction was obtained; and, in view of the opinion expressed by the magistrates and by members of the jury that investigated this charge that a case had not been made out against the defendants, does the Crown still intend putting the defendants on trial on a changed venue, thereby increasing the cost of the defence.
The fact that this case is pending precludes me from stating more than this, that I do not admit the accuracy of some of the statements of fact contained in the question, and that accused will in a few days be put upon his trial for this offence for a second time.
Has this step been taken in order to secure the services of "Peter the Packer"?
Irish County Councils—Liability for Road Accidents
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been directed to the recent decision in the Irish courts that county councils are liable for accidents on roads whose maintenance or repair is in the hands of the county surveyors; and whether he will introduce any provision in the amending Order of the Procedure of Councils Order making the responsibility of the county council the same when the road is repaired by directions of a county surveyor as when it is in the hands of a contractor.
I am not aware of any decision on the point mentioned. No doubt there is an obiter dictum of Lord Justice Fitz-Gibbon to the effect mentioned, but it by no means follows, as the hon. Member seems to suppose, that because an ephemeral body like the grand jury was held not liable for damage for accidents occurring through the defective state of roads in charge of the county surveyor, that, therefore, the county council would not be liable under similar circumstances. The position of the grand jury in such matters was anomalous. There is no reason for altering the Order so as to relieve county councils from the ordinary liabilities of public bodies charged with the maintenance and repair of public works.
On what authority does the right hon. Gentleman give this decision? On that of the Lord Justice?
It is not a decision I refer to, but the obiter dictum of the Lord Justice.
Is the object to increase the liability on the rates?
Longford Rate Collectors' Fees
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether he is aware that an appeal has recently been lodged against a decision of the Local Government Beard auditor surcharging £12 on three members of Longford County Council for payments to rate collectors on rates collected after four months of the time allowed for collection had expired, can he hold out any hope that this portion of the county council's accounts order will be revoked, and, if not, can he indicate means of redress for members of county councils mulcted in such cases.
The Local Government Board, to whom the appeal was made, having been of opinion that the payment was made inadvertently, have, notwithstanding the technical legal liability of the councillors named, remitted the surcharge on equitable grounds. The order is a most useful one, and it is not considered desirable to revoke it.
Irish County Court Procedure
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether his attention has been called to the inconvenience caused to suitors in county courts in Ireland by reason of the latter part of Section 140 of the Civil Bill Act, 1851, having been repealed by the Statute Law Revision Act, 1892, whereby it has been held of several county court judges in Ireland that civil bill decrees can no longer be renewed by the known agent or receiver of the plaintiff, but the affidavit required by the Act of 1851 must now be made by the plaintiff in person; and, as in oases where the plaintiff is a corporation or an incorporated company, this cannot be done and decrees after a year accordingly become null and void, steps will be taken by the Government to procure the re-enactment of the proviso so repealed.
I believe that some of the county court judges have made decisions to the effect mentioned, while others, I believe, take a different view of the law. None of these decisions have been reviewed in the superior courts. The County Courts (Ireland) Bill now before the House deals with the matter of decrees, and repeals the section of the Civil Bill Act of 1851 to which the hon. Member refers. The proper way in which to secure the change in the law desired by the hon. Member is to move an Amendment to this Bill in Committee.
Wreckage on the Irish Coast
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that along the coast of Ireland wreckage of value is claimed by the Receiver of Wrecks, and the proceeds of which are debited to the Imperial Exchequer; whether, seeing that decomposed carcases of cattle washed ashore are not claimed and buried by the same authority, steps will be taken to alter the law so as to make receivers of wrecks responsible for the burial of carcases without expense to the local sanitary authorities.
I am aware that under statute the Crown is entitled to all unclaimed wreck found in any part of His Majesty's dominions. I am not prepared to introduce legislation for relieving local authorities from their liability under the Diseases of Animals Acts.
Cannot the right hon. Gentleman give directions personally to the coastguard to attend to these matters?
I think that scarcely comes within my province.
Belfast Post Office—Complaint Against a Female Supervisor
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether the female supervisor in the Belfast post office who required two of the female staff to turn out their pockets and show the contents of their lockers, with the object of discovering if they had stolen a purse lost by her sister, was authorised by any rule of the postal service, or whether there is any authority by which a supervisor is constituted a criminal investigation agent with right, of searching employees without calling in the police and preferring a charge in the usual way; whether any charge was legally made before the two ladies were invited to show the contents of their lockers and of their pockets, and whether he will inquire if these two ladies turned out their pockets because they regarded the request as a command, and were afraid to refuse compliance; whether he proposes to punish, and, if so, how, the lady supervisor who accused them of theft, and treated them as stated, and whether he will cause a notice to be posted in all post offices that employees are not under any Obligation to turn out their pockets at the request of any supervisor.
There is no rule bearing on the subject, and the supervisor acted on her own responsibility. The Postmaster General understands from the written statements, of the telegraphists in question that they turned out their pockets voluntarily, and that they regarded the supervisor's announcement as a suggestion, or at most a request, and not a command. No one was accused of theft, and the supervisor could not therefore be punished on that score; and the Postmaster General considers it unnecessary to issue a notice on the subject.
Navan Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he has made arrangements for increased postal facilities in the town of Navan.
Inquiry is being made as to the best means of providing a new and improved post office at Navan, and two sites for a Crown building are under consideration.
Donegal Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that the townlands of Legland, Breen, Farragans, Stralongford, Lettermore, Midcut, Cloughroe, Lettershambo, Stroangibbah, Meeralaban, and the upper part of the townland of Drumkeen, in the parish of Convoy, Stranorlar, County Donegal, at present receive only a bi-weekly delivery of letters, whilst the adjoining townlands of Drumnacross, Callen, Callencor, Augheygault, Trintaboy, and the lower part of the townland of Drum-keen receive a six-day delivery; and whether, seeing that dissatisfaction exists amongst the inhabitants of the first named townlands as to the present arrangements for delivery of letters, steps will be taken to establish a six-day delivery also in said townlands.
The Postmaster General is aware that there is at present only a bi-weekly delivery of letters at the places referred to by the hon. Member. The question of affording a more frequent service has already been under consideration for some little time, and the Postmaster General has decided to provide a delivery every week at the places in question.
Irish Treasury Remembrancer
I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether he can state what are the duties of the Treasury Remembrancer for Ireland.
He is the confidential adviser of the Treasury on all matters which they may refer to him. He is Deputy Paymaster General for Ireland, and as such is responsible for the accounts kept at the Pay Office in Ireland, and the payments made there-from. He is besides accounting officer for the County Court Officers, etc., Vote.
What are his office hours?
Obviously I could not answer that without notice.
Business of the House
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he can state when the House will have an opportunity of discussing the Votes for the Militia and the Volunteers.
I am afraid I can give no assurance to the hon. Gentleman on this subject.
But, considering the fact that there is a great deal of dissatisfaction prevailing among the Militia, will the right hon. Gentleman, not bring the Vote on on an early day?
I cannot make any promise.
I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it is intended to proceed with the Report stage of the Finance Bill to-night, and, if not, when it will be taken. I should also like to know what is the business next week. May I repeat the appeal made to him not to take the Second Reading of the Education Bill so early as Monday, but to leave it over another week, in order that those interested may have full opportunity to consider it?
It is not proposed to take the Report of the Finance Bill to-night. The only matter connected with the Finance Bill is that dealing with the clause which my right hon. friend has promised to introduce. As to the appeal with reference to the Education Bill, may I respectfully point out to the right hon. Gentleman that there cannot be a single individual in any part of the country interested in the education question who has not long been aware of the mode in which the Government proposes to deal with the question. I venture to say that there cannot be any question of principle, no question which could be properly raised on the Second Reading, with which everybody is not absolutely acquainted. That is my opinion. I propose to take next week the Second Reading of the Education Bill, and the business connected with the Report stage of the Finance Bill.
I should like to point out that a clause wrapped up in a large Bill raising other questions is a different thing from a simple concrete clause, which brings more clearly before those interested the intentions of the Government.
May I ask whether, if the debate on the Loan Bill is carried over this evening, the right hon. Gentleman intends to take the Bill to-morrow or next week?
I do not contemplate the possibility of its going over to-night. In any case, to-morrow is allocated to Supply.
As a point of order, I wish to ask whether, in the event of Amendments being moved, it will be open to hon. Members to discuss the war generally, or whether they will have to limit themselves to the particular point raised by an Amendment.
I cannot answer a general question of that kind. I presume some hon. Member will move an Amendment, and then the question will arise as to what should come under that Amendment.
Selection (Standing Committees)
reported from the Committee of Selection, That they had discharged the following Member from the Standing Committee on Law, and Courts of Justice and Legal Procedure:—Major Jameson (added in respect of the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill); and had appointed in substitution Mr. Tully.
Report to lie upon the Table.
SUPREME COURT OF JUDICATURE (APPEALS) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 251.]
PREVENTION OF CORRUPTION (No. 2) BILL [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 252.]
Finance Bill
Order for Consideration, as amended, read, and discharged.
Bill re-committed in respect of a clause (Provision as to continuation clauses in policies of sea insurance).—( Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer .)
Bill considered in Committee.
(In the Committee.)
[Mr. J. W. LOWTHER (Cumberland, Penrith) in the Chair.]
moved the following clause:—
"(1) Notwithstanding anything contained in the Stamp Act, 1891, a policy of sea insurance made for time may contain a continuation clause as defined in this section, and such a policy shall not be invalid on the ground only that by reason of the continuation clause it may become available for a period exceeding twelve months. (2) There shall be charged on a policy of sea insurance containing such a continuation clause a stamp duty of 6d. in addition to the stamp duty which is otherwise chargeable on the policy. (3) If the risk covered by the continuation clause attaches and a new policy is not issued covering the risk, the continuation clause shall be deemed to be a new and separate contract of sea insurance expressed in the policy in which it is contained, but not covered by the stamp thereon, and the policy shall be stamped in respect of that contract accordingly, but may be so stamped without penalty at any time not exceeding thirty days after the risk has so attached. (4) For the purposes of this section, the expression 'continuation clause' means an agreement to the following or the like effect—namely, that in the event of the ship being at sea or the voyage otherwise not completed on the expiration of the policy, the subject-matter of the insurance shall be held covered until the arrival of the ship, or for a reasonable time thereafter, not exceeding thirty days."
Will the Bill be reprinted with the new clause in it?
* : Yes, and I hope it will be in the hands of hon. Members to-morrow.
As this clause is based on a motion which I placed on the Paper, I should like to place on record my satisfaction with the manner in which the right hon. Gentleman has taken the matter up.
New clause agreed to.
Bill, as amended in Committee and on re-committal, to be considered upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 248.]
Loan Bill
[SECOND READING.]
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
* : This Bill is one of great importance, and I think it should secure the attention of the House. The Chancellor of the Exchequer some weeks ago, speaking at a meeting in the City, said that the time had come when the taxpayers of the country should begin to think of the future. I fear that they will not do that, however, unless we in this House discuss in a more real manner than we have hitherto done the financial position of this country. This Bill is not a War Loan Bill. It is a Bill the object of which is to raise a sum of money for the service of the year. A constitutional principle is that the necessary expenses of the service of the year should be provided out of the taxation of the year. Now the Bill before us proposes to raise a very large sum—a larger amount than many hon. Members anticipated—by borrowing. The Bill may be described as the fifth section of the borrowings of the Government on account of the war. As far as I can remember, the process has been thus: The first borrowings were on Treasury Bills for a single year, and amounted to about eleven millions; the second were on Treasury Bonds to the sum of ten millions for three years; the third on Treasury Bonds for five years, and totalled fourteen millions; the fourth was the Loan Bill of last year, which raised thirty millions for ten years, and this is a Bill to raise sixty millions in Consols. This pretty fairly epitomises the policy of the Government both in regard to the conduct of the war and its finance. They commenced in a light and easy way, thinking to get rid of the difficulty first in one year, then in three, then in five, next in ten, and finally they have to burden the country with a perpetual charge. The total amount of the borrowings is 127 millions, and this sum raises the total indebtedness of the country to 766 millions as against 635 millions at which it stood two years ago. I have looked back to see when the total indebtedness of the country reached an amount like this, and I have had to go back to the year 1881mdash;a period of twenty years—to find our national indebtedness stood at the figure to which the borrowings of the present Chancellor of the Exchequer has raised it. If you borrow thirty millions more you will put back the Debt to the amount it was in 1870, and if eighty millions be borrowed the Debt will be restored to the highest point it has reached since 1836. It must also be remembered that we have contracted' another debt which did not exist fifty or sixty years ago. That is the debt of the local authorities of the country, which now amounts to 276 millions.
In face of the facts I have quoted I certainly think it is quite time that we should reconsider our position. The Amendment I have put down† is as general as possible, so as to fully open the discussion; it suggests that we should find a larger portion of our expenditure out of taxation rather than by borrowing. If we are to decide whether this would be possible for the Government in the difficulties they had to meet, we should look at the progress the Government have been making with regard to expenditure during, the last four or five years. Take the year ending 31st March, 1896, which was the first year in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer was responsible for the expenditure of the country. In that year the Chancellor enjoyed a surplus of about three-quarters of a million. The House may fairly ask whether that year is a fair year to take for purposes of comparison. I think it is a fair year. It was the year of the largest expenditure the country ever had up to then. In that year the expenditure on the Army and Navy amounted to forty millions, and therefore it may be taken as a standard year as regards expenditure. In 1897 the old Revenue produced a surplus of 10·3 millions over the expenditure of 1896; in 1898 it produced 14·4 millions; in 1899 16·2 millions; and in 1900 28·1 millions. Thus we see the marvellous growth of the revenue of the country, apart altogether from new sources of taxation. It would be foolish for me to argue that with an increasing population and with increasing national responsibilities, our expenditure should not increase; but what I maintain is that ample provision for properly increased expenditure was to be found in the splendid old revenue of the country, which would increase in proportion to the wants of the nation if economy had been practised. I would now ask the House to consider two other sources from which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has derived additional taxation. Last year the right hon. Gentleman imposed new taxation to the amount of thirteen millions imposing additional amount of eleven from new taxation he obtains twenty-four millions. Not only that, but there was a separate department, which the Chancellor of the Exchequer availed himself of. He, as it has perhaps been rudely said, raided the Sinking Fund. In one year he got two millions, in the next 4·5 millions, and this year 4·6 millions. Therefore the Chancellor of the Exchequer has three sources of supply—the splendid old taxation, the new taxation he himself imposed, and the Sinking Fund, all before he came to borrow. This year he had 56·7 millions in excess of the income of the country in 1896, before he came to borrow at all, and when we remember the magnitude of this income the House and the country ought to look seriously at the large demand the right bon. Gentleman makes in this Bill.
I have really stated these facts in order to ask one or two questions. I ould ask, can the country afford to go on as we have been going on last year and this year? It must not be thought that because we borrow we escape the weight of our responsibilities. It is just as serious as paying in cash. For years past the question of finance and the growth of taxation has not aroused any interest in the House of Commons. Almost every day there is a new raid on the Treasury, and it is these raids that have forced the Chancellor of the Exchequer to make this large demand. Only yesterday there was an attempt to put forward a new demand for the Navy; and this morning there was a Report of a Committee of this House recommending that £30,000 should be spent on new dining-rooms, smoking-rooms, and tea-rooms. We must remember that after all this House is not a restaurant—a place where members come to dine, and smoke, and drink tea with ladies on the terrace. Such proposals ought to make us consider whether the nation can afford such extravagance. I do not believe the matter is treated seriously in the House, and therefore I will take an outside authority. Sir Robert Giffen, at the Institute of Bankers, recently delivered a high eulogy on the progress of the country. He said:—
But I do not think we should take such a fanciful line of argument as that. It will be safer to consider the question from the standpoint from which it has usually been considered in this House, and ask whether the produce of the old taxes is declining or becoming exhausted? It has not, I think, been sufficiently observed by the House that the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself has given a note of warning in this matter. In his Budget speech the right hon. Gentleman, with regard to alcohol, said he did not think it advisable to place any additional taxation on spirits, and that he could not under the circumstances impose any additional tax on beer; he said the same thing with regard to wine and tea, and with regard to tobacco he said he could not for the sake of the Revenue increase it to any great extent. With regard to income tax, the right hon. Gentleman said that he had seen some natural grumbling upon the part of the income-tax payers, who already groaned under a burden of 1s. in the pound, and who were protesting against any increase, and that he did not wonder at it. Those facts proved that the old sources of revenue of the country had ceased to develop, and the consuming power of the people had reached its height. The second test, which has always acted as a warning to this House, has been when the Chancellor of the Exchequer has had to go out of the beaten track to obtain revenue, and make experiments with doubtful expedients. We have, I think, also reached that stage in the new export duty on coal; and in reimposing the sugar duties I think the right hon. Gentleman has inflicted considerable suffering upon the people. These tests are reliable tests, and it seems to me they prove conclusively that we are rapidly coming to a point when this expenditure must stop for the best of all reasons—that it will be discovered that the people cannot pay. The only other question to consider is whether the results we are getting from this expenditure are really worth the cost. I have alluded only to war expenditure, but I cannot help remembering that even apart from the war the ordinary expenditure of the country shows a remarkable tendency to increase. The expenditure for the Navy has grown up from £13,000,000 to £30,000,000, and is still growing, and if the question were asked as to whether we have a good navy I am afraid the answer would be that we do not secure good service from great extravagance. The debate yesterday has already shown, and if continued to-morrow will continue to show, that the increased expenditure has not obtained the desired result. The recent measures taken for reorganising the Army prove that the growth of expenditure there had not secured efficiency; extravagance seldom does.
The chief expenditure is undoubtedly in connection with the war, and I suppose it was for the war mainly that the borrowing is to take place. But when we turn to the question of the war we find there has been a very singular development. Last week we received the Report of the Finance Minister who went out to South Africa for the purpose of reporting as to how much of the war expenditure the Transvaal could pay. I was never very hopeful about that part of the scheme when I saw the way in which the expenditure was going up, and now Sir David Barbour's Report shows that we must abandon any hope of getting any help from the Transvaal. Sir David Barbour in his Report suggested that we might borrow £3,000,000 on the security of the Transvaal guaranteed by this country, and that was all. £3,000,000 out of £153,000,000; such, a suggestion is simply grotesque. I would remind the House that there is a precedent with regard to this matter. One hundred years ago there was a country at which the House was looking as it is looking at the Transvaal to-day. Ireland had been desolated by war, and this country thought it could recover the cost of the war from Ireland, and it borrowed money up to 120 millions, funding the debt on Ireland. But what happened? Ireland could not pay and seventeen years afterwards this country had to unite the Irish debt to that of England and abandon all hope of obtaining the cost from Ireland; Ireland was ruined economically, and the conscience of England was so blurred that it has not known how to treat Ireland justly since. That is in exact parallel with the position to-day in the Transvaal. We must some day or other begin to try and make friends with these people, and it will not do for us to try and treat them unjustly in finance; but there is a better reason than that for our not doing so, which is that we shall not get anything out of it if we do. I maintain that the country will get no good result from the high expenditure that the Government have entered into. But the Transvaal is not the only war in which we have been engaged; there are four or five going on elsewhere even now, and if you take the list of wars during the last six years, Mr. Speaker, you will find that they amount to nearly a score. And I believe of all those wars there was not one which skilful diplomacy could not have prevented, and I do not think we shall get any return for that expenditure. I believe that borrowing to pay the cost of the war is a mistake, and that it tends to dim the eye of the nation with regard to the horrors of the war. If we paid for the war as it went along the taxpayers of this country would feel a great deal more than they do the sufferings we are causing in South Africa. Our soldiers went out and did their part, and I think all at home should do theirs, which, after all, is the easier part than that of the soldiers, and pay the cost. This borrowing prevents the people from feeling the evils of the war as they otherwise would if they had to pay. I think this Bill brings us to a grave issue, and that the House ought to consider, before assenting to it, the grave position of the nation. If it feels that we are not getting an adequate return, why not take measures to economise and bring this hideous expenditure of blood and treasure to an end. Why not enter into negotiations with the Boers who have opposed us, and are opposing us still, and for the sake of humanity, no less than for the great advantage which it would bring to our own population, do what you can to bring this war to an end? I do not move, Sir.
* : I desire to say a few words in support of my hon. friend, because, with the single exception of my right hon. friend the Member for Montrose, I am the only Member on this side of the House who has supported the Chancellor of the Exchequer in all his financial proposals. I freely acknowledge that hon. Members below the gangway who voted against supplies have a perfect right to vote against the taxation which these supplies necessitate, but I believe that those who, although they considered that the war might have been avoided, did not refuse supplies, have given a blank cheque, which must be filled up. Had I the constitutional power I should propose increased taxation, but I have at least a right to criticise the Budget proposals, and when I heard the right hon. Gentleman state that out of a deficit of £63,000,000 no more than £11,000,000 would be raised by taxation—when the right hon. Gentleman asked for authority to raise a loan of £60,000,000, and when I see our financial credit steadily falling, I cannot help wondering what foreign nations will think, what the Boers themselves will think, when they hear that the Government dare not impose the taxes required to pay for the war. I can fancy nothing more calculated to encourage the enemy, and to make them believe that we are half-hearted in our task. Take the income tax, for instance. The income tax at the time of the Crimean War, the cost of which was not more than half the cost of the present war, was 1s. 4d. in the pound; and during the last two years of the Peninsular War the income tax was 2s. At the end of those wars the expenditure ceased, but in this case when the war is over our difficulties will begin, and our expenditure will continue. And the House must remember that at the time of the Crimean and the Peninsular Wars there was no abatement in that income tax. The Chancellor of the Exchequer explained how he had tried to equalise the taxation in the higher and the lower classes, but he altogether forgot the middle class. I think if he swept away the abatements for three or four years it would be a very salutary lesson to those patriots who are so ready to shout for the war and to send others out to fight, but so unwilling to fight themselves, and so ready to grumble when they have to pay.
I have explained to my constituents the reasons upon which I supported the Government in their proposals. I am glad to say that they approved of them, and that they are ready to pay their share of the cost, including this extra tax upon sugar, which will fall rather heavily upon the agricultural labourer. The vast majority of my constituents hold the same views with regard to the war as I do—namely, that it might have been avoided, and ought never to have arisen. There is, perhaps, no county in England which shouted less for the war than Norfolk, and no county has been more ready to send out men to fight, or to pay the bill. But while I thank the Chancellor of the Exchequer for not increasing the tax upon beer or on tea, I regret that he did not see his way to impose an ad valorem duty on tea, because that duty falls very hardly on those who can afford to buy only the cheaper kinds. I am sorry he did not increase the duty on spirits. He gave as a reason that the spirit duty is a falling duty, but in my opinion it is a duty more honoured in the falling than in the rising. There are two small taxes which I should like to have seen added to our financial system. The right hon. Gentleman said that we could not pay for the war out of a tax on bicycles. That is perfectly true, but a great many of our taxes bring in only small sums. A bicycle tax would have been a very fair duty, convenient for police and administrative purposes, and I much regret that it has not been imposed. Another tax which I believe the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been pressed to put on is a tax upon advertisements. That would probably have been a small tax also, but I think, from the fact that such a tax exists in many foreign countries, that it would have been easy to collect, and it might have done something to abate what is becoming an intolerable nuisance. A tax frequently decreases the consumption of the article upon which it is imposed, but the more you decrease the consumption, so to speak, of advertisements, the more good you will do. If the tax failed to bring in a single penny by reason of the fact that it abolished advertisements, it would not be a matter altogether for regret. I am also sorry that the right hon. Gentleman did not add £2,000,000 to his income by discontinuing the Agricultural Rates Act. The Chancellor of the Exchequer asked whether one single instance could be adduced of a landlord who acknowledged that the relief from that Act went into his pocket. I humbly proffer myself as the one instance he required.
* : I think the hon. Member mistakes what I said. Of course there are many landlords farming their own land who would profit by the Agricultural Rates Act. But what I said was that I did not think an instance could be produced in which, where the tenant farmed the land, the landlord had been able to pocket the benefits of the Agricultural Rating Act.
* : I submit that, whenever I let a farm, the incoming tenant calculates very carefully what the burdens on that farm are, and the rent he is willing to pay is based on the fact that he obtains this relief. There are many instances in which the landlord would have had to reduce his rents had it not been for this relief which the tenants have received. Therefore, I say that the relief goes into my pocket as a landlord. I deeply regret that a greater effort has not been made to meet the expenditure of the year by increased taxation. I acknowledge the very great difficulties which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has had before him—difficulties which arose not so much from this as from the other side of the House, perhaps even from those who sit nearest the right hon. Gentleman on the Treasury Bench. I think that when in his Budget speech he said that while it was very easy for a Minister to evoke the cheers of this House and of the country by proposing increased expenditure, it was a very different thing when the Minister charged with the duty of raising taxation made his financial statement, his observations went to the hearts of many Members, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that there are some, at any rate, in this House, and many in the country, who will be ready to raise a cheer for an honest man who will, at all events, try to do his duty, however disagreeable and unpopular that duty may be.
said that by this Bill the House was invited to increase the permanent debt of the country by no less than £60,000,000 in connection with a war which had already cost the enormous sum of £153,000,000. Nevertheless, it was only as far back as 19th October, 1899, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared that he would never, under any circumstances, increase the permanent burdens of the country in consequence of the Transvaal war. The Transvaal then had a population of 250,000—rather less than the population of West Ham—and the war was expected to be a mere march to Pretoria under Lord Methuen, an exploitation of society generals, and a scheme to jump the Transvaal and obtain the gold mines in order to enrich the patriotic friends of the Government on the Stock Exchange. The cost was to be not more than £10,000,000, but this Bill proved how grossly the Government had miscalculated the strength, resources, spirit, and energy of the people they were endeavouring to enslave. The savings of the whole of the last century had already been expended; Consols, as a direct consequence of the war, had fallen from 119 to 93¼; and the purse of the taxpayer would soon be as light as was the heart of the Colonial Secretary when he embarked on the struggle. Under the Government of Lord Salisbury the normal—not the extraordinary—expenditure of the country had increased by £20,000,000 per annum, and the pecuniary interests of the working classes had been shamefully sacrificed at the shrine of mammon. The dole to the landlords alone, under the Agricultural Rates Act, would have sufficed to pay two-thirds of the interest on the £60,000,000, which the taxpayers at large had now to bear. These loans, the oceans of blood which had been shed, and the tarnished reputation of the country, were the price the nation had to pay for having the Colonial Secretary in the Cabinet, and allowing him to interfere in South African affairs. He did not intend to move the motion of which he had given notice, declaring that the gold mines of the Transvaal should be the first security for the loan, as it would be impossible for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to accept it. The mine owners, who engineered the war, in order to introduce slave labour into Johannesburg, were to be indemnified at the expense of the British taxpayer. The responsibility, not only of engineering the war, but also of the miscalculations upon which the Government acted, rested upon the mine owners, because they were the people who declared the Boers would not fight, or, if they did fight, would be vanquished in a few days. They now knew from the report of Sir David Barbour that the mines could not pay anything towards the war. Those representing the mine owners openly stated, within a month after the war broke out, that the mine owners would reap a benefit to the extent of £4,856,536. Mr. Cecil Rhodes himself had stated that they were not going to war for the amusement of the thing, and that they meant practical business. In July last the Chancellor of the Exchequer assured the House most solemnly that the mines would have to pay a large proportion of the cost of the war, and that a considerable portion of the expense would be recovered from the Transvaal. The right hon. Gentleman said they could not leave the cost of the war as a permanent burden upon this country. Those were very excellent words, but he was only one of some twenty souls on the Treasury Bench. In every matter connected with finance, and in every scheme proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, they were bound to recollect that in this Government, for the first time, there was a member, Lord Hardwicke, who was likewise a member of the Stock Exchange.
Order, order! The hon. Member is not in order in raising that question.
* : The noble Lord to whom the hon. Member refers is not in this House, and cannot speak for himself. He is not now a member of the Stock Exchange. He is only a sleeping partner in the firm to which he formerly belonged, and he takes no part whatever in the business.
(continuing) said he was nevertheless a member of the firm still. How could the Chancellor of the Exchequer hope to saddle these mine-owners with the cost of the war or compel them to pay any portion of the cost of the war at all? The right hon. Gentleman had not even been able to saddle the Chartered Company with the cost of the Jameson raid, owing to the political weapons which the mine-owners could use against the Government. He wished to show to the House and to the country the true meaning of the annexation proclamation which took place in the Transvaal twelve months ago. Its effect, whatever its motive might have been, was to exempt the Transvaal mines from the payment of any portion of the indemnity. In every war it was the rule that the defeated country should pay the indemnity, but the Transvaal had now been annexed, and the entire cost would have to be borne by the citizens of the British Empire. That was the meaning of the annexation proclamation, which was merely theatrical bombast to benefit Rhodes, Beit, and Company, and the foul gang to which they belonged. Why did the Chancellor of the Exchequer not fulfil his promise to make those gentlemen pay? The Government were coerced by those mine-owners, who promoted the war for their own gain, and the Government were now protecting the interests of those men at the expense of this country. He was aware that it was to the interests of the mine-owners that the burden of the war should be taken off their shoulders, but surely that was not the interest of the people whom the Government represented and whose servants they were. He did not wish to Impute any unworthy motives to the members of the Government, but he wished to state that the whole arrangement of affairs in Johannesburg had been engineered in the interests of the mine-owners and with a view to protecting their interests. The leading members of the Beit and Barnato companies had been given the control of the mines. Mr. J. B. Robinson's speech had already been referred to, but that gentleman also wrote an important letter. He was one of the loyal friends of the Government, but in January, 1900, Mr. Robinson in a letter in the Daily News showed what an enormous influence the owners of the Transvaal mines had over the Government. He said he had had an interview with President Kruger, and the president told him that Mr. Rhodes, as far as the mines were concerned, practically held a pistol in his hand, and the Colonial Secretary had to do everything he told him.
The hon. Member is not in order in discussing that question.
said an attempt had been made to diminish and conceal from the public the real value of the mines in the interests of the mine-owners, and he thought he was quite justified in stating what had been publicly held and asserted as to the influence which the mine-owners exerted over the Government. Was it not a matter of the greatest importance that men in President's Kruger position should state what had been held and openly asserted by Mr. Rhodes himself, that the Colonial Secretary had to do everything that Mr. Rhodes and the mine-owners told him.
Order, order! I have already told the hon. Member that he is not in order in alluding to that point.
said that in order to benefit Rhodes and his gang an improper valuation had been placed on the mines. He made the charge against Lord Milner that in the interests of the mine-owners and in order to exempt them from—
Order, order! This is not the occasion for the hon. Member to make an attack upon Lord Milner. The occasion may arise, but the matter cannot be gone into on the Second Reading of this Bill.
said the effect of the Government policy had been to introduce blackmail, and to place a wrong value upon the mines. He wished to enter his protest against this iniquitous Bill, which was simply a measure to mulct the people of this country in the cost of the war. It was an attempt to shield from all consequences the guilty authors of the war, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been obliged to depart from all his previous undertakings that he would make the mine-owners bear their fair share of the cost of the war. He could only say that he had nothing to reproach himself with in connection with this war, or the money matters arising out of it. He had voted consistently against every farthing of expenditure, and although he was not able now to speak of the machinations of the war in the way he wished, he would take an early opportunity of doing so, and he would likewise in every way in his power protest against the vile and abominable system whereby the poor of the country were being mulcted to pay for a war provoked by the base and loathsome set of men who had power and influence over the Government
I desire to call attention to the absence from this Bill of any mention of any contribution by the late South African Republics to the cost of the war. I do not consider that those sums to which frequent allusion has been made by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and which are raised by Treasury bonds, at all represent what we will be able to recover from the two colonies, but in my humble judgment this Loan Bill does not anticipate any recovery of the 60,000,000 consols from the two colonies. I should like as briefly as I can, if I am in order in doing so, to strongly urge upon the Government the necessity of determining and declaring at the present moment that, after the two colonies have been justly and liberally administered, the surplus of the revenue should be devoted to defraying the expense of the war. It may be argued, and very likely it will be argued, that the surplus will be infinitesimal. Well, I quite agree that if the Report of Sir David Barbour is followed by the Government, the surplus is likely ad infinitum to remain infinitesimal, unless is is the intention to tax unduly other industries in order to compensate for this extraordinary and incomprehensible leniency with which he has dealt with the greatest industry of the Transvaal—I refer to the gold mines. I consider Sir David Barbour's Report to be fundamentally unsound. I can see in the near future, if the Government are guided by this philanthropic financier, speculators and contractors absolutely wallowing in wealth—I can see the whole of Park Lane from one end to the other covered by enormous structures vying with each other in vulgarity and ugliness, and I can see the people of England struggling, toiling, working still under the crippling burden of swollen taxation. Nothing is further from my mind than to advocate the imposition of any taxation which could cripple industry or drive capital from the country. This would be both a childish and shortsighted policy; but is it not a fact that the mines were prospering and thriving under the late administration? Was it not a fact also that they were infinitely more heavily burdened than Sir David Barbour at present advises the Government to tax them? [An HON. MEMBER: No.] Well, apart from indirect taxation. I think, if my memory does not fail me, that almost the last act of the Transvaal Government was to impose a a tax of 5 per cent. on the gross. Now, a tax of five per cent. on the gross is equal to a tax of twenty per cent. on the net. I am perfectly well aware that this was not levied, but that was entirely owing to the outbreak of the war. I would remind the hon. Member who seemed to deny, the statement I made that by the abolition of the dynamite monopoly the mines will benefit to the extent of half a million a year. The most competent judges declare that they have calculated that the effect of good and enlightened government in the Transvaal will result in a saving of 6s. per ton in the working expenses of the mines. I mean that this diminution will be brought about by the suppression of the liquor traffic, by the cheapening of food stuffs, and the consequent cheapening of labour, by the abolition of monopolies and other fruits of good government too numerous to mention. A saving of 6s. per ton calculated on the tonnage of the crushings of 1898 would mean an additional £5,000,000 a year to the dividends. In the face of this enormous saving, Sir David Barbour only proposes to advise the Government to put a tax of ten per cent, on the profits Now, a tax of ten per cent, would bring in something like £500,000 a year; this means, briefly, that whilst the mines are benefited by the war to the extent of £5,000,000 a year, he proposes only to tax them to the extent of half a million. I should like to know the meaning of this magnanimity on the part of Sir David Barbour. I should like to know what this generosity—this stupendous generosity to the goldminers—means, especially when it must be remembered every penny by which their burdens are relieved comes out of the pockets of the British taxpayers. It will no doubt be argued that one cannot make bricks without straw. It will be said that the people will be in a destitute and impoverished condition after the war, and that it would be fatal and childish to levy any taxation, or expect them to contribute to the clearing oft' of the war debt. Well, I do not ask for the immediate payment of any specific sum; all I ask is that, after the country has been liberally administered on the lines the Government wish it to be administered, any surplus should be devoted to paying off the war debt until the last penny has been paid. I believe if this suggestion were adopted it would not have an unwholesome effect on the many landowners who are at present in arms against us, and they would not be so anxious to continue a hopeless and inane resistance to the tune of a million and a quarter a week. If I had time I would talk at some length on the assets of the Transvaal, and I should point out its enormous undeveloped wealth. I could talk of undeveloped gold fields in almost every district; I could talk also of its riches in coal and other ores, which doubtless the Government will do everything in their power to develop, as it will lead to the establishment of great iron works and steel foundries, just as the development of the wealth of the mines will lead to the establishment of a great system of agriculture. It is because I know the assets of the country and its colossal undeveloped wealth that I would urge upon the Government to devote (after the wants of the Transvaal have been satisfied) all surplus revenue to lightening the burden of the British taxpayer.
I think the speech we have heard from the hon. Member is very instructive. I must say that I agree entirely with the views he has stated. He has expressed his surprise that the terms proposed are so lenient towards the proprietors of the gold mines, but I think that is unreasonable, because the proprietors of the gold mines are the only taxable community at present. The Government will not have at resent any population upon which they can rely either to provide for the finance of the war or for the administration of the country. Therefore, the British administration there is practically in the hands of the gold industry. Now, sir, under these circumstances, it is extremely natural that they should be dealt with with remarkable tenderness. The hon. Member has talked of Sir David Barbour's Report. Well, when I suggested the other day that we might discuss that matter upon this Bill, the Chancellor of the Exchequer pointed out that this was not the occasion to discuss it, because Sir David Barbour's Report does not deal with the £60,000,000 of Consols, but deals with the sum of £55,000,000 raised last year on terminable annuities. I desire myself to follow the suggestion made by the right hon. Gentleman and not to discuss that Report, which has a most material bearing on the finance of the British taxpayer. I shall take the opportunity of doing so on the Third Reading of the Finance Bill. The hon. Member who has just sat down said, what was perfectly true, that Sir David Barbour proposes that we shall at the present time fix a particular sum beyond which the gold mines are never to be charged. That is why he has fixed it only on the loan of last year, which is a terminable loan, and does not touch the loan which has been raised this year—wherefore I do not know. Supposing the gold mines do receive the extension which some believe they will, why in the world, according to the showing of Sir David Barbour, do they not pay towards the £60,000,000 as well as the £55,000,000, because it is an essential part of that Report that we should limit the amount that is ever to be asked for? Though he does not pretend that there is any surplus now, Sir David Barbour proposes that we should keep the thing in view, and that we should raise £3,000,000 by the simple process of borrowing money on British security and paying off treasury bills. The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down says that Sir David Barbour's Report shows no surplus out of which there is any conceivable chance of any contribution whatever being made now or hereafter; and, although I believe that the hon. Member was entirely sound in the principle that if there ever should be a surplus this dominant gold interest should be called upon to contribute towards the cost of the war, I am afraid that, for the present, at all events, that is more or less an academic discussion, because the prospect of any surplus here or hereafter which would be applicable to such a purpose is chimerical. I am not at all sure that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, from the very moderate language which he used in his speech on the subject, has not also come to that conclusion; at all events, he reserves for a more fitting occasion the examination, in the interests of the British taxpayer, of how much towards the cost of this war the British taxpayer is expected to pay in the future. I think there will be a little astonishment when we come to consider what is going to be the cost to the British taxpayer after that peace is established which was said to be established last October. So far from receiving a contribution to the loan which we are going to vote to-night, it will, I am afraid, be found that the administration will require either additional taxation or additional loans.
said that the hon. Gentleman opposite had canvassed a little in detail the Report of Sir David Barbour, but he thought the hon. Gentleman had hardly done justice to all Sir David's recommendations, because he said that while he would advocate a loan of three millions guaranteed by this country, it was not only or mainly to that source that they should look for the purpose of recovering from the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony the cost of the war. Hon. Members who had spoken had, perhaps quite naturally, referred almost entirely to the gold mines. He could not follow them very much, because he never had a gold mine share, and had no interest in any mine. But so far as he had been able to read what had been written on the gold mines, he believed that when we had established British supremacy in that country the gold, iron, and other mines would be of almost unlimited value. Therefore Sir David Barbour had pointed to a most powerful source of indemnity for this war when he suggested that a tax of 10 per cent. should be levied on the profits of these mines. He did not for a moment suggest that 10 per cent. was enough—perhaps it ought to be 20 per cent.—but, at any rate, when British supremacy was peacefully and firmly established in these regions, as much as possible should be extracted from them, and as little as possible should fall upon the British taxpayer for the cost of the war. The interesting speech of the hon. Gentleman opposite did not seem to him to be relevant to his Amendment, nor did the Amendment (which he did not move) seem relevant to the Bill. The hon. Gentleman divided his speech, so far as he could make out, into two parts. In the first place, he lamented that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not raised more taxation towards the cost of the war, and in the second place he deplored that the expenditure of the country had increased to such a great extent. He was not going to argue these questions, because his contention was that it was not on the Second Reading of the Loan Bill they ought to discuss the expenditure of the country. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was the member of the Government responsible for the expenditure on the Army, the Navy, the relief of agricultural rates, and all the other grievances which hon. Members opposite had against the Government; but when the House of Commons had passed that expenditure, it surely must follow that the money should te raised. Therefore he could not see how it could be relevant to the Second Reading of the Loan Bill to discuss whether we had spent too much on the Army or the Navy, or whether we ought to have gone to war in South Africa. If these issues were to be raised, he was quite sure His Majesty's Government, and most of their supporters, would not be in the least afraid to meet their adversaries on these issues. He came to the question as to whether a due proportion of the expenditure had been raised by taxation. Well, he did not think hon. Members had followed the short commitments of this country to redeem the expenditure which had been incurred for this war. A very interesting Return had been moved for by the hon. Member for Exeter, which he would summarise in two lines. This country was committed to repay £30,000,000 in 1910; £10,000,000 in 1903; £14,000,000 In 1905; and £21,000,000 at periods of for six or twelve months from March last. He was not going to do what his friends on the Treasury Bench had too often done—attempt to forecast when the war was to cease. But if their most sanguine expectations were to be realised as to when the war would cease he would be more than satisfied, and he was sure the country would be rather suprised if we were able to pay off that £75,000,000 at the dates to which the Chancellor of the Exchequer had committed the country. [Sir WILLIAM HARCOURT: Hear, hear.] He saw that the right hon. Gentleman shared his opinion. But even if he were wrong, and if the right hon. Gentleman were wrong, what on earth was there to prevent the Chancellor of the Exchequer—and he hoped his right hon. friend would be then Chancellor of the Exchequer—to apply the unexpected reversions from the South African regions being applied automatically and lawfully to the redemption of the permanent Debt of the country, and which he certainly would like to see commenced as soon as possible? The only limit which, personally, he would put on the reoperation of the Sinking Fund was the limit which was circumscribed by its being no longer necessary to raise loans. From the month the war ceased he did hope that the Sinking Fund would be once more put in operation in the way it had been done heretofore; and which he, for one, was sorry when it ceased. He wished to say that he did not believe that the right hon. the Chancellor of the Exchequer had any idea of refraining from recovering from South Africa all that he legally could, and he was quite sure that it was the intention of the right hon. Gentleman to redeem these short-dated commitments, and as soon as possible thereafter to apply his hand to the redemption of all the Debt which circumstances had obliged him so unfortunately and so largely to increase.
* said the hon. Member for the Eskdale Division in his interesting speech had brought before the House the taxation of the mines, Another question which should be pressed was the levying on the South African Chartered Company whatever contribution that company was liable for on account of the Jameson raid, as an asset of the Transvaal Government now taken Over. He wished to say a few words on the policy of this Bill. The essential point was that it was a permanent addition to the National Debt; and if no one else challenged that policy, he would take a division upon it. He challenged the principle of a permanent addition to the National Debt, and if there was any justification for that attitude he found it in the words of the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, who had told the House in 1899, and on the Budget in 1900, in various forms, that he would never be a party to a permanent addition to the National Debt, that the borrowing should be of a temporary character, and that the country should face in a reasonable time the duty of meeting the expense of the war. Now, however, they were face to face with a different policy as embodied in this Bill. It was impossible to dissociate the question of expenditure from the nature arid character of the Bill. It was perfectly obvious that the Bill had taken the form it had because it was found that the national expenditure had increased so as to absolutely swallow up the war taxes, and that, even if there were no war, a considerable deficit would have to be faced. Therefore the Bill was not only a proposal to saddle the national resources with a charge of sixty millions in addition to other charges, but it also opened up a vista of similar Bills in the future, unless they enforced the great lesson of national economy.
He took the greatest exception to the excessive amount proposed to be raised by loan. He would invite hon. Members to consider the seriousness of the proposal now before the House. He did not deny that the emergency was a great emergency, or insist that it would be possible to materially reduce the volume of the loan proposed to be raised; but they ought to bear in mind the warning which the Chancellor of the Exchequer addressed to the House last year. The right hon. Gentleman said, referring to loans:— the financial policy of the past few years. The Budget was exactly what the right hon. Gentleman himself condemned last year. It was a policy of concealment. Just as they had had concealment of disasters in South Africa— concealment of actual sieges in progress for months of which they had only heard from private friends, of British officers and soldiers suffering great hardships, not a word of which reached this country, so also the facts in that Budget were sought to be hushed up. They made believe that the country was not going to pay those sums, just as they made believe that the foreigner would pay the export duty on coal and that the sugar duty would make no difference in the Budget of the rural cottager. In the same way the policy of loans was a policy of deliberate deception. It was perfectly useless to say that a loan was not a tax. Doubtless a great many people imagined that it was not; but, in his opinion, a loan was the worst form of taxation, because it was taxation in a form which enabled the Government to imperceptibly and silently add to taxation in a way which the taxpayers could not fathom, and because it fell on posterity, who were in no sense responsible for the expenditure they would be called on to pay, and which was imposed on them without their will, and who might be expected to have many other burdens of their own to meet besides. He could, he thought, almost call the right hon. Gentleman himself as a witness of the truth of what he said—namely, that if they had a continuation of Conservative Administrations and Conservative Budgets such as they had had, posterity might be reduced to a condition of abject poverty, in which they would find it hard enough to meet the demands placed on them.
There was another objection to the loan policy. It was an indirect dole to realized property. If direct taxation were levied, of course, realised property would pay a fair share. But a loan was placed upon a basis, on which a large proportion of the repayments was taken out of taxation, raised in much heavier proportion on merchants, farmers, labourers, and all the industrial classes of the country than on realised property. They were imperceptibly shifting the burden of that gigantic expenditure, not only from the present taxpayer to the future taxpayer, but also from the wealthier taxpayer to the poorer taxpayer. There was another aspect of the loan policy which he thought should be brought before the House, and that was that when exceptional expenditure was met by loan they were really imposing a direct tax on labour. That was one of the grounds on which all great economists had condemned the policy of loans. It was only when a loan was drawn from capital which was a mere superfluity, and had no means of being usefully employed, that a loan ceased to be a direct tax on labour. John Stuart Mill argued that to have recourse to a loan meant not only imposing a direct tax on labour, but meant also saddling the community in perpetuity with the interest and the cost of clearing off the debt in addition. His objection to the Bill was very largely that he considered it to be one of the first of many other Bills of the same kind, and he thought that an opportunity should be taken to lay down some lines of intelligible protest on rational grounds against that policy. Was there ever a moment in which available capital ought to be more concentrated in useful and productive work, and in developing the industries of the country? Capital had been rushing back from America, because America was now rich enough to pay off its indebtedness to England, an indebtedness the annual payments upon which came to this country in the form of cheap food and cheap raw materials to help our production. A great part of that returning capital had been swept into the expenditure on the war, instead of being thrown into productive channels for the development and improvement of the enterprises of the country.
There was another feature of the present situation which was very striking. A few years ago they were not more proud of anything than that they were the banker nation of the world, and that they supplied capital, not only to their own industries, but to industries all over the world. What was the situation now? The right hon. Gentleman had placed much of his loans with American capitalists, and after the present year they would actually be paying, as a sort of tribute to American capital, about half a million a year in interest on loans. Look at the result of that policy. The tremendous fall in securities must have almost impoverished many families, must be absolutely ruinous, far in excess of any death duties, in the realisation of estates, and that enormous fall, which amounted to hundreds of millions, was very largely due to the policy of having recourse to loans, which lowered the national credit. What was the outlook for the future? He recollected an admirable speech delivered in this House two years ago by a distinguished economist, Mr. Leonard Courtney, in which he dwelt on the possibility of a collapse of our trade, which was then in its heyday. They had read ad nauseam articles about the decrease in British trade, but he himself took them all with many grains of salt. He thought the calculations were misleading, but the main feature of the case was that other nations had come up to them, and had begun to outrun them all over the world. British trade was in an extremely difficult position, and a policy of extravagance in expenditure and of having recourse to loans was a reckless and dangerous policy at such a time. The right hon. Grentleman appealed to a Return obtained by the hon. Member for Poplar to show that a larger proportion of war expenditure had been obtained from taxation than was generally supposed. He ventured to say that that statement was essentially misleading. The first item which was supposed to be provided out of revenue was the surplus of 1899-90, amounting to £9,335,000. He thought it was somewhat audacious for the right hon. Gentleman to claim that as a contribution from taxation towards the cost of the war. That taxation was levied before the war was ever heard of. It was a surplus, and it was pounced upon and diverted from the purposes to which it might be legitimately applied— namely, the reduction of taxation or in increasing the advantages of the country. It was not a tax levied for the war, but was a tax improperly diverted to the war. Then they had £9,100,000 from the Sinking Fund, which was simply another form of borrowing, whether they looked at it capitalised, as an addition of about 200 millions to the National Debt, or as an annual borrowing of about 4½ millions. It was not taxation levied on the people of the country for the purposes of the war. What he argued was, although it might to some at the present moment be regarded as almost quixotic, that they should raise a larger proportion of the money required out of taxation. He would have been glad to have seen a considerable increase in the income tax, because it would put the cost of the war on the right shoulders. He did not agree with the theory which had been advanced that those who supported the war, or had expressed an opinion favourable to it, ought therefore to be held responsible for paying for it. They should regard taxation as the duty of every man, whatever the responsibilities of the country might be, and he therefore entirely repudiated the theory of responsibility because of opinion. His contention was that, as a matter of principle, they ought to have borrowed less and taxed the country more heavily; and with regard to borrowing, instead of the principle of adding permanently to the National Debt, they ought to definitely and clearly within the Bill lay down that the loan should be repayable in a certain definite period. He intended in Committee to move an Amendment limiting the period for which the loan was to be obtained, and he should do so on the arguments laid before the House by the right hon. Gentleman. If the right hon. Gentleman would boldly face the situation next year, and face his friends in that spirit which animated his own mental conclusions, and insist on adequate taxation in order to form the basis for redeeming these loans, then he would retrieve the reputation he had deservedly won as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and would confer a great advantage on the country. In conclusion, he would distinctly protest against the policy of adding permanently to the National Debt.
* said the hon. Member who had just sat down had indulged in a great many prophecies, and had denounced in language, not wanting in vigour, the policy of loans for the purposes of the war. He should like to bring the hon. Member's statement to a precise test. Did he or did he not object to supplying the necessary money for meeting the expenditure on the war and bringing it to a satisfactory conclusion?
* said that he had never himself personally voted one penny for supplies for the war, nor had he given a single vote against supplies. His reasons for doing so were that he thought it would be cruel and unfair to the troops in South Africa to withhold supplies. At the same time any vote in favour of supplies might be taken as expressing approval of the policy of the war, from, which he conscientiously dissented.
* said he was extremely obliged to the hon. Member for his most lucid explanation as to the motives which prevented him from voting at all. He could only gather that the hon. Member had successfully carried out the policy recommended to him by his leader, which was to avoid committing himself to any course on this or any other question, to remain in a somewhat uncertain state of equilibrium on the fence, and not to come down until he was forced to. If the hon. Member objected to the provision of adequate expenditure for the carrying on of the war to a successful conclusion, he was opposed to the vast majority of the people of the country, and to the vast majority of hon. Members, including some of the most important hon. Members opposite. The question should be argued on the assumption that the country and the House were determined to supply sufficient resources to the Government to carry the war through. Considered from that basis, he should like to analyse the meaning of the hon. Gentleman's speech. The hon. Gentleman complained that too much money was being raised by loan. He assumed the only alternative was taxation. [Mr. CHANNING: Hear, hear.] He gathered that that course met with the hon. Member's approval. Did he propose to raise sixty millions by taxation, and if he did, why did he not tell the House how that additional revenue was going to be obtained? The hon. Member referred to the income tax, but it would require a 4s. or a 5s. income tax to raise sixty millions. He did not know whether the hon. Member was prepared to advocate that course, but if he was he would find very few supporters It was really idle to suggest that sixty millions additional revenue could be raised by taxation. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had apportioned, in a manner which was satisfactory to the House, the amount of expenditure which was to be raised by loan and by taxation. It could not be said that the country had not provided large sums by taxation, and therefore a proposal to raise sixty millions additional by loan was one which could not be accepted. There was one point upon which he thought the House would be found to be in substantial argeement. He believed that the majority of the House, at least, thought it right, and were determined, if they could, to get from the property and revenues of these new colonies a proper proportion of the cost of this war. Another point in which they were in substantial agreement was that it was impossible at the present moment to lay down the exact amount which their contribution should be. But, if they were to believe the statements of Sir David Barbour and Mr. Bleloch as to the resources of these colonies, it was obvious that they had great potential resources upon which this contribution could be levied in the future, even as the resources of the colony had been made to contribute to the Boer Government in the past. He desired that the colonies should contribute towards the expenses of the war, but they would not be able to contribute immediately, and he thought that if the Government could get at the present moment a formal declaration from Parliament that it was the fixed intention of Parliament to levy this contribution as soon as the Transvaal could pay, our position in South Africa would be much easier in the future. If we, in the future, without any such declaration having been made, asked these colonies to contribute, we should be met by the most determined opposition by those interested in the gold-mining and other kindred industries, and also by those in Cape Colony whose interests were bound up with those of the Transvaal and Orange River colonies. Moreover, we might have some difficulty with foreign Governments whose subjects invested their capital in developing the resources of those countries if we, without notice, pro- ceeded to tax their industries. He could foresee great difficulties in such a state of things, and, therefore, he thought that Parliament should give a formal assurance that it was the intention of Parliament as soon as the condition of the Transvaal and the Orange Colony permits of it, to levy on them for a contribution towards the cost of the war. It was true that a declaration had been made by the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer of his intention to do something in this direction, and the statement in his Budget speech might be taken as a binding declaration on himself; but, after all, such a declaration would not be read in the Transvaal, where they did not read Hansard , although they might read Acts of Parliament. It was for that reason that he preyed for a declaration of Parliament as to the course which the House proposed to adopt. He thought that was only fair to the colonies and ourselves, and those who had assisted us in this war, from which we should derive great benefit in the future.
* gathered that the object of the preceding speaker, as of one or two other speakers, was to get as much as he could out of the mines. This was a laudable object, and one that would receive support from both sides of the House. In setting themselves to this purpose, the Government would need all the support they could get, because the process of getting money from these mineowners would, he fancied, be very much like getting blood out of a stone. [Cries of "Why?"] These mine owners were at the present moment the only great political power left standing in South Africa, because all other political life had been destroyed. They represented the power of organised wealth, which was at present the greatest power, unfortunately, not only in South Africa but in this country, as in most other countries of the world. It would, therefore, be a tough job to make them pay what they ought to pay, and place upon them their due share of the burden of taxation. It was a sign of grace, he thought, that hon. Members on the other side of the House should want to do this. It showed that they had a feeling somewhere at the back of their minds that the mine owners had done something to bring about the war, and that they ought to be made to pay. In this sentiment he cordially concurred. He did not say they should be made to pay more than they could bear, but the proposition to tax them at the rate of 10 per cent. on their profits was to his mind wholly inadequate, and in this connection he reminded the House that the Rhodesian gold mines paid at a very much higher rate—50 per cent, of the profits, he believed. That was the example set by a great capitalist. There was a proverb about setting one malefactor to catch another. He paraphrased the words, and did not wish to press the analogy too far, but on the same principle we might look to the owners of the diamond mines in order to see how best to get the money out of the owners of the gold mines. Granted that we were to get all the money we could out of the mines, what were we to do with it? Were we to put the money into our own pockets? On what principle were we to do this? It would be levying a war indemnity on our own colonists and fellow-subjects. Where should we find a parallel to such a proposal? When they went to war with another country and conquered it there were two courses open, either to restore the independence of the country and levy an indemnity for the cost of the war, or to annex the country, in which case no indemnity could be levied. He disputed the whole principle on which hon. Members proposed to proceed, and when they considered the matter he thought they would see the total injustice of their proposal. It was, in his opinion, neither just, nor politic, nor practicable. South Africa had not too many sources of revenue as things were, and he did not suppose that, except on gold, any considerable amount of revenue could be raised out of the two new colonies for a long time to come. He presumed hon. Members realised that when this war was over these devastated colonies would require some sort of revenue, and that the only chance almost of the stability of any future settlement was to bring about some system of federation. He was glad hon. Members approved. That being so, the country would require a revenue—a much larger revenue perhaps than ordinary resources would supply—and where were they to get this revenue except from the gold and diamond mines? Thus from every point of view—of justice, expediency, and policy—we must abandon the notion that we were going to get the money for this war out of the gold of the colonies. If we were to relieve ourselves in the future in any degree from the enormous burden of this war—if in addition to paying sixty millions this year we were not to pay sixty millions next year and the year after—we should turn our thoughts in some degree to the question of policy and to the mode in which we could attach these colonies to us. If we were to extract any good out of this gigantic evil, we should turn our minds to the question of settlement, and to giving to these brave people some sort of government that should appear to them to be tolerable. Unless we were prepared to go on paying, paying, paying, we should have to do it. If we were going to do it we should do it at once and stop the war. It would be as easy now as hereafter. There was nothing to show—there had been no proof offered that the enemy in the field, if they were offered such terms even as Lord Kitchener offered, would not accept them gladly, and thus release us from our present horrible position. For all these reasons he trusted that the proposition to levy a war indemnity on our colonists would be forthwith abandoned for ever, and that the House would turn its thoughts to the more profitable occupation of devising something like a rational government, calculated to bring these newly annexed countries into real accord with us.
I think that much of the speech of the hon. Member had only a very indirect bearing on the question actually before the House. He dealt with the future, at any rate, rather than with the present. No one suggests that it is possible at this moment to exact any contribution from the Transvaal or Orange River Colony towards the war expenses. I said so plainly in introducing the Budget; a proposal of that kind must have reference to the future, and I have already stated that this is a subject which will have our most careful attention. But when the hon. Member suggests that it really rests with us to put an end to the war at this moment by renewing the terms offered by Lord Kitchener for the acceptance of the Boers, and that therefore the expenditure which this loan is intended to meet is unnecessary expenditure, I can only meet him with a complete contradiction. If I had received notice that this subject was likely to be raised, I could have read to the House a telegram which we have received from Lord Kitchener containing a statement which was being published in the Transvaal by the Boer leaders to the effect that they will be satisfied with nothing but their independence.
What was the date of the publication?
* : The telegram came a day or two ago.
* : Why was it not published?
* : I imagine that it will be published.
From whom did it come?
* : From the leaders of the Boers in the Transvaal.
In the Manchester Guardian of June 5th there is a letter of General Botha to his burghers informing them of his negotiations with Lord Kitchener, in which he stated—
"for the information of all officers and burghers, that he had informed Lord Kitchener that we were fighting merely for our independence, which would never be surrendered by us."
* : It is open to hon. Members to say that these terms ought to be granted, but they are terms which the people of this country will not grant, and they are very far indeed from the terms which Lord Kitchener offered to the Boers some months ago. There have been many speeches delivered in the course of this debate, dealing with various aspects of the general subject, some of them devoted to a criticism of the Bill. The hon. Member for East Northamptonshire and the hon. Member for West Islington, who commenced this debate, devoted most of their observations to the subject of the loan, but both of them dwelt on a matter which has no connection with this loan at all—namely, the general expenditure of the country and the great increase in our ordinary expenditure. I welcome the hon. Members as allies in criticism upon the ordinary expenditure, and if the hon. Member for West Islington can persuade the House to deal with the matter to which he referred by rejecting the Report of the Committee for providing additional accommodation for the House of Commons—and can induce hon. Members to refrain from expending £30,000 in more dining-rooms and accommodation of that kind, I should heartily welcome his support. But I am afraid that, as a rule, we do not find these views generally shared by hon. Members. I wish to point out to the House that this Bill has nothing whatever to do with the ordinary expenditure of the country. It is purely a Bill for a loan for the purpose of the war; and it is essential that it should be regarded and, if necessary, criticised in that way.
The hon. Member to whom I have referred and others have blamed me for making this a permanent loan, for borrowing by way of Consols instead of increasing the Unfunded Debt. I explained in introducing the Budget my reasons for that course. I admit that it was contrary to the views which I had expressed in the past in very different circumstances. When we were borrowing ten, twenty, forty, or even fifty millions we were able without much difficulty to borrow by way of temporary loans, and I adhered to that course as long as it was practicable for the reason I have stated more than once. But, having increased the Unfunded Debt to the extent of £67,000,000 for the purposes of this war, it was practically impossible to continue further in that course. It was necessary to revert to the course adopted by my predecessor at the time of the Crimean War, when much smaller funds had to be provided, and to add to Consols. In that way we obtain our money more cheaply, although, of course, it is a more permanent form of borrowing; but it was absolutely necessary, having regard to the amount of Unfunded Debt we have already borrowed. Then I am accused of having borrowed too much in proportion to the amount raised by taxation. Of course I am aware that hon. Members opposite have expressed that view more than once this session. Some of them have a perfect right to express that view, because they have voted for the additional taxation which I have asked the House to impose. The hon. Member for North Norfolk told us that he had voted for every new tax, and I was going to include the right hon. Member for West Monmouth, but I have a recollection that there was one tax which he did not agree with; but when I come to the hon. Members for West Islington and East Northampton, who have opposed every proposal I have made for additional taxation, it is a little hard—
* : I voted for the income tax, and repeatedly expressed my opinion that it ought to be increased.
* : I beg the hon. Member's pardon; I should have said indirect taxation. I think it is a little hard that those hon. Members should reproach me with not having raised enough by loan, and tell me that I should largely increase taxation. How can I do so in accordance with their views? The hon. Member for East Northamptonshire suggests that I should have added to the income tax.
* : I do not urge that the whole should be raised by taxation. I object mainly to the permanence of the loan, and that so large an amount should be raised by loan.
* : I do not quite understand what the hon. Member means. When he has thought what the effect would be of adding 2d., 3d., or 4d. to an income tax of 1s. 2d. already, not on large capitalists, not on very wealthy persons, but on the great mass of the taxpayers, persons of compara- tively small incomes, I do not think the hon. Member would seriously argue that any large proportion of the £60,000,000 could or ought to have been obtained by an addition to the income tax. But my finance has been compared in this respect unfavourably with the finance of the Crimean War. What happened at the time of the Crimean War? The income tax was raised to 1s. 2d., and afterwards to 1s. 4d., in the £. But I wish the House to remember that at the time that that was done large additional indirect taxation was also imposed, and that when the income tax stood at those figures the direct taxpayers were not burdened as they are now with very heavy death duties, while on the other hand payers of indirect taxation were taxed to the extent of 1s. 9d. per lb. on tea and 20s. per cwt. on sugar—two very different taxes from those I have imposed. Why, my humble proposal to maintain the tax of 6d. in the lb. on tea was resisted by hon. Members opposite as if it were a terrible infliction on the working classes, and when I proposed 4s. 2d. a cwt. on sugar how loud was the outcry against it! If I had made that 4s. 2d. 20s. in the cwt., the tax which was levied by Sir George Cornewall Lewis at the time of the Crimean War, and acquiesced in by Mr. Gladstone, what would they have said then about my interfering with the necessaries of life and the comforts of the poor? This outcry, that of the cost of the war more ought to have been raised by taxation and less by loan, from hon. Members who have opposed all the taxes I have proposed, is a dishonest outcry, and I do not think it necessary to dwell further on it.
A great deal of the evening's debate has been taken up with the process of cooking the hare before we have caught it. Almost every hon. Member who has spoken has dwelt at more or less length on the question of how much of the large debt, now amounting to £127,000,000, which we have had to incur on account of this war should be imposed on the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony. I do not think I can be accused of concealment or misrepresentation on this matter. I have expressed throughout my opinion that a considerable portion of the cost of this war should be imposed on the Transvaal. That opinion was expressed when the cost of the war appeared likely to be a mere trifle as compared with what it has since become. I pointed out to the House a year and a half ago that the large increase in the cost made it, of course, impossible for us to expect that anything like the proportion would be recovered from the Transvaal which might have been expected, when it was thought that the cost of the war would be comparatively small. But I have throughout said that in my belief it was the just and proper course that, when peace had been made, and when the country had settled down, and was in a position to do it, suitable provision should be made to repay us some of the expenditure which we have incurred. We have had three different views on that matter expressed in the course of this debate. The hon. Member for the Leigh Division of Lancashire was quite vehement in his opposition to the justice of imposing any such burden on the Transvaal. I must say that that is an extraordinary doctrine, and I cannot understand how the hon. Member for South Donegal, who is most anxious to recover some of the cost of this war from the mines, could possibly acquiesce, as he did, in the views of the hon. Member for Leigh.
I do not know that I ought to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman. I did acquiesce in the views of the hon. Member, and this is the apparent contradiction. You annexed the Transvaal, but you annexed the Transvaal in order not to tax the mines.
* : That is not my view of the case. I felt that neither justice nor policy would direct us to the course advocated by the hon. Member for Leigh. Then there were two other views. One is that the Transvaal has illimitable wealth in the favourite mines of the hon. Member for Donegal, and that therefore it can bear, some have said even as much as the whole cost of the war, but at any rate a very large sum towards it. The other view, which has been expressed on more than one occasion by the right hon. Member for West Monmouthshire, and which was expressed this evening by the hon. Member for West Islington, is that the Transvaal can bear nothing at all. I take my position between those views. I have admitted that at the present moment, and for some time to come, until peace is restored, the country settled down, and the full course of the mining industry resumed in the Transvaal, nothing of this kind can be obtained from the Transvaal. That is clear. I stated it when introducing the Budget, it appears in Sir David Barbour's Report, and there can be no question about it. But Sir David Barbour's Report cannot fairly be described, as the hon. Member for Islington described it to-night, as depriving us of all hope of getting anything back. Sir David Barbour shows that the Transvaal has immense mineral wealth, which was being rapidly developed before the war, and which certainly in peaceable times and under a pure Government will be more rapidly developed. Sir David Barbour suggests certain fiscal reforms with a view to making life cheaper and easier in the Transvaal, removing taxation from articles of food, adjusting the import duties, imposing taxes on transfers of stock, and imitating the right hon. Gentleman opposite with regard to the death duties, all of which, it appears to me, are very wise reforms. But I am not going to pledge the Government or myself to any particular course with regard to them this evening.
What about the police?
* : I am coming to that. My right hon. friend the Secretary for the Colonies has stated that we accept the main principles of Sir David Barbour's Report. What are those main principles? That in order that the Transvaal may really flourish, industry should be liberated in a fiscal sense. That surely is a policy which it would be wise and right to adopt. Secondly, as my hon. friend the Member for the Eskdale Division said, that all reasonable expenses of the Transvaal administration must be met before you can talk of obtaining anything from the Transvaal towards the cost of the war. Very well. The cost of the Transvaal administration unquestionably at first will be very large.
That is the point.
* : And no doubt rightly so; everyone can see that. Therefore the question as to how much of the cost of the war can be obtained from the Transvaal is not one, as it seems to me, and as Sir David Barbour states, that can be definitely settled at the present moment. I should be most foolish if I were to attempt to state to the House to night how much we consider the Transvaal can eventually pay; that must depend on the history of the future, on the peaceful development of industry in the Transvaal, and on circumstances which cannot now be foreseen. But I can assure my hon. friend the Member for the Eskdale Division that we are as sensible as he can be of the wealth that is in the Transvaal, and of the possibilities of contribution when expenses have been met. There is one point in Sir David Barbour's Report about which I confess, speaking for myself, I feel very considerable doubt. It has been alluded to in the debate to-night, and therefore I think I ought to mention it. He has suggested a tax on the profits of the mines, a very wise suggestion in itself—I say nothing as to the percentage—because that form of tax will press most lightly on the mines that are least able to bear taxation, and more heavily on the rich ones. To that I think we shall all agree. But Sir David Barbour also points out, while he anticipates that a certain sum will be raised by this form of taxation, that the mines would benefit by even a larger sum from the abolition of the dynamite monopoly. Sir David Barbour, I think, has been a little tender in that matter. Certainly in considering what taxes should be imposed in the Transvaal we should have to bear that point in mind, and take care that, while not doing anything that will hinder the development of the mining industry, fair taxation shall be imposed on the mines, so that whatever profit they may derive from the abolition of the dynamite monopoly shall certainly be considered in the new taxes that are to be put on them.
I do not know that there is any other point I need go into. I would venture to remind the House that this Bill has been practically assented to already by the acceptance of the resolution empowering the Government to raise £60,000,000 by an issue of Consols, and, of course, as that has been raised, there can be no question, whatever might happen to the Government, that Parliament would be bound to meet the obligation. I would just say one word with regard to the suggestion of my hon. friend the Member for York. He is anxious that there should be some declaration made by Parliament—I suppose in the form of a clause or preamble in a Bill, though he does not suggest it in this Bill particularly—by which it should be clear that we intend to impose a reasonable portion of the cost of this war on the Transvaal. Well, as far as regards this Bill, in my opinion, it would be entirely out of place, because, as I pointed out when introducing the Budget, there is £67,000,000 of Debt redeemable at various short periods before the £60,000,000 raised by this Bill would come up for redemption. I do not think it is likely that anything could be obtained from the Transvaal beyond that £67,000,000, and therefore I do not see that any useful purpose would be served by the adoption of the suggestion of the hon. Member for York.
In Sir D. Barbour's Report it is proposed that the Government now should fix the maximum which under no circumstances the Transvaal should be asked to exceed.
* : Oh, yes; I think it would be quite right that a declaration on that subject should as soon as possible be made by the Government, but I am speaking of a suggestion to embody something of the kind in either this or some other Bill.
There is no limit.
* : I make no statement on that point tonight. I do not think the time has yet arrived, but when the time comes such a declaration should be made in such a manner as to give public knowledge of the view that we take of the subject. All I will say now is that nothing of the kind in an Act of Parliament can possibly bind the future. There is a curious instance of that in the Irish Church Act of 1869. There was a great deal of debate at the time of the passing of that Act as to what should happen to the Irish Church surplus, and strong views were entertained that it should not be dealt with in this way or that. Parliament took the trouble to pass a section to the effect that the surplus should be appropriated mainly to the relief of unavoidable calamity and suffering.
And you gave it to the landlords.
* : To which section not the slightest attention has ever been paid by Parliament from that day to this. You cannot bind the hands of Parliament in future by a declaration of this kind. All I can assure the House of is this, that we share Sir D. Barbour's view that it is necessary as soon as possible to make a clear statement as to what is intended, and that will be made at the proper time by my right hon. friend the Secretary of State for the Colonies.
I have read Sir D. Barbour's Report with the greatest care, and I say that no man of business, after that Report, would expect a financial firm to advance any sum of money worth mentioning upon the prospects there revealed. Those prospects are stated in such doubtful and ambiguous language that, even assuming all Sir D. Barbour's anticipations to be correct, the thing lies in the most remote future. We shall be making a very great mistake if we expect, or lead the country to think, that we are going to get anything at all out of the Transvaal towards the cost of this war. It is much better to take up a perfectly plain attitude. I wish with all my heart that we could get the whole of the cost of the war from the mines. Believing, as I do, that the people connected with the mines had a painful share in the causes which led to the war, I am the more inclined to entertain that opinion. But look for a moment at the situation as disclosed by Sir D. Barbour's Report. I speak from memory, but I am certain I am correct in stating that his view is that when the war is over and industries are recommenced, both the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony will be insolvent, and that the revenue will not be adequate to meet the expenditure. Not only so, but he says the Transvaal will not be able to pay for its own administration and its share of the police. Every penny of the cost of the army of occupation will have to come out of the pockets of the people here at home. In regard to the Orange River Colony, according to the Report, the case is the same, or even worse. It is obvious that we have upon our hands as the fruits of this most unfortunate war two insolvent Republics. ["No."] They are insolvent in the sense in which any man of business understands insolvency. They are not able to meet the ordinary current expenditure belonging to them as States administered by a responsible Government. That is the unhappy position in which we find ourselves. It is far better that we should realise the fact. Let hon. Members look at the figures for themselves in the same way as they would look at the balance-sheet of any business undertaking, and see whether what I say is not true. I know that high hopes have been entertained and expressed at elections and elsewhere that the cost of the war would be reimbursed to this country. It is a delusion. It is only one more of those anticipations which have proved to be erroneous in the course of this controversy. This country will not recover one penny of the cost to which it has been put by this lamentable war. Leaving out altogether the question—the one political resource which remains to us in the British population out there—of whether they would be content to remain under tribute to this country in order to repay the cost of the war, the fact is that these two States are not able to pay their own way, and will not be able to do so for some years to come, and we shall have to find not only the cost of the war, but a considerable sum of money for purposes of administration.
Remembering the course of previous debates on this subject, the discussion to-night has been exceedingly amusing. Even in the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer there was an element of uncertainty as to the repayment of a portion of the cost of the war by the Transvaal. A very different tone pervaded his speech from that which we have heard on previous Loans Bills. The right hon. Gentleman says that the time and the amount of such repayment by the Transvaal depend upon circumstances which nobody can now foresee. I venture to say that they will depend upon the goodwill of Mr. Robinson and Mr. Rhodes. Everybody can foresee what their views on the subject will be, and, as sure as this war is carried to what has been described as a satisfactory result, Mr. Robinson, Mr. Rhodes, and the Consolidated Gold Mines will rule the Transvaal. When you come to assess upon the Transvaal a large sum of money as a tribute for this purpose, what will be the political situation? The whole of South Africa will be solid against such a proposition. The goldminers, headed by Mr. Robinson and Mr. Rhodes, will lead the opposition, and the Uitlanders, on behalf of whose liberties you undertook the war, will join in. Where will you look for any support? You will not get it from Cape Colony or Natal, because they will see that every pound taken from the Transvaal is so much loss to their trade. From the Zambesi River to Cape Town you will have South Africa united for once in its history upon the principle of no taxation towards the expenses of this war. The argument will be, "What! tax your own subjects, whose country has been devastated, and whose industry has been interrupted by an Imperial war undertaken for the preservation of the Empire? Why not tax Canada, or New Zealand, or Australia, who are equally part of the Empire, but who have not suffered industrially by the struggle? "It is a deliberate deception of the House of Commons—not on the part of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but on the part of the Government and those who know South Africa—to seek to entice the people of this country to stagger along under an ever-increasing burden in the belief that a part of the burden will be shifted to the shoulders of the South African people.
The right hon. Gentleman seemed surprised that there should be Members on these benches who shared the views which have been so eloquently and forcibly expressed by the hon. Member for the Leigh Division. I share those views. On the day you issued the proclamation annexing the Transvaal and the Orange Free State you forfeited all right to claim a war indemnity. A more indefensible proposition could not be imagined than that of levying a war indemnity upon your own fellow-citizens, who then will be struggling to get on their legs once more. If the Chancellor of the Exchequer could devise some machinery by which he was able to get hold of Beit and others, who have erected palaces in Park Lane, and make them disgorge some of their ill-gotten gains I would heartily support him. But these Gentlemen are far too slippery and oleaginous to pay any tax you may put on the gold mines. Every one of these great operators, who have been responsible for the war, by a process of unloading and repurchasing, will make enormous sums out of the war, just as they sold out "Chartereds" at £7 before the raid, and let the ignorant public carry the shares when they were reduced to £3 by their operations. Nobody need imagine that these great Stock Exchange operations—the cleverest and most unscrupulous the world has ever seen—are going to be hit by such a tax. The outside public, the small shareholders, who are the dupes in these great operations, will bear the burden. After the debate of to-night I trust that the taxpayers of this country will see clearly that they will have to bear this burden, and that all this talk about the glories of the Empire is all very fine for the purpose of after-dinner speeches and Canadian poets, but when it comes to cash the inhabitants of these islands are the people who must pay the bill.
There is another point to which I wish to draw the attention of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. There cannot be anything more germane to this subject than the question of the duration of the war, which is now costing £1,500,000 per week. Again and again during the two years which this miserable war has lasted we have urged upon the Government that it was their duty, even from the point of view of the British taxpayer, to place before these unfortunate men still in the field against us the terms upon which the Government are willing to give them peace. It is a barbarous method of conducting warfare that when a civilised nation has got the best of it the victorious country should not place before the enemy the terms upon which peace can be concluded. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said if he had had the least notion that this question would have been raised he would have brought down a telegram he had received quite recently from Lord Kitchener. This seems to be the only important telegram Lord Kitchener has sent during the last three months. Why has this telegram not been published, for I understand that j it was received some three days ago? I will recall to the memory of hon. Members an incident which occurred at the beginning of the session. A Member of the Government declared, when pressed upon this subject, that Lord Roberts had a year ago, before last Christmas, sent word to General Botha that he was willing to meet him, and General Botha said that he would not meet Lord Roberts on any conditions except that the independence of the two Republics should be recognised. I asked for the text of those negotiations, and after perusing the correspondence I found that there was not one word of truth in the statement, for General Botha never mentioned the terms, and the conference broke down, because General Botha required seven days to communicate with his Government, and Lord Roberts refused him the armistice. The impression caused by that misstatement was not removed until the Papers were laid upon the Table. We hear now that some mysterious telegram has arrived from Lord Kitchener, which has not yet been published, in which he declares that the Boer leaders have published a statement that they would accept no terms except independence. I think we ought to have the telegram and all the documents bearing upon it communicated to the House and the public at once, for surely there is no subject upon which the House and the public are more entitled to early information than upon the question of peace negotiations. Even if it should turn out to be true that the Boer leaders—
* : It shall be laid on the Table at once.
I hold that if the Government had published rational terms when Bloemfontein was occupied this war might have been ended a year ago. What a difference it would have made in the cost of this war, and in the difficulties of effecting a settlement hereafter, if you had offered peace in accordance with the solemn statement as to what the original objects of the war were. Peace could have been made after the occupation of Pretoria. The Government have no right to contend that they have done their best to make peace unless they can put before the people of this country some categorical plain statement of the terms offered to the Boer leaders other than those which were first doctored by Lord Milner and then by the Colonial Secretary, which were the only terms ever placed before the Boers. I oppose this Bill because I hold that this war has been prolonged by the action of the Government in not offering reasonable terms.
There is another point in connection with this Loan Bill, and it is the policy of destroying the property in the Transvaal and Orange River Colony. This is a Bill to raise £60,000,000 for the continuation of the war in South Africa. That war has been prolonged mainly by the policy of farm-burning and devastation which has been carried on. Those of us who have followed closely the later history of this war are deeply convinced that the war has been prolonged by the exasperation which has followed the devastation of the country and farm burning. [Ministerial cries of "No, no."] It is natural for hon. Gentlemen opposite to turn a deaf ear to what we say, but anyone who has read Lord Milner's last despatch cannot doubt for a single moment that the policy of farm-burning has had this effect. Some little time ago a declaration was made in this House that the policy of farm-burning had been confined in the past to cases where treachery had been committed in the particular farms burned, and it was said that this was not a policy of general devastation. It was further stated that orders had been sent out to stop this policy of farm-burning.
I do not think the hon. Member will be in order in discussing the whole history of the conduct of this war. He is now going back for a longer period than that over which this money is wanted, and he cannot do that.
I thought I was strictly adhering to your ruling, because I only alluded to that matter, not with the intention of going into the history of this policy of farm-burning, but to strengthen my appeal for some specific declaration on the part of the Government. I assert, in the first place, that that policy has been carried out, and is being carried out, not as a punishment for individual cases of treachery, but as a policy of deliberate wholesale devastation of the country. That is going on to-day in spite of all that the Ministers have said. I put a question to the Minister responsible the other day, asking whether, as a matter of fact, within the last few weeks one of the columns now engaged in operations which have euphoniously been described as "clearing the country" had not been destroying farms, fruit trees, and agricultural machinery, and the right hon. Gentleman replied "Yes." How are you going to prepare for the task of getting something from the country in the shape of a contribution to this war if you go on destroying property in this way? Not only have valuable mills been blown up with dynamite within the last few weeks, but actually the very fruit trees have been uprooted, trees which will take five or six years of careful cultivation to replace. The stock of the farmers has been taken and their property destroyed, and the whole country, so far as His Majesty's troops can effect it, has been reduced to a howling wilderness. That is a disastrous policy from every point of view, because you are destroying the only asset upon which you can place taxes in the future. How can it be imagined that any Government can go to this howling wilderness and tax people after you have destroyed their property and devastated your own land? That is one reason why I protest against this loan. But beyond all this, by your policy of prolonging the war you have made these unfortunate men homeless wanderers, with no object except to to oppose your rule. Christian de Wet, General Botha, and General Smuts, whose houses and splendid farms you have burned and destroyed, are homeless wanderers whom you have deliberately made desperate, and who will not accept your terms of peace. This policy of devastation has recently been admitted by the Government. Up to a few weeks ago the Government tried to make out that this was only a policy of punishing individual farmers for treachery committed on their farms. Lately, however, it has been admitted that this policy is a deliberate policy of devastation, and I say that that policy is calculated to ruinously increase the settlement of the future, and it will put the finishing touch to any prospect or chance of obtaining any contribution from the Transvaal or the Orange Free State towards the cost of the war.
Finally, this is a policy which is exasperating the men in the field against you, and it is calculated to prolong the war. On these grounds I denounce this policy of devastation. What is the only answer given to us on this question of devastation? The answer is that it is justified by military necessity, that war is war, and that there must he suffering to women and children as well as men. I do not believe that this is good either in policy or as a military measure, but, supposing it were, how far would this plea carry you? Is it within the laws of war? I say it is most distinctly and clearly against the laws of war, and a more outrageous breach of the laws of war is not recorded in the history of civilised warfare. You have no right, on the plea of military necessity, to devastate the country and destroy wholesale private property. This is contrary to the fundamental principles of warfare which have been accepted for upwards of 100 years, and it is ridiculous to compare this devastation with the damage done to property in besieged towns. When a town is besieged the women and children must necessarily suffer in such cases, but it is not lawful to devastate and desolate a country inhabited by women and children and non-combatants under the plea of military necessity, and these acts are indefensible on the ground that they are contrary to the laws of civilised warfare.
Let me turn from this question of destruction and devastation to the inevitable consequences of this policy, that is the concentration of women and children in camps. This step has done more than anything else to prolong this war. I have had in my hands during the last two months a great many communications which confirmed me in the belief that nothing has contributed more towards embittering and prolonging the war than the way the women and children have been treated. I hold that this policy has never been successful whenever it has been tried, but, on the contrary, it has made peace more remote, and has enormously increased the expenditure of the country after the war is over. It has been argued that this policy is not a breach of the laws of war.
I do not see how the question of the laws of war arises under this Bill. The hon. Member will not be in order in arguing questions of law, nor in going into the past history of the war.
I respectfully submit that it is not past history, for it is now going on. Surely I am entitled, when a sum of money is asked for to carry on the war in a way which is contrary to the custom of civilised nations, to show that by so doing, instead of promoting peace, such a policy is prolonging the war and enormously increasing not only the present but the future cost.
The hon. Member may deal with matters affecting the prolongation of the war, but he cannot go into the question of the legality of the practices pursued by the generals in the war.
Then I will pass over the question of legality, and I suppose that I shall be in order in raising that question on the Finance Bill when we are voting money for the conduct of the war. I assume that I shall now be in order in saying something upon the question of the treatment of women and children in the concentration camps, for that is a policy which is now being carried out. Whatever difference of opinion there may exist as to the policy of these concentration camps, there ought to be no difference as to the wisdom—from the point of view of the Government, as well as from the point of view of those who sympathise with the Boers—of doing everything that can be done to mitigate the sufferings of those concentrated in these camps. I raised the question the other day of the refusal on the part of the Government to allow charitable committees to apply money for the relief of those people who are at present in those camps, and the Secretary of State for War, for the second time, gave me the answer that he had no information upon this subject, and that he believed every facility was being given in this direction. I hold in my hand a statement sworn before a notary public in Holland to the effect that two grants of £300 each sent to Johannesburg at the time of the greatest possible distress, when the most acute suffering existed in those camps, were refused and they were returned uncashed. I again urge upon the right hon. Gentleman to extend his inquiries and to assure us that such proceedings are not going on at the present moment. I feel all the more uneasy about this because I have noticed throughout the discussions in reference to these camps that there appears to be an extraordinary unwillingness to give information as to the real condition of things in these camps, and we are refused information to such an extent that we are forced to drag it from the Government inch by inch. In confirmation of the suspicion raised in my mind by this sworn affidavit a statement appeared in the Westminster Gazette giving a shocking description of the women and children in these camps. The writer says that the food is quite inadequate for adults and the children die off very rapidly. He says that ten persons died from one farm, and that there are cases where every child in the family has perished chiefly for want of milk. And this occurred at a time when there was any amount of milk in Pretoria, where many children were kept alive in the camp by the distribution of condensed milk. About the month of April the military authorities withdrew the permission by which these necessities were distributed to the women and children. Is that a true statement? I confess my suspicions on the matter have been greatly aroused by the extraordinarily confused and conflicting statements given to me and my hon. friends by the right hon. Gentle- man in reply to questions. One or two of the replies which he gave are proved to be absolutely at variance with the facts which are admitted.
What is the present condition of some of these, camps? I take an authority the right hon. Gentleman will not question. It is from the Bloemfontein correspondent of The Times , in a telegram of the 18th June, after the subject had been raised in this House, and in giving fair weight to his statement one must remember that it was published in the interest of the Government to meet charges made by hon. Members from these benches. He says— East London Dispatch , Port Elizabeth, giving the facts in May, 1901. This is an Imperial and Loyalist paper in South Africa, and a most unimpeachable authority from the point of view of the Government. The letter says—
I am astonished at the way these matters are received in this country by people who differ from us on political questions. Picture women and children bundled into camps and dying on all sides! The unfortunate people who survive will cherish an undying bitterness towards you. The girls who are in the camps now will never forget these things, do what you will. They will be the mothers of the future South African race, and it is not by tens of millions that you will be able to estimate the cost of what you are doing in murdering these people. The first knowledge of life acquired by little girls amid the agonies of these camps will bear fruit in the future. Here is a letter from a Dutch nurse at Kim-berley—
If that is in the present session the hon. Member will not be in order in quoting.
I will only say generally that the Secretary of State for War in January and later on has assured me that the death rate at Johannesburg was not abnormally high. How can he stand to that statement in view of the figures I have read, and how can he expect us to desist from pressing this matter on the attention of the House? In March last I was told that Lord Kitchener had informed the Government that the vast majority of the refugees in these camps had come there of their own free will, and that they had plenty of clothing. In view of the facts which we have since then dragged out of the Government, it is hard to ask us to trust declarations on the part of the Government. These statements were made at a time when things were at their very worst, and therefore I say that the Government have no right to complain if we bring forward this subject again and again until we receive some assurance that this cruel and abominable state of things has been terminated. I do not understand why the Government have made such a mystery about these camps, and why they do not allow them to be visited. I do not know whether the embargo has been taken off, but until recently very few people were allowed to visit the camps, and those who were allowed were under obligation not to reveal what they saw. I can see no object for that. Not being at liberty on the present occasion to go into details I will only say in conclusion that so long as the war is carried on by methods so cruel, and so unpolitic from the point of view of the so-called Imperialists of this country, so long will we, the Irish Members on these benches, avail ourselves of every opportunity of pressing upon the Government the iniquity of this policy, and of resisting every proposal to obtain money to carry on the war. I believe that policy has resulted already in enormously prolonging the agony of the war, and I believe it is responsible for tens of millions of money which have been spent. I believe that, instead of leading eventually, as we have been told over and over again, to a stable equilibrium and a prosperous nation in South Africa, you are sowing dragons' teeth, and you will raise a crop of armed men.
* said that until the speech of the hon. Member for East Mayo he had not the slightest thought of intervening in the debate, but it was absolutely impossible for anyone with any self-respect to keep silent under the charges which the hon. Member had made against those who were not here to answer for themselves, who were thousands of miles away, and who could not realise the full meaning of the charges made against our officers and soldiers. From the comparative security of this House hon. Members made abominable charges against our officers and soldiers which they dared not make outside. The crowning point of the speech of the hon. Gentleman was when he accused those in charge of these camps of murder and cold-blooded murder. The hon. Gentleman was not in his place now, but he could imagine that if he had been he would have said that his charges were not directed against the officers and soldiers but against the policy of the Government. He (Major Llewellyn) knew better than that. He read the papers and the speeches of these Gentlemen inside and outside the House and the letters they wrote to the papers, and their object was not to condemn the Government itself, but to condemn everybody who did not agree with them, and particularly those who were not able to answer for themselves. He thought it was a monstrous thing that those charges should be made by men who had not the pluck to go to South Africa and see for themselves the condition of things instead of basing their diatribes on quotations from foreign or pro-Boer newspapers. They ought to go to South Africa and see and judge for themselves, and he would answer for it that from the Zambesi to Cape Colony they would have a reception the warmth of which they would have little to complain of. He maintained that the officers and soldiers in South Africa had carried out their duties as humanely as it was possible to conceive. Some of these men were not only comrades of his, but nearer than comrades, and he knew that when they heard the monstrous calumnies that had been heaped upon them they would feel keenly on the matter. He had seen something of the management of these camps. [A VOICE FROM THE IRISH BENCHES: Which camps?] He would speak of the camps at Port Elizabeth, Simons Town, Cape Town, and East London, although he had seen others. He would compare the lot of the men and women who were in the camps with that of those who were in charge of the camps. Last autumn he had been much struck with the care which the officers in charge had taken of the people in the camps. They were well looked after in every sense of the word, and were supplied not only with amusements but instruction. He had seen these refugees perpetually playing cricket and quoits, but our men had no opportunity of doing so. He had applied at the stores for quoits, but was told that they were only available for the prisoners. At that time the troops were suffering from terrific gales and hot sand-storms, and their tents were in ribbons. It was his duty to apply for more tents, but the reply was that there were none available. He pointed out that the prisoners had good, sound, roomy tents, but all the answer was, "None available for your use." During the month of December there was undoubtedly a very strong and dangerous feeling throughout the colony in consequence of certain statements and stories most ingeniously circulated in regard to the ill-treatment of the women and children at Port Elizabeth—the details of which he could not there enter into. But the result of these reports and misstatements was more dangerous and caused the greatest anxiety to those responsible for the peace and quiet of the country. Just at that time a gentleman who exercised a considerable influence on the inhabitants of the district of which he was commandant, and who was the minister of the Dutch Reformed Church, came to him, as commandant, and asked him whether it would be possible to have a committee formed to go to these camps and investigate for themselves as to the truth of the statements that had been made. Permission was granted, and a committee of colonial Dutchmen, whose sympathies were altogether with the Boers, was formed, and they were accompanied by three ladies. They took with them £300, to spend on what they thought was necessary for relieving the reported starvation of the refugees in the camps. They had every opportunity of seeing all that went on, and when they returned from their visit their report was read to a meeting in the Dutch Reformed Church, and published in the local paper. The reverend gentleman did him the honour to call upon him to repeat their report, which amounted to this: it altogether contradicted the stories that had been rife, and which had caused a great amount of feeling and suffering. The committee had nothing whatever to complain of; but not only so, but they found it impossible to expend the £300 which they had taken with them, except £10, which they laid out on some chairs. They expressed their thankfulness for what they had found in the camp, and declared that nothing more could have been done for the comfort of the people there than had been done. All that was published in the English written papers out there, but not in the Dutch papers; and it was a great regret that these things did not find their way into the Dutch papers. The result was most pacific. It was with great satisfaction he had had many interviews with the chairman of that committee, and he became perfectly friendly with him. All this was proof, to his mind, first of all, of the ingenuity of evil-disposed persons, who were anxious to create and perpetuate strife. Not only in the immediate neighbourhood of the districts of which he had command, but in the whole of Cape Colony, was brought home to his mind more strongly than ever the deep regret which he and everyone else must feel that the whole of the circumstances were not known, that these stories were repeated and not contradicted; that, worse than that, they were circulated in this country; and that, worse still, they should have been repeated in this House. These were his personal experiences, and he could assure the House that far from any hon. Gentleman having a right to believe that our soldiers were guilty of cruelty and oppression, they were most considerate in carrying out their difficult duties; they were kind at home, and they were the same men away, except that they were perhaps even kinder there. It would touch the hearts of hon. Members if they saw the way in which not only the officers, but the soldiers generally, did everything in their power to mitigate the sufferings which had been inflicted by the war, and the relations which had to exist between them and those with whom they had, unfortunately, to differ. He hoped hon. Members would think twice before they repeated stories which did such infinite mischief. By repeating them they were acting in an unfriendly and unfair manner to their countrymen, and, what was worse, they were en- couraging our enemies. The worst enemies of this country at this moment sat in this House.
protested against the attack which had just been made upon the hon. Member for East Mayo, and he protested the more readily for the reason that he did not agree with the hon. Gentleman in the attitude he had taken up. It was only fair to say that the hon. Member made no attack whatever upon the soldiers and officers engaged in this campaign; on the contrary, he had safeguarded himself by saying that he believed that in the main they were humane men. The effect of making a general attack upon him, as had been done by the hon. Member who had just sat down, was to burke the whole question. They were now discussing the Second Reading of the Loan Bill, and although many indirect matters had been discussed at great length, the main feature of whether this Bill was sound or not had been, so far as he could see, been treated very slightly. He had voted against every one of the proposals of the Chancellor of the Exchequer except the income tax, and he should have something to say with regard to the observations of the right hon. Gentleman as to those Members who voted for the expenditure and against the provisions made for it, and whose action he seemed to characterise as not strictly honest. In his opinion, the very worst of the bad financial proposals made this year by the Government was the proposal for the increase of the National Debt. There was no reason which would justify a nation increasing its Debt, except upon the hypothesis that the expenditure for which the Debt was incurred was made for posterity as well as ourselves. He held the view that there could be no certainty that posterity would be benefited by any expenditure. Such a thing could only be assumed. This view had been forced upon him by the fact that a number of forts which had been erected in the neighbourhood of Devonport and Plymouth in 1860 for the protection of posterity had long been of no use, and had been levelled in the last ten years. Those forts were known by the name of "Palmerston's Folly." He was not prepared to say that that was a correct description of them. He was prepared to believe that at the time they were built they were considered necessary for the protection of the country; but, like other things, military science had progressed, and in thirty years these forts had become obsolete, and posterity, for the protection of whom they had been built, had not only to bear the cost of their erection, but the cost of pulling them down. When he came to consider the reason for the increase of the Debt, he was not prepared to say for certain that the war could have been avoided. On the other hand, he was not prepared to say that proper efforts had been made by those in charge of the negotiations to prevent it before it commenced. But, whoever was to blame for it, whether it was inevitable or not, posterity was going to suffer and not to gain by the war. Therefore, it was utterly unjustifiable to saddle posterity with the expense. The hon. Member for East Northampton, who had spoken from a strictly economic point of view, had pointed out, and had enforced his argument by a quotation from John Stuart Mill, with whose principle every economist acquiesced, that whenever a debt was incurred for an unremunerative expenditure, such as this war, and where the effect of that debt was to raise the rate of income, the whole incidents of that debt fell upon labour, and labour alone; but the hon. Member omitted to go further and point out the further fact that the sacrifices made by labour in that regard did not accrue to the benefit ef the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but for the benefit of the capitalists. Under the circumstances he considered it was altogether a bad form of taxation to meet the expenditure the country had to meet. He might be asked, if he objected to the proposals of the Government, what alternative he had to offer. That argument had been used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and it was urged with something like vehemence by the hon. Member for York. He was prepared with two alternatives. They had heard a good deal of one alternative, a still further increase of the income tax, but one fact had been lost sight of with regard to that. There was one economic objection to the income- tax, and that was that the man who was making his fortune and saving his money paid it twice over—he paid it once when he was making it, and again in the interest on his investments.
I do not think the hon. Member would be in order in discussing the merits of the income tax. He would be quite in order in urging that this money ought to be raised by taxation and not by loan, but he is not entitled to go into the merits of particular proposals of taxation.
said that in that case he would just mention the alternatives to which he was leading up. The balancing tax to the evils of the income tax was the death duties, and if the death duties were put up in the same proportion as the income tax had been since 1894, taking 8d. as the figure from which the income-tax had been raised, the Government would obtain £10,000,000 a year alone. Another alternative was the taxation on the enormous value of land in towns, mining royalties, and other matters of that kind. Those two sources alone would bring in £20,000,000 a year, and if the tax was put off for a few years they would yield £30,000,000 or £40,000,000 a year. He made those proposals as a reply to the charge that hon. Members voted against proposals of the Government and had no alternative schemes to offer, and it was on that ground that he was prepared to take the somewhat extreme course of voting against the Bill itself, apart from any Amendments that might be made to it.
said he felt it his duty to take every opportunity of protesting against the war loan, for the reason that when the war first commenced he had protested against it. The hon. Member who had just sat down had advanced very strong reasons from his point of view against the Bill, and had stated that he considered it wrong from a financial point of view. The objection which he (Mr. Redmond) had to it was that it was a War Bill, and a continuation of the policy of the waste of the blood and treasure of the people of this country and Ireland in prosecuting a cruel and unjust and most inglorious campaign. On 20th October, 1899, when the war fever was in the ascendant everywhere and everyone was told that a few millions would be sufficient for the expenditure, and a few months would be long enough to finish the war, when the House was distinctly told that the amount of £10,000,000, which was then asked for, would see the war through and would be quite sufficient to subdue the Boers and plant the British flag in the capitals of their country, he among others ventured to point out that if this country was determined to go on with the war, if they considered it to be necessary and inevitable, it was necessary that they should at least reckon the cost of what they were doing, and that they should plainly understand that the policy they were pursuing would not cost the few millions they anticipated, but would make great inroads into the resources of the Empire, and would be reckoned not by tens of millions, but by hundreds of millions. He well remembered the derision with which his words were received and the derisive laughter which came from the supporters of the Government, which rendered it difficult for his words to be heard at all. The words he used on that occasion were as true now as they were then, and he would say now that this latest loan which was asked for, this large sum of £60,000,000, would no more see this country through the war than the £10,000,000 which they asked for in October, 1899. As the Government miscalculated the cost then, so they were miscalculating the cost now, and the loan of £60,000,000, enormous though it was, which was to be authorised by this Bill, would not see the end nor nearly the end of the expenditure which the taxpayers of this country would be called upon to disgorge in order to carry through this wretched campaign in South Africa.
English Members—Liberal and Tory—might perhaps feel themselves bound to support the Government with regard to this loan, but that was not the case with regard to the Irish Members. The Irish Members opposed the first loan of £10,000,000, and they had this night in the division lobby recorded their votes against this provision of £60,000,000, and whatever further loans might be proposed they would also vote against, believing as they did that the money was worse than wasted, that it was not only spent without any hope of return whatever, but on the contrary that the spending of it would have the direct result of bringing more misery, more sorrow, more turmoil, and more trouble throughout the length and breadth, not only of South Africa, but England, and he was sorry to say Ireland as well.
The hon. Member for North Somersetshire referred with some heat to allegations which he said had been made from the Irish Benches with regard to the conduct of our soldiers in South Africa. So far as he personally was concerned he would say without hesitation that what he would describe as the hellish work that had been going on at the Cape was not and never had been the fault in any degree of the officers and men engaged in the campaign. There might be some who would say that men called upon for revolting work ought to throw down their arms and refuse, but when they were dealing with an army, whether English or of any other nation, the rank and file and the officers of that army were not the people to be in any degree primarily blamed for acts of barbarity which had been perpetrated. The rank and file of the Army in South Africa had at times actually revolted at the work they had been called upon to do. He had read in the newspapers time after time private letters written by soldiers to their friends describing the feelings of disgust at the part they were obliged to take in the burning of farms, the destruction of furniture, and the turning of helpless women and children out of their homes. It was a discredit and a disgrace to this country that men should be called upon to perform such tasks as these, the primary blame for which had been cast not at the door of the Army, but at the door of those who directed it, and who encouraged this barbarous policy. The Government in this matter, when this policy was attacked, had cast the blame upon the Army, and had excused any outrage committed in South Africa on the ground that military necessities required it; but the House was perfectly well aware that if the Ministers responsible to the country had allowed it to be plainly known that this policy was not to be followed, it would not have been entered into, and they were aware that when the hon. Member for Carnarvon and others like him drew attention to the matter the practice was put an end to, and orders were given by the Government that the farms of the people should not be burned in the future. His case was not so much against the Army in South Africa as against the policy of the Colonial Office and the Government at large, who had set the, Army to do dirtier, more disgaceful and discreditable work than the army of any nation of the world had ever been called upon to do at any time. The hon. Gentleman opposite had stated that no complaint could be made with regard to the refugee camps, but the hon. Gentleman had confined his attention to certain camps in Cape Colony, and had not referred to any of the camps in the Orange River Colony. He asked the hon. Gentleman did he wonder, when they saw debates in this House followed by tangible results, that they raised debates I He was not going into the general question of the camps, further than to say that they objected to two things which were defended in a half-hearted way at first, but which had now been put an end to. One was that in some of the camps the Boer women and children whose husbands and fathers and brothers, were still fighting did not get as much food as the women and children whose adult male relatives had surrendered. It was defended in a half-hearted way; but the hon. Member for Carnarvon, and it would be to his eternal credit, exposed that infamous policy—a policy of the most contemptible character, which had never been indulged in by any other civilised nation. That policy was exposed in this House, and shortly afterwards it was put an end to, and they were now happy to know that, whatever might be the sufferings of the women and children in the camps, the dishonourable practice of half-starving those whose friends were still fighting had been put an end to, but not before it had been exposed in this, House. Let not the hon. Gentleman delude himself into the belief that the hon. Member for Carnarvon or any hon. Member on that side put the blame for that policy on the shoulders of any of the officers or men in the Army. The hon. Member knew perfectly well that the officers and men had nothing to do with it. Then it was stated that so far from the women and children in the camps being prisoners, and being badly treated, they were voluntary refugees, who had come thronging into the British lines to be fed, and imprisoned in camps surrounded by barbed wire fences and guarded by British sentries with fixed bayonets. Shortly afterwards it was alleged that the women and children were kept in the camps against their will, and could not leave if they wished, and the Secretary of State admitted that contention when he used in a reply to a question the word "release." They asked the right hon. Gentleman what he meant by that, and the right hon. Gentleman was then obliged to admit that the women and children were not free to come and go. The hon. Member for Carnarvon, a few Welsh Members, and the Irish Members exposed the matter, and what happened? Only the other day the Secretary of State for War said that Lord Kitchener had now given orders that all the women and children who had anywhere else to go to should be free to leave the camps and go their way. That was the direct result of action taken by hon. Members in the House, and when the result of their calling attention to those matters had been to remove to some extent the grievances they complained of, it was a little too hard that hon. Gentlemen, like the hon. Gentleman opposite, should get up and assume, or pretend to assume, that the action of his hon. friend was solely for the purpose of casting discredit on the officers and men fighting in South Africa, when he knew perfectly well that their action all through was to release officers and men from a hateful work, which was not the work of soldiers or of men, or work ever carried out by any other nation.
How long was this mode of raising million upon million by loan to continue? What would the Loan Bill be next year? He was reading an account of the 1880 Parliament the other day, and nothing struck him more than the figures of the Budget. He found that the expenditure was something in the neighbourhood of 83 millions for the whole Empire, and now, twenty-one years afterwards, they had a Budget of upwards of 180,000,000. What would it be next year? What guarantee had they that they would not be called upon next year to vote another 60 millions for the war? They would be told that long before that the war would be concluded; but they were told that last year, when he himself expressed, his absolute belief that in another year the position would be as complicated and as difficult as it then was. Whether they succeeded in ultimately disarming, every Boer or not, even though no vestige of the Boer army remained in the field, the necessity for large sums of money would continue, because the expense of occupying and garrisoning; these two countries would take generations, and would involve a cost not much less than the cost of actual war itself. What was the meaning of that war loan? It meant, as the hon. Member for Devonport said, that posterity would ultimately have to bear the burden of the war. When the hon. Member made that remark he thought of many things. The first thing that occurred to his mind was that, if posterity had to bear the burden of the war, how popular with posterity the present Colonial Secretary would be. He ventured to say that posterity would condemn and curse the authors of the war. A more unjust and cruel thing was never done by any nation than to saddle posterity with such an immense sum for a war which was condemned by very many people at the present time. Why was the money raised by loan? It was raised in that way because the Government were afraid to let the masses of the British people know what the war was costing. There was very little of the expenditure of the war raised by taxation which after all touched the pockets of the masses of the people. There was the duty on sugar, an increased duty on tea, and an increase in the income tax; but the money realised in that way was only a fleabite to the total amount that was raised by loan, which posterity would have to pay. That was unjust to posterity and dishonest to the present generation. If instead of launching a loan for sixty millions the Chancellor of the Exchequer was obliged to tell the representatives of the people in this House and through them the country that in order to carry on the war the British tax- payers would have to put their hands into their pockets and produce sixty millions, what would be the effect? The war fever had already greatly diminished; they were signs that the excitement occasioned by the first stages of the war was passing away, and he ventured to say that if the Government had the courage to ask the people to pay for its policy of plunder and dishonour in South Africa it would not last twenty-four hours. Hon. Members opposite were now very lax in voting for the Government; but if the country knew what the war was costing, the present dwindling majority of the Government would disappear. Hon. Members laughed. That laugh reminded him of the laugh which greeted him a year and a half ago when he said the war would cost over a hundred millions. Hon. Members opposite endeavoured to hide an appreciation of the truth of his remarks by enforced merriment, which, however, had no effect on him. If instead of proceeding by way of loan the people were asked to produce the money the effect would be very different.
However, if the British taxpayers would allow themselves to be humbugged by the Colonial Secretary, that was their outlook. If they were satisfied to spend millions on millions on a will o' the wisp in South Africa that was their business, and he was almost inclined to say that for their shortsightedness they deserved to be made to pay. But what were the Irish Members to say, as representing a people who from the very first condemned the war with all the emphasis at their command? What were they tosay on behalf of their poverty-stricken people at home, who were to be further saddled with their share of that fresh loan? Whatever might be said from the British point of view, from the Irish point of view it was altogether unjustifiable, and he certainly hoped that protest after protest against the proposal would be made from the Irish Benches; so that it might be perfectly clear, not merely to the people of England but to the people of South Africa, that the Irish nation was guiltless of any participation from the start to the finish in the disastrous proceedings in South Africa. It was very hard to tell nowadays what particular sort of a Liberal Member one met. He was speaking the other day on the very grave subject raised by the remarkable report issued by Miss Hobhouse, and he naturally expected to receive from the gentleman to whom he spoke some expression of sympathy with the views put forward by Miss Hobhouse; but he was astounded to find that although nominally a Liberal the gentleman whom he was speaking to was what is called a Liberal Imperialist; and in his opinion the views of some of the gentlemen who called themselves Liberal Imperialists really outvied the opinion of even the Colonial Secretary on those matters. He did not suggest that the hon. Member for Devonport was a Liberal Imperialist, but really when they heard Liberal Members saying, "Oh, well, the war is going on and we must pay for it; we must vote the money; it must be done, and we cannot help it"; he longed to see some man in the Liberal party on an occasion when the British people were asked for sixty millions to get up and say that there was no necessity why a demand of that kind should be continued year after year, and that if the money were now voted precaution should be taken that a similar demand should not be made next year. He longed for someone to revert to the noble policy of conciliation inaugurated and carried through by William Ewart Gladstone. He was not going into the origin of the war nor the negotiations which led up to it; but when he heard gibes indulged in at the policy of Majuba he could not help thinking that every honest man would admit that the policy of Majuba—
That matter cannot now arise.
said he would not pursue the matter farther except to say that the expenditure they were asked to authorise to-night would not have been necessary if the Government would revert to the policy inaugurated by Mr. Gladstone years ago—a policy which was successful in the past and would be successful in the future, always provided it was not broken into by anything in the shape of a Jameson raid. Was there no alternative to the continuation of the war? He asked hon. Members opposite were they satisfied with the work of the last year? They were cheered to some little extent at the commencement of the war by the statement that after all the Transvaal would be compelled to pay a great share of the burden. They were told that it was a rich country, and that if a loan had to be raised it would be repaid hereafter, not by British posterity, but by posterity in the Transvaal and in the Orange Free State. That contention was now exposed, and there was now no hope of getting either the Transvaal or the Orange Free State to pay; and when a loan of sixty millions was floated it would be the British and Irish people who would have to pay for it in the end. Why, in the name of all that was honourable, manly, honest, and straightforward, would not the Government recognise that the time had come when fair and honourable terms, such as would be accepted, should be offered to the gallant people of those two small countries? He heard sometimes comparisons between the manhood and bravery of the British troops and the manhood and bravery of the Boers. They were told that the war should continue in order to prove the supremacy of the British arms; still lives had been lost on both sides in sufficient numbers to prove abundantly that bravery existed in the ranks of both combatants; enough had surely been done from the point of view of honour in arms already, and who was there in any part of the world who would taunt the Government or accuse them of lack of patriotism if instead of persisting with the war and spending immense sums of money year after year they said: "Well, after all, our enemies in these two little countries have fought gallantly and bravely; we have almost conquered them; still they say they will fight to the last man sooner than surrender—surely a point is come when we can offer to these brave men terms which, if they cannot accept, they will at least consider?" That ought to be the policy of the Government. It was a policy which would bring no disgrace to either side, and which would receive the approval of every liberty-loving people in every part of the world. It was the only policy by which the Government, or any Government, could ever succeed in retaining South Africa for the British Crown. He had been at the Cape himself before Majuba, and nothing surprised him more than to find that it was not merely in the Transvaal or across the Orange River that the Dutch preponderated, but that throughout the whole of South Africa the majority of the white inhabitants from Cape Town to the Zambesi were all of Dutch blood. Unless they could hit upon some plan by which the Dutch and English races could live in peace in South Africa, they would never see the end of the struggle. The beautiful picture was often held up by supporters of the Government of Dutchman and Briton after the war was over living peacefully side by side in South Africa. That was a picture which any man calling himself a Liberal would like to see. But was it likely to be realised by the continuance of the present policy of the Government? Were the Dutch likely to teach their children that it was their duty to live in peace and goodwill with the British colonists in South Africa? No; every Boer farm that was burnt, every tale of suffering that came from the camps of the women and children, every figure showing the terrible mortality in these camps, every fresh million voted by Parliament for the continuance of the policy of crushing the very life and existence out of the Dutch in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State, every step in the present policy of the Government, would bring not peace but disorder, and they would have upon their hands in South Africa, far distant across the seas, another Ireland to contend with, a nation of men brave and trained to arms, who would watch and wait through their day and generation for the time when they saw a weak spot in the armour of that mighty Empire, and then from the Zambesi to Cape Town they would rise and elevate once more above their heads not merely across the Orange River, but right down to the British docks at Cape Town, the flag of the Dutch Republic which had been hauled down at Pretoria. From the point of view of an Irish Member, who had not any great interest in the welfare and future prosperity of the Empire, that policy was one which he did not look upon altogether with regret, because he believed that the cruelty and injustice which were now being practised would be punished; and when that day came at least the Irish people would be able to say that they had warned England of her fate, although she did not deserve it.
There was no doubt the loan of sixty millions would be voted by the Parliament of England by an overwhelming majority. It was not a loan to benefit the lives or the fortunes of the millions of people living throughout England; it was a loan for cannon and ammunition, for carrying on, with all its attendant cruelty, a bitter and unjust war. The Irish Members could not help that, but at all events they could protest on behalf of their own people, who were heart and soul in sympathy with the Boers. It was impossible for the Irish people to see unmoved the gallant stand the Boers were making. The British might sneer at them as rough and uncivilised men, they might sneer at and deride them, but was there a man calling himself an Englishman who could deny, at least, some tribute of honour and admiration to these men who, with their wives and small children in prison, their homesteads burnt, and the greatest Empire in the world against them, still, in their ragged clothes and half-starved condition, continued fighting, preferring death and destruction to the surrender of their country and the dishonour and submission of their people? It was a glorious spectacle, and, though Englishmen to-day might be blind to the fact, a day would come when the British people would recognise the heroic valour which had been displayed. Surely the day on which they were met ought to carry a lesson and a warning to the statesmen of England. It was the fourth of July, the anniversary of the independence of the United States. Hon. Members should cast their thoughts back to the struggle for independence; they should read the speeches then made in Parliament, and acquaint themselves with the war fever which raged throughout the length and breadth of England; they should remember the achievements of the un-uniformed farmers of America. If those things were impartially considered, it could not be denied that the proceedings in South Africa to-day were much akin to those events which took place in America at that time. The uncouth, untrained farmers, who were then fighting for their independence, were sneered and scoffed at; the soldiers of Britain were to sweep over them; but, instead of that, those men won the independence of their country; they hauled down the flag of England, and the British generals had to bow their heads in surrender on many a hard-fought field. But a long time had passed since then, and a great change had occurred in the view taken of the rough farmers of Washington's army. At the banquets which were certain to be held that night hosannas would be sung to the great, free, and independent American people, hands would be clasped across the table, and all would be eager to claim cousinship arid kinship with the descendants of the men who hauled down the British flag in America. Time brought many changes, and, if the present policy was continued in South Africa, as surely as that day was the fourth of July there would be created in the history of the world another date on which would be celebrated the independence of South Africa. If the war had that result the blood which had been shed would not have been shed in vain. If the Government desired to avert a repetition of the story of America they would have to change their policy, to make honourable terms, and to recognise that their opponents were as brave and as strong in their circumstances as were the British themselves. They would have to say to their opponents that they had vanquished them, captured their capitals, and overrun their country, but that they desired in future to live at peace, and that with that object they would offer fair terms, in order that they might together build up South Africa as Canada had been built up. As in Canada French and British lived side by side, so in South Africa such terms should be given that-Dutch and British, free and at peace, might also live together. Whether that policy were adopted or not, in the name of civilisation, humanity, and the common brotherhood of mankind, he appealed to the Government to alter their treatment of non-combatants. Let them be as severe as they thought desirable and necessary with the Boers in arms, they would not complain, they were prepared to face it. The Government might think that conciliatory action in regard to the men in arms would be taken as a sign of weakness. That might be so; but no man, no party, and no Government could err on the side of gentleness, leniency, and consideration when dealing with defenceless and homeless women and children. He appealed to the Government not to make applicable to themselves at the present time the words spoken by Mr. Low in regard to another war:
* : I wish to join in the protest against the continuous habit of hon. Members opposite of accusing Members on this side of the House of circulating stories of inhumanity against our soldiers. I have listened to many debates in this House, and read many speeches delivered in the country, but I have never heard or read a single word uttered by hon. Members on this side of the House doubting the humanity of our soldiers. I would ask hon. Members opposite whether they themselves do not sometimes err in the same way. They are constantly accusing some of us who disagree as to the origin of the war of being pro-Boers and traitors. I do not admire the mind of any man who can accuse his colleague in this House of being a traitor to his country. I, for one, have objected to the war as much as anybody; I thought it might have been avoided, and that it was the bluffing and Plundering policy of the Government that brought it about; but I must object to being called a traitor. I believe myself to be as good a patriot as any man on the other side of the House.
What I particularly rose to say, however, was that I think this loan ought to be raised on the security of the Transvaal. It ought to be a Transvaal loan. I know the Chancellor of the Exchequer objects to that view, because he says, and says very truly, that if the loan was raised as a Transvaal loan, although the interest was guaranteed by the British Government, it could not be raised on as favourable terms as a loan of our own Government would be. My suggestion is that the loan should be a Transvaal loan, that the interest should be paid by this ountry for three or four years, and subsequently by the Transvaal. Unless we put the loan on the Transvaal at once we shall very likely not get them to accept the loan at all. We have heard a good deal about our loyal colonists, but I sometimes read in the papers that certain of these so-called loyal colonists are going to rebel unless this or that thing is not done. I believe that when the Boer war is over the colonists will very probably not accept any responsibility whatever for this loan. We shall then have to deal with not a Boer but an Uitlander insurrection. I think the Transvaal can afford to pay this money. Indirect taxation taxes the weak more heavily than the strong, and in consequence of the dynamite monopoly and other indirect taxes many low grade ore mines in South Africa cannot profitably be worked. As soon as the Transvaal comes under the British Crown I apprehend that most of the taxation will be direct taxation, and, consequently, the mines which are earning dividends will have to pay the bulk of the revenues. This will enable the low grade ore mines to be opened and worked, with the probability of a large revenue being derived from them which will be liable to taxation. Therefore I think the Transvaal will pay the interest on this loan. I suggest that it should be placed upon the Transvaal at once, because if that is not done the probability is that the loyal colonists, the Uitlanders, who helped to bring on the war, and who ought now, every one of them, to be fighting, will repudiate their liability and threaten disloyalty if any attempt is made to fasten a loan on them after they have become self-governing colonies.
I should like, before proceeding to the discussion of the financial side of this measure, to say one word with reference to the remarks of the hon. Member for North Somerset because he has referred to my action in this House. He said that I had never discriminated between the camps in South Africa. If he had done me the honour of listening to or reading the reports of my speeches he would have known that I specifically excepted the camps in Cape Colony. Those are evidently the only camps the hon. Member saw. He did not visit the worst camps, and I specifically stated that those at Port Elizabeth, East London, and Aliwal North were model camps. All I pleaded for was that the excellence of the arrangements in those camps should be extended to the camps in the Orange River Colony and the Transvaal. When hon. Members complain of misrepresentation they ought not to make the same mistake themselves. The hon. Member said that the object was to create exasperation in the colony. Supposing his speech goes out stating that hon. Members on this side of the House bring charges of cruelty against the officers and troops and misrepresent the state of the camps, and that speech is taken as accurately representing what is said on this side, is not that misrepresenting the state of affairs? Is not the hon. Member guilty of the very thing of which he accuses us? The Colonial Secretary himself is one of the worst offenders in this matter. He is never tired of telling people that we advocate absolute surrender to the Boers. Can a single sentence be quoted in which any Liberal Member of Parliament has advocated absolute surrender to the Boers? The Colonial Secretary says we encourage the Boers to prolong their resistance —[Ministerial cheers]— hon. Members are somewhat premature in their cheers—by inducing them to believe that the opposition are in favour of restoring to them absolute independence. Can the right hon. Gentleman point to a single speech in which that is advocated by a Liberal Member of Parliament?
Will the hon. Member refer to the speech of the hon. Member for East Clare?
We are not Liberals; we are Irish.
I will not say that the right hon. Gentleman has wilfully overlooked what I said, but I repeated it once or twice. I ask him to point to a single speech delivered by any Liberal Member of Parliament, sitting for a British constituency—they are the Members attacked by the Colonial Secretary—in which there has been put forward a claim for absolute surrender to the Boers or for the restoration of absolute independence. What has been the effect of such statements as that? Does the right hon. Gentleman mean to say that his speeches do not go out to South Africa? He states on his authority as Colonial Secretary that there is a large party in this House in favour of the restoration of Boer independence. Is not that encouraging the Boers? My view of the settlement is—and it is the view of almost every Member on this side of the House—that it should proceed on Canadian or Australian lines. The Colonial Secretary and Members on that side of the House, when they wilfully misrepresent the views of Members on this side, do much more mischief than any speeches delivered by us can do.
With regard to the finance of this Bill, it has been pointed out that this is the first time in the history of any war in which so small a proportion of the expenditure has been paid out of taxation. The country is more prosperous than it ever was; the average income of the population is higher; but the sacrifices made are less than in the case of any war the country has ever fought. We are told that the war has proved there is no degeneration in the race. If that is so, I am at a loss to explain this Bill. In the great Napoleonic wars the average income was one-third, and probably less, of what it is now, but the people made three times the sacrifices. In the Crimean War the average income was about half the present amount, but the people paid twice as much as they are now asked to do. In regard to a war over which there has been more shouting than in the case of any war in history we are sacrificing less income than has been done in any previous war. Either the people have degenerated, or they are represented by the most cowardly Ministry that ever existed. The Ministry which believes the war to be just and necessary, not merely for the prestige of the Empire, but for its very existence, which is constantly making the most loud-mouthed expressions of patriotism, and saying "We must sacrifice the last drop of somebody else's blood," has not the courage of such convictions as it possesses to call upon the people to make the necessary sacrifices to meet this emergency. This Bill is a fine criticism upon the statements of the Colonial Secretary and others as to the courage displayed. There is also another rather striking absence of courage in the Bill itself. The Bill does not represent the amount we are going to borrow this year. Last year we spent £68,000,000 upon the war, out of which we borrowed £53,000,000. How came we to borrow such a large proportion? By exactly the same process as we are now adopting, A Budget was brought in based upon an estimate that the war bill was going to be £46,000,000. Then we said, "This is a very fair proportion; £10,000,000 or £15,000,000 will come out of taxation, the balance will be borrowed." Before the year was out we borrowed another £8,000,000, and another £13,000,000, and the total amount was brought up to the sum I have mentioned. Ministers come to the House and say, "The war is going to cost £56,000,000 this year; upon that basis it is fair to borrow so much, and obtain the rest out of taxation." How does the Government come to the conclusion that this is the total amount that will be required? On a previous occasion the Chancellor of the Exchequer was asked as to his estimate with regard to the duration of the war. He then said, "Oh, the estimate is that it will be at full pressure to the end of July, and afterwards at a diminishing pressure." It is now July. I wonder whether the right hon. Gentleman is of the same opinion still. Does he adhere strictly to his estimate?
* : That was the War Office estimate.
I am very glad the right hon. Gentleman repudiates it.
* : No, I do not.
At any rate, he is not prepared to be responsible for it. This is not the time to criticise fully the military situation, but I venture to say that it is much more serious than the majority of hon. Members realise. I will point out only one or two considerations. At the present moment the Boers, have more fighting men than they had at the commencement of the war. ["Nonsense."] I will explain what I mean. At the commencement of the war, according to the estimate of the-Ministry, they had 40,000 or 50,000 men in the field. According to the estimate of the men who were with the forces, including the famous American correspondent, only a few of those men ever fought at all. The bulk of the fighting was done by a few hundreds in each army, the great mass taking no part in the war at all. This correspondent gives the instance of the great battle before the relief of Ladysmith. There you had an army of 2,000 Boers, but only 2,000 were fighting. At the present moment, according to the testimony of the First Lord of the Treasury, you have 17,000 fighting men—
Order, order! I do not see how this discussion of the forces engaged during the war bears on the question before the House.
I make this submission. I say this estimate is a wrong one. This is not the amount that really will be borrowed, and, therefore, at this stage it is unfair to borrow this large amount because evidently we shall have to borrow probably more in the course of the present year. My contention is that more ought to be put upon taxation and less of the burden ought to be cast on posterity. This estimate is a wrong one, and if I cannot, prove that it is wrong I do not know what I can do.
The hon. Member will not be in order in discussing the policy of the whole war in order to show that the Chancellor of the Exchequer ought to have raised more money by taxation. That would not be a legitimate argument, and it is too remote altogether.
Then I will proceed now to my second point, which is that it is unfair to east this burden on posterity. My hon. friend the Member for Devonport pointed out in the course of his observations that there are only one or two cases in which it is fair to cast a big burden upon posterity, and one of those cases is where there is a valuable asset which will be left for posterity to enjoy. The value of this asset in South Africa has already been assessed by Sir David Barbour, and according to him the value of this asset is not equal to the money which we have already expended upon the war. Sir David Barbour says that eventually you may be able to raise a certain sum upon the revenues of the Transvaal, but he does not say when. He does not see any immediate prospect of doing this; and let me point out to the House that annexation, to my mind, has put an end to the prospects of our getting much of the cost of the war from the two Republics. If those two countries had been left with their independence you could have said to them as a condition of peace, "You must pay this indemnity." They would have raised the money in their own way, the responsibility would have been theirs, and the taxation theirs. What will be the condition of things now? Assuming that the Government policy prevails, for some time you will get a Crown Colony which will remain as long as the country is unsettled. The moment the country is settled you instantly set up self-government. But as long as the country is unsettled there will be no balance to pay the sixty millions. That balance can only be obtained by means of a self-governing colony and a legislature which would be elected by Uitlanders and Boers. They will want their money to develop the colony. It will be a new colony, and will need a good deal of development. They will need money for railways, sanitation, education, and other things required by every new colony. I am perfectly certain that hon. Members who know Canada know the difficulty experienced there in raising funds for the purpose of developing that colony. You will find the same difficulties in South Africa. Exactly the same condition of things exists there that lost us our American colonies. The expenditure there was expenditure which was incurred for the protection of those American colonies, and we went to them and said, "We are engaged in a great war to defend you against the French and protect your rights, and it is only right that you should pay something towards the cost." We imposed upon them a tax which they declined to pay, and what was the result? War followed, and we lost the American colonies. There is one thing which puzzles me more than anything in this matter, and it is the way in which Ministers refuse to profit by the clearest lessons of history. We are going now exactly into the same difficulties, we are facing exactly the same set of circumstances, and repeating identically the same blunders as we did at that time. It is no use hoping, and it is no use looking forward to the prospect of our getting anything big out of these colonies in South Africa. This is a burden which will have to be cast upon posterity, and I think it is a very unfair burden. It would be unfair even if this war was the only burden, but it is not. The indirect burdens of this war are greater than the direct burdens. This war has led to a permanent increase in the Army. [Hear, hear.] I am glad to have that assent to my point from the hon. Member opposite, because it will save me arguing it. This war has led to the permanent increase in the Army and it has done this for several reasons. In the first place, it has led to a permanent increase in the Army because you require now an army of occupation in South Africa. This war has also led to a permanent increase in ths Army, because it has undoubtedly had the effect of lowering the military prestige of this country in the eyes of Europe and in America. [Ministerial cries of "No, no."] The Prime Minister made a curious speech the other day, in which he said we had been so successful and we had established our prowess in this war to such an extent that not a single nation in the world would dare to challenge our military superiority in the future. Speaking in all seriousness, I can hardly believe that the Prime Minister really intended to convey that impression. A day or two afterwards there appeared in The Times a telegram from Vienna—
I must remind the hon. Member that he is getting beyond the limits of order in raising these questions.
I respectfully submit that I am dealing with the question of the burden which will be placed upon posterity. I say that it is an unfair thing to cast this burden upon posterity, because one of the indirect effects of the war has been to increase the military establishment of this country, and because there has been a lowering of our military prestige during the conduct of this war.
I do not think that is relevant. The hon. Member can deal with the direct consequences of the war, but not the indirect consequences, for otherwise nothing would prevent him from arguing the whole question of the organisation of the Army and the Navy and other subjects upon this Bill.
I will rest satisfied with making my point that one direct effect of this war has been to Increase the military establishment in order to restore our military prestige. I will now come to the effect of increasing the Army in South Africa itself, and I submit that that will be in order. What has been the effect in South Africa? There we are organising, as part of the military burdens of this country, a police force of 12,000 men to permanently occupy the country. We are paying them at the rate of 5s. per day, which is four times as much as we pay our soldiers. But that is not all the burden which will be cast upon posterity. We must also have an army of occupation. I will quote the Colonial Secretary as the highest authority on this subject. He said some time ago that we must permanently maintain a number of troops at least equal to the number of our possible opponents. The prisoners will have to be released, and, according to the Colonial Secretary, we shall require an array of occupation of 40,000 troops, and that does not take into account a colony which is permanently hostile. If you permanently increase your Army by the 12,000 police and the 40,000 soldiers which will be required for the permanent occupation of those colonies, you will have to give additional pay to those sol- diers. The debate which took place upon recruiting shows that we are still blundering in this matter. You cannot get I recruits without increasing your pay, I and the result of this addition to the Army will be that you will have to increase the pay throughout, and this will be a part of the burden being cast on posterity for this foolish war. Some I time ago the Colonial Secretary, in objecting to a policy which he said would land us in a war in South Africa, said that it would be a long war, a bitter war, and a costly war. The right hon. Gentleman then pointed out that it would leave embers of strife which he believed generations would hardly be long enough to extinguish. When we are considering the burdens to be distributed between ourselves and posterity let us not forget that this Army of occupation is not enough. You must increase your Army to such an extent that it will be sufficiently large to reconquer the country in case of necessity. Supposing there happens to be a great European conflict. It would be madness for any Minister to embark upon such a conflict unless he had sufficient troops, not merely to fight the enemy, but also to defend our English shores and to defend Ireland against its own inhabitants. You would require also sufficient troops to defend India against its starving population, and you would require a sufficient army as well to put down an insurrection in the Cape. That would be the first prospect you would have to look forward to. It is not necessary to look forward to this state of things as a certainty, and it is quite enough to establish it as a probability. If this is one of the probabilities of the situation, no statesman can put it out of account when he is looking forward to the future. If it takes an army of 250,000 men to put down some 17,000 farmers, what army would it be necessary to throw into South Africa to put down an insurrection in which you might have to deal with between 40,000 and 60,000 Dutchmen? No one knows better than the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War that it would be perfect madness on the part of any statesman to overlook that possibility in estimating the risks and the burdens that may be cast upon the War Office in the future. By all this expenditure in South Africa we have created a new situation, which, I venture to think, the House of Commons does not realise. We have made the Dutch population, who respected and honoured England—[Ministerial cries of "Oh, oh."]—I am quoting the testimony of Lord Milner himself upon this point—and who honoured England's Queen, to hate the name of Briton. That is a new factor in the situation. But we have done something else which any man who knows human nature knows would revolutionise any situation, for we have put a new pride into the Dutch race in South Africa. This is one of the serious things which we have got to reckon with. It is idle to put that out of account when you are facing the future, and we have a right to discuss it when we are spending £60,000,000 upon marring the future of this Empire. We are creating a new situation. If 17,000 or 30,000 farmers in Manitoba had done what these farmers in the Transvaal and the Orange Free State have done we should be very proud of them. We know with what delirious joy we have recorded every triumph in this war. When the beleagured towns of Kimberley, Mafeking, and Ladysmith were relieved the country was perfectly delirious with joy, and I am not going to criticise that. This country was delirious when 250,000 men overcame the resistance of some 40,000 farmers. What will be said of the Dutch race when they realise what 17,000 men are now doing against the wealthiest Empire which the world has ever seen? What is the good of shutting our eyes to these facts? South Africa is a dangerous climate, and everything looks so large there. Majuba Hill—a small battle in which barely a battalion on our side and, I think, about 170 on the other side were engaged—looms as large in South Africa as if it were one of the greatest stricken fields in history. South Africa is a place where these deeds are exaggerated, and they have entered into the very hearts of the Dutch people there. We have entered into a war to establish British supremacy in South Africa; I believe that it will end by revealing to the Dutch race their own possibilities. These are the real burdens, and not.this £60,000,000 which we are casting upon posterity. The war is causing increased armaments, and nobody knows where it will end. It is causing increased complications and difficulties in South Africa and elsewhere. I have heard this new policy of Imperialism proclaimed as "pegging out claims for posterity," but it seems to me to be more like piling up burdens for posterity.
Is it not time to bring this horrible business to an end while we can? The Chancellor of the Exchequer has mentioned a telegram from Lord Kitchener which proves that the Boers are not prepared to accept his terms. This telegram ought to have been in the possession of the House long ago; but I ask whether this telegram represents the state of the Boers at the present time, or their state at the date of the negotiations. I have Lord Kitchener's own authority for saying that they seemed satisfied with his terms in March last, and if someone had not meddled this House would not have been discussing a War Loan Bill of £60,000,000 now. As this is a matter of very great importtance, I will venture to quote in reply to the Chancellor of the Exchequer Lord Kitchener himself. The greatest difficulty of all is the difficulty of governing South Africa in the future. What kind of Government are you going to set up there? Lord Kitchener, in his telegram, says that at first General Botha demanded independence, but Lord Kitchener replied "I cannot discuss independence." General Botha wanted to discuss independence in a modified form, but Lord Kitchener vetoed independence altogether. [Hear, hear!] If I may say so I think hon. Members are rather premature with their cheers. Then the subject of independence was dropped, and they went on to discuss the nature of the future government of the colonies General Botha wanted more details than were given by the Colonial Secretary, and Lord Kitchener said that, subject to correction from home—and the correction came—[Ministerial cheers.] Hon. Members are now attacking the Army in the field, and they will be put down as pro-Boers! Lord Kitchener said that he understood that when hostilities ceased the country would be governed for a time by a nominated executive, to be followed after a short period by representative. government. And, continued Lord-Kitchener— posals are called preposterous by hon. Members opposite. I repudiate this attack upon the Commander-in-Chief and this ridicule which is being cast upon the British troops, and I think it ought to be reprobated. As long as the troops are carrying out the policy of hon. Members opposite, and as long as Lord Kitchener does all that they want, there never was such a patriot as Lord Kitchener, and there never was so able a man, so sagacious, and so far seeing; but the moment he makes any suggestion for peace with which they do not agree, he is a "preposterous individual." [AN IRISH MEMBER: Why don't they go out to the war themselves—and Ministerial cries of "Divide, divide!"] We will not divide just yet, for we are entitled to discuss this situation. This is by far the most serious condition the Empire has been in, and I think we are entitled to discuss the question, and to discuss it fully. The Colonial Secretary stepped in and stopped the peace, and what was the result? We are now floundering in this morass in South Africa. [A laugh.]
"The loud laugh that spoke the vacant mind."
Or the postprandial mind. We are asked now to borrow £60,000,000 to send us further into this morass. I do not rely only upon—[Ministerial interruptions]—it is evidently no use quoting Lord Kitchener. ["Hear, hear!"] Lord Kitchener is evidently a gentleman whose opinion is treated with contempt by hon. Members opposite, but perhaps my next authority will be treated with more respect. I have given the authority of Lord Kitchener to the effect that General Botha seemed satisfied with the terms offered, and if we are now going to borrow £60,000,000 for this war Lord Kitchener and General Botha are not to blame. The Chancellor of the Exchequer says that a message has come from Lord Kitchener within the last few days giving something which purports to be a letter from the Boer generals to their burghers. I have got here General Botha's letter to his burghers, which I will quote to the House. The remarkable thing about this matter is that General Botha and Lord Kitchener agree absolutely as to the effect of these negotiations. They are two honourable and straightforward men; they are both soldiers, and they trust each other. In this letter to his burghers General Botha does not say a word about independence.
May I give chapter and verse in regard to the statement the hon. Member has made? General Botha in his statement informed the burghers that he had told Kitchener that they were fighting for independence.
The hon. Member is quoting something that I know nothing at all about. It is perfectly clear that it is simply a report from a news agency.
It is an official account.
An official account of what?
It is taken from the Manchester Guardian , and it is headed "A Boer Official Document."
I do not care what paper it appears in. [Ministerial laughter.] I cannot see what hon. Members are laughing at. What I am trying to prove is that Lord Kitchener told the absolute truth and the whole truth. I do not know what the hon. Membe has quoted.
said it was the same document.
I beg the hon. Member's pardon, it is not the same. May I point out to the House that the hon. Member interrupted me before I ever read any part of the statement I was going to quote. It is an example of the hon. Member's method of controversy, for he ventures to tell me that it is exactly the same before he knows what it is. I quote the actual letter, and not a summary from a news agency of what it purports to be. The letter which General Botha wrote to his burghers appeared in all the Dutch papers. [Ministerial laughter.] I really fail to understand the purport of that laugh. I think it is an admirable illustration of the working of hon. Members' minds. If that laughter means anything at all it means that General Botha or somebody sent a communication to the Dutch papers to prove—[Laughter and interruption.]
On a point of order Sir, I claim to have the right to hear the observations addressed to the House by the hon. Member, and I have been prevented by the disorder of hon. Gentlemen opposite. [Cries of "Order."]
That is not a point of order, but I hope hon. Members will refrain from interruption.
The proceedings would have been rendered considerably briefer but for the interruptions, but I do not complain at all. I understand hon. Members to suggest that General Botha communicated to the Dutch papers a letter which was not genuine, suggesting that he was prepared to take something short of independence. Well, now, if that is the case—and I am putting it at the very lowest—it is not a thing to despise; it is a matter of sufficient importance for the House of Commons to take cognisance of. In that letter, which I have once or twice already attempted to read, the letter to his burghers, General Botha complains that the terms offered only a legislative council, which was to be nominative, and that the people were to have no voice in the Assembly. But there is not a word about independence from beginning to end. There are two complaints—first, that he does not get an elective council, and, second, that we are not prepared to pay the debts of the Republics. Both of these points were conceded by Lord Kitchener. This is a serious matter. The facts prove this. It is in Lord Kitchener's statement and General Botha's statement, and it is in two or three other statements as well. Evidently hon. Members do not think Lord Kitchener's statement worth anything. The testimony of both these warriors—the men who are at the head of the parties—is that the Boers were prepared to come to terms on the basis of an elective advisory council with self-government in the distance, and desired that the debts of the Republic, which General Botha said were something under a million, should be paid. That is what Lord Kitchener said and what his letter said. Who stopped it? The Colonial Secretary meddled on the point about paying the debts of the Republic. I will not at this moment go into the question of the payment of the debts of the Republic—that is a point of international law—but the amount involved is something under the cost of the war for a week. We haggle as to whether the amount is going to be a million or under a million, or three-quarters of a million, when we are spending sixty millions and there is this loss of life going in on South Africa. This is not statesmanship but pedlary The war has been prolonged purely because the Colonial Secretary would not sanction what Lord Kitchener suggested and Sir Alfred Milner endorsed—an elective advisory council for the new Government in the Transvaal. I do not mean to say there are not risks in every course, but right hon. Gentlemen have taken very lightly the risks of war. Is it not time that we should have a statesman in this country who is prepared to take the risks of peace?
The hon. Member in his final sentence pleads that some statesman in this country should take the risks of peace. The hon. Member has been very ready to throw upon the Colonial Secretary by imaginative accounts of his policy the responsibility for the prolongation of the war. But I appeal to the House whether the speech which the hon. Member who has just sat down has delivered is not a speech of a type of which we have heard too many in this House—[A NATIONALIST MEMBER: You will hear a good deal more.]—a speech which professed to be a speech of courage, but which lacked all the elements of courage, for the hon. Member when the House was not as full as it is at this moment proffered the challenge: What Liberal Member was there on that side of the House who had ever spoken in favour of absolute surrender to the Boers or the restoration of independence, and he proceeded when I cited the Member for East Clare behind him—
He is not a Liberal Member.
The right hon. Gentleman should be allowed to finish his sentence.
As the right hon. Gentleman has referred to me pointedly two or three times, I may surely be allowed as a matter of personal explanation to say that he is quite wrong in his reference. I thank God I am not a Liberal Member.
That nice distinction is apparent to members of this House, but it is not equally apparent to Mr. Kruger when he reads the division list. I am not in the least concerned to attach to hon. Members below the gangway opinions which they may not hold of each other or of themselves. I could make a case, if time were not short, to prove that over and over again Members on that side of the House, and even on the front bench, have made speeches which were so little removed from independence that they could hardly have been divided from it except by the most minute inspection. What did the Member for Ha wick say in the course of his election? He said on 24th September that he could not be asked whether he would restore the rights and privileges in the same manner and measure as before the war, because it was an insult to attempt to restore the rights of a householder after they had maimed him for life, but he would send a Commission, which should proceed to the spot and investigate the problem, and if that Commission could possibly devise means of restoring the independence, under safeguards to the Empire, of those Republics he would offer it.
The right hon. Gentleman has been misguided enough to introduce my name into his speech. I will now inform him—
Order, order! You must explain. You cannot make a speech.
I am challenged by the Leader of the House, and I desire to make my statement. [Cries of "Order!"]
Explain, explain.
My explanation is this—
Order, order! The hon. and learned Gentleman is entitled to correct the right hon. Gentleman if a mistake is made, but he is not entitled to make a speech.
My explanation is this. The right hon. Gentleman has cited one sentence from my election addresses, and my election was fought upon the principle that we should adopt the Canadian settlement as proposed in the Report of Lord Durham—and even the sentence he cites shows that I was anxious for inquiry on the spot, and a settlement according to the result of that inquiry.
I am extremely obliged to the hon. Member for making it perfectly clear that my contention was absolutely accurate.
again rose.
The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War is in possession of the House. If he gives way the hon. Member may speak. If he does not give way, then he is still in possession of the House.
I appeal to him as a Gentleman to give way.
resumed his seat.
My appeal to the right hon. Gentleman is grounded on this—that his last sentence completely misrepresents my position.
I could easily repeat the extract, but I think it is in the recollection of the House and that it makes perfectly clear the views of the hon. and learned Gentleman on this matter. If the hon. and learned Gentleman desires to recant what he stated we shall listen to his recantation; but I must tell him this—that it will have to be in very different terms from those in which he addressed the House on the last occasion this subject was before us. But I need not go beyond the hon. Member for Carnarvon himself. I can add others, but the hon. Member for Carnarvon, standing up there only a few minutes ago, was prepared to thank God that he was not as other men were who had spoken for independence. But what happened at the Queen's Hall the other night, in the very palladium of the liberties of the pro-Boer party? What was the resolution moved by the hon. Member for Carnarvon under the illustrious presidency of the Member for Northampton? The resolution proposed by the hon. Member for Carnarvon was—
"That this meeting condemns the South African policy of the Government.… and demands the immediate offer of such terms of peace to the burghers of the two Republics as a brave and freedom-loving people can honourably accept."
Mr. Dixon proposed as an Amendment that all the words after "terms" should be struck out and the following substituted, "Such terms as shall include the complete independence of the two Republics." And the report says "the Amendment was received with acclamation and carried, as was the resolution in its altered form." [Opposition cries of "That was not Lloyd George's resolution."]
I have absolutely no responsibility for that Amendment.
The hon. Gentleman says he had no responsibility for it, but did he vote against the resolution? He allowed the resolution to be carried, and no doubt the hon. Member for Carnarvon voted for it.
The right hon. Gentleman has no right to say that.
I cannot imagine a more thin disguise of political opinion than the Member for Carnarvon has attempted to adopt to-night. There are Members who are either, like the Member, for East Clare, in favour of independence, or like the Member for Carnarvon, who does not hesitate, not merely to ask for extreme terms in this House, but is the author of resolutions outside which go further than the extreme terms. [Opposition cries of "He's not the author."]
You have no right to say that he is the author.
Then the acceptor. [Interruption.]
When the hon. Member for Carnarvon was interrupted. [An HON. MEMBER: By the Tories.] When he was interrupted I appealed to hon. Members that he should be heard. I called hon. Members to order, and I hope hon. Members will now cease interruptions.
The Amendment was moved in terms which we have been long used to from those benches and from the hon. Member for Carnarvon, who denounced those who are carrying on the business of the Crown in South Africa, like Lord Milner. I am in the recollection of the House, and those speeches are quoted all over Europe. [An HON. MEMBER: Quote them now.] Those speeches represented Lord Milner as a man who was indifferent to the suffering of women and children. What is the effect of such speeches as that? Do they tend to promote peace and good will between this country and the Boers? Then, again, we had the remark of the right hon. Gentleman opposite with regard to "barbarism"—a remark, I will venture to say, which has cost the party opposite a great deal more than it has cost the Government. [An IRISH MEMBER: It will cost you more yet.] These are the observations which are made by Members of the party opposite, who on previous occasions have professed, and who profess at this moment, to be most anxious to bring the war to a conclusion. Now, Sir, there are two motives which can possibly keep the Boers in the field in opposition to His Majesty's troops. The first is the hope—which even the Boers in great part have long ago abandoned—the hope of foreign interference, and, secondly, the fall of the present Government. [An HON. MEMBER: We do not want it.]
Finish the war yourselves.
I may remind the House of what fell from the hon. Member for Carnarvon a few moments ago. He told us that the strong impediment against the conclusion of peace was that the Colonial Secretary stood between Lord Kitchener and the Boers in relation to the terms the latter were willing to accept, and which did riot include independence. But the true facts are very much to the advantage of Lord Kitchener. It was said that Mr. Kruger had left his generals to carry out the terms of peace and did not seek to impose terms on them. In the month of March, according to the hon. Gentleman, the Boer leaders were willing to accept terms short of independence, and the Member for the Leigh Division to-night, I believe, asked the House if those terms were offered now would they be accepted, and my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that this was an error. I have here a proclamation which reached the Government yesterday, signed by Burgher and Steyn, dated June 20th. That proclamation had its origin in this fact, that General Botha asked the leave of Lord Kitchener to send one telegram home to Mr. Kruger in cipher, and Lord Kitchener, being of opinion that it was desirable, in the present condition of the burgher forces, that they should have an opportunity of conveying some message, to Mr. Kruger, asked for that message to be transmitted and that the reply also should be transmitted. On receipt of that reply, a notice, of which I will read an extract, signed by Messrs. Burgher and Steyn, was issued. It was—
"His Honour"—[that is Mr. Kruger]—"informed us that he and the deputation have still great hopes of a satisfactory end of the long struggle, but after the material and personal sacrifice we must continue to struggle and that on their part"—[that is Mr. Kruger's deputation]—"all steps are already taken and will still be taken for the further provision for captive women and children and prisoners of war. and a resolution passed at a meeting at which there were present Chief Commandant De Wet, General Botha, and Assistant Commandant Delarey was to this effect, that no peace will be made or accepted by which our independence and national existence, or the interests of our colonial brothers, shall be the price paid, and that the war shall be vigorously prosecuted by taking all measures necessary for the main tenance of our independence and interests."
I want to ask, Sir, What is it which, between the month of March and June 20th, has produced a marked change in the disposition of the Boer forces? [Interruption from the Nationalist Benches.] I must ask hon. Members to allow me to say what I have to say. This is rather a material point. Every word the hon. Member opposite has said will be construed as an encouragement, and it may tend to prolong the war. But he will not shake the resolution of His Majesty's Government, who will carry out the determination of the people of this country, that they will never for one moment give up the war at the price of Boer independence. During the last three or four months the Boer forces have suffered enormously in the field. They have been reduced by 6,000 or 7,000, and they have lost great quantities of stores and ammunition. [Interruption from the Nationalist Benches.]
Order, order! I hope hon. Members will not continue to interrupt the hon. Gentleman.
I say they have lost large quantities of stores and ammunition. Their position is much less favourable now than it was some months ago, but, according to hon. Members opposite, their disposition as to the continuance of the war is infinitely more determined. Where has the difference come in? It is simply and solely in the agitation which has arisen in this country and the encouragement which has been lent to it in high quarters. What does Mr. Kruger mean by saying that on his part all steps were already taken, and will still be taken, for making proper provision for the captive women and children and the prisoners of war? What steps has he taken? Has he provided any money? [Cries of "Oh."] Has he given any subscription? Has he negotiated with His Majesty's Government? Not a word has passed, not a farthing has been paid by him. I do not for a moment suggest that hon. Members who have taken part in this agitation have done so in collusion with him; but I do suggest that he sees in their agitation a reason; to hope for something which he can turn, to account. As I told the House before, I say again, that not one mail passes that I do not receive letters, unofficial no-doubt, but still expressing strong resentment at the publication in South Africa, and notably in Cape Colony—which has been strewn with them for the last six months—of speeches made in this country. There is not one mail by which I do not receive the strongest protests as to the effect on the Boers of the meetings held in this country. Hon. Members may not be aware that newspapers reach the Boers almost as rapidly as they reach our own troops—[Mr. SWIFT MACNEILL: Where are the press censors?]—and the effect of the speeches made in this region goes very far beyond what they were meant by their authors to convey. I believe there is a considerable body of opinion on that side of the House which desires to produce that result; but I trust there are Members above the gangway on that side of the House who desire nothing so much as not merely to decrease the difficulty of our soldiers in the field, but to put a stop to this enormous expenditure of money. I do not believe that by any possibility the debate could have been carried on in a manner more likely to further the feeling shown below the gangway. We have not had from the front bench opposite one word of repudiation of those sentiments. I am afraid we can hardly expect it. Those who might do it are not present, and those who should do it are not prepared to take their right position. It is a novelty in the history of this House that he Leader of the Opposition does not rise to express the views of his party in a debate of this character. We are at least entitled to comment on his silence; and I must say I consider the right hon. Gentleman owes us an explanation of phrases which, if they were not intended to convey sympathy below the gangway, lave had that effect throughout the length and breadth of the country.
Hon. Members dwell with interest and pleasure on the difficulties besetting the Government. In two of the speeches which were delivered to-night the speakers have endeavoured to prove that our position in South Africa is hopeless. It would ill become me to leave that as the final impression of the Government's view of the military situation. Great progress has been made in the last three months. You may retard that progress by the injudicious threats I have alluded to, but you cannot arrest it. You may cause further loss of life, you certainly can cause further loss of money; but were we to go on for a year, or even a longer period, we are not going to do anything so foolish, so unpatriotic, I will go further and say so criminal, as to concede now, at the bidding of a small faction in this House, the terms we should never have thought of conceding twelve months ago. If Great Britain is to have that position in South Africa to which we are entitled after the action of the Dutch Republics, we stand on the impossibility of conceding independence to the Republics. Less than that we cannot ask; more than that we do not desire. It is absolutely certain that that must be not merely our final end, our final aim, but also our ultimate achievement. For my part, I ask the House to pass by a large majority this loan, and to repose confidence in the efforts which undoubtedly the Government and our soldiers are making to bring the war to a successful conclusion.
The right hon. Gentleman has complained of my silence in this debate. The debate turned, I think, until 7 or 8 o'clock upon financial questions alone. [AN HON. MEMBER: No.] Yes, certainly. I was under the impression that that was the ordinary and normal subject which would be dealt with on this occasion, and as—I believe we have it on the highest authority—hon. Members opposite spend a considerable part of the parliamentary evening in more pleasant localities in some respects than this House, I assumed that this was an occasion on which I could follow their good example. I have returned to the House, unfortunately not early enough to hear the greater part of the speech of my hon. friend the Member for Carnarvon Boroughs, but I heard the concluding part of it, and I am told, and am quite ready to believe, that the speech as a whole was a moderate statement of those common-sense views which, notwithstanding the simulated indignation of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, are the views of the great majority of the people of this country. [Interruption.] The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down said that we hold meetings, etc., in London, but you break up our meetings in the country; you try by inarticulate noises to shut the mouths of members of the House of Commons. I wish you joy of your methods.
The right hon. Gentleman opposite adopted a tone in this matter which I deeply regret, and which I think is but little calculated to attain the objects which he professes, and I have no doubt sincerely professes, to have in view. We have some suspicion of the success of the manners, in this matter, of the Colonial Secretary; but when I listened to the right hon. Gentleman I was thankful that he was in the office which he holds, and was not entrusted with the political control of this matter. Sir, the right hon. Gentleman used every argument and made every statement by which he could obtain some sort of party triumph or party cheer. He regards the present; condition of affairs in South Africa, apparently, with the greatest satisfaction, and if there are any profane persons who profess to be disappointed, who may find fault with it, he refers them, as the I authors of their disappointment, to the Opposition, and not to himself. The Government can do what they like with this war in South Africa. It is their responsibility and not ours if it is hanging in the wind, as it undoubtedly is. The right hon. Gentleman says that great progress has been made. I shall be very glad to know it. The sooner this war is brought to an end the better. But the right hon. Gentleman seems to think that everyone in this House who criticises the conduct of the war, and especially the conduct of himself and of the Government, is lending a hand to our opponents in the field. ["Hear, hear," from the Ministerial Benches.] There are Members of this House apparently so ill instructed in the matter as to agree with him. I say it is our duty to criticise, and I repudiate, whatever the conse- quences may be, the suggestion that we are to sit still and see the power and authority and name of this country used for purposes of which we do not approve. The right hon. Gentleman ignores the fact that when he criticises us, and finds fault with us, that in our judgment, and in the judgment of the great majority of those who sit on this side of the House, the Government are going the wrong way about this matter altogether. All this loud talk of the right hon. Gentleman about "seeing the thing through" and insisting on the full terms that were insisted on a year ago—all this is couched in the terms and inspired by the spirit which is most likely to continue the war. [Cries of "No.''] The right hon. Gentleman forgets that these men against whom we are engaged in the field are our fellow citizens at this moment, according to his own theory. [Cries of "Oh," and "Rebels."] Rebels! The only way, in my opinion, to bring this war to a satisfactory conclusion is to conciliate those who are in the field against us—[Cries of "No"]—not to yield on the main point for which you are contending—I do not ask that for a moment—but to show such a spirit and temper as shall induce them to accept those terms which you wish to offer.
The right hon. Gentleman attacked my hon. and learned friend the Member for the Border Burghs for something he has said. The whole position and argument of my hon. friend has turned upon the point that he wishes the methods of conciliation to be adopted, that he wants inquiry to be made, but does not want any surrender or capitulation of those who are fighting against us. But the right hon. Gentleman does not care for these things. He wishes to push the thing to an extreme. You can never in that way overcome the resistance of a brave and patriotic people. You have never done so. You did not in the case of my own country of Scotland. You did not in the case of Canada, where the great part of the population rebelled against you; or in the old days of America, when you endeavoured to overcome the resistance of that people. I appeal to the House as well as to the country against the doctrine that you are to beat down without mercy. [Cries of 'Oh," and an HON. MEMBER: Shame.] I do not mean without mercy in any sense, such as inhumanity. No such idea was in my mind; but to beat down without consideration for or concession to those who are fighting so stubborn a battle against you. You have to make friends of these people, whether you like it or not. They are to be your fellow-subjects in the future. The only way in which you can conduct the government of their country, and secure your position in South Africa, is by having them as your friends, and I ask the House how such a speech as that to which we have listened will conduce to that result. That is the plain question before us to-night. I do not know that this is the occasion when the matter can be fully and satisfactorily discussed; but the main principle I venture to lay down in the present crisis is to continue the war to a successful conclusion. [Loud Ministerial cheers.] Yes, make the conclusion successful, and accelerate it by showing a conciliatory and friendly spirit to those who have shown so brave a spirit against you. But if you are to go on, shutting your eyes to everything except the main object of beating them down, not only in my opinion does the war stand the risk of being prolonged, but what is much more important, for I have never doubted or expressed a doubt that the war will end in the way we wish it to end—what is much more important, you will leave behind you after the war is over a state of things with which it will be impossible either for the statesmanship or the power of this country to cope.
I do not propose at this hour of the night—[Mr. T. M. HEALY: Move the adjournment, and Ministerial cries of "Order"!]—to go into the whole policy which either began the war or which animated the nation as well as the Government in its continuation. I only rise to express my regret that the right hon. Gentleman did not make the speech which he has just made at the time of the last General Election.
I made it again and again. [Ministerial cries of " No."]
The war was over then.
I thought I had carefully studied the utterances of the right hon. Gentleman; they are not always easy of interpretation; the exegesis becomes somewhat difficult, the conclusion at which the most independent and honest critics arrive is sometimes contradictory, and I certainly understood him at the last General Election to be of opinion that there could be no greater calumny passed upon himself or his party than to say that a vote given to the Opposition was a vote given to the Boers, and I was very anxious at that time certainly to do no injustice to the right hon. Gentleman, either in that or in any other respect. But I must say, after his utterances to-night, he appears to me for once to have come down quite decisively on one side of the fence.
That is a novelty.
Is the statement or the fact a novelty?
It is a new idea.
If the right hon. Gentleman objects to my metaphor, it is a metaphor which I think he himself has endorsed, for, unless I am greatly mistaken, he explained in one of those speeches which I study so carefully that there was no more comfortable position for the leader of a great party than to sit upon a fence. And if I used the metaphor I paid him the highest compliment in borrowing it from himself. At all events nobody can say that he sat on the fence to-night, for to-night he has made a frankly pro-Boer speech.
I will ask the right hon. Gentleman, in putting his own construction on my words, not to use an expression which is intended to be offensive.
The right hon. Gentleman says it is intended to be offensive. [Opposition cries of "Withdraw."] Very well, the last thing I wish to do is to be offensive to the right hon. Gentleman, but I understand that at least 82 of his followers, or of the gentlemen who support him, declare themselves openly to be pro-Boers. [Opposition cries of "No."] Wait a moment; is it an offensive expression to attribute to the leader of the Home Rule party that which 82 representatives who represent Irish constituencies—
The right hon. Gentleman knows quite well that just as the word "Separatist" was applied to the Home Rule party as a term of offence, which we always repudiated, so whether these 82 or 92 Members, or whatever the number may be, would repudiate the term pro-Boer—
But do they repudiate it? It is perfectly true that hon. Gentlemen from Ireland, whose consistency in this matter has been perfectly clear to everybody, and who have never concealed their opinion—it is perfectly true that in the matter of the Home Rule Bill they denied that they were Separatists, but have they ever denied that they were pro-Boers?
Mr. Speaker, we deny that we are followers of the right hon. Gentleman.
I admit that that makes a change, and if the right hon. Gentleman speaks, as I understand he does, for nobody but himself—[Opposition cries of " Oh," and an HON. MEMBER on the Opposition Benches: "He speaks for the whole Liberal party."] Well, I do not wish to put it disagreeably, but if he speaks for a relatively small fraction of the hon. Gentlemen opposite, if he regards the term pro-Boer as offensive, of course, as regards himself, I am quite glad to withdraw it. It applies, apparently, to all the Nationalist representatives, it applies to the hon. Member for Northampton—
No, no. I rise to order. I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman upon what ground he says that I am a pro-Boer. I am a pro-Englander.
I never knew before how the hon. Gentleman described himself. I called him pro-Boer because I have seen reported speeches of his in which he expressed himself in favour of restoring the independence of the Boer Republics.
I am sorry to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman. He says he has seen it in the paper that I am in favour of restoring the independence of the South African Republics. In what paper? [Cries of Truth ] I have said that I am in favour of giving such independence as Canada and Australia possess. I would go further, and say I object to attacks on nationalities, but in the present state of public opinion this is a lost virtue. It has become a counsel of perfection.
The last thing I wish to do is to misrepresent the hon. Gentleman. I formed my opinion from speeches I have heard him deliver in the House; but I admit I have never heard him state in public, as many have stated, that he wished to restore the independence of the Boer Republics. He is, then, one of those unfortunate, ill-used persons, of whom there are some—
Yes, I am.
He is one of those unfortunate persons whose unhappy lot it is to preside at public meetings and hear resolutions carried unanimously against their own opinions.
I would point out to the right hon. Gentleman that the business of a chairman of a meeting is to be perfectly independent. What is your duty, Sir, when an amendment is put into your hands? If I may say so with all respect, you are not answerable for the amendment, and, of course, I was not answerable for the amendment. Hon. gentlemen do not seem to understand. The chairman, like the Speaker, puts the resolution and declares it carried or lost according as the meeting decides.
Yes, that is quite right. I understand the hon. Gentleman to have been in the unhappy position of chairman of a meeting from whose unanimous wish he profoundly dissented.
And my hon. friend behind me.
Then these two gentlemen were in that unfortunate position. I express my sympathy for the unhappy fate that pursued them. My point is simply this—the one and solitary cause of the prolongation of the war, as far as I know, is the belief the Boers have that they have, not in Europe, or America, or South Africa, but in this country, a large body of opinion in their favour which, if the time does come, will control the destinies of this country and carry out a policy consonant to their views. We all know that gentlemen on this side of the House are absolutely unanimous. We all know that they have behind them the great body of public opinion in this country. We all know that the party opposed to them, however united on social and domestic questions, are shattered and hopelessly divided. This is a familiar and commonplace truth to every man in the street in England, Scotland, and Ireland, but if those who make speeches such as we have heard to-night, and who attend meetings such as have been referred to raise hopes destined to be utterly shattered and to encourage the continuance-of a war which carries with it great suffering and loss of life not only to our own countrymen, but the combatants against whom we are ranged, and, above all, suffering to the women and children of the Boers in South Africa. Yes; and what are we to think of those who apparently spend their time in forcibly denouncing us for being indifferent to the sufferings of women and children, and yet in every speech they make do everything they can to augment and prolong those sufferings? I do not make an appeal on the ground of patriotism to those gentlemen. They frankly admit that the national and Imperial idea which animates us does not touch them.
I never said so.
I am not appealing to the right hon. Gentleman. I appeal to gentlemen who have been consistent throughout in their view. They, at all events, have never concealed the view they take. It would be folly to appeal to them on the ground of those Imperial national sentiments which I frankly acknowledge animate me and I think the mass of the people of this country. If I make an appeal to them it is on the ground of the humanity common to every section of public opinion, and I tell them in all seriousness and earnestness that speeches such as they are in the habit of delivering, however well intentioned and directed towards ends which they think honourable and proper, must have and do have the effect of prolonging a war which, for every day it is prolonged, inflicts almost incalculable suffering on an innocent population.
said they had had a heated debate on other matters than finance, and he hoped it would be a profitable debate. But he trusted that they might now get back to the Bill, and therefore he moved the adjournment of the debate.
Motion made, and Question put, "That the debate be now adjourned."—( Mr. Caine .)
The House divided:—Ayes, 133; Noes, 234. (Division List No. 314.)
AYES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.) Harrington, Timothy O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Abraham, William (Rhondda) Hayden, John Patrick O'Dowd, John Ambrose, Robert Hayne, Rt.Hon.CharlesSeale- O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire) Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir A. D. O'Kelly, J. (Roscommon, N.) Bell Richard Healy, Timothy Michael O'Malley, William Boland, John Hemphill, Rt. Hn. Chas. H. O'Mara, James Boyle, James Hobhouse, C. E. H.(Bristol, E.) O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Brand, Hon. Arthur G. Horniman, Frederick John Pearson, Sir Weetman D. Brigg, John Jones, David B. (Swansea) Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden) Broadhurst, Henry Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) Perks, Robert William Bryce, Rt. Hon. James Joyce, Michael Power, Patrick Joseph Rea, Russell Burke E. Haviland- Labouchere, Henry Reddy, M. Burns, John Lambert, George Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Caldwell, James Langley, Batty Redmond, William (Clare) Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Leamy, Edmund Rickett, J. Compton Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Leese, Sir Joseph F(Accrington Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.) Carew, James Laurence Leigh, Sir Joseph Roche, John Causton, Richard Knight Levy, Maurice Schwann, Charles E. Cawley, Frederick Lloyd-George, David Scott, Chas. Prestwich (Leigh) Colville, John Lough, Thomas Shaw, Charles Edw. (Stafford) Condon, Thomas Joseph Lundon, W. Shaw, Thomas (Hawick B.) Craig, Robert Hunter MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Crean, Eugene MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh. Cullinan, J. M'Arthur, William(Cornwall) Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R Northants Dalziel, James Henry M'Cann, James Sullivan, Donal Delany, William M'Crae, George Taylor, Theodore Cooke Dillon, John M'Dermott, Patrick Tennant, Harold John Donelan, Captain A. M'Fadden, Edward Thomas, Alfred(Glamorgan, E. Doogan, P. C. M'Govern, T. Thomas, David A. (Merthyr) Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Mansfield, Horace Rendall Thomas, F. Freeman-(Hastings Duffy, William J. Mellor, Rt. Hon. John William Thomas, J A (Gl'morgan, Gower Duncan, J. Hastings Mooney, John J. Thompson, Dr E C (Monagh'n, N Emmott, Alfred Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport) Thomson, F. W. (York, W. R.) Esmonde, Sir Thomas Murnaghan, George Tomkinson, James Evans, Sir Francis H (Maidst'ne Murphy, J. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan) Nannetti, Joseph P. Tully, Jasper Ffrench, Peter Newnes, Sir George Weir, James Galloway Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) White, George (Norfolk) Flynn, James Christopher Norman, Henry White, Patrick (Meath, N.) Fuller, J. M. F. Nussey, Thomas Willans Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Gilhooly, James O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Herbt. J. O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) Goddard, Daniel Ford O'Connor, J. (Wicklow, W.) Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr.Caine and Mr.Channing. Hammond, John O'Doherty, William Harmsworth, R. Leicester O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.) NOES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Firbank, Joseph Thomas Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir H E. (Wigt'n. Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Fisher, William Hayes Melville, Beresford Valentine Allhusen, Augustus Henry E. Fison, Frederick William Milton, Viscount Anson, Sir William Reynell Fitzroy, Hn. Edward Algernon Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Arkwright, John Stanhope Fletcher, Sir Henry Montagu, Hon. J. Scott (Hants. Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Forster, Henry William Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Arrol, Sir William Galloway, Wm. Johnson Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Garfit, William Morgan, David J (Walthamst'w Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H. (City of Lon. Morgan, Hn Fred. (Monm'thsh. Bailey, James (Walworth) Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk. Morrell, George Herbert Bain, Colonel James Robert Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin & Nairn Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Balcarres, Lord Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.) Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manch'r Gore, Hn. G. RCOrmsby-(Salop Mount, William Arthur Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc.) Muntz, Philip A. Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (Leeds Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute Balfour, Maj K R (Christchurch Goulding, Edward Alfred Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) Banbury, Frederick George Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Murray, Col. Wyndham(Bath) Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) Myers, William Henry Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H(Bristol) Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs. Newdigate, Francis Alexander Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Gretton, John Nicol, Donald Ninian Bignold, Arthur Groves, James Grimble Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay Bigwood, James Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Bill, Charles Guthrie, Walter Murray Parker, Gilbert Blundell, Colonel Henry Hall, Edward Marshall Parkes, Ebenezer Bond, Edward Hamilton, Rt Hn Ld. G. (Midd'x Pease, HerbertPike(Darlingt'n Boscawen, Arthur Griffith- Hamilton, Marqof(L'nd'nderry Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt. Wellesley Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robt. W. Penn, John Bull, William James Hardy, Laurence(Kent, Ashf'd) Percy, Earl Bullard, Sir Harry Harris, Frederick Leverton Pilkington, Lt.-Col. Richard Butcher, John George Haslett, Sir James Horner Platt-Higgins, Frederick Carlile, William Walter Hay Hon. Claude George Plummer, Walter R. Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Helder, Augustus Pretyman, Ernest George Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.) Henderson, Alexander Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh. Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter Purvis, Robert Cayzer, Sir Chas. Wm. Higginbottom, S. W. Pym, C. Guy Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Hoare, Edw. B. (Hampstead) Randles, John S. Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) Rankin, Sir James Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. (Birm. Hobhouse, Hy. (Somerset, E.) Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Chamberlain, J Austen(Worc'r Hope, J. F. (Sheff'ld, Brightside) Reid, James (Greenock) Chapman, Edward Hoult, Joseph Remnant, James Farquharson Charrington, Spencer Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) Renshaw, Charles Bine Clare, Octavius Leigh Hozier, Hon. James Henry C. Rentoul, James Alexander Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse Renwick, George Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Ridley, Hn. M. W. (Stalybridge Compton, Lord Alwyne Johnston, William (Belfast) Ritchie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Robertson, Herbert (Hackney Corbett, A. Cameron(Glasgow) Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T. (Denbigh Rolleston, Sir John F. L. Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop. Ropner, Col. Robert Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Keswick, William Round, James Cranborne, Viscount King, Sir Henry Seymour Russell, T. W. Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) Knowles, Lees Rutherford, John Crossley, Sir Savile Law, Andrew Bonar Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Cubitt, Hon. Henry Lawrence, W. F. (Liverpool) Sadler, Col. Samuel Alex. Cust, Henry John C. Lawson, John Grant Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Dalrymple, Sir Charles Lee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham) Seely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln Davenport, William Bromley- Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Sharpe, William Edward T. Dickinson, Robert Edmond Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Shaw-Stewart, M.H.(Renfrew Dickson, Charles Scott Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S. Simeon, Sir Barrington Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Llewellyn, Evan Henry Skewes-Cox, Thomas Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Smith, HC(N'rth'mb., Tyneside Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Smith, James P. (Lanarks.) Dorington, Sir John Edward Long, Rt Hn. Walter(Bristol, S. Spear, John Ward Doughty, George Lonsdale, John Brownlee Stanley, Hn. Arthur(Ormskirk Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Loyd, Archie Kirkman Stirling-Maxwell, Sir John M. Doxford, Sir William Theodore Lucas, Col. F. (Lowestoft) Strutt, Hon. Chas. Hedley Duke, Henry Edward Macartney, Rt. Hon. W. G. E. Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Maconochie, A. W. Thornton, Percy M. Dyke, Rt. Hn. Sir William Hart M'Calmont, Col. HLB. (Cambs. Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D. M'Killop, Jas. (Stirlingshire) Tufnell, Lt.-Col. Edward Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edw. Majendie, James A. H. Valentia, Viscount Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Malcolm, Ian Warde, Colonel C. E. Finch, George H. Martin, Richard Biddulph Warr, Augustus Frederick Webb, Colonel William George Wilson, John (Falkirk) Younger, William Welby, Lt.-Col. A C E(Taunton Wilson, John (Glasgow) Welby, Sir C. G. E. (Notts.) Wodehouse, Rt. Hn E. R. (Bath) TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. Wentworth, Bruce C. Vernon- Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Whitmore, Charles Algernon Wrightson, Sir Thomas Willox, Sir John Archibald Wylie, Alexander Wills, Sir Frederick Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George
Main Question put, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
The House divided:—Ayes, 267; Noes, 87. (Division List No. 315.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex F. Cust, Henry John C. Henderson, Alexander Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Dalrymple, Sir Charles Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter Agnew, Sir Andrew Noel Davenport, William Bromley- Higginbottom, S. W. Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden Dickinson, Robert Edmond Hoare, E. Brodie (Hampstead) Anson, Sir William Reynell Dickson, Charles Scott Hoare, Sir Samuel (Norwich) Arkwright, John Stanhope Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Hobhouse, C. E. H.(Bristol, E.) Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield Hobhouse, Henry(Somerset E. Arrol, Sir William Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Hope, J. F (Sheffield, Brightside Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Dorington, Sir John Edward Horniman, Frederick John Bagot, Capt. Josceline Fitz Roy Doughty, George Hoult, Joseph Bailey, James (Walworth) Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Atkers- Howard, John (Kent, F'versh'm Bain, Colonel James Robert Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Hozier, Hn. James Henry Cecil Balcarres, Lord Doxford, Sir William Theodore Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manc'r Duke, Henry Edward Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Johnston, William (Belfast) Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W(Leeds Dyke, Rt Hon. Sir William Hart Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Balfour, Maj. K R(Christchurch Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Jones, David Brynmor(Swans'a Banbury, Frederick George Emmott, Alfred Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) Bathurst, Hn. Allen Benjamin Evans, Sir F. H. (Maidstone) Kenyon, Hon. G. T. (Denbigh.). Beach. Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Keswick, William Bignold, Arthur Finch, George H. King, Sir Henry Seymour Bigwood, James Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Knowles, Lees Bill, Charles Firbank, Joseph Thomas Langley, Batty Blundell, Colonel Henry Fisher, William Hayes Law, Andrew Bonar Bond, Edward Fison, Frederick William Lawrence, Wm. F.(Liverpool) Boscawen, Arthur Griffith- Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond Lawson, John Grant Brand, Hon. Arthur G. Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. Lee, Arthur H(Hants., Fareh'm Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Fletcher, Sir Henry Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington Bull, William James Forster, Henry William Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Bullard, Sir Harry Fuller, J. M. F. Leigh, Sir Joseph Butcher, John George Galloway, William Johnson Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Carlile, William Walter Garfit, William Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Gibbs, Hn. A. G H(City of Lond. Llewellyn, Evan Henry Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.) Godson, Sir Augustus F. Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Cavendish, V. C. W.(Derbysh. Gordon, Hn J. E. (Elgin & Nairn) Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Cawley, Frederick Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.) Long, Rt. Hon. W. (Bristol, S. Cayzer, Sir Charles William Gore, Hn GR. C. Ormsby-(Salop Lonsdale, John Brownlee Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Gore, Hn. S. F.Ormsby-(Linc.) Loyd, Archie Kirkman Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon Lucas, Col. Francis(Lowestoft) Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. (Birm. Goulding, Edward Alfred Macartney, Rt. Hn. WGEllison Chamberlain, J Austen(Worc'r Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Maconochie, A. W. Chapman, Edward Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury) M'Calmont, Col. HLB(Cambs.) Charrington, Spencer Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.) M'Crae, George Clare, Octavius Leigh Gretton, John M'Killop, James(Stirlingshre) Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Groves, James Grimble Majendie, James A. H. Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill Malcolm, Ian Colville, John Guthrie, Walter Murray Martin, Richard Biddulph Compton, Lord Alwyne Hall, Edward Marshall Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F. Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Hamilton, Rt. Hn Lord G(Mid'x Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir HE(Wigt'n Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Hamilton, Marqof(L'donderry) Melville, Beresford Valentine Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert Wm. Milton, Viscount Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Hardy, Laurence(Kent, Ashf'd) Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Craig, Robert Hunter Harmsworth, R. Leicester Montagu, Hn. J. Scott (Hants.) Cranborne, Viscount Harris, Frederick Leverton Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Cross, Alexander (Glasgow) Haslett, Sir James Horner Moore, William (Antrim, N.) Crossley, Sir Savile Hay, Hon. Claude George Morgan, David J (Walth'mst'w Cubitt, Hon. Henry Helder, Augustus Morgan, Hn. Fred. (Monm'thsh Morrell, George Herbert Rasch, Maj. Frederick Carne Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, E.) Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Rea, Russell Thomas, F. Freeman-(Hastings Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) Reid, James (Greenock) Thomson, F. W. (York, W. R. Mount, William Arthur Remnant, James Farquharson Thornton, Percy M. Muntz, Philip A. Renshaw, Charles Bine Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) Rentoul, James Alexander Trevelyan, Charles Philips Murray, Chas. J. (Coventry) Renwick, George Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) Rickett, J. Compton Valentia, Viscount Myers, Wm. Henry Ridley, Hn. M. W. (Stalybridge) Warde, Col. C. E. Newdigate, Francis Alexander Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. T. Warr, Augustus Frederick Nicol, Donald Ninian Robertson, Herbert (Hackney Webb, Col. Wm. George Norman, Henry Rolleston, Sir John F. L. Weir, James Galloway Nussey, Thomas Willans Ropner, Col. Robert Welby, Lt.-Col. A. CE(Taunton Orr-Ewing, Cnarles Lindsay Round, James Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Russell, T. W. Wentworth, Bruce C. Vernon- Parker, Gilbert Rutherford, John Whitmore, Charles Algernon Parkes, Ebenezer Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Williams, Osmond (Merioneth Pearson, Sir Weetman D. Sadler, Col. Samuel A. Willox, Sir John Archibald Pease, Herbert P. (Darlington) Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Wills, Sir Frederick Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden) Seely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln Wilson, John (Falkirk) Peel, Hon. Wm. Robert W. Sharpe, William Edward T. Wilson, John (Glasgow) Penn, John Shaw, Charles Edw. (Stafford Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Percy, Earl Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Perks, Robert William Simeon, Sir Barrington Wrightson, Sir Thomas Pilkington, Lt.-Col. Richard Skewes-Cox, Thomas Wylie, Alexander Platt-Higgins, Frederick Smith, HC(N'rth'mb., Tyn'side Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Plummer, Walter R. Smith, James P. (Lanarks) Younger, William Pretyman, Ernest George Spear, John Ward Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Stanley, Hn. Arthur(Ormskirk TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir William Walrond and Mr. Anstruther. Purvis, Robert Stirling-Maxwell, Sir John M. Pym, C. Guy Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley Randles, John S. Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Rankin, Sir James Tennant, Harold John NOES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.) Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale- O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Abraham, William (Rhondda) Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D. O'Dowd, John Ambrose, Robert Healy, Timothy Michael O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Bell, Richard Hemphill, Rt. Hon. Chas. H. O'Kelly, James(Roscommon, N Boland, John Joyce, Michael O'Malley, William Boyle, James Labouchere, Henry O'Mara, James Brigg, John Leamy, Edmund O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Broadhurst, Henry Levy, Maurice Power, Patrick Joseph Burke, E. Haviland- Lloyd-George, David Reddy, M. Burns, John Lough, Thomas Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Caine, William Sproston Lundon, W. Redmond, William (Clare) Caldwell, James MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.) Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Roche, John Carew, James Laurence M'Cann, James Schwann, Charles E. Channing, Francis Allston M'Dermott, Patrick Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Condon, Thomas Joseph M'Fadden, Edward Sullivan, Donal Crean, Eugene M'Govern, T. Taylor, Theodore Cooke Cullinan, J. Mansfield, Horace Rendall Thomas, David Alfr'd(Merthyr Delany, William Mooney, John J. Thomas, JA(Glamorg'n, Gower Dillon, John Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport) Thompson, Dr EC(Monagh'nN. Doogan, P. C. Murnaghan, George Tomkinson, James Duffy, William J. Murphy, John Tully, Jasper Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan) Nannetti, Joseph P. White, George (Norfolk) Ffrench, Peter Newnes, Sir George White, Patrick(Meath, North) Flynn, James Christopher Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Gilhooly, James O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Goddard, Daniel Ford O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Thomas Esmonde and Captain Donelan. Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton O'Connor, James(Wicklow, W) Hammond, John O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Harrington, Timothy O'Doherty, William Hayden, John Patrick O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)
Bill read a second time, and committed for Monday next.
Adjourned at twenty minutes before One of the clock.