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Commons Chamber

Volume 98: debated on Thursday 25 July 1901

House of Commons

Thursday, July 25, 1901

South Essex Water Bill [Lords]

(By Order.)

As amended, considered.

* said he was sorry to trespass on the time of the House, which he was well aware reluctantly approached the consideration of private Bills. But he had no alternative, for he had been strongly urged by the council of the borough he represented to appeal to the House against the judgment of one of its Committees. The disfavour with which the House looked upon any invitation to revise the finding of a Committee ought not to constitute an insuperable objection, for, unless it was intended to allow such a revision, the Report stage of a Bill would never have been constituted. He would, however, be as brief as possible in his endeavour to show that the point he had to raise involved a wide question of general public policy, as well as possessing local interest. The facts were these. In 1895 the Corporation of the borough of West Ham commenced the erection of a large asylum at Shadwell Heath. Provision was therein made for the accommodation of 800 patients and a staff of from 200 to 300 attendants. A water supply had of course to be provided. The local authority at the outset applied to the water company of the district to know under what conditions they would supply water to the asylum, and at what height it could be furnished. The reply was that the company had a six-inch main running there, and that they could supply water at a height of 120 feet. The expert advisers of the corporation, however, recommended that, in order to provide adequate protection against fire, water should be stored at a height of 160 feet. The corporation, having reason to believe that water was obtainable on their own lands, sank a well and provided electrical machinery for pumping the water, with the result that they succeeded in securing an adequate supply of thoroughly pure water at the necessary level. The asylum, he understood, was to be opened that day week. But what had occurred? The South Essex Company had come to Parliament on two or three occasions for power to extend its area of supply. Two years ago they had a great heroic project for bringing water from Cambridgeshire, but in consequence of the opposition offered to it it fell through. Not until they discovered that the corporation had been able to obtain an adequate water supply for the asylum did the company make any proposition to draw water from that particular area, but now they came to the House and proposed to sink a well within half a mile of the corporation well, and to draw water from the same stratum, not for their own private consumption, but for distribution and sale.

There arose here the whole question of the proprietorship of underground water. Can the owner of the estate lay any claim to the water found underneath it? If so, to what extent could he establish that claim? For many years the question was discussed before Committees of Parliament, because private proprietors frequently suffered loss through other persons coming into their district and depleting their wells. In the end the House of Commons passed a Standing Order—quite recently—under which private persons, corporations, or companies were empowered to go before a Committee to show that damage might be sustained, and were granted a locus standi for that purpose. That to a certain extent recognised the fact that a person might be injured by a rival drawing water from the same source, and might be in consequence entitled to compensation. What was the position in this case? The corporation had sunk its well and erected its own pumping station. The South Essex Company were proposing to sink another well only 700 yards distant, in the same plane of saturation, in the same geological strata, and running in the same chalk beds, but at a little lower level. Whether the result would be the depletion of the asylum well, time alone would show. Expert advisers for the promoters of the Bill in their evidence declared that there was a bare possibility, but did not think it probable, while the experts on the other side declared that there was a probability that water would be withdrawn from the old well by the new. Of course it all depended on the inclination of the strata, and if that inclination were towards the lower well, then the company would get the water and the asylum well would be left dry. Surely, if the company drew water on the borders of another person's estate, and thereby depleted his well, the aggrieved party had a right to compensation in some form or other. This was not like the case of two estates under private management, on each of which the owner sunk a well. In such a case he could well understand that if one suffered through the action of the other, he might have no ground for claiming compensation. But it was a very different matter when, instead of a private owner, a company came on to the adjoining property for trading purposes and drew water from existing wells. Before the Committee the company said that, admitting the possibility that they might deplete the asylum well, they were willing to sell back to the corporation the water thus withdrawn at a charge of 8d. per 1,000 gallons. Was it not rather rough that a corporation, acting in the public interest, should go to the expense of sinking a well and providing intricate and expensive machinery for pumping the water which they had themselves secured; that they should be deprived of that water, and then should have it offered back to them at a charge of 8d. per thousand gallons? The cost of pumping was 4d. per thousand. The opponents of the Bill offered a compromise in order to avoid the heavy expenses incurred in securing the passage of private Bills, but their offer was not accepted, although a clause was put into the Bill, which was said to be sufficient for them, under which they were to be allowed to have the water drawn from their own well at the same price as that at which it was supplied to the other water consumers of the district. But they were only to have it supplied by gravitation, and there was no guarantee whatever that it would reach their cisterns or that it would be available as a protection against fire, so that the lives of the patients and the property of the corporation might be endangered by their having to rely on an imperfect supply. Undoubtedly the draw on the supply for the neighbouring townships might make it very difficult for the company to supply water to the asylum at a proper level. He believed that the precedents set by the House in past years were in favour of the course he was now asking it to take, and he held in his hands two Bills. In the first—the Water Confirmation Act, 1898—Parliament inserted a clause indemnifying private owners against loss sustained by the depletion of the existing wells, and compelling those who were responsible for the depletion to supply the sufferer with a supply equivalent in quality and quantity free of charge. If he were rightly informed, when the Wolverhampton Bill was before the House it was rejected partly, and possibly mainly, on the ground that there would be danger of existing wells being depleted.

He appealed to the House not to cast aside the clause as a frivolous appeal from a Committee to the House. It was a question of public importance, and though it only affected West Ham to-day it would affect other districts throughout the country tomorrow. The system of going many miles for a water supply would, in the eastern counties at least, be abandoned in the near future; and instead of great corporations laying down conduits for a hundred miles, they would sink wells three or four hundred feet deep in their own territory. He had been informed that wells were being sunk deeper and deeper into the Anglian chalk, and the House would hear of similar cases to that which he submitted again and again unless some steps were taken to protect those who had entered on the heavy expenditure which such work involved. He was not asking anything unreasonable. Unless they could show a loss they would not receive a single farthing in compensation, and if a loss was incurred their claim would be commensurate with it. If they lost their water they would also lose their expenditure on machinery, and they would have to obtain a supply from one of those monopolist companies which for years had been so strongly protected by the House of Commons. He ventured to suggest that, when a corporation representing 300,000 people appealed to the House of Commons, at least careful consideration should be given to that appeal. Why did the Committee report against the claim of the corporation? He could not say what was in the minds of the members of the Committee, but he would admit for the sake of argument that they had heard all the evidence and had satisfied themselves that any loss was problematical. His answer was that, if the loss was problematical, there would be no claim until it was assured. A second objection of the Committee was that their works had not been completed, and that there was no guarantee of a supply of water. The works were now completed, and they had an absolute guarantee of a supply of water. It might be further alleged that the Company would be able to meet their demand, but they had tested that by applying gauges, and had ascertained that the water did not rise to a greater height than that stated in the company's letter twelve months ago. He appealed to the House for careful consideration of the matter. Unless it was proved that loss was sustained through the existence of the new well, there would be no claim. If a loss were proved to be sustained, surely Parliament ought to take means to have that loss recouped.

Amendment proposed to be made to the Bill—

"In page 10, line 31, after the word gallons,' insert the words, 'provided that if the supply of water to the existing well at the said lunatic asylum shall be diminished or prejudicially affected by the exercise by the company of the powers conferred upon them by this Act, the company shall, within such time as may be agreed on or as an arbitrator appointed by the Local Government Board shall direct, afford to such lunatic asylum free of all costs or charges such supply of water as may be agreed or directed as aforesaid to be equivalent in quality and quantity to the supply previously enjoyed from the existing well at the said asylum.'"—( Mr. Ernest Gray. )

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said that in the absence of the hon. Member for the Colne Valley Division, who was chairman of the Committee, he, as a member of the Committee, desired to say a few words. He did not profess to have any. great experience in such matters, but the chairman of the Committee was esteemed, not only in the House, but all over the country, for his sound judgment and good business abilities. He therefore felt safe in his hands. As to the case put by the hon. Member for North-West Ham, he would state, at the request of the chairman of the Committee, that the matter had been amply and fully considered in all its bearings. They looked on the matter impartially, and, if he might be permitted to say so, the case would not hold water. With reference to the point put before the House by his hon. friend, the Committee considered that an Amendment inserted in the other House secured all that was necessary. He submitted to the House that all the fears expressed by his hon. friend had been provided against, and that there would be a sufficient supply of water available under the Bill. It seemed to him a matter of 30,000 gallons of water, and at one stage of the proceedings the promoters were prepared to settle the matter if they got the water at 6d. instead of 8d. per thousand gallons. The matter was a very small one, and he hoped the House would support the Committee in the decision they had arrived at.

said the Amendment was by way of an appeal from the decision of two Committees. The matter was considered not only by the Committee which had been referred to, and also by the Court of Referees, who went carefully into the matter in order to ascertain if the opponents of the Bill should or should not have a locus standi. The Court of Referees was a very strong body, and the House should be very careful not too readily to meddle with or attempt to override its decisions. The work of the Private Bill Committees was unquestionably very well done. He could speak as to that, because while he had the honour of being Chairman of Ways and Means he had had many opportunities of seeing the hard work discharged by Committees. He did not, however, suggest that there might not be extreme cases in which an appeal to the House was justified, although that was a very inconvenient course. This Committee had examined witnesses, and had considered the matter fully. He agreed with the hon. Member for North-West Ham that if this new well was going to damage the other well it was a very serious matter, but he assumed that this question had been fully threshed out in Committee. An effort to compromise the matter had been made, but it was not thought seriously of by those opposing the Bill. If any damage was done by the construction of works by the company, there was a remedy under the Lands Clauses Act. He assumed that the Corporation of West Ham and the company had taken advice upon this matter. He based his opposition to this Amendment upon the fact that this matter had been fully considered by a far more competent tribunal than this House, and they had therefore a right to assume that every point had been reasonably dealt with. He hoped the House would support the Committee, because if it did not the result would be that Committee work would never be as well done in the future as at present He hoped, therefore, that the House would reject this Amendment.

said they all recognised the earnestness and the devotion of the Private Bill Committee, and if this was only a question of evidence he would prefer the judgment of the Committee. The same remark also applied to the Court of Referees. The hon. Member had spoken rather harshly about the company's offer in the matter, but the offer was made conditionally on the company being able to provide an adequate supply of water for the asylum. There was, however, a principle involved beyond this. It was not a question merely of supporting or rejecting the view of the Committee, but it was a matter involving the settlement of a principle, upon which this House ought itself, of its own judgment, to decide. He supposed that there must be for some years to come a continual conflict with those districts served by water companies trading for profit and the great municipalities which were rapidly growing. It had been the practice of this House, perhaps, in the past to range itself too much on the side of the water companies. In the present case it was a clear issue of a water company endeavouring to tap a source which had already been tapped by a municipality. The clause which his hon. friend proposed to insert would not become operative at all save in the event of the water company draining the source of the supply drawn upon by this institution. The ex-Chairman of Committees suggested that the difficulty was met by the Lands Clauses Act, but that presupposed that the injured parties were anxious to indulge in litigation. If the right hon. Gentleman had had any experience of the Lands Clauses Act he would know that it was one of the most costly proceedings upon which an individual or a corporation could embark. This corporation enjoyed the distinction of being one of the most highly rated corporations in the United Kingdom, and they could not be blamed for desiring to have their position in the matter made clear in order to avoid the necessity of embarking upon a costly lawsuit. This was a question of principle, and it was from that point of view that he hoped the House would consider it.

said that, as chairman of the Committee of Referees, he hoped he would be allowed to say a few words. The whole thing was purely and simply a question of evidence, in which case the House was bound to support the decision of the Committee. There had often been a great deal of hardship upon adjacent owners of property because a water company had come and put down wells and exhausted their water supply, and yet those owners had no right to be heard. It was the business of the Court of Referees not to go into the evidence, but to consider whether there was a prima facie case to go before the Committee. They considered that under the new Standing Order there was a prima facie case by which the Corporation of West Ham were entitled to enter into particulars and prove their case before the Committee. It was simply a question of the evidence to be raised. It was quite obvious that it was impossible for them to make up their minds how the sinking of this new well was going to affect the supply simply upon an ex parte statement. Under the circumstances he did not think they could have come to any other conclusion than that it was a matter upon which the asylum authorities were entitled to go into everything. The asylum authorities were heard, and the Committee decided against them. He could not imagine that this House would upset the conclusion which the House of Lords and this Committee of the House of Commons had arrived at after having had the matter laid fully before them.

reminded the House that some time ago there was a serious water famine in the East End of London, and this water company was the only one which had an efficient supply. The information of the hon. Member for North-West Ham was in many respects absolutely incorrect. The company agreed to supply to a height of 180 feet instead of 100 feet, and instead of a 6-inch main a 12-inch main was arranged for in the Bill. The hon. Member was also misinformed in reference to the precedents he had quoted. It was West Ham who were coming into his division and desiring to take water, perhaps for use by the lunatics or for watering their 100 acres of land, to the detriment of the small houses adjoining. The only contention placed before the Committee upstairs was that the water should be supplied at 6d. instead of 8d. per thousand gallons. That Committee, after hearing all that could be said by West Ham, did not even call on the promoters of the Bill to reply, as absolutely no case had been made out by the opponents. He therefore thought it would be very illogical for the House, without hearing evidence, to upset the decision of the Committee which had had the whole matter before it.

said that so far as he could see there was no question of principle involved in the discussion; it was purely a question of evidence. That being so, he thought it was the duty of the House to support the Committee. He hoped the Amendment would not be pressed to a division, but if that course was adopted he should vote in favour of the Bill.

asked how hon. Members would look on this matter if it occurred in their own county, and the county or local authority was interfered with and damnified in order to increase the dividends of a private company. This was a question of the interest of a county authority against the interest of a private company, and he should certainly support the Amendment.

* said he had a sympathetic interest in the Amendment of the hon. Member, arising from a former association with the borough of West Ham. The corporation had been faced with no ordinary difficulties in carrying on municipal government. The rates in West Ham were higher probably than in any other borough in England, and if the Bill under consideration threatened a loss to the borough the House would be doing a great injustice if it did not attempt to safeguard the corporation against the prospective loss by accepting the Amendment. The hon. Member for the Partick Division had expressed doubts as to whether the sinking of a well at a distance of 1,100 yards would affect the supply of water to the existing well. The most elementary knowledge of geology and of the strata underlying London would have taught the hon. Member that the distance between the wells was a matter of indifference, as they were tapping the same water supply. That supply was strictly limited, and the greater the number of wells drawing on it the less must be the pressure at each well. It therefore followed that the sinking of a new well in the interests of this private company must necessarily act prejudicially on the well of the corporation. In any case there could be no harm in accepting the Amendment, because if no damage accrued the terms of the Amendment would not come into operation.

said it was evident the sense of the House was against his proposal, and, having no desire to occupy time unnecessarily, he would ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

An Amendment made.

Bill to be read the third time.

North British Railway Bill

South Metropolitan Gas Bill

Lords' Amendments considered, and agreed to.

ELLAND GAS BILL [Lords]

LEEDS CHURCHES BILL [Lords]

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

WORCESTER TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]

Read the third time, and passed, with an Amendment.

BARROW-IN-FURNESS CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

As amended, considered; Amendments made; Bill to be read the third time.

Kilmarnock Corporation Order Confirmation Bill

KIRKCALDY AND DYSART WATER ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]

[Under Section 7, Sub-Section (2), of the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899.]

Considered; to be read the third time to-morrow.

HARROGATE CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

LOWESTOFT CORPORATION BILL [Lords]

Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Private Bills (Group P)

reported from the Committee on Group P of Private Bills: That, there being no business ready for their consideration, they had adjourned until Tuesday next, at Twelve of the clock.

Report to lie upon the Table.

STRATTON AND BUDE IMPROVEMENT BILL [Lords]

reported from the Committee on the Stratton and Bude Improvement Bill [Lords]: That, for the convenience of parties, the Committee had adjourned till Friday next, at half-past Three of the clock.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to—Humber Commercial Railway and Dock Bill; Bradford Corporation Bill; London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway Bill; Paisley Police and Public Health Bill: with Amendments.

That they have agreed to Amendment to St. Bartholomew's Hospital Bill [Lords], without amendment.

That they have passed a Bill intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (ScotIand) Act, 1899, relating to Glasgow 'Corporation (Tramways and General)." Glasgow Corporation (Tramways and General) Order Confirmation Bill [Lords].

GLASGOW CORPORATION (TRAMWAYS AND GENERAL) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]

Ordered, under Section 7 (2) of the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, to be considered upon Monday next.

Petitions

Education (Continuation Schools) Bill

Petitions in favour, from Anstey; and Llansantffraid; to lie upon the Table.

EDUCATION (No.2) BILL

Petition from Rochdale, against; to lie upon the Table.

Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill

Petitions in favour, from Chelsea; and Newcastle-upon-Tyne; to lie upon the Table.

Returns, Reports, Etc

Ordnance Survey

Copy presented, of Report of the Progress of the Ordnance Survey to the 31st March, 1901 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Loss of Life at Sea

Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 24th July; Mr. Gerald Balfour ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 281.]

Agrarian Outrages (Ireland)

Copy presented, of Return for the quarter ended 30th June, 1901 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Colonies

Copy presented, of Correspondence relating to the proposed alteration of the Royal Style and Titles of the Crown [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Miscellaneous Series)

Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Miscellaneous Series, Nos. 560 and 561 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copy presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, No. 2668 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Questions

Questions

South Africa—Transvaal Gold Mines—Native Labour Regulations

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Gold Law of 1896 and the Pass Law of 1896, with the Supplementary Regulations of 1899, applicable to public gold diggings in the Transvaal, are now enforced by the British Government; whether the penalties under these laws of fine, imprisonment, with hard labour and flogging, for the enforcement of labour are applicable to all coloured people and coloured races of South Africa within the proclaimed districts, whether they are native residents of the Transvaal or immigrants from elsewhere, and whether under contract of labour or not; and whether these penalties may now be inflicted by resident magistrates and assistant resident magistrates without appeal, except when the lashes exceed twelve in number; and whether care has been taken that these magistrates shall not be persons connected with the gold mines; whether in His Majesty's West Indian colonies any similar penalties are in force respecting the labour of coloured persons not being immigrants under indenture; and whether in the case of the latter the penalties for breach of contract of service are of a much lighter character than those in the Pass Laws, the use of the lash being wholly excluded; whether His Majesty's Government will abrogate the existing Pass Law as regards natives of colour in the Transvaal not being immigrants, and whether he will extend to immigrants under contracts of service the humane provisions in force in the West Indian Colonies, such as those contained in the Immigration Ordinances of 1899 for Trinidad and Tobago; whether he will lay upon the Table copies of the Gold Law and Pass Laws now in force in the Transvaal, and also the Immigration Ordinances of 1899 applicable to the West-Indian Colonies, and also any proclamation of the High Commissioner giving effect to the native labour laws and other laws now in force in the Transvaal.

The Gold Law of 1898, which repeals that of 1896, and the Pass Law of 1899 remain in force until repealed, and so far as the gold industry is now carried on they are operative. The answer to the second question is in the affirmative, but I may add that by a proclamation issued on 24th June the minimum penalties prescribed under the Pass Law have been abolished, and magistrates may inflict as small a punishment as they think fit. The answer to the first part of the third question is in the negative, and to the last part in the affirmative. His Majesty's Government have the amendment of the legislation in question under their consideration. I may add that Lord Milner is in favour of very strict limitations of the penalty of flogging, if not its ultimate total abolition, except for brutal crimes such as rape, and Lord Milner has been requested to take the earliest opportunity after his return to deal with the whole subject. The Papers asked for shall be laid.

* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can inform the House of the precise alterations which have been made to modify the penalties of lashes at discretion under the Pass Laws, and of twenty-five lashes under the Gold Laws, applicable to coloured workmen, the term coloured including British-Indian subjects.

No sentence inflicting more than twelve lashes can now be carried out without the confirmation of the High Commissioner, minimum penalties have been abolished, and the legal adviser to the Government has issued a circular to resident magistrates intimating that it is his very strong opinion that it is not as a rule desirable to impose the sentence of lashes as a punishment for a first offence, unless the offence is of so serious a character that it would be more proper for the cognisance of the special criminal court. As I have stated in reply to Sir William Harcourt, the whole question will be carefully reconsidered immediately on Lord Milner's return.

May I ask the Colonial Secretary whether care will be taken that the resident magistrates administering the gold laws shall not be persons connected with the gold mines?

I do not quite understand in what way the right hon. Gentleman means. The resident magistrates, who are legal persons, cannot be connected with the gold mines.

It was stated by the hon. Member for Mansfield some time ago that civil appointments had been given to a number of persons connected with the gold mines.

That statement did not apply to the magistrates, and the appointments referred to by the hon. Member were made, not by the civil but by the military authority. I am not sure, either, that the statements were admitted.

Execution of Rebels—Compulsory Attendance of Burghers

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether it is contemplated to advise the Commander-in-Chief in South Africa to prohibit in future the obligation being imposed on burghers to be present at the execution of rebels.

I am only aware of one case in which this has been done, and I do not think it necessary to give Lord Kitchener any advice on the matter referred to.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in this country public executions have been abolished for thirty years?

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he will state what officer gave the order for the attendance at the execution of their countryman in the prison of Dordrecht, Cape Colony, of some twenty British colonists of Dutch descent; whether the order was given with the knowledge of the general officer commanding; and, if not, whether such a proceeding is in accordance with Army Regulations; were these compelled to attend as prisoners of war, under what penalty did they attend, and what was the object to be attained; whether there is precedent or such action; whether, seeing that in.1882, at the time of the insurrection in Egypt, when a public execution was carried out in Alexandria, the Government refrained from compelling the attendance of the public, the Government will at once issue orders that, in he event of other executions taking place, such compulsion shall be prohibited.

The only information I have as to this execution I lave already read out to the House. I have not been able at such brief notice to inquire into the historical precedents relating to military executions.

Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiry of Lord Kitchener as to the exceptional circumstances of this case?

I imagine the object n bringing together other persons who were disloyal under such circumstances was that the scene should act as a deterrent, for the purpose of preventing similar acts on their part in the future.

* : Order, order! The question on the Paper has been answered. If the hon. Member wishes for further information he must put a question down.

I shall be satisfied if the right hon Gentleman promises to make inquiry in South Africa.

Siege of Kimberley—Distribution of Rewards

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War what explanation, if any, the War Office has to give of the fact that, while two clerks in the De Beers Company, the one a cyclist and the other employed throughout the siege of Kimberley in a clerical capacity, have obtained the Distinguished Service Order, two officers of distinguished merit, the one a holder of the Victoria Cross, have been passed over although mentioned in Colonel Kekewich's despatches for conspicuous ability and gallantry during the siege of Kimberley.

I propose at the same time to answer another question by the hon. Member on the same subject.

No, no. I rise to a point of order. The right hon. Gentleman is the only Minister whom I have to accuse of want of courtesy. I have put down two perfectly distinct questions, and I wish to ask them separately. The right hon. Gentleman wishes to jumble both together. I will ask one only.

* : It is an exceedingly common practice to answer together questions which deal with the same matters. If any inconvenience arises the hon. Member can put another question. I hope he will not do so unnecessarily.

The following was the second Question on the Paper:—

To ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can explain why Colonel Kekewich, who was in command at the siege of Kimberley, was not consulted as to the way in which rewards should be distributed to those whom he had brought under the notice of the Commander-in-Chief.

It is not in my power to give the hon. Member any information with regard to either question. All rewards have been carefully considered, with the reports of the officers in command, and I am not prepared to discuss the reason of any recommendations made by the Commander-in-Chief.

[Later.]

Will the right hon. Gentleman ask the Commander-in-Chief for information on the point raised by my second question?

I am quite aware of his motives, but I am not going to give them to the House.

Claim of the De Beers Company

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will state how many claims have been sent in to His Majesty's Government by De Beers for expenses incurred during the siege of Kimberley, what was the amount of the sum claimed in the first instance, and what is the date of the presentation of the claim; what was the amount of the sum recently claimed, and the date of the presentation of the claim; whether he is aware that among the items of the claims of the Company for payment are £19 10s. for a wreath for a staff officer's grave, £70 for cab hire for a newspaper correspondent connected with the company, £788 in respect of employment of native runners to bring up newspapers to Mr. Rhodes from Modder River, and £25, being the expense incurred by Mr. Rhodes in getting a private letter sent to Mafeking; and whether he can state the result of the negotiations between the Government and the De Beers Company, and whether he is prepared to lay the Papers respecting them upon the Table.

The first statement of expenses incurred by the De Beers Company during the siege of Kimberley amounted to about £300,000, and was put forward soon after the relief of Kimberley, early in 1900. This statement was returned to the company by the military authorities in South Africa with a request that they should send in a tabulated claim with vouchers of such charges as they proposed to press against the Imperial Government. This claim, amounting to £54,641 4s. 9d., was referred by the military authorities in South Africa to the War Office for instructions on the 24th April, 1901. 'The original statement, which was not in the nature of a claim, did include items of the nature described in the second paragraph. The claim is still under examination, and no payment in respect of it has been made. There does not appear to be any necessity to Jay any Papers on the subject.

Do I understand that the claim first made by the De Beers Company was £300,000, and that it has now been reduced to £54,000?

No; the statement of expenses incurred was £300,000, but the claim made on the Government is £54,000.

Concentration and Refugee Camps

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he has noticed that there were 310 deaths among the 19,811 white children confined in the refugee camps in the Transvaal during the month of June, this being at the rate of about 18 per cent. per annum, whereas in the refugee camps in Cape Colony, where 274 white children were confined, there were no deaths during that month, and whether he can explain the causes of this discrepancy; whether he has noticed that whereas there were during the month of June 182 deaths amongst the 17,963 white children, i.e ., a rate of 2,184 per annum of deaths, in the refugee camps in Natal, there were no deaths amongst the 11.201 coloured children confined in these camps during that month, and whether he can explain this difference in the deaths between white children and coloured children.

In reply to a telegram despatched on the 14th July, inquiring whether any special epidemic is accountable for the death rate in the Transvaal and Orange River camps in the month of June, Lord Kitchener telegraphed that measles have been very prevalent. I have no further information to hand. Any comparison of these statistics without proper and detailed data would be most misleading.

Hospital Accommodation for Returned Officers

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether hospital accommodation is provided for sick and wounded officers returning to this country from the seat of war; if so, whether the accommodation provided has been found sufficient for all cases that require attention; and whether for such officers as are not accommodated in hospital professional attendance is furnished at the public expense, and pecuniary allowance given to meet the cost of private hospital, provision of nurses, or other necessary outlay.

At Netley sixteen beds are available, and seventy-five officers in all have been treated there. At Herbert Hospital two beds are available, but none have applied to be treated there. More officers might have availed themselves of the accommodation provided in these hospitals. As regards private accommodation, it was provided in some cases free of expense owing to the generosity of private organisations. The question of providing for private medical attendance at the public expense is under consideration.

Lord Roberts's War Gratuity

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether lie can say what amount has been paid, or will be paid to Lord Roberts, out of the gratuity allocated to His Majesty's troops in South Africa.

A war gratuity of £2,500 will be payable to Lord Roberts under the scale adopted.

Is that in addition to the increase of his salary from £4,500 to £5,000 a year? He is well paid for his telegram.

Official Notification of Soldiers' Deaths

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the notification of the death of Corporal Edward Collard, Border Regiment, a Reservist, who was killed on the railway at Hunslet, near Leeds, on 8th June, while returning from South Africa, was sent to an old address, with the result that his relatives knew nothing of his death until a week after the inquest and burial; and seeing that his orders to rejoin as a Reservist, together with orders for reserve pay, were sent to 49, Barnsbury Road, Islington, which, had the notification of decease been so addressed, would have given his relatives timely notice of his death, whether he will inquire into this matter.

Corporal Collard's death was properly notified to his next-of-kin at the address which he gave as that of his next-of-kin. If there was any change in the address of his next-of-kin, Corporal Collard should have notified it to his company officer. His reserve pay orders were duly sent to the address which he gave as his own. It must be remembered that a soldier and his next-of-kin frequently do not have the same, address.

Imperial Yeomanry—Pay Arrears

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he is aware that the men of the 78th Company Imperial Yeomanry, who were discharged six weeks ago, are unable to get their overdue pay, because the pay sheets have not yet arrived from South Africa; and that the 42nd Company on discharge received £10 on account of arrears of pay, being told it was uncertain when they would get the remainder; and if he can state what proportion of discharged Yeomanry are re-enlisting.

Instructions have already been sent to pay the men of the 78th Company four-fifths of what pay appears to be due to them, and of the 42nd Company such sum, not exceeding sixty-one days arrears of pay as the men may claim, or four-fifths of the amount claimed, if there is any evidence of the approximate sum due. The Imperial Yeomanry is not at present open to re-enlistment.

The hon. Member, I hope, will recognise that in the circumstances, of the war, pay sheets are sometimes difficult to make up, and excuses must be made for delay. I can assure the hon. Member everything possible is done to avoid delay.

War Honours for the Militia

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will state the proportion of honours conferred on the officers and men of the Militia as compared with other branches of the military forces serving in South Africa.

As stated in the preamble to Lord Roberta's despatch published on the 16th April, the honours to be conferred on the officers and men for regimental service will be published in a later Gazette , and until this Gazette is published the proportion asked for cannot be stated.

Distribution of War Medals

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if, seeing that medals have already been distributed to officers and men of the Regular, Volunteer, and colonial forces, and will be on the 26th instant to the Yeomanry, he can state when it is intended to distribute medals to officers and men of the Militia who have returned from service in South Africa.

On Monday next His Majesty will present some medals to officers and permanent staff of four Militia battalions and to men of some service companies. The rest will be issued as soon as the medal rolls are forwarded to the War Office.

Military Offences in the Field

On behalf of my colleague in the representation of Dundee, I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the case of No. 7,225, Black Watch Royal Highlanders, who enlisted when under sixteen, and is now only seventeen and a half years of age, was in thirteen engagements in South Africa, and after being kept almost continually marching was found asleep from physical exhaustion when on duty and sentenced to two years imprisonment, which he is now undergoing in the prison at Wakefield; whether it has been brought to his knowledge that this boy has two well-conducted brothers in the Army and another in the Navy, that his parents are in distress on account of his treatment, and that his mother is suffering in her health on account of it, and whether there is any prospect of the lad's sentence being speedily mitigated.

This question refers to the case of No. 7225, Private H. Mellon, 2nd Royal Highlanders. He was sentenced in January last to two years hard labour for sleeping on his post. In the early part of this month it was decided to release him.

May I call attention to the case of a boy of sixteen years who .has been twelve months in prison, and has not yet been released?

I respectfully ask you, Mr. Speaker, if I am in order in putting that question?

* : The noble Lord has stated that he is not in a position to give an answer, and that he will not enquire.

Courts-Martial—Statistics of Imprisonment

I beg, on behalf of my colleague, to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he will agree to a Return of the number of soldiers who have served in the South African War now imprisoned in this country, of the offences for which they have been committed, the punishments awarded them, and the number of cases in which the sentences have been revised; and the punishments mitigated.

No, Sir. Would the hon. Member kindly refer to the reply to a similar question put by the hon. Member for North Louth on the 14th March.†

8th King's Liverpool Regiment

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the 3rd and 4th battalions of the 8th King's Liverpool Regiment, formed last year, and now quartered in Ireland, are to be disbanded at once;

† See Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xc., page 1546.

and, if so, whether he will state the grounds for such a change of policy.

When the Estimates for the present year were made, eight battalions of the garrison regiment were included, with the double advantage that they required no twin battalions at home to maintain them, and that they did not involve an additional strain on "the recruiting market. It was decided that under the circumstances it was feasible to reduce the number of new line battalions authorised in 1900 from fourteen to twelve, and the Commander-in-chief selected the two battalions of the Liverpool Regiment as those which, for recruiting reasons, it was most desirable to dispense with. The strength of these two battalions is only together 875 non-commissioned officers and men, and the men will be absorbed in the first and second battalions.

Labourers' Wages in Government Establishments

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the labourers employed under the War Department at Devonport and other naval establishments will receive a similar advance in wages as recently conceded to labourers employed by the Admiralty.

Return of the Seaforth Highlanders

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the fact that the Commanding Officer of the 3rd Seaforth Highlanders (Militia) asserts that Mr. David M'Brayne was warned by the Officer Commanding the 72nd Regimental District that a special boat would be required on 11th June to convey the Lewis section of the battalion (600 men) to Stornoway, and that thirty-six hours notice was given of the hour of sailing, will he call upon Mr. M'Brayne to explain why he gave no intimation of his inability to provide a steamer capable of conveying all the men until 7.30 p.m. on 11th June, by which time the men had been en-strained at Dingwall for Kyle of Lochalsh, where, in consequence of Mr. M'Brayne's failure to provide a suitable steamer, they had to spend the night under conditions which involved suffering and inconvenience.

I beg also to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will ascertain why Mr. David M'Brayne's steamer "Clansman" was not available to convey 600 men of the 3rd Seaforth Highlanders (Militia) from Kyle of Lochalsh to Stornoway, seeing that she was lying at Kyle of Lochalsh on 11th June, the night on which the men reached that place for Stornoway; and, seeing that the men had only just returned from a hot climate, and that the night was cold, wet, and stormy, will he ascertain why a steamer was provided which afforded no protection from the weather.

In reply to these questions, I have nothing to add to the information which I have already given to the House.

Will the noble Lord answer the first part of my question? He has ignored it absolutely. It has never been answered.

Cost of Transports

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will grant the Return on the Paper as to South Africa (Cost of Transports).

I have been asked by my right hon. friend to answer this question, as it concerns the transport department of the Navy. For reasons which I gave to the hon. Member the other day, when he addressed a similar question to the Admiralty, it will not be possible to give the Return in the exact form asked for. The preparation of such a Return would involve the expenditure of much time and labour, without any apparent commensurate public advantage, inasmuch as each case has to be dealt with according to its particular circumstances. When the transactions connected with the chartering of ships for the operations in South Africa are concluded, full particulars on this subject will probably be available.

Naval Ammunition—Armour Piercing Shells

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether at the present time any armour-piercing shells filled with high explosives have been supplied to His Majesty's Navy, and can he say what thickness of plate the present lyddite common shells will penetrate, and whether he has any official information showing that the United States Government have adopted a high explosive which can be carried through thick armour, and which does not detonate outside the plate, but which explodes by the action of the fuze only; and, seeing that ships carrying such shells would have an advantage over our ships which carry only armour-piercing shells filled with common black powder, whether he can say what steps he proposes to take.

The armour-piercing shells used in the Navy are not filled with high explosives. Shells containing lyddite detonate against thin armour and do little damage inside the ship. No official information has been received in the sense suggested in the third paragraph of the hon. Member's question. The question of whether it be possible, or desirable, to substitute a high explosive for black powder in armour-piercing shells is now under consideration by the Explosives Committee.

Victualling in the Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can state the cause of the delay in presenting the Report of the Committee appointed to inquire into the victualling of the Navy, and whether any decision has been arrived at as to the reforms recommended.

The Report is now being printed, and I hope it will shortly be presented to the House. The question as to whether the recommendations of the Committee should be adopted in full or otherwise is still under consideration.

Belleville Boilers

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can state what sum was paid by the Admiralty for the licence to manufacture Belleville boilers, and how much has been expended in special plant and other preparations for their manufacture.

No sum has been paid by the Admiralty for the licence to manufacture Belleville boilers, but a royalty of 18 francs per square metre of heating surface has been paid for each boiler constructed for or by the Admiralty. The sum of £7,000 has been expended in special plant for the manufacture and repair of Belleville boilers.

Hong Kong Docks

I beg to ask the Civil Lord of the Admiralty whether the Admiralty have given attention to the growing needs of Hong-Kong as the headquarters of the British Fleet and the entrepot for trade in the Chinese seas, and whether they have taken these considerations into account in selecting the site for the dock on the island of Hong Kong now in course of construction; whether they have received any representations either from the naval authorities on the station, from the colonial authorities, or the commercial community at Hong Kong, or from their own engineers, showing that a mistake had been made in the selection of that site; whether there is available another site on the mainland, instead of the island of Hong kong, which would allow of the expansion of the works and be in other respects preferable to the present site; how much of the total estimated expenditure of £1,275,500 has already been expended; and will the Admiralty, before proceeding further with this dock, reconsider, the whole matter, and meantime suspend the further prosecution of the works now in progress.

* : The reply to the first two paragraphs is in the affirmative. Representations have been received from the colonial authorities suggesting the removal of the dockyard to the mainland. These have been fully considered by the naval advisers of the Admiralty and it has been decided to retain the present site, the area of which has been much extended by the acquisition of the adjoining War Office reclamation. In reply to the third paragraph, the sum is about £150,000. The reply to the last paragraph is in the negative.

Have the Admiralty decided to retain the site contrary to the recommendation of their own engineers, and after it has been condemned by the colonial authorities?

* : I did not say that the site had been condemned, but that representations had been received.

Were the representations from the colonial authorities to the effect that the site was the right one?

* : May I ask whether the Civil Lord of the Admiralty will consider the advisability of inviting the hon. Member for King's Lynn to proceed to Hong Kong at the earliest opportunity, for the purpose of probing this matter further?

May I ask whether, in that event, His Majesty's Government will pay some attention to the Report, and will not ask for it to be rewritten?

Indian Budget

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether he can give the date upon which the Indian Budget will be discussed.

I am afraid I am not in a position to state the exact date.

Trial by Jury in India

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India whether any restrictions are intended to be imposed upon the present system of trial by jury in India, and, if so, whether he will explain to the House the reasons offered for such restrictions; and whether the House will have an opportunity of discussing the matter before a final decision is taken.

There is no authority for the allegation in the first part of the question.

Will the noble Lord consider the advisability of introducing the Irish jury system into India, so that Parsees may be refused admission to the jury box?

British Consulate at Odessa

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is aware that the Britannic consulate-general at Odessa has been removed from the central urban position it has occupied for many years to a distant suburb, to which the 800 British shipmasters who annually enter and leave the port must pay two visits, upon entering and leaving, at a cost of a rouble each visit for droschky hire; whether he is aware that persons doing business with the consul general are thus incommoded and put to otherwise needless trouble and cost, and whether the removal of the consulate was made with the knowledge and assent of the Foreign Office, and whether he will inquire fully into the matter.

* : (1) The Foreign Office is not aware that the office of the consulate general at Odessa has been moved, but inquiry will be made. (2) The position of the consulate has not been made the subject of any complaint.

China—Foreign Garrisons in Shanghai

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Government have asked for or received any assurance from the French, German, and Japanese Governments that their troops are only temporarily stationed at Shanghai; and at what period these troops are to be withdrawn.

* : The date of the final evacuation of Shanghai, as of other parts of China occupied by the Allied forces, has not yet been determined, but we have no reason to believe that any of the Governments alluded to desire to retain troops permanently At that port.

The Yang-Tsye—Reported Bursting of Banks

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can give any information as to the bursting of the banks of the Yang-tsye, near Ngan-king, and the consequent destruction of property.

Lead Poisoning Statistics

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that, out of 64 cases of lead poisoning reported during June, only eight cases were in the china and earthenware trades, and can he state in what trades chiefly the remaining 56 cases occurred; and for what reason the Home Office issues new special rules for the china and earthenware industries rather than for the trades where there are a greater number of cases of lead poisoning.

* : The figures quoted by the hon. Member are correct, but it might be added that the eight cases in the china and earthenware trade included two out of the total of four fatal cases for the month. The remaining 55 cases were spread in small numbers over several trades. There is only one trade (the manufacture of white lead) in which the number of cases is greater than in china and earthenware, and for this trade new rules have recently been made. The reasons for proposing the new rules for china and earthenware are fully given in published reports and in letters to the manufacturers.

Mutoscopes in the Vale of Health, Hampstead

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that mutoscopes or kalloscopes, with pictures of an objectionable nature and titles of a suggestive character, are now being exhibited in the Vale of Health, Hampstead, and elsewhere, and, seeing that the police declare themselves powerless to interfere, whether he can apply or propose a remedy.

* : I must refer the hon. Member to a previous answer on this subject, in which I pointed out that there are many pictures which may be suggestive and objectionable but which are not so indecent or obscene as to afford grounds for a successful prosecution. The pictures referred to in the question are, I am informed, of this nature. I am glad to learn, however, that this evil has recently greatly abated.

Prison Officers' Grievances

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has considered the memorial presented last year to his predecessor signed by the officers of His Majesty's prisons, whether he has replied to the same, and whether he proposes to carry into effect any of the wishes of the memorialists.

* : I have considered the memorials in question, which were 1,782 in number. Answers were given by my predecessor to questions on the 12th March and 23rd July, 1900, to the effect that the question of pensions is primarily one for the Treasury, and that he was not prepared to propose the legislation which would be necessary in order to carry the prayer of the petition into effect. I fear I can only repeat those answers.

* : I have no doubt they have seen the answer, but if my hon. friend wishes to have it directly communicated to them, I will take care that that is done.

Lord Milner's Welcome to the City

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that for several hours on Tuesday last not merely vehicular traffic but the passage of pedestrians in the vicinity of the Guildhall and the Mansion House was obstructed and at times suspended owing to the congested state of the streets by the crowds who collected on the occasion of the conferring of the freedom of the City of London on Lord Milner, and whether, having regard to the inconvenience entailed on private individuals by the state of the streets, care will be taken on the occasion of future functions of this nature to secure the freedom of vehicular traffic and the passage of pedestrians through the business and commercial centres of the City of London.

* : I am not surprised to learn that large crowds collected in order to do honour to Lord Milner on the occasion of the presentation of the freedom of the City. No doubt this caused some congestion, with which I am sure the police did their best to deal. In any case, this is a matter for the City police authorities, and I have no authority to give directions with respect to it.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that persons were unable to transact their banking business owing to this corrupt Jingo harlequinade?

Rates for Conveyance of Cycles by Rail

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the Board of Trade, in the Mansfield Light Railway Order, the Barnsley Light Railway Order, and the Blackburn, Whalley, and Padiham Light Railway Order, ordered that the maximum rate for the conveyance of a bicycle upon the light railway should be 2d. per mile, with a minimum charge of 6d., and that this charge is considered by cyclists as prohibitive; and, seeing; that in the same Orders the maximum charge fixed for the conveyance of calves pigs, and sheep was at the rate of l½d. per head per mile, and that there is less trouble and attendant expense in conveying a bicycle than in conveying a, sheep, a calf, or a pig, whether the Board of Trade will, in considering further Orders, fix a smaller rate of charge for the conveyance of bicycles.

The Board of Trade have inserted provisions in the Orders referred to which have the effect of reducing the maximum charge for the carriage of bicycles from Is. a mile, which appeared in the Provisional Order to the rates mentioned by the hon. Member. The Amendment was put in by consent. The Board will consider each case on its merits.

Highland Mail Packet Service

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the aggregate age of four iron-built steamers employed by Mr. David M'Brayne on the West Highland Mail Packet Service is 161 years, the "Clydesdale" being thirty-nine years old, the "Glencoe" fifty-four years old, the "Lovedale" thirty-four years old, and the "Gael" thirty-four years old; and seeing that these steamers have to carry passengers as well as mails and goods through seas which are frequently stormy, will he have some inquiry made with a view to ascertain whether they are seaworthy and suitable for the conveyance of passengers in rough weather.

The ages of the vessels to which the hon. Member refers are practically as stated in the question. They are thoroughly surveyed periodically by Board of Trade surveyors, and I am advised that they are strong, well maintained vessels, fit in every way for the service in which they are engaged.

Sailors' Rations—The "Mayfield."

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether the provisions supplied the crew of the steamship "Mayfield" on her last voyage were examined by a Board of Trade inspector; if so, whether he is in a position to give any explanation as to the quality of the food; and whether the vessel was provisioned at the owners' expense, or whether they allowed the captain money to find the crew in food; and, if so, what amount.

I beg also to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to a case at South Shields where three seamen of the steamship "Mayfield" were awarded compensation by the bench of magistrates for receiving insufficient food on board ship; and, seeing that the meat on the "Mayfield" was unfit for use and the biscuits in such small quantities that each sailor received but one a day, whether the Board of Trade will take steps against the owner of this vessel for not having made proper provision for the feeding of the crew.

I propose to answer together the hon. Member's two questions with regard to the "May-field." The vessel's provisions did not come under inspection by the Board of Trade. The Merchant Shipping Act only provides for the inspection of the provisions of ships going through the Suez Canal or round the Cape of Good Hope, or Cape Horn. I am advised that, in the circumstances, I have no power to interfere. As the hon. Member s aware, some of the crew recovered compensation, but the others did not proceed, and accepted their wages without any addition by way of compensation. I am informed by the owner of the vessel that she was provisioned at his expense.

May I ask whether, in view of the fact, which is admitted, that this ship was at sea forty days inadequately provisioned, the right hon. Gentleman will consider the advisability of the Board of Trade taking fresh powers in order to be able to deal with cases of this kind?

I doubt whether such powers are necessary, but I will consider the matter.

The Loss of the "Moel Tryvau."

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the loss of tie sailing vessel "Moel Tryvau" in the English Channel on the 19th January last; whether he can state the number of the crew employed on this vessel at the time of her loss, how many were able seamen, and how many of the able seamen were able to prove four years sea service; whether the owners have made any report as required by Section 255 of the Merchant Shipping Act, and whether he will insist on the owners furnishing a return at once.

Yes, Sir; as I have already informed the hon. Member in reply to a previous question, my attention has been called to the case to which he refers. The crew of the "Moel Tryvau" consisted of eighteen hands all told. The owners inform me that eight of these were able seamen, but the Board of Trade have not yet obtained official information as regards the length of their service. The owners are sending in the list required by Section 255 of the Merchant Shipping Act.

The "Numidian."

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that William Morrison, fireman on the steamship 'Numidian," was arrested on 23rd May, in Montreal, for being absent without leave, and that the master left him in prison and sailed for Liverpool without paying him off, in accordance with Sections 187 and 188 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894; and can he state what steps, if any, he has taken to see that this man is paid and compensated for his loss of time; and will he get a report of the case from the superintendent of the Mercantile Marine Office and magistrate's clerk at Montreal.

The Board of Trade have not yet received particulars of the case to which the hon. Member refers, but inquiries shall be made.

Constitution of Northern Lighthouse Board

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the Northern Lighthouse Board is composed of the law officers of the Crown, sheriffs, provosts, and senior bailies of certain municipal corporations; and, taking into consideration the ordinary avocations of these gentlemen, will he consider the expediency of introducing legislation with a view to the reconstruction of the Board, so that shipowners, merchants, and mariners may have direct representation thereon.

The reply to the first paragraph is in the affirmative. As at present advised, His Majesty's Government do not contemplate legislation dealing with the constitution of the commissioners of northern lighthouses.

Staffordshire County Council

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that, geographically and for all general purposes, the county of Staffordshire is divided into two parts, North and South Staffordshire; and that each part has its own separate trades, interests, and associations; and whether, in view of its population, he will follow the precedents adopted in similar cases with regard to other counties similarly circumstanced, and take steps to establish a separate county council for the northern part of the county.

I have no power to establish a separate county council for part of the county of Staffordshire, except upon a representation under Section 54 of the Local Government Act. 1888, and I have not received any such representation.

York City Refuse

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that a portion of the local refuse of the city of York is carted and deposited outside of city, and that at the present time quantities of filth have thus accumulated in a field close to the Hull Road, which thoroughfare is daily frequented by hundreds of cyclists and other passengers; and whether such a system of scavenging is conducted with the sanction of the Local Government Board.

I understand that a portion of the refuse of the city of York is deposited on a field outside the city, whence it is carted away by farmers and spread on their land. I am informed that the nearest deposit is 67 yards from the public road, and 100 yards from the nearest house, the next house being 320 yards distant. No sanction has been given by the Local Government Board in this matter, nor is any such sanction required.

Tuberculosis—Dr. Koch's Views

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware of the statement made at the Tuberculosis Congress by Dr. Koch, and whether in consequence thereof he will cause the recommendation issued long since by the Local Government Board to the inspectors and medical officers of health to refrain from confiscating or destroying the bodies of animals alleged to be affected with localised tuberculosis to be carried out in future.

I am aware of the statement made by Dr. Koch as to the non-identity of human and bovine tuberculosis, but I do not think that this view can at the present time be regarded as having received the general assent of scientific men. The matter is one which will require very careful consideration, and I could not promise to take any action which is based on the view referred to.

Arising out of that reply, may I ask if the right hon. Gentleman will cause the inspectors and medical officers to comply with the recommendations sent out by the Local Government Board some time since with regard to the matter of uniform inspection?

I have no power to compel them to do so, but we do our best to advise the local authorities.

Postal Orders

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, if he will consider the possibility of issuing to the public books of postal orders with counterfoils either of fixed amounts or available for payment of any sum up to a fixed maximum, the balance being repayable to the purchaser of the book.

THE FINANCIAL SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY
(Mr. AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN, Worcestershire, E.)

For some time the Postmaster General has had under his consideration the subject of issuing postal orders with counterfoils, and the question of supplying such orders for fixed amounts in books has not been overlooked. There are, however, many practical difficulties in the way, and he has not yet arrived at a decision. It is not practicable to issue postal orders otherwise than for fixed amounts.

Argentine Postal Rates

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that the Argentine postal authorities have raised the postage rates on letters for England to an equivalent of 3d. for each letter weighing 15 grammes, while the postage from this country is 2½d.; and whether this charge has been made without consulting the British Government or Postal Union; and, having regard to the dissatisfaction existing among the British community of the Argentine at this and other postal charges, particularly in regard to the parcel post, whether he will make fresh representations to the Argentine Government with a view to the abolition of these rates.

The Postmaster General is aware that the Argentine Administration have raised the rate of postage for letters as stated, but under the Postal Union regulations it is within its right in doing so. The point was not one on which the British Post Office or any other administration of the Postal Union was entitled to be consulted, and the Postmaster General is not aware that any consultation took place. He could not usefully address any representations to the Argentine Government on this matter; but representations have been made on the subject of the fiscal charge of 1 peso levied on parcels entering the Republic by Parcel Post.

Will a communication be addressed to the Argentine Republic on this matter?

I have said that the Postmaster General is of opinion that that cannot usefully be done.

Postmen's Forfeited Stripes

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, if the rule under which postmen may regain forfeited good conduct stripes by two years unblemished service is still in operation; and, if not, when was it cancelled, and what are the conditions now obtaining under which lost stripes can be recovered.

The rule under which postmen may regain forfeited good conduct stripes after two years unblemished service is still in operation. It should, however, be explained that the period of two years is a minimum, and that the precise time which must elapse before a stripe can be restored depends upon the circumstances of the particular case.

Probate Court Officials

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether any decision has now been arrived at as to the application to the Probate Court officials of retirement at the age of sixty-five, under the rule which is generally enforced throughout the civil service.

The Probate Division is a part of the Supreme Court, and the Lord Chancellor considers it impossible, without legislation, to apply to clerks appointed under the Judicature Acts the rule which makes the retirement of civil servants at the age of sixty-five compulsory.

Island of Lewis

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether any further efforts have been made by the Congested Districts Board to acquire land in the Island of Lewis for the erection of fishermen's dwellings and the creation of small holdings for the landless cottars; and if so, will he state what lands have been applied for.

* : No, Sir; at present I can add nothing to the information which has already been given to the hon. Member.

Scottish Fish Curing Industry

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether he can state how many stations for curing fish there are in Scotland, the number of girls employed therein, the cubic space allowed per person in the huts in which the women are housed, and what steps are taken to see that the provisions of the Public Health Act are enforced in connection with the industry.

* : I am informed by the Fishery Board that there are 1,054 fish-curing stations in Scotland, and the number of girls employed has amounted to 19,016, but that it fluctuates greatly according to the season and success of the fishing. Or the East Coast very few of these girls live in huts, most of them living in their usual homes or in lodgings in ordinary dwelling houses. If lodgings are not available, barrel stores are fitted up as lodgings. The cubic space allowed per person varies, but these temporary lodgings are under the jurisdiction of the local authorities. I am informed by the Local Government Board that the sanitary condition of fishing stations, towns, and villages receives the special consideration of local authorities, who, if necessary, enforce the bye-laws which they make.

If any report is made will the right hon. Gentleman take action on this matter of the sanitary accommodation?

* : The matter is within the province of the Local Government Board.

Highland School Grants

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, having regard to the effect in the Highland counties of school boards not having the power to remove from the attendance register the names of those scholars who have been granted exemption from the obligation to attend school, if he is aware that, by the retention of the names of all exempted children until they are fourteen years of age, the names upon the register may become so numerous that the average attendance, compared with the register, may fall so low as to deprive the school of the Highland Grant; and whether he will suggest to the Scotch Education Department the issue of a minute modifying the code on the point in question as far as the Highland counties are concerned.

* : When the Education Bill now before the House becomes law it will be matter for consideration whether any modification of the code is expedient in the direction indicated by the hon. Member. The matter will not be overlooked.

Scottish Local Government Board Report

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, having regard to the fact that the Report of the Local Government Board for Scotland has only been presented in dummy, will he say when the Report itself will be placed in the Library.

* : Perhaps I may be allowed to answer this question. I am informed by the Stationery Office that the Report will probably be ready for circulation in about three weeks.

The hon. and learned Gentleman has not answered my question. When will the Report be placed in the Library? I have been unable to find it there.

* : If it be possible to do it in less than three weeks, it shall be done.

Education—17s. 6d. Limit

I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he can state under what authority the Board of Education propose to abolish in evening schools the 17s. 6d. limit set up by the Elementary Education Act of 1876.

The Board of Education do not propose to abolish the statutory limit, which can only be done by Parliament. The limit will still apply to all evening schools conducted under the Elementary Education Acts.

Westminster Abbey—Preparations for the Coronation

I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works if he is aware that the Dean and Chapter of Westminster Abbey hold strongly the opinion that certain stands usually erected in abbey for State ceremonies are unsafe and should not be erected for the forthcoming coronation, and that they are supported in this view by competent expert authority; and if, in view of the calamity which would result from the collapse of one stand in particular, he will give the matter his serious attention

I have heard that some members of the Chapter hold this view, but that there is some diversity of opinion on the subject among them. Though I am confident that the stand in question could be erected with perfect security and without damage to the Abbey, I may, however, inform my hon. friend that in consequence of other objections, altogether distinct from considerations of safety, it is not proposed to erect the stand over the communion table.

Workmen's Compensation Acts—Appeal

I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General whether he can now state how many appeals have been entered in the Court of Appeal under the Workmen's Compensation Acts since they were passed up to the present date, how many have been heard and determined in favour of the workman, and whether any, and, if so, how many, appeals are still pending therefrom to the House of Lords.

220 appeals have been entered in the Court of Appeal since the passing of the Workmen's Compensation Acts. Of these 156 have been heard, and fifty-six decided in favour of the workman. Two appeals are pending in the House of Lords.

Earl Russell's Trial

I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether he can state the cost of the fitting up of the Royal Gallery for the holding of the trial of Lord Russell on 18th July last, and what has become of the benches and scarlet cloth coverings, or canopy of the Lord Great Chamberlain, and will he say whether the ceremonial accompaniments of the trial have become the property of the Lord Great Chamberlain in right of his office; and whether an opportunity will be given for the discussion of these expenses on the Vote for the Office of Public Works.

The cost will be between £250 and £300. The answer to the hon. Member's second inquiry is in the negative. The fittings, etc., are still in my possession. They have been claimed by the Lord Great Chamberlain; but I have disallowed the claim. An opportunity for the discussion of these expenses and other matters connected with the Houses of Parliament will, I hope, be found on Vote.3 of Class 1 of the Estimates.

I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General whether he can state the fees of the law officers of the Crown at the recent trial of Ear Russell, and by what authority the amount of these fees was recognised or ascertained.

No, Sir. I must refer the hon. Member to the Treasury Minute for information.

The Treasury Minute says the right hon. Gentleman gets £31,000 a year.

Sneem Pier

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that no progress has been made towards the erection of a goods store at Sneem Pier, county Kerry, although the opposition to the Congested Districts Board, by whom the pier was built, has been withdrawn, and whether he can state the reason of the delay; and whether, in view of the inconvenience caused to the traders of the district, he will cause further inquiries to be made.

I have referred this matter to an inspector of the Board, who will take a suitable opportunity of inquiring into the position of affairs.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this great disability has been going on for two or three years? Will he put pressure on the local landlord?

Belfast Workhouse Graveyard

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the attention of the Local Government Board has been called to the condition of the graveyard attached to the Belfast Workhouse; whether he is aware that the graveyard has been in use for over thirty years, and that, although only a few acres in extent, nearly 10,000 bodies have been interred in it; whether he has any official information to the effect that the bodies are buried in quicklime and set out in layers; and whether it is proposed to take steps to close the graveyard, in view of the danger of an epidemic of disease.

The facts are, I understand, correctly stated in the first paragraph. The bodies are not buried in quicklime, but when the coffins are covered with earth a small quantity of quicklime is thrown over the earth as a disinfectant. The Local Government Board has been in correspondence with the guardians as to the necessity of providing additional burial accommodation, and a committee of the guardians has been appointed to report upon suitable sites for the purpose.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the workhouse inmates are supplied with vegetables grown on this plague spot? In view of the existence of wells in the neighbourhood, have steps been taken to have this ground drained as required by law?

I am informed that the local authorities do not take so unfavourable a view of the condition of the cemetery as is suggested by the question, but I will inquire.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give any other instance, except that of hanged murderers, where quicklime is used in graveyards, as is done in the case of these unfortunate paupers?

Irish Prisoners—Exercise of Prerogative of Mercy

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether, in view of the action of the Lord Lieutenant recently in remitting half of the sentence passed upon an emergency man in the county of Tipperary, because of representations made to him by people of the district, he will take into consideration the prayer of the petitioners, forwarded some time ago by all the public bodies in the county of Galway to His Excellency the Lord Lieutenant, in respect to Patrick Finnegan and Constable Muldowney, who have now spent close on nineteen years in prison.

The decision of the Lords Justices in the case mentioned in the first part of the question was not arrived at exclusively or even mainly on facts adduced in the representation. The fact that the prisoner was a first offender seems to have been taken into account. With respect to the second inquiry, I must refer the hon. Member to my reply to his previous question of the 18th March on the same subject.† The memorials of the public bodies referred to were considered by the Lord Lieutenant, whose decision was duly communicated to them. Any fresh representations will, no doubt, receive his consideration, if such can be urged.

As this is a matter which involves shame and discredit on this country, I wish to ask if it is not the fact that these two men were offered their liberty nineteen years ago if they pleaded guilty to a crime of which they were innocent?

But as no opportunity presents itself to ventilate this matter except by questions—

On what ground is clemency refused to these two men, seeing that men who committed other murders have been released?

I respectfully submit, Sir, that I have a right to ask this question. I wish to ask whether it is not the fact that the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland quite recently, on the representation of a certain gentleman in Tipperary, exercised the prerogative of mercy in favour of an emergency man?

* : The question on the Paper has been answered, and the hon. Member cannot repeat it.

* : Order, order! The hon. Member must not argue the question as he is endeavouring to do. If he wants more information he must put a fresh question down in the ordinary course.

Certainly, Sir, and I will insist on being heard in reference to it. Just fancy, nineteen years in gaol!

Killarney District—Pier and Road Works

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the Congested Districts Board has received from the ratepayers of Grawn, parish of Killorglin, Killarney rural district, a petition asking that a pier be built at Poulalachen; and that another petition has been presented from the Killarney District Council asking for support towards the repair of a road leading from Killorglin to Douglas over Grawn Mountain; will he state what action the Board has taken with regard to these two petitions; and, considering the necessity which exists for the performance of these works, the congestion and poverty of the district, and the number of fishermen requiring the pier and road, will he take steps to have these works attended to immediately.

The question of making a grant towards the construction of a pier at the place mentioned is under the consideration of the Board. The Board is prepared, on certain conditions, to contribute to the cost of repairing the road referred to, and has communicated its decision to the memorialists.

John Street National School, Dublin

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can explain why the principal teacher in John Street National School, Dublin, is paid at the rate of £56 per annum, while as assistant he was paid at the rate of £62 per annum; whether he is aware that this teacher is trained and highly classed as a teacher; and can he state what is the reason for this treatment.

The question does not accurately state the facts. In addition to £56 paid to him in quarterly instalments, the teacher referred to will receive at the end of the financial year a lump sum dependent on the attendance at the school which will raise his salary to considerably more than £62. This teacher has been trained, and is classed in second class. His provisional income was fixed in accordance with the rules, and his claim will be further considered as is provided in the rules.

Irish County Court Valuers

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state by whom court valuers to the county court judges of Ireland are appointed, and whether they have to pass any prescribed competitive examination; and, if not, under what rule are they appointed; will he say what is the salary paid to court valuers; are they liable to removal at any time; and is there any limit as to age.

County court valuers are appointed by the Land Commission, with the approval of the Lord Lieutenant, pursuant to Section 32 of the Land Law Act, 1887. They are paid £3 3s. for each day on which they are actually employed, with expenses of locomotion. Their knowledge and qualifications are tested by the Commissioners, but not by means of a competitive examination. The appointments are subject to revocation at any time. There is no prescribed limit of age.

I understand that they are selected by the Commissioners, who, I take it, recommend the most suitable men.

I must press the right hon. Gentleman for an answer to this important question. He has said that the qualifications of these men are tested by the Commissioners. I want to know whether they are tested by examination or how.

If the hon. Gentleman will put a question down I will inquire of the Commissioners what test they apply. Perhaps I may say that the hon. Member for South Mayo has asked for a Return of the names, qualifications, and remuneration of the valuers, and I am quite prepared to give it, if he will put down the Return in the form I have suggested.

Fermanagh Commission of the Peace

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how many gentlemen have been appointed to the Commission of the Peace in the county Fermanagh since 1st October, 1895, and how many of these are Roman Catholics; how many Roman Catholic justices of the peace have adjudicated at Rosslea petty sessions during the year ending 30th June, 1901, and how many are Roman Catholics of the population of Rosslea Petty Sessions District and how many are Protestants; and will he recommend the appointment of a Roman Catholic justice provided he possesses the necessary qualification.

Twenty justices have been appointed in this county since 1st October, 1895. It is believed all are Protestants. The reply to the third query is, two. The Census Returns do not give the religious populations of petty sessions districts. The Lord Chancellor and the Lieutenant of the county will consider the names of any properly qualified Roman Catholics that may be brought before them.

United Irish League Meetings at Fihora

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will state on what grounds a force of seventy-five policemen, armed with rifles, was drafted into the townland of Fihora, county Longford, on Sunday, 14th July, when a meeting of the United Irish League of the district was being held; what was the expense incurred on the occasion; and whether, in view of the fact that no breach of the peace of any kind took place, he will see that no charge Is put upon the local rates in connection with the matter.

Forty, not seventy-five, police were present on the occasion. There was reason to believe that a meeting would be attempted on a holding mow the subject of a dispute, or in close proximity to it. The promoters were warned that this would not be allowed, and the meeting was held elsewhere. There will be no charge on local rates in connection with this matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it was never intended to hold a meeting there, and therefore there was no necessity for the police display?

Cavan Local Government Areas

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether it is with his knowledge or sanction that the Local Government Board for Ireland has refused to answer a number of questions addressed to them by the County Council of Long-ford on the subject of the proposed transfer of the five county Cavan divisions from the Granard to the Cavan Union and the amalgamation of the remaining divisions with the respective unions of Longford and Oldcastle; whether he is now prepared to inform the County Council of Longford what share of the union charges will be transferred to Cavan Union; would the official salaries be reduced and would county Cavan be compelled to pay its share of providing compensation for loss of emoluments; whether, in the event of amalgamation of Longford and Granard Union the present hospital would be retained in Granard and under what control it would be managed; would all the guardians be transferred to Longford, and would Granard No. 1 Rural District be thereby abolished; and, can he state whether under the Local Government Act the agricultural grant, which is higher in Longford than Granard at present, would then become a uniform sum or remain, as at present, a district grant under the Act of 1898.

The Board did not refuse to reply to these queries, but was not in a position to give decisions upon matters regarding which it is without sufficient information. Some of the queries are purely hypothetical; the answers to them must, accordingly, depend upon the evidence to be taken at the inquiry and the nature of the proposals made. I have forwarded to the hon. Member a series of observations on the seven questions which he has raised, but from the nature of the case, these cannot, in the absence of evidence, point to any definite conclusions.

Some of the queries have not been answered. Will the right hon. Gentleman cause inquiries to be made as to them?

Yes; if the hon. Member will send me a copy I will attend to the matter.

Irish School Teachers' Fees

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland will he explain why the teachers who have had school farms in connection with the Board do not have any portion of agricultural grant in eluded in their salaries, which were fixed in June, notwithstanding that the Lords of the Treasury sanctioned such payments.

Payment of the equivalent of special fees accruing to teachers of school farms has been sanctioned by the Treasury under conditions which are still the subject of correspondence with the Treasury. It is hoped that the matter will soon be closed.

Irish National Education Board-Attendances of Members

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will grant a Return showing the attendance of each individual member of the Irish National Education Board during the past five years.

The Return will be granted if the hon. Member will move for it in the ordinary way.

Irish National School Teachers—Permanent Salaries—Residual Grant

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether, in view of the circumstances which led to the resignation of His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin fro u the Board, he will suggest to this Board the necessity of appointing a committee to inquire into the treatment of teachers during the transition year, both in the fixing of permanent salaries and in the refusal of the office to pay balance of residual grant.

In respect of the payment of the balance of the residual grant, I would refer to my repl to the hon. Member's subsequent question, and in respect of claims for special treatment under Rule 43, I must refer to my reply to the question in the name of the hon. Member for South Donegal.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been drawn to the statements by the Archbishop of Dublin as to the right of the national teachers to the balance of residual grant; whether, since this money is now more than six months overdue, he will direct a supplemental estimate to be presented for the amount, so that those who earned it may no longer be deprived of it; and will he state what action he proposes taking in reference to the officials of the Irish Education Department who informed him that no balance was due.

Yes, Sir; my attention has been directed to the statements of His Grace Archbishop Walsh on the subject. For the financial year 1900–1 the completion of the payment of that portion of the school grant known as the residual grant, by the issue of a fifth instalment in March, 1901, could not be effected owing to the introduction of the new system of payments. But it was effected in April, when this balance of residual grant was remitted as a constitutent part of the consolidated income sent to each teacher.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the grievances of those teachers, whose claims were rejected by Mr. Young, the assistant financial secretary, will be now considered by the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland; and, if so, will it be necessary that each teacher makes a fresh claim owing to the rejection of the original claims.

The Commissioners are taking steps to determine the incomes of those teachers whose cases are held to require special consideration under Rule 43. They will proceed with this work as rapidly as possible. Fresh claims need not be presented.

Irish School Grants

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state in what Parliamentary Vote provision was made for the Irish school grant for the January to March quarter 1893, and in what Parliamentary Vote was provision made for the same grant and same quarter in each year from 1894 to 1900, inclusive.

The Irish Education Act of 1892, under which the school grant became payable, received the Royal Assent on the 27th June of that year. In February, 1893, a Supplementary Vote was taken to provide for the school grant for 1892–3, but owing to the fact that payment for the quarter ended 31st March, 1893, could not be made until after that date the Vote was only taken for £157,500—representing payment for the three previous quarters of that financial year. The payment for the quarter ended 31st March, 1893, was provided out of the school grant for 1893–4. As a consequence, the payment for the quarter ended 31st March, 1894, was met out of the grant for 1894–5, and so on for succeeding years. The school grant accruing from the 1st January, 1901, to the 31st December, 1901, will be paid out of the money voted for the current financial year, so far as the allocation under the first three provisions of the 4th Schedule of the Act of 1892 are concerned, and, so far as the residual grant is concerned, from the school grant for 1902–3.

Irish Bookbinders' Society

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has yet received the report from the Commissioners of Education in Ireland as to the complaints sent by him to them from the Bookbinders' Society, and, if so, what steps he proposes to take to meet the claims of these men.

As the hon. Member is aware, I have already com- municated with the Commissioners on this subject. The matter, I am informed, was before the Board at its meeting on the 2nd instant, but the further consideration of the matter was deferred. It will again come before the Board at its meeting on Tuesday next, and the decision of the Commissioners will be communicated to me without delay.

Tottenham Estate, Co. Leitrim

On behalf of the hon. Member for East Mayo I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the Tottenham Estate, in the county of Leitrim, has been in the Land Court for many years, and that the final notices of sale were served on the tenants nearly three years ago; and whether he can do anything towards procuring a suspension of the evictions now in progress on the estate until the sales have been completed.

The Tottenham Estate is doubtless referred to. This estate is in the Land Judge's Court, and I understand that the rental for sale is nearly completed. The evictions concluded on Friday last.

Attack on Catholic Cattle Drovers at Belfast-

On behalf of the hon. Member for East Mayo I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that on Monday evening last a planned attack was made by a party of roughs upon a number of Roman Catholic cattle-drovers engaged in the work of removing cattle from the railway vans of the Great Northern Railway to the English cross-channel steamers at Belfast; and that one of these Roman Catholic workmen while so engaged was beaten and sustained severe injuries; and, seeing that these cattle-drovers have been repeatedly threatened and assaulted during the past twelve months, and thereby intimidated from pursuing their avocation, whether he will take measures to put a stop to the congregating of these roughs between 3 o'clock and 9 o'clock in the evening outside the Great Northern Railway works by stationing a sufficient number of police from the railway gate to the Boyne Bridge to protect the workmen therein engaged.

A cattle-drover named Black was assaulted, but not seriously, on the 15th instant. He did not report the matter to the police, and states he believes he was attacked because he is more frequently employed than others. The police are not aware of any other assaults on Roman Catholic drovers during the past twelve months, though disputes between the men have been frequent. There is no evidence whatever of a planned attack on Roman Catholic drovers. The police will continue to afford every possible protection to the drovers and to take steps to prevent breaches of the peace from taking place among these men.

Irish Valuation System

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the principle upon which valuation or revaluation of house property in Ireland is made; and whether there is any scale laid down by the Valuation Office for the guidance of its officials; if so, whether it contains anything in regard to the situation of the property or the trade carried on within the house or premises.

The principle for the valuation of house property in Ireland is laid down in Section 11 of 15 and 16 Viet. cap. 63. It is based on—

"the rent for which one year with another the same might in its actual state be reasonably expected to let from year to year, the probable average cost of repairs, insurance, and other expenses (if any) necessary to maintain the hereditament in its actual state, and all rates, taxes and public charges, if any (except tithe rent charge), being paid by the tenant."

The instructions to the valuers are to value all buildings on this basis, but to make deductions in order to correlate one valuation with others in the district. Situation affords an element in determining the rent value, but trade profits are not rateable.

Direct Labour on Irish Roads

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state when the Provisional Order legalising direct labour on the roads in Ireland will be confirmed bv Parliament.

Dalkey Revision Court

I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether he can state the authorities who informed the Lord Lieutenant that a revision court was not required in Dalkey, and whether he can give the reason alleged for the refusal of such convenience for the electors of that polling district.

The authorities to whom the Lord Lieutenant appealed were the several revising barristers engaged in the revision and the Lord Chancellor. The reasons given for not recommending the establishment of a revision court in Dalkey were the small number of persons residing in Dalkey, the large area of the polling district of which Dalkey forms part, the constant communication by rail and tramway between Dalkey and Kingstown, where the revision court is held, and the fact that for many of the inhabitants of the polling district Kingstown is a more convenient centre than Dalkey.

How can the revising barrister know what the people want better than the people themselves?

Summary Powers of Irish Magistrates

I beg to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland can he say under what authority a resident magistrate is empowered to hold a midnight court in Ireland for the summary trial of prisoners; and will he state how often such courts have been held in Ireland during the past five years.

It is the right and duty of any constable who arrests any person for a breach of the peace and disorderly conduct to bring him as soon as he reasonably can before a magistrate. For the convenience of the accused in this case the police brought them before a magistrate immediately after their arrest, instead of detaining them until the following morning, as they might have done, considering the late hour of the night at which the arrest was made. The magistrate did not convict the accused of any offence, but, when discharging them, the justice, in exercise of his powers as a conservator of the peace, and as a measure of preventive justice, ordered that the accused should give security to keep the peace and be of good behaviour.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how often these Star Chamber Courts have been held?

Was the resident magistrate who held this court one of the Yeomanry who surrendered at Lindley?

Trial of Mr. Walsh, J.P., at Cork

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland (1) whether he can state how many jurors were ordered to stand aside in Cork in the trial of Mr. Walsh, J.P., and those charged with him; (2) how many of the jurors ordered to stand aside were Roman Catholics; (3) can he say whether a Roman Catholic magistrate was among those ordered to stand aside; (4) and what was the number of jurors who answered when called. Since I put the question down I have been informed that the magistrate ordered to stand aside was not a Catholic.

At my right hon. friend's request, I will reply to this question. The number of jurors ordered to stand aside was thirty-two, and the number challenged by the defendants was six. Sixty-six jurors answered when called. I have no information to enable me to reply to the second and third queries.

If the right hon. Gentleman finds that a magistrate was ordered to stand aside will he take steps to have him removed from the Commission of the Peace, as this shows you do not think him fit to act?

Is the trial over, and is it satisfactory to the right hon. Gentleman?

Out of thirty-two jurymen ordered to stand aside, were twenty-nine Catholics?

Government Grants to Irish Railways

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can-state the total amount of free grants given to Irish railways since the railway system was introduced into Ireland.

For the period since 1889, I can only refer the hon. Member to my reply to a question of his on July Ist.† Before 1889 there was no system of free grants to railway companies in Ireland, though, of course, there have been, from time to time, remissions of loans-to Irish railways, which may be considered as grants. It would not be easy to collect the total of these.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give the information in the course of a few days?

I am afraid it would take much time and trouble to obtain them. I have said there were no.

† See Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xcvi., page 441.

free grants before 1889, and I have given the hon. Member the figures since that date.

Irish Quit Rents

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can state the total amount of quit rents taken by the British Exchequer from Ireland; and whether he can have a schedule prepared showing how that amount has been expended.

* : The British Exchequer has taken no quit rents from Ireland—the quit rents received from Ireland by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests have been paid by them, like the receipts from other Crown properties, into the Exchequer of the United Kingdom. The receipts for the year ending last March from these quit rents were £35,298. I have already twice informed the hon. Member that it is impossible to say in detail how the money received for redemption of quit rents has been expended. The purchase moneys have been merged in the capital of the land revenues of the Crown and the surplus income paid into the Exchequer.

Is it the fact that the income from these quit rents has been applied to the purchase of ground rents in London?

* : I have already said more than once that the purchase moneys have been used for the purchase of ground rents in London, and for acquiring property in other parts of England and in Scotland.

* : Yes, the interest on the investments has been paid into the Imperial Exchequer, from which Ireland has received grants.

Ireland and the Alkali Act Fees

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether an arrangement can be entered into whereby the fees payable under the Alkali Act shall be retained in Ireland for the purpose of defraying the expenses in connection with the administration of the Act.

The cost of the administration of the Alkali Act is defrayed out of the Consolidated Fund, and the fees received under the Act are appropriated in aid of this cost. I am not aware of any sufficient reason for altering this arrangement, and I may observe that the amount of the fees received during the last financial year from Ireland is only £143, while the cost of administering the Act in that country considerably exceeds that amount.

Cork and Fermoy Line—Lord Cawdor's Letter

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury will he inquire whether the letter of Lord Cawdor to the Treasury, respecting the abandonment of the Cork and Fermoy Line and the Lee Bridge, was written in his capacity as chairman of the Fishguard Company; and, if so, was his letter written in consequence of any resolution of the Fishguard Company, and can he give the terms of the resolution and the names of the directors who were present at the meeting, and the date of the meeting.

The answer to the first two paragraphs is in the affirmative. The resolution was—

"that representations shall be made to the Treasury for the abandonment of the Cork and Fermoy Line and for the Company in lieu thereof to come under an undertaking to construct the Cork Lines, the Treasury to make the same allowances towards the cost as if the Fermoy Line had been built."

The directors present were Lord Cawdor, Lord Cork, Mr. Goulding, Mr. MacIver, Mr. Jameson, Mr. Robinson. The date of the meeting was 24th January, 1901.

Can the hon. Gentleman now supply to Irish Members the correspondence which was alluded to the other day, and which was shown to one Irish Member but withheld from the rest?

I am sorry the hon. Member has put it in that way. I offered to show the correspondence to one Member who had asked to see it. I am having copies of it made, and will get it printed as soon as I can. I am willing to show it to other hon. Members, but I cannot place it in the Library.

I did not make any attack on the hon. Gentleman. I desire to ask him whether, in view of the likelihood that this matter will again be debated, and the impossibility of our fighting it without seeing the Papers, he will have them circulated? It cannot take many hours.

Cahir Post Office

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, if he will state the reasons why, though promised for years, a suitable post office has not been erected in Cahir, county Tipperary, and whether he is now in a position to state when the erection of the building will be proceeded with.

The delay in proceeding with the erection of a new post office at Cahir is largely attributable to legal difficulties, which have been encountered in carrying out the lease of the site, and which have not yet been overcome. It is impossible, therefore, to state when the building will be commenced, but it is not likely to be this year. In the meantime the office has been moved to temporary premises which afford better accommodation.

This matter has been in hand a great number of years. If the authorities cannot surmount the difficulty, why not seek another suitable site?

Longford Post Office

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he can explain why, although in Longford Post Office letters can be posted up to 12 o'clock midnight, no stamps are on sale after 10 p.m., although a clerk in charge is always in attendance up to the former hour; and will he direct an inquiry into the necessity and advisability of having the office kept open for the sale of stamps till 12 o'clock midnight for the convenience of the people of the district.

Postage stamps are not on sale at the Longford Post Office after 10 p.m., because the office is closed for counter business at that hour, and the time of the staff on duty between then and midnight is fully occupied with mail work. Business closes generally in the town before 10 p.m., and the Postmaster General does not consider it necessary to incur the expense of additional staff at the counter in order to sell the few stamps which would be required after the present time of closing.

Post Office—Examinations for Male Sorters—Irish Competitors' Grievances

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, with reference to the examinations for male sorters held in London, can he state when the last examination was held; what number of candidates presented themselves; and how many of those came from Ireland; whether he is aware of the inconvenience and cost to Irish competitors at these examinations in having to travel in numerous cases over 500 miles; and whether, seeing that similar examinations were held at times at Inverness, Stornoway, and other places for the convenience of Scotch competitors, he will arrange that examinations will in future be held in Dublin.

I have been in communication with the Postmaster General on this subject, but I shall be glad if the hon. Member will postpone his question for a week to enable me to consult the Civil Service Commissioners, by whom these examinations are arranged.

The King's Declaration Against Transubstantiation

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Government intend to introduce the Bill dealing with the King's Declaration in the House of Commons during the present session, having regard to the importance of the subject.

* : Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, may I ask if he is aware that neither my hon. friend nor his constituents are in favour of the Bill. May I also take the opportunity of wishing the right hon. Gentleman many happy returns of his birthday?

In answer to the last observation of my hon. friend, I am afraid the Order; of the House would not allow me to deal with it. Nor am I aware what the opinion of the constituents of my hon. friend who put the question is on the subject, but the question of introducing the Bill in this House does not arise. It has been introduced in the other House, and, if the other House passes it, it will, by that very fact, come down to this House.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in another place this particular Bill received condemnation at the hands of every party?

Closure Powers

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to propose such alterations in the Standing Orders of this House as may be necessary to confer on one of the deputy chairmen of Committees the power to grant the closure, in order to avert the possibility of the stoppage of business and to prevent the waste of time.

Undoubtedly our present rules have led and may lead to great inconvenience. They may lead to even greater inconvenience than the House has recently suffered from, for, as is possible—though I trust remotely probable—if both Mr. Speaker and the Chairman of Committees were indisposed, the whole legislative machinery would at once stop. Under these circumstances, I think it will be most desirable to consider whether actual and possible evils may be remedied by some alteration in the rules.

Grant to Lord Roberts

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, in respect to the contemplated grant to Lord Roberts, the usual course in regard to such grants of procedure by Bill will be taken.

The hon. Member, I think, is mistaken about the procedure. We certainly should not propose to proceed by way of Bill.

The Union Jack on the Victoria Tower

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if he is aware that the Union Jack has disappeared from the Victoria Tower. Is it in the possession of anyone, or have the Government forces captured the flag? What steps are the Government going to take in regard to the matter?

[No answer was returned.]

Business of the House

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury when he proposes to take the Third Reading of the Education (No. 2) Bill.

I cannot name a day yet, but we shall not take the Education Bill until after the Second Reading of the Rating Bill, and we shall take that on Monday.

Public Accounts Committee

Fourth Report, with Minutes of Evidence and an Appendix, brought up, and read.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 282.]

Public Works Loans Bill

Copy ordered, "of Statement of Particulars of Loans of which the balances outstanding are proposed to be written off (in whole or in part) from the assets of the Local Loans Fund."—( Mr. Austen Chamberlain. )

Copy presented accordingly; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 283.]

Public Petitions Committee

Ninth Report brought up, and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to enable Courts to suspend the Certificates of Trawlers convicted of illegal trawling." Trawlers' Certificates Suspension Bill [Lords].

New Bill

Public Works Loans

Bill to grant money for the purpose of certain Local Loans out of the Local Loans Fund, and for other purposes relating to Local Loans, ordered to be brought in by Mr. Austen Chamberlain and Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer.

Public Works Loans Bill

"To grant money for the purpose of certain Local Loans out of the Local Loans Fund, and for other purposes relating to Local Loans," presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time to-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 274.]

Supply [18th Allotted Day]

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. STUART WORTLEY (Sheffield, Hallam) in the Chair.]

Army Estimates, 1901–2

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £305,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Charge for the Salaries and Miscellaneous Charges of the War Office, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March,.1902."

said he proposed for a few moments to refer to the question of the Report which had recently been presented to Parliament by the Committee appointed to inquire into the War Office organisation. The Committee, as the House well knew, was a very strong Committee, and its Report had been received with the almost unanimous approval of the country. He was sure everyone interested in War Office reform was very grateful to the Gentlemen who undertook that arduous labour, and he was certain the country was profoundly grateful to them for having taken so much trouble and for their very valuable Report. But the War Office were always appointing Commissions. If they could secure military efficiency by the appointment of Commissions, we should have had military perfection long before now. The first thing he had to complain of was that these gentlemen took a large amount of trouble, and went into a vast amount of evidence to acquire information on the spot, and yet, for all that, in many cases their recommendations were practically ignored by the War Office. There were three things in the Report which he proposed to discuss. First, there was the question of "the proper distribution of duties between the civil and military branches of the War Office," which was vital to an effective central administration of the Army. That was no new idea, because it was stated by the Decentralisation Committee of 1898. Another recommendation was that "the general officer commanding should, within his district, exercise administrative responsibility and control to the full extent of his powers." The Committee of 1898 reported on the same lines, Probably the right hon. Gentleman would be able to give him some information why the recommendations of the Decentralisation Committee had not been carried into effect in times of peace, when the War Office had ample opportunity. The third point was that "the administration of the War Office on the principles laid down requires a central co-ordinating authority under the Secretary for State. "That was a recommendation of the Hartington Commission ten years ago, but it had not been carried out. He thought the right hon. Gentleman owed something to the House of Commons, for the credit of his own Department, to explain to them why it was that recommendations made ten years ago by the Hartington Commission and three years ago by the Decentralisation Committee had not been carried out. We had had many years of peace, but now, when we were in the midst of a great war, the War Office took it into its head that it was time to reform themselves. He did not wonder at it. There would be great difficulty in fixing the responsibility. The right hon. Gentleman would tell them he could only answer for the period of administration with which he had been connected with the War Office administration. That was all very well for the right hon. Gentleman, but it could not be accepted by the country as an excuse for the course which had been pursued in the past. He thought the right hon. Gentleman would have been wise if he had allowed some Committee to inquire into the contracts and money being spent at the Cape. He was told on good authority that a considerable amount of this money was extravagantly spent. Since the right hon. Gentleman had been in office steps had been taken to decentralise the Army. That was all very well, but at the present moment there was no army in England to decentralise—our Regular Army was in South Africa.

There are as many troops in barracks in England now as there were before the troops went to South Africa.

No, but they have to be paid, and there is the same amount of administrative work.

said that might be so as regarded drilling and training them, but he thought the right hon. Gentleman's scheme went very much further. The right hon. Gentleman was going to have three separate army corps, which he could send away at any moment. That could not be done with the Militia and Volunteers who formed these army corps. Therefore he could not but think the right hon. Gentleman would have done better if he had lent all his energies to completing the war in South Africa. The great question was, When was the war to come to an end? He was not sure the country was intensely interested in all these details of barrack square drill and so on. They wanted to know what steps were being taken by the War Office at the present moment to bring the South African War to a conclusion. There was nothing which would so much encourage the rebels in Cape Colony as isolated successes such as the holding up of a train by Schaeper's commando, which was reported by Lord Kitchener only two days ago. He sincerely hoped the war would come to an end very soon, but he could not understand why for the last twelve months we had had practically no great success and had captured none of the larger of the Boer forces. We had been told over and over again that the Boers had no remounts and that their cattle had all been captured; but why was it, with these disadvantages inflicted upon them, that the British Army was unable to capture these commandos? We knew also from ex-President Steyn'sletter that their ammunition was getting low. Very well, with all the wealth of the British Empire at the back of the Government—and it had been drawn upon very freely—it would be an interesting calculation as to what each Boer casualty had cost us. We were also told that it was no fault of the Yeomanry who had been sent out at the beginning of the year; but he hoped that the right hon. Gentleman was taking steps to carry on the war more vigorously in South Africa than was at present being done. He was perfectly convinced that it would be cheapest in the end. Again, we w re absolutely without any news. Letters were censored and the wires were under the control of the Government, which carefully edited the information that was allowed to be sent home. In a few weeks the grass on the veldt would be growing, and then we should have this interminable chase of the Boers all over the veldt. In a few weeks the House would rise, and then we should obtain no information. He feared very much that had not the House of Commons been sitting during the past six months we should have been studiously deprived of all information, and there were instances in which only by the pertinacity of hon. Gentlemen on the Government benches had we gained any information as to important matters. The position of this country at this moment was, to his mind, very serious. We had 250,000 troops in South Africa, and from all reports they were weary and fatigued with the duties imposed on them. All the glory of the war was gone, and they wanted to be relieved at the earliest moment. We had also to maintain 100,000 white and black women and children in the concentration camps, and 20,000 prisoners in St. Helena and elsewhere, while seventy millions a year were being drained from the British Treasury. He could not help feeling that there was some danger that foreign nations were taking advantage of us abroad. Taking all these facts into view, he sincerely hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would be able to give the Committee a more rosy view of the prospects of the war, and that instead of engaging his mind on small details of Army reorganisation he would devote his attention to the prosecution of the war to a successful issue at the earliest possible moment.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Item A (Salaries) be reduced by £100, in respect of the Salary of the Secretary of State."—( Mr. Lambert. )

* said that the subject of the Report of the Committee on the organisation of the War Office had been raised by his hon. friend opposite, and he thought that the Committee would be willing to hear a few words on the subject from one who was a Member of that Committee, and who for a considerable number of years had been in a position of exceptional advantage to watch the process of army administration at the War Office. He should like to express to the hon. Gentleman opposite his acknowledgment—and he did so also on behalf of his colleagues on that Committee—of the very generous way in which he had referred to their labours. They all felt that, whatever success their labours might obtain, they had received a very general recognition both inside and outside the House. One of the most satisfactory features of that Committee was that they had been able to come to a unanimous decision on the many subjects referred to them for consideration. Remembering the number and variety of the subjects dealt with, that might be taken as a guarantee that there must be some practical outcome from their labours, and he hoped that their conclusions and recommendations would be carried into effect. For himself, he confessed that he felt very strongly the importance of the subject with which they had to deal. No one could doubt for a moment that the present condition of the War Office, and of the public mind in regard to the War Office, constituted, wherever the fault might lie, a very serious danger to the country. Some people went so far as to say that the War Office should be altogether abolished. That view could not be held by anyone who gave the subject a moment's serious consideration. After all, the War Office was nothing but the machinery by which the nation controlled its Army, which was scattered over all parts of the world. With such machinery it was impossible to dispense; and therefore the important task of the Committee was to build up the confidence of the nation in the War Office in order that there might be some chance of securing successful Army administration in the future. He was sorry to say that a certain number of people seemed to regard the state of the War Office as a subject of amusement or joke. He hardly read a newspaper or went into a club without seeing or hearing some jocular or scornful allusion to the War Office. To all thoughtful men that must be a source of uneasiness and trouble. He had been indirectly connected with the War Office for a long period, and had the acquaintance of many men who were there, and he knew that that attitude of the public was a matter of real pain and distress to them as it was to himself. It was not a question of the military against the civilian. It was remarkable that, if a young officer of the highest promise and highest reputation went into the War Office, he immediately appeared in the eyes of all outside as a hide-bound, narrow-minded, red-taped official. Then, if a clever young civilian entered the Civil Service in any other department than that of the War Office, he was spoken of and he thought of himself as a member of that magnificent Civil Service which was the proud boast of this country, and which had no equal in the world. But if he was transferred to the War Office he at once became the object of scorn and contempt, except to those who knew him personally. He had often seen in the columns of the press paragraphs full of praise of the distinguished statesman or eminent soldier who presided at the War Office, and in the very next column of the same newspaper he had seen a decision come to by these distinguished men—a decision very probably come to after sound and reasonable consideration of all the facts, of the case—held up to scorn and ridicule as an illustration of the ineptitude of the War Office. They had not only to build up the confidence of the nation afresh in the War Office, but to build up afresh in the minds of the officials in the War Office confidence in the fair-mindedness of their masters and critics.

One of the most difficult problems the Committee had had to deal with—and which would always confront those who had to do with that Department—was the relation between the military and civil staff. There were some who would abolish the civil side altogether; but, as they had stated in the Report of the Committee, so long as the British Constitution remained as it was, it was absolutely necessary that there should be a civil as well as a military side at the War Office. What was important was that the spheres of the two sides should be carefully defined, and that they should conduct their respective functions, with perfect harmony and perfect co-ordination. He was happy to be able to say, and he was sure the Committee would endorse his statement, that, in. spite of a little rift in the lute here and there the relations between the two staffs had never been more satisfactory or more harmonious than at the present moment. It was indispensable that there should be a civilian side. The civilian side supplied that element of continuity which was absolutely essential to good administration. If the civilian staff were removed from the War Office, officers of the Army would have to be retained for very long periods at the War Office. The right hon. the Leader of the Opposition on a recent memorable occasion asked the riddle "When was a war not a war?" The question he would ask was, "When was a soldier not a soldier?" and the answer he would give was, ''When he spent the whole of his days in the office at Pall Mall." He was one of those who thought that it was possible to exaggerate the importance of continuity of policy in the War Office; even on the civil side it was necessary that there should be an occasional infusion of new blood. All of them were apt to think that, when once they had mastered a subject and had got hold of the ropes, they could not be dispensed with. But one of the lessons they had to learn in public life was that there were none of them who could not be dispensed with.

He would not discuss all the questions which the Committee had under consideration, but he should like to refer to one or two. One was the proposal for the creation of a board, to regulate and co-ordinate the work of the War Office as a whole. That was a proposal which he believed was a business-like one, and which would facilitate the proper conduct of business. He confessed he was not a very great believer in boards. From his own experience they were apt to dissipate responsibility rather than fix it. But the Committee were instructed to make recommendations to bring the War Office into harmony with the system prevailing in large business undertakings. They had the advantage on the Committee of gentlemen distinguished in various departments of business, and, for his part, he was perfectly ready to follow their guidance when they urged that without some such board no large business could be successfully carried on. He believed the Committee had avoided the pitfalls which attended the constitution of many such boards, and he had great hope that the work of the War Office would be facilitated to a considerable degree.

In his opinion, the most important subject the Committee had under consideration was that of decentralisation. He was absolutely convinced that the one hope of ever seeing really smooth and business-like administration in the War Office lay in carrying out a real measure of decentralisation. Decentralisation meant not merely that they were to give to the general in command of a district, an army corps, or a division, authority to carry out the administration of the troops under his command, subject, of course, to certain broad rules and principles laid down for his guidance, but also that they must give him discretion to carry on that administration according to his own lights, in his own way. There could not be any decentralisation if the generals were perpetually pestered on questions of detail, if they were kept in leading strings and "hauled over the coals" every time they exercised discretion and performed any act which did not immediately commend itself to the judgment of the War Office or of that House. In those conditions they would never get generals to accept responsibility or to act on their own initiative; they would safeguard themselves by constant reference to headquarters, as they had done in the past. Real decentralisation required initiative, energy, and discretion on the part of the generals, and great forbearance on the part of the War Office and of Parliament. It must be remembered that the present generation of generals had not been trained to exercise large administrative functions, or to take any large measure of responsibility for the government of their commands, and it was inevitable that, under a system of decentralisation, particularly at first, mistakes would be made, here and there money would be wasted, decisions would be given and actions would be taken which might not commend themselves at all to the prejudices and feelings of individuals. The War Office and Parliament would have to be prepared to watch things going on of which they might disapprove, and they would have to make up their minds to judge, not by particular cases, but by the results as a whole. The only true remedy when things were going very wrong was to remove a general who had shown himself incompetent. That sounded very well in theory, but in practice it was extremely difficult to carry out. It would require very great strength of mind on the part of the Commander-in-Chief and the Secretary of State, and great forbearance and almost self-denial on the part of hon. Members.

He owed an apology to the Committee for discussing at such length that aspect of the case, but he felt most earnestly that it was on the conditions which he had been trying to explain, and on those conditions alone, that any real measure of decentralisation would ever be possible; and until decentralisation was carried into effect, he was convinced they would never have a smooth and effectual working of War Office organisation. He had begun by stating that they should try and build up again the confidence of the country in the War Office, and, he would add, in a War Office relieved of that great mass of detailed work which choked it at every turn. He ventured to conclude by earnestly appealing to hon. Members and to others outside the House not to allow prejudice based on ancient tales of wrong to stand in the way of giving the War Office an unbiassed trial under the new conditions. He would also appeal to the Committee to bear in mind the extraordinary difficulties with which those who administered the War Office had to contend, particularly the head of the Department, who had to hold the balance between the wants and interests of the Army on the one hand, and the interests of the taxpayers and the privileges and to some extent the prejudices of the civil population on the other. He thanked the Committee sincerely for having heard him. He had always heard that the House of Commons was ready to listen to anyone who spoke on a subject to which he had given real attention, and that was fully justified by the reception which the Committee had given to his remarks.

said he desired to ask two questions. The first was, Could the Secretary of State for War give any information with regard to a question he asked two months ago, with reference to the employment of Zulus in cattle raiding on the borders of Zululand.† The answer which the right hon. Gentleman gave was very unsatisfactory, and he was sorry to say he must add that it was given in a highly discourteous manner—so discourteous as to lead him to believe that something had gone amiss which it was thought undesirable to state fully. If the right hon. Gentleman had not received any further information, he would have to be content, but he hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would ask for information and give it to the Committee. The other question referred to a number of burghers being obliged to be present at an execution in Cape Colony. That was an incident which had aroused great indignation and great concern in the House. He desired to ask the right hon. Gentleman on this, the last occasion on which they would be able to discuss the Army Votes, whether he would have a full inquiry made into all the circumstances under which that incident took place, and whether he would state in detail what were the exceptional circumstances to which he referred, in order that the Committee might have a proper opportunity of passing judgment on the conduct of the officer who gave the order, For his own part he could hardly conceive any circumstances which would have justified that order, and he earnestly hoped that the Government would be able to state that they disapproved of it. He was certain that as humane men they did, and he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would convey their disapproval to the officer in question. He should be glad if the right hon. Gentleman would give the Committee all the information in his power, or obtain it at the earliest possible moment.

said that with reference to the

† Refer to Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xevi., page 64; Vol. xcv., pages 266 and 267; Vol. xciv., page 1022 et seq .; Vol xciii., page 1445.

recommendation of the War Office Committee, he entirely approved of the increase of the power of general officers commanding districts and of the recommendation making their decisions, aided by a representative of the civilian department of the War Office, in matters of travelling expenses and other small expenses final. That would be an immense advantage to the Army. At present all claims had to be referred back to the War Office, and then after the paymaster had perhaps paid a young officer's expenses they were disallowed. With regard to the duties of the Inspector-General of Fortifications, the commonsense principle was that adopted by all private individuals, namely, to keep all new work in their own hands, but to give great latitude for repairs to their agents. That was a right principle. He would strongly advise the Secretary of State to proceed tentatively in any change in the matter of buildings, and to consider whether the headquarters of the Royal Engineers should not be removed to Chatham or elsewhere, in which event the Inspector General of Fortifications would have much more time to inspect the different districts. With reference to private soldiers accounts, anything that could possibly be done in the direction indicated by the Committee would be a great advantage. The questions of washing and haircutting should, however, be first considered. With reference to recruiting, it was necessary to take young men, but they should really be eighteen or equal to that age, and of fair stature for the race. He was bound to say that they did not get fair specimens of the race. Before the Crimean war the standard for the line was 5 ft. 5 in., now it was 5 ft. 3½ in., and there were still many specials. It would be possible to get many strong men of that height in the Latin races, but not in the British race. To take men early was, however, a necessity, and the difficulty might be met by having a number of furlough reservists able to be called to the colours on the summons of their commanding officer, to make up the regiment to its proper strength without waiting for the announcement that the country was in danger. As to the proposal of a Board, to that he had the strongest objection. In military matters "a multiplicity of rulers is bad"; such was the opinion in the Homeric age, and continued still. He did not think any man who was in a position to act as he liked would ever surround himself with a committee to carry on his work. Many of the proposals of the Committee to relieve the cumbrous financial system of the War Office are admirable, but they do not really affect the Army as an instrument for fighting. To his mind nothing could be done until the distribution of offices in the War Office was altered. His view was that the Adjutant-General's department and the Quartermaster-General's department, or at least a large part of the Quartermaster-General's department, should be included in the Commander-in-Chief's department. The separation of the Adjutant-General's department irom that of the Commander-in-Chief was inexplicable, and it seemed impossible that any officer who had served in a cavalry or an infantry regiment could have recommended it. The Adjutant-General was now merely an office man, and he was driven to the conclusion that the separation had taken place in order to get more rapid answers to questions in the House. Again, there was an absolute gap in the organisation of the chief officers of the Army. There was no field adjutant-general, and no one between the Commander-in-Chief and his A.D.C., whose duty it was to co-ordinate the education of the Army, to watch improvements in weapons, to represent the Commander-in-Chief at manœuvres when not able to attend, to see that the system approved of was carried out, and that no exigencies were allowed to override the necessities which modern arms required. The heads of departments were now glued to their stools in Pall Mall. The Adjutant-General was very fond of outdoor work, but he had to pass the whole day in routine work in Pall Mall. He hoped sincerely that no board would be created, but that a field adjutant-general or chief of the staff should be given to the Commander-in-Chief to enable him to carry on his work. Boards of business enterprises were generally managed by one or two men, and the others went away perfectly satisfied, especially if they had had a good luncheon.

* said, as one of the members, he desired to make a few remarks on the recommendations by the Committee appointed to consider the present position and future organisation of the War Office. He ventured to state that their Report differed from every other Report that had been submitted on the subject. The hon. Member for South Molton very properly referred to previous Reports, and expressed surprise that their recommendations had not been put into operation. He quite agreed that many valuable Reports had been made from time to time, and in them everything had been given which tended to show how imperfect the administration of the War Office was, and certain recommendations had been made, but no concrete scheme had ever been worked out by any of those Committees so that it could be at once adopted. He was pleased to have heard the speech of his hon. colleague on the Committee, who himself possessed a long association with the working of the War Office, having been connected with that establishment for something like ten years, and the Committee profited very much by his knowledge. It was very satisfactory that the Committee ended their deliberations in perfect harmony. He should like to say that the prejudices to which his hon. friend had referred as prevailing throughout the country concerning the War Office did not affect the judgment of any member of the Committee. He was glad to be able to express his recognition of the fact that the administration of the War Office, though faulty in its effects and based on bad principles, was at least administered by a certain number of brilliant men, who had great experience, but who, owing to want of co-ordination and co-operation, had never been able to make their talents thoroughly effective in conducting the administration of the War Office on business principles, and thereby leading to a better organisation of the Army. He was very much struck by the wonderful assiduity, the great self-sacrifice and devotion to work displayed, not only by the heads of departments on the military side, but also by heads of departments on the civil side. It was true that in certain cases there was to be found a square man in a round hole, but, apart from that, he was pleased to find that the country had not suffered for lack of talent to serve it, but suffered from want of that talent not being used in the right way and for the right purpose.

He agreed that decentralisation was an essential necessity in the future administration of the War Office and the organisation of the British Army. To that the Committee gave very great attention. His hon. and gallant friend the Member for the Ince Division had declared that boards of management were of no use; but he might be even able to convince his hon. and gallant friend that there was no other remedy possible for the better administration of the War Office than that which the Committee defined, prescribed, and provided for in their Report under the title of a War Office Board. It did not in all respects compare with the board of an ordinary business undertaking. At the War Office there existed all the elements needed for the application of a system of management by a board of capable and experienced persons who thoroughly understood the business in which they were engaged. Those elements did not exist to anything like the same extent in any great business undertaking in the world. He agreed with his hon. and gallant friend that frequently the work on a business board fell on only one or two members; but at the War Office they had elements far more favourable to an administration by a board than any business undertaking could possess. The War Office was itself a huge business undertaking. Its ramifications connected with the equipment, direction, distribution, and provision of the British Army brought in every element of business it was possible to conceive. The British Army differed from every other army in the world in its mobility, which was of a kind unknown in other armies. Looking to the needs of the Army in every part of the world, there must be a power of discrimination and forethought necessary to the conduct of such an immense business undertaking. The War Office was conducted by heads of departments, men who were promoted to those positions for various reasons, and who from their experience and expert knowledge were supposed to 'be responsible for all the work done within their own departments. He believed that if the heads of departments were endowed with more real responsibility and more initiative, their services to the country would become still more important than they now were.

What did-the Committee find at the War Office? One thing was apparent after a very short investigation, that although all the elements were present for efficient administration they were never brought together as one body. They were divided into items; there was a heterogeneous mass of intelligences, frequently acting in opposing directions, and not knowing that they were opposing each other. One department did not know that what it was doing to-day might affect what another department might have to do to-morrow. The better administration of the War Office therefore lay at the root of the organisation of the Army, and it was essential in the interests of the Army that the administration of the War Office should be based on business principles. The first necessity of the present time was a change which would redound to the honour of the country and which would effect an enormous amount of economy by the provision that the administration of the war Office should be based on business principles. He had tried to convince the Committee that the elements necessary to apply those business principles existed at the War Office to a very high degree—indeed, to a higher degree than in any other undertaking with which he was acquainted. The Committee regarded, and distinctly stated in their Report, that the most comprehensive, most important, and most necessary part of their work had reference to the businesslike administration of the War Office, and a large amount of experience and knowledge was brought to bear upon that question. The Committee, first of all, acquainted themselves with all the experience they could get. Then they consulted generals in command and other military and civil authorities, and not before they had obtained great experience did they come to the most important part of their work, which was embodied in the scheme they had presented. He regretted that the Committee had not enjoyed the advantage of consultation with the Secretary of State on some portions of the Report, since it was delivered to him in order to point out certain conclusions and elucidating some points and making them more effective. He did not know to what extent the Secretary of State had dealt with the Report, but they had an opportunity that evening of addressing the right hon. Gentleman in a friendly way on points raised in the Report, but principally on the recommendation that the War Office should be administered on business principles. He was prepared to say, after the experience he had had, that until the War Office was administered on the principle of a War Office Board such as the Committee had defined, it would be absolutely impossible to make the British Army what it should be, not only in time of war, but in time of peace. The British Army differed constitutionally from other armies. It was the army of Parliament. To the officials of the War Office the House of Commons was a place which from time to time made them almost shiver in their shoes. They recognised that the authority of the House of Commons was an authority of very great wisdom, but they also thought that the House paid too much attention to very small items of expense. The Committee knew very well how microscopically every item was examined by the Committee on Public Accounts. If he were Secretary of State for War—he was, of course, assuming an impossibility—he said distinctly he would not only resent certain actions on the part of the House of Commons, but he would defy it on business grounds. He could not conceive anything more disturbing to the regular procedure of the business of the War Office, for instance, than the innumerable questions showered on that department from time to time. He thought that a more businesslike procedure should be adopted in the House of Commons, and that hon. members ought to consider whether they themselves were free from blame in not helping the Department, to a certain extent, by giving them far less trouble. Some of the questions asked in the House were so trivial that a child could answer them, or the first man one might meet in the street. Yet they were put down day after day during the session until they accumulated in the Department in hundreds and even thousands. As a Liberal, he would be the last man to curtail in the slightest degree any of the privileges of hon. Members. He would defend, exalt, and fight for them, but there was a limit to the liberty of criticising a great public Department by seeking information on questions which were so trivial and so utterly absurd as to make him ashamed of the system through which they were put to a Minister. Not only were they absurd on the other side of the House, but also on his own, and he would venture to suggest to hon. Members generally that they should cultivate a little more discretion in putting questions to the representatives of the War Office. If only a little discrimination was exercised a marvellous difference would be made in regard to the time of that Department. High officials had to deal with questions of the smallest importance, which, if asked of anybody in the street, would be answered with more truth, or, at any rate, less evasion than was often now the case.

The War Office, he had said, lent itself in the most perfect manner to business principles. The Committee had laid down a scheme by which all the elements in the Department would act in one direction; the civil element and the military element would be welded together for one common purpose; and each—especially the civil element—would know that the purpose for which it existed was that of helping the military administration in the most efficient manner, so that the British Army could be as perfect a machine as possible for the duty it had to discharge. The proposed Board ought not to be lightly constituted. The Committee were of opinion that an Order in Council should be issued establishing the Board as a permanent part of the War Office, so that no War Minister on either side could ever disturb it. The Secretary of State, as the representative of Parliament in the administration of the Army, would be supreme over all; acting under him would be the Commander-in-Chief as chairman, and the Permanent Under Secretary of State as vice-chairman. Questions of the most momentous importance, affecting all departments of the office, might be settled by the Board, after deliberation, on sound business principles; matters could be submitted to the most expert officers in the Army as sub-committees for investigation; and the organisation of the Army as a whole could be dealt with. By such a Board every difficulty that could possibly arise in the administration of the War Office and the organisation of the British Army would be solved, and by the only men capable of doing so. The Secretary of State, who was not an expert, and who yet was really the Commander-in-Chief of the British Army, who was omnipotent under the orders he received from the House of Commons, but who was not able personally to go into all the complicated questions connected with the administration and organisation of the civil and military sides of the War Office, would receive from this supreme board of experts advice thoroughly considered and reasoned out with regard to any matter that came up, on which he would have no hesitation in either recommending to Parliament the course it should adopt or himself taking the initiative to carry out reforms. All would admit that the present Secretary of State brought to his office qualities of a very high order, was devoted to his work, and had the capacity to carry out that work thoroughly; but he would never properly succeed unless he could get clear of the old regime, and bring the various elements of the War Office together. By the assistance of this Board the Secretary of State would find his work decreased by one half, and the efficiency of his administration doubled. The Army would never be made what it should be, and what the right hon. Gentleman desired it to be, and the work of the Department could not be conducted on proper principles unless a system was created under which there should be brought together those who were best able to judge what ought to be done to secure co-ordination and co-operation throughout the War Office. That, the Committee believed, would be done only by a Board such as they had described, and it was really more than anything else-essential for the future improvement and regeneration of the British Army-Unless such a scheme was adopted for the future administration of the Department, by which all the genius, brilliance, talents, and expert knowledge were enabled to act together as one organic machine, instead of working, as at present, independently and often in opposing directions, the War Office could never be reformed or the British Army made efficient.

congratulated the Secretary of State on having taken in hand the very difficult task of reforming the War Office. No one knew better than he the nature of that work, and it would probably take some time to carry out. Many attacks had recently been made in the press and elsewhere on the late Secretary of State for not having undertaken the reform and reconstruction of that department during his term of office, but the experience of the last few months had convinced the members of the War Office Committee, and would have convinced anybody else, that it was perfectly impossible for any Secretary of State, no matter how able or energetic, with his duties in Parliament, and his duties of supervising the management and organisation of the War Office, to look into the whole construction and machinery of that Department in such a way as would enable him to formulate a thorough scheme of reform. Some outside body must be called in to assist in such work; it was an impossibility for one man to undertake it. He was not one of those who believed that the last word on the subject had been said in the Report of the Committee. They had made their recommendations, which, if carried out, they honestly believed would do some good. At the same time, there was a great deal more to be done, and he believed the right hon. Gentleman could do it if he occupied his present office for a considerable length of time. It was frequently stated that the War Office was a great business, which should be assimilated to other businesses. But there was this great difference. In other businesses the results of economy and efficiency were shown in the balance sheet, while no such test could be applied to the War Office. The Department might, however, be put on a more business-like footing. The balance sheet was at present represented roughly by the Treasury control. That control had in the past been exercised with discretion and moderation, and no serious charge could be brought against it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had on practically all occasions given a free hand to the Secretary of State for War. At the same time, the Committee had indicated certain ways in which that Treasury control might still further be relaxed. The practice of refusing to allow unspent balances to be carried over at the end of the year might very well be abolished. It would not, he believed, result in any undue expenditure. Under the present system money was spent somewhat recklessly, because the officials were afraid that if they did not spend it within the year it might not be again voted in the following year. If they had the assurance that any balance would be carried over, the money would be spent more economically. The Committee were convinced, too, that both economy and efficiency would be increased by giving greater powers of financial and business control to generals over their districts. The general impression seemed to be that soldiers were reckless spendthrifts, and could not be trusted with the control of money. That was, he thought, a totally mistaken impression. Nobody was so much interested in getting good value for money as the general to whom the money was entrusted. If generals of districts had greater financial power the work would be better done and affairs more economically administered. The Committee had recommended that in the matter of contracts greater power should be given to the generals, and they believed that, if that greater power had been given before, much of the scandalous delay which had occurred in connection with contracts would have been avoided. It was also recommended that generals should have greater power of purchasing locally—many things could be purchased better in the district in which the army was situated, and the general should have power to make such purchases on his own responsibility. Another recommendation was that an annual money credit should be given to the general to be expended as he thought fit. Members would thus see that it was the firm conviction of the Committee that, by giving greater powers and responsibility to generals commanding districts, a more efficient and economical administration of the Army would be secured.

It was said, however, that if the generals had so much business of a financial character thrown on their hands they would have no time to devote to the discharge of their military duties. That difficulty would be got over by establishing a business man at the elbow of the general, something on the German model. The intendant was a thoroughly qualified business man, and he took all that kind of work from the shoulders of the general, who was thus left free to look after his military duties. At present there was much difficulty, because the general did not know exactly where he stood. If he had this financial adviser he would know exactly what he had to spend and how it was being spent; he would then be able to choose between one kind of work and another, and have the money spent on the work that was the more urgent. By establishing a local audit the financial control would be thoroughly maintained and safeguarded.

As regarded the organisation of the War Office itself, the hon. Member for the Ince Division had made a strong attack on the proposed Army Board, but he produced really no arguments against the proposal. As a matter of fact, there were two boards already in existence—the War Office Council and the Army Board. The one sat very rarely, and the other only in committee. Evidence of the very strongest character was given before the Committee proving up to the hilt that the War Office Board had been of the utmost use since the outbreak of war in South Africa. In fact, it would have been extremely difficult to organise the Army and to make all the necessary preparations without the constant sittings of that Board, by which all questions were discussed and decided. It was because the Committee were so much impressed by the work done by the Board during the war that they recommended that it should sit permanently and regularly, believing that in such a Board would be found, he would not say the salvation of the War Office, but, at any rate, a great improvement. As to the alleged multiplicity of rulers under such a scheme, was there not already a multiplicity of rulers? Why should not the great officers of the department come together once a week and consult, instead of communicating with each other by correspondence? Universal experience proved that things could be done best by oral communication. As to giving more power to the Commander-in-Chief, he already had as much as he could do, and it would be a great mistake to place more power in his hands. The Commander-in-Chief had duties to discharge totally different from those to be entrusted to this Army Board, but the result of the existence of the Board would be that a large share of work would be taken from the Commander-in-Chief, who would thus be set free for those duties which more especially belonged to him. The Committee believed that the work of the Commander-in-Chief would be much assisted by a well-established system of inspection. It was almost impossible for him to inspect all branches of the Army, and, when the new army corps were established and larger powers given to the generals commanding districts, it would e necessary that that inspection should be more thorough and complete. The Committee, therefore, recommended that inspectors should be specially appointed, with no administrative duty whatsoever, to represent the Commander-in-Chief, and inspect the work and organisation of the various army corps in the different districts.

The Committee were also of opinion that the work of the War Office would be unnecessarily heavy as long as it had to deal with such a vast mass of minute and complicated regulations, some of which overlapped, and others could not be understood at all. For the work to be materially reduced the regulations required to be simplified. One way of doing that would be to give the soldier so much per day with no deductions whatsoever. That would be more satisfactory to the soldier, and it would relieve the War Office of a great amount of clerical work.

He did not know whether the Secretary of State intended to adopt the Report, either partially or wholly, but he might say that the Committee had endeavoured to recommend the minimum of change. They did not wish to present a revolutionary Report, or to tear up the War Office by the roots, and substitute something quite new. They had proceeded as cautiously as possible, and what they had recommended was, they believed, the minimum of reform required in order to make the War Office an efficient business organisation. The War Office to work well and satisfactorily must be assisted by the harmonious co-operation of the heads and the subordinate chiefs of all departments, and everybody concerned. No system could work satisfactorily unless those connected with it acted harmoniously together, with the determination to make the best of that which existed, and to do what they could with the powers they possessed. The War Office was the largest business undertaking in the world, excepting, perhaps, the Steel Trust in America, and every member of the Committee was struck with the ability and business-like power brought to bear upon the work. There were in the department men capable of making any system go, if only a good system was placed in their hands, and if the Secretary of State would reorganise the office and put it on a sound business basis, as the Committee had recommended, the ground of many of the complaints which had been so frequent of late years would entirely disappear.

desired not to attempt any analysis of the Report of the Committee, but to direct the attention of the Secretary of State to some of its salient points. He did so with the more confidence, because a great number of the recommendations could be carried out by the right hon. Gentleman on his own volition without the intervention of Parliament, and it would be a great disappointment if many of them were not initiated during the recess. One simple recommendation, to which reference had not yet been made, was as to a change in the registry department. This was not such a small matter as it might seem at first sight, because the War Office received about 3,500 letters a day, and a system better calculated to cause delay and confusion could not be conceived than that which obliged every letter to be addressed to the Under Secretary of State for War. The commonsense view was that every letter should be addressed to and answered by the department it concerned. It was clear that the supervision over the registry department had been allowed to lapse in a lamentable way, and he rejoiced that the Committee were unanimous in recommending that a higher division clerk should be appointed to supervise the department, and, above all, that it should be regarded as one of the absolute duties of the Assistant Under Secretary of State to supervise that clerk and the work of the registry. By that change a great deal of the congestion would be got rid of. The principal point, however, was the question of decentralisation. In Paragraph 91 the Committee said with truth that— tional recommendation of still greater value was that any amount saved out of the £5,000 should, if the general wished, be devoted to repairs and maintenance. The general would thus have a direct interest in economy. Another valuable recommendation was that there should be a money credit given to the generals, instead of their always being obliged to obtain exactly the same amount of articles. Two small recommendations which would be valuable were that the general officer of a district should have power to write off losses up to £50 in value of stores, and up to £5 in cash. At present a great multiplication of correspondence was often caused by a man going abroad who had been paid. perhaps a week too much or by a loss in stores, but that would be avoided by this greater latitude being given. A plan adopted from the Indian commands was that £250 a year should be granted to each general of a district to meet small sums without applying to the War Office. Of course the objects to which it was applied would have to be proper objects of military expenditure—there must be no question of fraud, and, above all, it must not be recurring expenditure.

Then came the question of decentralisation as regarded the War Office itself, or the placing of the clerks who were now in the Accountant General's office at the right hand of generals of the district, and allowing them to be a sort of financial advisers instead of audit clerks. Paragraph 67 of the Report stated— that they had no great knowledge of finance or of the conditions governing it. Another great advantage would be the training of the clerk himself, who had no knowledge of military responsibility. In the present war there had been a great want of financial knowledge in the representatives of the Accountant General who had been sent out. The Committee stated—

With regard to the Army Board, he did not at all agree with the hon. and gallant Member for the Ince Division. He had had some personal experience in the matter, as he was Financial Secretary when the very successful expedition to Tel-el-Kebir was organised. There was no quicker way of ascertaining all that was required than by an interchange of views on such a Board. He attached great importance to the suggestion that while the proposals were made by the chief officers of the War Office they should be submitted to the Accountant General, who would be present and inform the Secretary of State the amount of expenditure involved in the proposals. That would save an immense amount of correspondence. He would not detain the Committee any longer, except to express the opinion that a very valuable Report had been presented, and the hope that during the vacation the Secretary of State would find means to carry into effect many of the recommendations.

thought that soldiers were entitled to take to themselves credit for some of the recommendations of the Committee. In these, as in many other matters, it would be found that that which soldiers had been saying with regard to military matters turned out on the whole to be that which ought to be done. For a long time they had urged that efficiency and economy would be promoted by the employment of officers and men in the War Office instead of people from outside altogether, and that he understood was one of the recommendations of the Committee. In his opening speech of the session the Secretary of State laid great stress on his intention of doing all that he could to promote the professional ability and keenness of officers and men of all ranks in the Army. With that, of course, he cordially agreed. It was a most laudable intention, and it was absolutely necessary if an efficient Army was to be secured. But if a high level of professional zeal was to be maintained throughout the Army the right hon. Gentleman must take care that in those more favoured branches of the profession over which he had practical control the same intention was carried out. He regretted that during the present war there seemed to have been indications of a willingness to allow positions on the personal staff of the Commander-in-Chief and other officers to be occupied by gentlemen who were not really genuine soldiers. That system had been a growing one in recent campaigns, and there was the utmost danger in its continuance. Such appointments, by which young officers were brought into immediate contact with generals in high position, with intimate knowledge of all the inner science of warfare, were of the utmost value, and certainly should not be given to gentlemen who did not really belong to the profession, but should be reserved as the highest possible prizes for young officers who were making the Army their profession. He trusted that in any future campaign in which this country might be engaged the appointments on the staffs of those in high command would not be filled by gentlemen, however personally charming, whose trade was not that of the Army. If this high standard of professionalism was to be carried out, the right hon. Gentleman should take very good care that at the commencement of their careers they had fair play and a proper system of choosing young officers for appointments. They had heard too much of other influences than professionalism being brought to bear on those appointments, and he hoped and trusted for the future that it would be impossible to be able to say that any selection had been made in the Army at the dictation of any other authority, whether that authority be masculine or feminine, or whether it be a titled authority or some authority in a lower position. Those matters were of great importance if this higher system was to be insisted upon throughout the Army, and he did not know that anything could be more important than to remove altogether the possibility of the recognition of such a system in the Army. He congratulated the right hon. Gentleman upon having again given them an instance of acting upon the wisdom of a soldier. He recollected a speech in which the Secretary of State for War declined to listen to him in regard to the question of the Guards being sent to Gibraltar. He was very glad to notice that the other day the right hon. Gentleman used precisely the same arguments as were put forward by himself in favour of withdrawing the Guards from a place to which they ought never to have been sent.

Another matter which he desired to mention was the delay which sometimes occurred in handing over the pay of soldiers who had earned it on foreign service. There had been a lamentable delay in some of the cases which had been brought to his knowledge. He hoped that in the future his right hon. friend would be able to arrange that such delays should cease, and that there should be no cases of men who had earned their money abroad not being able to get it without being put to considerable trouble. They were all aware that private enterprise and liberality had been largely called into play to support the wives and families of soldiers. Many people were beginning to think that a larger portion of that burden should be undertaken by the nation. He thought that when Militia regiments were embodied for service the same rules as regarded supporting their wives and families should apply to them as were applied to the regulars. They had experienced great difficulties in obtaining any support at all for the wives and families of those men. He would not attempt to touch upon any of the big questions, because the time was very limited, and he knew that many other hon. Members desired to speak upon this question. He would, therefore, not detain the Committee any longer, and he hoped his right hon. friend would not forget the importance of the minor matters which he had raised.

said the important part of this Report had not yet really been arrived at, because unless they got the decision of the Secretary of State for War as to what he proposed to do in regard to it, the Report itself could have but very little value indeed. He did not complain that the Secretary for War had not intervened, but he thought everybody who had read the Report would agree with him that it was of no value until they got before them the proposals of the right hon. Gentleman in regard to it. There was so much left undone with regard to the Report of 1898 that it made them a little doubtful that he would pay that amount of attention to this Report that it deserved. There were one or two things which would provide serious obstacles at the War Office to the realisation of the right hon. Gentleman's hopes, even if he accepted the whole of the recommendations made in the Report. There was one paragraph in the Report which showed them that there was a tendency on behalf of the military authorities at the War Office to concentrate all the power in one official. Many Secretaries of State had struggled against this tendency, and, with all the good will in the world, the present Secretary of State might find himself confronted with, exactly the same state of things. Every officer who managed a department, while anxious to shake himself from the authority of his immediate superior, invariably recommended that his was the only department where there was nothing to interfere with. He was not at all hopeful that in a few years it would not be found necessary to make exactly the same suggestions with regard to the duties at the War Office as the present Committee had found it necessary to make. He had no intention of joining in the stone-throwing at the War Office, because he was certain, whatever its shortcomings, it had endeavoured to do its duty to the best of its ability. Still, it was a very serious thing for the State and for the individual taxpayer to find that this very expensive machinery was in a lamentable state of unpreparedness in the day of trial. This inefficiency was due to the fact, as the Committee pointed out in their Report, that the way in which the Department was conducted was out of harmony with the principles and practices upon which the best busineses of the country were conducted. That state of things reflected seriously, he would not say upon the Secretary for War, as the right hon. Gentleman was new to that Office, but upon his predecessors, and more particularly upon his immediate predecessor during the past five years.

Without going into the details of mismanagement, it was enough to notice that the division of work was not sufficiently defined, that the duties of individuals were not kept sufficiently distinct, and that the Secretary of State for War had not got proper control over the business of the War Office and the Army. Those were serious indictments against any Department, and it must be a matter of national concern that any Committee composed of men of business who knew the requirements of great State Departments should be able to say such things about the War Office. Those who had had any experience of the War Office would agree that it was necessary to continue a War Office Council in some shape or other to assist the Commander-in-Chief and the Secretary of State for War in their attempts to grapple with questions of great importance. There was one point which up to the present had not been touched upon by anyone in this debate. Allusion had been made in the Report of the Committee to friction between the civil and military departments. It appeared that a great deal of that friction depended on the indistinct instructions given to the Director of Contracts. Many of the cases of friction were caused because the military departments did not know to what extent the Director of Contracts had a right to interfere with the control of their departments. If fuller instructions were given to the Director of Contracts, such as were given by the Board of Admiralty, I then possibly this friction might cease, and that peace which was necessary for the conduct of the War Office might be restored. With regard to the financial control of the general officer commanding the district, the Committee recommended that he should have not merely the control of the arrangement for the contracts, but also the right to supervise the execution of the works.

With regard to the repayment by loan of any sums over £5,000, he should like to draw the attention of the Secretary of State for War to a speech made by the President of the Local Government Board a few days ago. In that speech the right hon. Gentleman pointed out the great expense incurred by repaying outlays for works of any sort or kind by loans spreading over a long period, and if they brought that argument closer home, it was quite clear that the quicker the payment was made the less would be the ultimate cost to the taxpayer. If they took the loan for sixty years, at the end of that period they would find that they had repaid in proportion a far greater sum than they would have done had they repaid the loan in ten years. Similarly, if they repaid an outlay by cash payments charged upon the revenue of the year, instead of spreading the sum over a term of years, they would save the State a very considerable sum. The financial result of the repayment of sums over £5,000 by loan should be very carefully considered. He hoped that the recommendation of the Committee against the present system of ruling the Army by minute regulations and in favour of the appointment of a standing committee for the purpose of keeping down these regulations would be adopted; but what he considered perhaps one of the most important recommendations was that which suggested that, while the hands of general officers commanding districts were freed with regard to financial matters, a series of minute reports should not be required from them. The system which prevailed to a certain extent in Germany, and to a great extent in France, should be adopted—namely, the system of sudden surprise inspection. In that way a far better knowledge of the efficiency of a particular officer's command would be obtained. In France the system of inspection is carefully fully insisted upon. An instance came to his notice where a general officer inspected a district in France for the purpose of testing the efficiency of a force and the officer in command of it. He ordered a brigade of cavalry to march at seven o'clock in the evening some thirty or forty miles to meet him, and if some system like of that, of sudden surprise inspections, could obtain in this country, they would thus obtain a far better knowledge of the efficiency of the particular officers in command than by giving those officers notice of a formal inspection, for which the entire staff could brush up. The information thus obtained would be far more valuable than that which they got under the present system.

I rise now because during the last two or three hours a considerable number of questions have been addressed to me, and it may perhaps be more convenient to the Committee that I should deal with some of the points raised, and more especially with those raised on the War Office Committee's Report. Before I touch on that subject, however, I ought to allude briefly to two questions put to me by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Aberdeen. He alluded first to a question he put to me about two months ago with regard to the conduct of the military authorities in employing Zulus on the frontier of Natal. The right hon. Gentleman complained of my very brief answer, which I am sorry he thought it necessary to describe as discourteous. I can only say I had no intention of being discourteous to him or to any other Member of the House, but I must say the manner in which the right hon. Gentleman sometimes speaks, somewhat bitterly, of the answers to questions, and presses those questions, which he knows to be incapable of solution further at the moment, after all the information it is in our power to give has been given to him, does seem to me unreasonable. We have been told that there was no question of using Zulus in warfare against the Boers. All that occurred was that some unarmed Zulus had been employed driving in cattle, and we told him that, so far as our information went, the account of the disturbance was exaggerated. That was absolutely the case. As a matter of fact, I heard as long ago as the end of May from Lord Kitchener that the status quo had been restored, and the Governor of Natal intimated to us two or three days after that he was holding an inquiry as to what had occurred, and he said that the natives were quite under the control of the civil authorities, and there was no difficulty with the exception of the Boer raiders. Therefore I think that this particular subject, on which the right hon. Gentleman dwelt with some insistence at a moment when insistence was likely to produce a very false impression here, may now be set at rest. I can only regret that he should have thought it necessary to press it so vigorously at a moment when I had endeavoured to satisfy him with all the information it was in my power to give him.

Passing to another question, the right hon. Gentleman asked for a complete and full inquiry into the reasons which had caused certain burghers, or rather certain disloyal Dutch colonists, to be summoned to the execution of a rebel at Dordrecht. As regards this subject, I have not got a full report. I could not have got it, because no mail has reached me up to this time. Therefore I am not in a position to tell the Committee precisely what occurred, and I have had an experience which prevents me from giving my own impression of what took place; but, as the matter stands, I think it must be obvious to all of us that in a district where there are certain disloyal burghers who have been guilty of murderous outrages, such actions as seem to have been taken on this occasion would only have been taken by a British general in the field in the hope that it would act as a deterrent to others. I do not believe for a moment that Lord Kitchener would countenance such action being taken generally in connection with executions. In this country executions have been for a long time held in private, and all Englishmen agree in that course. Personally, like most Members of the House, I should be in favour of the extreme sentence of the law being carried out as quietly and as privately as possible; but at the same time we must allow some latitude to a general in the field who has for his object the prevention of further rebellion. Our object is to increase the number of repressive measures, and I cannot leave the subject without bringing the Committee to consider the great difference which exists between a Dutch colonist and a Cape colonist, who after enjoying equal laws and having absolutely had a majority of the representation in their own Parliament, takes up arms against his Sovereign and one who does not even, in many cases, take part in military operations but goes out and snipes at his neighbour from behind a hedge or fires a farmhouse or wrecks a train. Does the right hon. Gentleman say that he should be treated under the ordinary rules of warfare? I confess I have very little sympathy with men who conduct operations in that manner, and if it is found necessary to deal with them under martial law they must not complain.

Then my hon. and gallant friend behind me called my attention to some measures with regard to the employment of young officers, not professional soldiers, in the staff of generals in the field. As to the employment on the staff of non-professional soldiers, it must be remembered that in the war itself there were employed a large number of troops of a non-professional class. There were 10,000 Yeomanry, now raised to 20,000, 10,000 Volunteers, 20,000 Militia, and 40,000 Colonial troops all in the field at once. It is therefore most desirable that the Commander-in-Chief should have on his staff some representatives of these forces who had not been previously under military discipline. I fully concur with my hon. friend that it is desirable, whether in peace or war, that staff appointments should not be given to men of any favoured class, but that larger opportunities should be given to officers of fighting their way under the best tutors, and reaching the very first rank. I would say that, so far as my experience goes, there are few officers who have distinguished themselves as hard workers who have not been given an opportunity in this war, whether they gained their experience on the frontier of India or in Egypt. I believe that if the list is looked into it will be found that those who are responsible have gone out of their way in order to use the talent of those who have spent themselves in the service of their country. There are two other points referred to by my hon. and gallant friend which, if he will allow me, I shall pass over now, but I shall not overlook them.

I must now discuss—I hope the House will not think at undue length—in some detail the Report of the War Office Committee, on which several speeches have been made. Let me say at the outset that I have derived considerable amusement from the fears and apprehensions expressed in so many quarters in Parliament and in the press that the Report will be pigeon-holed and put away. I am forced to deny that to the House, although there is no suspicion of that kind in the debate to-night. That Committee was not appointed by Parliament to inquire into the disabilities of the Secretary of State. It was a Committee which I myself invited to come forward and assist me to do work which, as was stated by my hon. friend the Member for Whitby, it was impossible for me to undertake myself, and whatever may be the opinion of any critic of the War Office as to the determination of the Secretary of State to carry out his intention, I do trust I shall not be suspected of any desire to murder my own child. The Committee has reported in almost every respect as I had hoped they would. I believe I shall be able to show that a large number of their recommendations are on the way to being carried out. I make no apology to the Member for the South Molton Division of Devonshire, who spoke earlier in the evening, and who thinks that the organisation of the War Office should be deferred to the end of the war. If all the organisation of the War Office and the Army is to be put off to the end of the war, it will be putting it off, in my opinion, to the worst possible moment, when everybody will be sick to death of discussing Army matters, and when this new Parliament, now so full of vigour, as indicated by the number of questions put every night from below the gangway, may possibly have grown so lax that there may not be the same interest in carrying out the work. I do feel great restraint in undertaking this question, but at the same time, having liabilities to the country, it is necessary to do so. It is necessary to lay the foundation on which in the future, when the troops come home, we can build up a superstructure. I would say that there is at the War Office an almost unique opportunity, because we have now not only a new Commander-in-Chief, but also a new Secretary of State, a new Under Secretary, and new permanent officials. We can begin afresh, with behind us the full experience of the active operations when reforming the organisation.

Now, Sir, what are the recommendations of the Committee? All the small recommendations I can pass over very rapidly. They desire for one thing to have an abolition of minute regulations, and I have appointed a small committee of those who have most to do with those regulations to cut them down and report what regulations can be got rid of. The questions of company pay lists and a reduced audit have also been dealt with. As to the suggestion that military and retired officers might replace civilian clerks, especially in the military department, I have always been of that view myself. We have already inaugurated a new system. We propose to give a preference to those officers who come forward and who may have been disabled in active service in the war. I have already appointed two officers and one non-commissioned warrant officer to clerkships in that department. As to a central registry, that will be dealt with as suggested by the Committee.

By far the most important proposals of the Committee are those concerning the delegation of responsibility and the decentralisation of work. On this an admirable speech was made by the hon. Baronet behind me, who has had great experience. I myself had the advantage of being chairman of the committee three years ago that reported on that question, and I think I may, on behalf of my predecessor, make this one observation on what has been said as to the non-carrying-out of the recommendations made in 1898, that it should be remembered that not so very long after they were made Lord Lansdowne was plunged into the middle of a war which kept on making increasing demands on the department over which he presided, so that changes under these circumstances were much more difficult to carry out. I for one fully accept, not only the principle of decentralisation, but I intend to put it into practice in the widest form. On the other hand, I must take note of what fell from the hon. Member for Rossendale, and from a very unexpected quarter, since he sits among the Opposition. He made a vehement and well-timed protest against the immense labour entailed on the War Office by questions not of policy, of which no one would complain, but on a large number of small questions of detail. This evening we saw here some 180 or 200 questions, including supplementary questions, and of these a large number were addressed to the War Office.:

What did the hon. Member for Ross-shire ask? He asked a question about a Scotch shipowner who had provided too small a boat for a particular service. We have had a dozen or fifteen questions from the hon. Member on this small point. An hon. Member asked a question which ought to be decided upon by the officer commanding in Scotland. If the hon. Gentleman insists on a reply to his question, and if he is surrounded by others who are ready to move the adjournment of the House if he is not treated with respect, the result is that telegrams have to be despatched to Scotland and additional correspondence comes upon the War Office. I see that the hon. Gentleman shakes his head. But if the process of questioning is repeated thirty or forty times a day it really makes a serious demand on the time of the Department officials which I am sure those who ask the questions do not realise.

* said that the question had reference to the Seaforth Highlanders, and was a question of life and death to these men, and should not be treated by the right hon. Gentleman in a light and airy fashion.

The hon. Member is well known in the matter of questions to be the most grievous offender in the House. [Cries of "Withdraw."] The hon. Member for South Donegal the other day complained that my noble friend the Financial Secretary to the War Office answered questions which he addressed to me. The hon. Member for North Aberdeen complained most bitterly this evening because my noble friend would not promise to take up the case of a boy who represented himself to be eighteen years of age, and turned out to be sixteen and a half.

This is one of the greatest scandals connected with the War Office, and it has been going on for years. It has been brought up by other Members as well as myself. It is one of the iniquities of the present system.

* : I rise to a point of order. I wish to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman has the right to charge Members on this side of the House with being offenders in the matter of questions.

I wish to indicate the difficulty of centralisation if every soldier can come to the War Office with his case.

It is a great question, this of the age of recruits—

[The HON. MEMBER continued to address the Committee, but in the noise he could not be heard.]

I am entitled to put my case. If a recruit represents himself to be of the age of eighteen—

After he has been examined by the doctor and found to be of the physical equivalent of the age he represents himself to be, it is not a matter for the War Office to inquire into. It must be inquired into by the general officer commanding. I mean to stand to my guns and not to be influenced by the protest of the hon. Member.

MR. PIRIE [remaining seated]: And other Members.

* : I must ask the hon. Member to observe the ordinary rules of the House.

I am grateful to the hon. Member for North Aberdeen for showing what is the spirit of some Members of the House, who call loudly for decentralisation, when there is a particular question they want to ask. It is ridiculous for the House to talk broadly of decentralisation if individual Members insist upon our making all the rules. A general officer will not take responsibility upon himself if immediately a question arises in the House of Commons he is to be hauled up to headquarters. It is necessary to train general officers in habits of independence. A general officer, whose name I will not give, came before the Committee and stated in the strongest terms that what was required, and the only thing that was required, in order to give better training to the Army was that full responsibility should be given to general officers in their districts, and that they should be allowed to deal with questions of expenditure much more largely than at present. Within a fortnight of the time the Committee had made their report and it had been brought to me a demand was made upon the Ordnance Department, signed by the ordnance officer of the district and countersigned by this same general officer—a man of very high rank—and the whole of the demand on that sheet was for half a pint of varnish, the cost of which was sixpence, although the general officer was entitled to spend £10, or in cases of emergency a larger sum on any object he wanted. I hope I have not dwelt at undue length upon this point. My object is to show that it is not only goodwill and determination on the part of the War Office that is wanted, but also indulgence in self-restraint on the part of Members of the House of Commons in pressing the Minister to take up the smallest possible case.

As to what we propose to do, I cannot give a decision on the Committee's Report, but only a general outline of what we are doing. We are working out various points as quickly as we can, but before we can put them in order we must see our way on individual points. What we do propose is this—we propose to set up three army corps before the end of the year. The setting up of army corps commands is absolutely essential to the carrying out of any measure of decentralisation. The army corps will be established at Alder-shot, on Salisbury Plain, and in Ireland, and we propose to give the general officers very extensive powers. We shall give them financial assistants at their own headquarters, as suggested by the Committee. We shall give them in each case a staff officer similar to the officers who are known as intendants in a German army corps. This officer will be charged with financial powers, and will have the considerable powers upon which the Committee had laid such stress. He will also be in close touch with the authorities in the district in the matter of audit. We also intend, though to what extent I cannot say, to give considerable powers to general officers in regard to the carrying out of works in their districts by the Royal Engineers. As an earnest of this, in regard to the raising of huts at Aldershot and on Salisbury Plain, which will involve many thousands of pounds, the two general officers commanding at Aldershot and Salisbury Plain will have the power to complete the building of the huts, and to make contracts, merely reporting the expenditure, within limits, to headquarters. That will be an experiment. Of course, I should like to accept without comment the suggestion that, if we give such powers, we shall get more efficiency and more economy. I have no doubt about the efficiency; I have some hopes, but perhaps some doubts, about the economy. I hope that by beginning well we shall be encouraged to go further.

I will deal in one word with the proposal to establish a War Office board. The Member for East Bristol spoke rather strongly about the friction existing between the military and civil sides of the War Office in matters of contracts and finance. I do not think that the Committee really found that there was any considerable amount of friction between the civil and military elements—I am quite certain there is none between the heads of the Office—but everyone will realise that between men who want to spend and men who want to check expenditure there must always be some feeling of this kind. The establishment of a War Office board is looked upon as a remedy for all these disorders. We hare already a War Office Council, presided over by the Secretary of State, who consider important questions; but the Secretary of State, although he takes the chair, is not bound by the decisions of the council. We also have the Army Board, a most valuable body, over which the Commander-in-Chief presides. It has carried out an enormous amount of work in connection with the war, and I should be sorry to see its functions curtailed or to see the board abolished. I should like, on the contrary, to see the step taken which I propose to take to relieve it of the difficulty which hitherto has very largely shackled it. I am indisposed to do away with the Army Board, or to have a board consisting of all the chief officers, as suggested by my hon. friend. On such a board the Secretary of State must either sit or not sit. If he does not sit on the board he is placed, I think, in the invidious position of having to decline, on his own responsibility, resolutions which may come to him with the imprimatur of the whole of his colleagues. It would be almost impossible for a man to continually sit in his own room and to upset resolutions unanimously come to by ten or twelve men. The Secretary of State must take the responsibility, whatever happens. If he is not present he cannot give expression to his own views. On the other hand, constitutionally, if he is present and is outvoted, the decision must be the decision of the Secretary of State. He is responsible, and, if the board comes to the conclusion to add 20,000 men to the Army, that is not a decision he could accept without reference to his colleagues in the Government, or to which he could be bound by the board.

* : The description the right hon. Gentleman has given of the War Office Board contained in the Committee's report is not in accordance with what the Committee suggested should be done—that the position of the Secretary of State should be enhanced in value, importance, and responsibility, while relieving him of a great amount of detail work.

I quite see what the hon. Gentleman has in view; but as a railway board binds its chairman, so if you have this board or council the Secretary of State, sitting as president, must be bound by it. What I propose is this. I recognise the advantage of the co-ordination of business proposed by the Committee. I propose that the Permanent Under Secretary, with the second officer in each department, should have regard to all these papers before they reach the stage at which they have to be settled, and should hold a meeting twice a week and co-ordinate all the work in the precise manner in which the Committee propose. That would prevent endless discussion. At all events, I have put it in that form as an experiment which will be tried, and I propose that the War Office Council should follow out the suggestion of the Committee by holding meetings at stated intervals, keeping minutes, and probably having a shorthand writer present so that opinions may be recorded. That will be a means of ascertaining their views in future, which will, I think, be extremely valuable.

I do not propose, Sir, to trouble the House any further in regard to this Committee, except to say I fully believe that before the autumn—as foreshadowed by the right hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench—we shall be able to show that we have adopted in spirit, and given practical effect to, nearly all of the proposals contained in the Committee's report. As regards some of them which are matters of time, we shall have to wait. I hope the Committee will realise that in this and other matters there has been no avoidable delay, and that, although during the last six months there has been an immense strain on the Department over which I preside, in this matter of War Office reform as well as in regard to the establishment of the new army corps districts we are making great and rapid progress. I realise to the full that the first duty we have to perform is to get back public confidence in War Office administration. I know it may take some time, because a great deal is put down to our system and to defective organisation of the War Office that is accounted for by many other causes, and for which those who have laboured so well in the War Office are not responsible. I am convinced that the time is not far distant when we shall obtain from the public a fuller measure of confidence than we have at present, and it is that conviction which makes me feel that no labour is thrown away, and makes me especially thankful to the Committee and to the gentlemen who sit in this House who belonged to it.

[Mr. JEFFREYS (Hampshire, N.) in the Chair.]

said he was not one of those who had taken a very strong line against the War Office, because he thought it was not so bad as it was painted. He thought it was a case of giving a dog a bad name.

Attention called to the fact that forty Members were not present. House counted, and, forty Members being found present—

said he did not take a very unfavourable view of the action of the War Office. They must all recognise the splendid work the Department did in sending out to South Africa an enormous number of troops, well supplied and found in almost every way, and he thought that they did their work uncommonly well. But there was no doubt that the War Office was surrounded with restrictions, complications, and difficulties. A large number of drawbacks were expounded by the Committee which inquired into the administration of the Department. Of course they were all very glad to hear that those difficulties were about to be removed, and that the War Office was to be rearranged on what his hon. friend the Member for the Rossendale Division called business principles. He was very glad to read the recommendation about a central board. He could not, however, help observing that both in the Report and in the speeches which had been delivered regarding it there had been one conspicuous omission. He was not uttering his own opinion merely, but was backed up by the bulk of the military profession, especially the Army Medical Corps, when he stated that the Director General of the Army Medical Department, ought not to be allowed to continue in a subordinate and inferior position, but should be a member of the central board and the headquarter staff, instead of being invited to attend occasionally. The position was very like that of a Government. If a Minister were outside the Cabinet his recommendations would have small effect. He knew perfectly well that the subordinate position of the Director-General had been responsible for the complications, he might almost say the disasters, of the unfortunate war in South Africa. He was sorry to see that the present Director-General had retired prematurely and insufficiently rewarded after a brilliant career, and he was proud that he was one of a company who entertained the Director-General at a dinner at the Hotel Cecil the previous evening. No doubt the recommendations of the Director-General as to the undermanning of the Army Medical Department, which was absolutely the case, would have more effect if made within the Cabinet, so to speak. The Director-General pointed out from the very beginning that the Department was undermanned and was only able to deal with the exigencies of two army corps. When the time of stress and difficulty came in South Africa the medical department was practically unable to cope with it. He wished to ask his noble friend whether the army corps which were to be created were to be fully manned with medical practitioners. If they were, where were the War Office going to get them? It was all very well to employ civilians for temporary emergencies, but if the War Office imagined they would be able to meet the difficulty of finding a sufficient number of Army doctors by employing civilians, they would discover that the position will be worse in the future than it had been in the past. Civilians would be unable to leave their practice, and it was perfectly well known that civilians could not act as Army practitioners, because they did not know and appreciate military life as an Army doctor did. If it were part of the system to man the home district with civilians he was bound to say that the War Office might bid farewell to any chance of recruiting the permanent Army Medical Department from the medical schools, because it stood to reason that if the civilians were to get all the plums of the home service, while the Army doctors were to be sent to Demerara, the Gold Coast, and other uncomfortable places, men would not be obtained from the medical schools. He might be approaching the limits of order, but after thirty years experience in the House he thought it better to seize an opportunity when he found it.

said he understood that, but of course they did not know how long this discussion would continue. He thought, however, he would be in order in asking a question or two about the composition of the Committee appointed by the Secretary of State to investigate the present condition of the Army Medical Department and how it could be best improved. He was extremely glad that a Committee had been appointed, and he hoped that it would result in restoring the waning confidence of the civil profession in the Army Medical Department. But he was glad to say that there were a great many good men on it, including Sir Frederick Treves, who had rendered such conspicuous, service to the State by leaving the greatest practice in London, to go out to South Africa, from which he returned in bad health. He was ashamed to say that Sir Frederick Treves had been sneered at by certain members of the House, but he was held in the highest respect, not only by his professional brethren but also by the Government. There were, however, one or two omissions, and he was glad to hear hon. Members from Ireland place the case of the medical schools in Ireland before the House. Those schools sent a large number of medical officers into the service, and he thought they had a right to be represented on the Committee. He hoped that the War Office would give way and appoint an extra man to represent the Irish schools. He was sorry that an officer of greater standing was not on the Committee to represent the Department and to tell the Committee what ought to be done. Of course it was the man who wore the shoe who knew where it pinched. He thought it was unfortunate, although it might not be too late to remedy it, that there was not on the Committee a medical officer of long and high standing in the Department who had seen the working of troops in the field and the working of the Department at home. If was also unfortunate that the Committee decided not to take evidence. He did not know in what other way they would be able to obtain the opinion of the service and of the medical schools. The medical profession held the Department in the hollow of their hands, and could boycott it if they wished, and it would be a misfortune if the Government did not get the full confidence of the medical profession. He hoped that those who were responsible for the Committee would take special note of the series of recommendations sent in by the British Medical Association and formulated by a committee composed of prominent members of the medical profession. According to those recommendations, the medical service would like more pay, an opportunity of getting more private leave, and also an improvement in their social position. There had been a great many attacks on the Army Medical Department, which had few defenders, but he hoped that the Committee would hear some generous words of recognition of the great services rendered by the Army Medical Department in South Africa. He apologised if he trenched on the limits of order.

* said he wished to take that opportunity of making a small complaint. He thought that every hon. Member who desired to see the grand function of the distribution of medals to South African heroes under the auspices of His Majesty should have been enabled to do so. He regretted that he had been unable to obtain a ticket, though the noble Lord, with his usual courtesy, directed him to make application in a particular quarter. He had had an application from a gallant colonel well known in Belfast for his action in sending troops out to the war, asking every Ulster Member to be present at the ceremony. He was extremely anxious to be present, and no doubt the noble Lord did all he could in the matter, but he thought that members of the House of Commons should be furnished through the Speaker with special tickets in the usual way.

said he was sure there must have been some mistake. He had heard of several hon. Members who had applied to the officer responsible and who had obtained tickets, and it must have been through an oversight that the hon. Member did not get one also. The matter would, however, be put right if possible. No stands were put up for the ceremony, and only tickets admitting within the line of sentries were issued.

said he was in the same position as the hon. Member for South Belfast. He had no ticket either. He was not sure whether he was in order, but his object in rising was to endeavour to obtain a little information anent a question he put to the Secretary of War on the 19th July, with reference to the case of a man named Henderson, who was driven out of the Transvaal by the British authorities. The answer he re- ceived was that the British authorities had issued orders that no discharged soldier should be allowed to remain in the Transvaal or the Orange Free State.

said it was a question of administration. The man had lived in the Transvaal for years, and when the war broke out he joined Thorneycroft's Mounted Infantry, was wounded at the Modder River, returned to his regiment, and was discharged. He then went to his home in the Transvaal, and was employed by his previous employer at a wage of £50 a month.

I am afraid that matter does not arise on the Vote for the War Office.

said it was the Secretary of State for War who had answered his question, and the War Office was the proper department.

said that with all due respect, if the question could not be raised on the War Office Vote, he did not know how he was to get any information on the subject.

said he understood the Committee were discussing the administration of the War Office, and the order of which he complained was issued by the War Office.

The order to which the hon. Member refers was issued by the Commander-in-Chief. The Vote for his salary is not under discussion.

asked, Was he to understand that a general order like that was given and that the War Office knew nothing about it?

, on a point of order, urged that the question was one of military administration in the Transvaal, which at the present time was under the War Office. Surely on the principal Vote for the War Office it was competent for a member of the Committee to refer to an order issued by the Commander-in-Chief, who was responsible to the Secretary of State whose salary was under consideration.

asked if it was not a fact that the circumstances to which the hon. Member alluded arose under martial law, for which the Commander-in-Chief was responsible, and that, therefore, the question could only be raised on the salary of the Commander-in-Chief.

asked if they were to understand that a general order like that was issued without the cognisance of the War Office. He thought the question could be discussed, and he would ask the Secretary of State to give an explanation of such harsh conduct.

I must repeat my opinion that the question can only be discussed on Lord Kitchener's salary. I am guided in that opinion by repeated precedents.

said that it was a little unfortunate that a vote like this, which involved large questions of policy and other matters affecting the War Office, should be used to raise merely personal questions, such as that the hon. Member for South Belfast had not received a ticket for a certain ceremony. But he really rose to call attention to an extremely important point in the Report of the War Office Committee. It should be understood that under the national system of accounts in England each year was cut off at the beginning and at the end. The actual receipts and expenditure from 1st April to 31st March were taken. Nothing was brought forward at the beginning of the year, and nothing was carried forward at the end. The whole of the system rested on that strict "annuality": it was a strict annual cash account. The system had been adopted by Parliament after a long experience of many other systems, and it was, he believed, the only proper system. He was, therefore, sorry to see that the Committee recommended that, to a large extent, it should be abandoned. He understood that the main claim of this Committee to public attention and the carrying out of its recommendations was that it was a business committee. The hon. Member for the Rossendale Division began and ended his speech with the assertion of his desire that the War Office should be a business-like department. He was, therefore, amazed to find that in Paragraph 35 the Committee showed that it had not the slightest understanding of the business basis on which the national finance was founded. In that paragraph were two assertions, both of which were false. It stated—

"The Treasury, in addition to seeing that money is applied to the purpose for which it is voted, etc."

To see that money was applied to the purpose for which it was voted was not the business of the Treasury at all: it was the business of the Auditor and Controller General. The next assertion was that the Treasury—

"Is charged with seeing that all money voted for the year is spent within the year."

The Treasury was charged with nothing of the sort. The function of the Treasury was altogether different—namely, to permit in the Army and the Navy Estimates a diversion of money from one vote to another. That was the exact opposite of the assertion of the Committee. The Treasury could receive requests from departments for the diversion of money from one Vote to another; it could allow a department to anticipate Votes; and, finally, it exercised a dispensing power with regard to the regulations under which the War Office existed, in the way of Royal Warrants, and such like. So far from the Treasury seeing that money voted was spent within the year, it had a certain responsibility—although the real responsibility was exercised by the Public Accounts Committee—for seeing that all money voted for the year, but not spent within the year, was surrendered—an essentially different thing. Then the Committee made the mischievous and dangerous recommendation, against which he had hoped and expected the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee would protest, that a system of "carry over" should be followed, by which unspent balances should be placed in a suspense account and carried over to the next year. This recommendation was preceded by this statement—

"Money not spent is surrendered, and finds its way to the Sinking Fund. Attention must be drawn to this practice, because, in respect of certain departments at the War Office, it tends to wastefulness."

Why did it lead to wastefulness? The only reason was that some officer or other violated or neglected his duty.

quoted a passage from the evidence showing that money voted for one purpose had been improperly devoted to another. The fault was in the officer, not in the system.

said the point was that an officer spent money, no matter whether it was £100,000 or £1,000, or £1, for purposes for which it was not voted, in order to avoid surrendering it. The Department could not bear to surrender any unspent money.

was really amazed that the Secretary of State should cheer that statement. It was of the essence of our financial system that money which could not be fairly spent on the purposes for which it was voted should be surrendered and go to the Sinking Fund.

I cheered that remark for this reason, that if the service for which money is voted and raised from the taxpayer is not carried out in one year, the money has to be re-voted in the following year, and it is the busi- ness of the Department, if possible, to avoid putting that fresh burden on the taxpayers.

said that no doubt the right hon. Gentleman had stated correctly the constitutional theory. If the money was required the next year it had, no doubt, to be re-voted.

No. If £100,000 is saved from any spending Committee, and it goes to the Sinking Fund, the £100,000 is there, and when another £100,000 is raised the next year, you are no worse off.

I beg pardon. The taxpayer pays it twice over. He pays it one year for the reduction of the National Debt, and the next year for the same service over again.

said that he owed £100,000 less, but had to raise £100,000 more, and that really came to exactly the same thing. The first lesson which had to be taught to the War Office was apparently the common science of arithmetic. This recommendation laid the axe at the very root of our financial system. How far was it to be carried? Was the principle to be applied to the War Office alone, or extended to other Departments? It could not be confined to one Department, it must extend to all; and then at one sweep away went the whole of the control of the House of Commons over public expenditure. That control rested on the "annuality" of our accounts, and that was the only right system of national accounts. He did not say there were not other systems which might be considered, but it was the system adopted by this country, and the only one by which a complete and perfect Parliamentary control over expenditure could be secured. But he would disclose the secret of the recommendation. There had been going on, not for months or years, but for generations, a conflict between this House and its control on the one side, and the permanent officials of Departments on the other. The latter were always wanting to have a sort of war fund on which they could draw at their own sweet will, without coming to the House. The House had always resisted, and, he hoped, would continue to resist, that idea. He certainly felt bound to raise his voice against this new attempt—to which the Committee had injudiciously and, he believed, thoughtlessly made themselves a party—on the part of the-permanent officials to get control of a fund with regard to which Parliament should have no discretion. Sir Redvers Buller, who was, no doubt, a distinguished general, but not, as far as he knew, a great financier, was examined before the Committee, and he expressed the opinion that the buildings Vote should be a lump-sum Vote. Say buildings costing £1,000,000 were wanted, the House of Commons were to vote the £1,000,000; £100,000 might be spent that year, and the remainder would go into the pockets of the War Office to be spent when and as it pleased. "I am told," he said, "that this is contrary to the British Constitution, but I think that in that case the British Constitution ought to be altered." The Committee would therefore see that the generals and the permanent officials were absolutely prepared to abolish the financial system, and even the British Constitution itself, in order to gain control of money without having to ask Parliament for it. It was a most dangerous suggestion. The Committee on the War Office had done extremely good work; some of their recommendations were eminently reasonable; but when he came to such financial proposals as those to which he had referred, he thought it was necessary to enter his protest.

desired to call attention to the fraudulent system which prevailed of enlisting boys as men. The Secretary of State had said that if there was anything wrong the matter should be placed before the general officers commanding the British Army. That was an absolute innovation, and, for himself, he should never adopt that course. For five years he had brought this matter before the Committee, giving not one case but ten or twelve cases of boys being enlisted at fourteen or fifteen years of age. The system was an iniquitous one, and it was not only connived at but encouraged by the War Office, for the simple reason that they dared not face the difficulty of the want of men that would prevail in the first instance if a more genuine system was adopted. A great wrong was being done to the public, and the whole life of many of these soldiers was made a living lie. The men were taken into the Army at a nominal age, perhaps three years over their real age; they were treated in the matter of work and punishment as men, instead of as boys; no account was taken of the mental and moral attributes which only age could give. The right hon. Gentleman said that as long as he occupied his present position he would maintain the system. In that case public opinion would have to be aroused to cause the right hon. Gentleman to adopt a more straightforward, honourable, and proper system. "Press-gang" would be almost the proper word to use in connection with the present manner of proceeding, and recruiting sergeants gained their bounty irrespective of the ruined lives which followed. Many of these lads were sent out to India, and after about eighteen months or two years came back, and the military hospitals would show the wrecked lives and terrible diseases which were the lot of many before they reached the age of twenty years. He was glad to hear the remarks of the hon. and gallant Member for Newport with regard to the favouritism which existed. If Members on the Opposition side of the House had called attention to the matter they would have been termed "traitors," and therefore he was glad the point had been raised on the other side. He only hoped the right hon. Gentleman would see that the practice was stopped. He also desired to protest against the order compelling Dutch colonists to attend the execution of one of their fellow-countrymen. He did not say that such executions might not be necessary, but if the object of the order was that they should act as deterrents, he thought the object was not likely to be attained. If he were a Cape colonist and had 100 lives to lose he would willingly give up every one of them if he was forced to go to such an execution. Such compulsion would do nothing but increase rebellion, not tenfold but a thousand-fold. He did not believe that such an order could have been given with the approval of the Commander-in-Chief in South Africa.

Order, order! No doubt the matter has been the subject of question and answer, but I do not think it can properly be discussed on this Vote.

Without at all desiring to interfere in this particular case, may I submit that surely when events such as the hon. Member has described occur under the authority of military officers, and in the execution of military duty, the opportunity of any Member of the House to discuss the matter arises on the Vote for the salary of the Secretary of State for War, who is responsible for everything connected with the Army.

The rule which has been frequently laid down by the Chair is that, where the same question can be raised on another Vote subordinate to that for the salary of the Secretary of State, it should be raised on that Vote.

I do not wish, of course, to assume a controversial attitude towards you, Sir, but I am under the impression that at the time Vote 1 was passed it was agreed that matters which there was not then an adequate opportunity for discussing should be discussed on this Vote.

was understood to explain that, as far as his recollection went, the arrangement was that any matters connected with Vote 1 which were not then discussed should be raised on the Army scheme resolution; he did not think any pledge was given that on subsequent Votes the discussion should be general.

pointed out that the circumstances to which the hon. Member for North Aberdeen was referring had occurred since the previous discussion took place.

I did not understand from the Secretary of State whether or not an understanding was arrived at, but in any case such an understanding would be subject to the general supervision of the Chair.

said that this was a matter which could not, under any circumstances, have been discussed on the resolution.

When Vote 1 was before the Committee the question was raised as to whether there would be equal facilities for discussion on the resolution as there were on Vote 1, and, on the understanding that there should be, the Committee gave us Vote 1.

When are we to have an opportunity of discussing the Military Estimates for South Africa, if not now?

I am only dealing now with what actually passed between the right hon. Gentleman and the First Lord of the Treasury at the time. I do not recollect that anything was said or promised with regard to any further opportunities being given interfering with the ruling of the Chair.

said there was a pledge given that there would be a complete discussion allowed on these resolutions.

It seems to me that there does not appear to have been an understanding arrived at upon this point, and I call upon the hon. Member for North Aberdeen to proceed with his speech.

said he would finish his remarks by asking the right hon. Gentleman to telegraph to South Africa to obtain information on this point, and if it was found that this order was merely the result of a subordinate's action without the approval of the Commander-in-Chief and the Government, that steps would be taken to reprimand the officer responsible. He would ask his question upon this subject again to-morrow.

said he wished to associate himself with what had fallen from his hon. friend the Member for King's Lynn upon this subject. The question of the accounts was one of the greatest importance, and it should be clearly shown at the end of every year what had been done with the money, what had been spent, and what had been received. If a suspense account were introduced it would be absolutely impossible for the public Accounts Committee or the House of Commons to know what had been done with the money, or under what circumstances it had been expended. Therefore, he thought it was absolutely necessary that the system which had prevailed up to the present should be continued. With regard to the loss to the taxpayer to which his hon. friend the Secretary of State for War had alluded perhaps he might be allowed to point out that if they owed £100,000 to a man and their income resulted in a surplus of £100,000 and they used that sum to pay off their debts, they did not necessarily lose by it.

said that it was quite true, but in the year to come it was subject to the control of Parliament. He only rose because the hon. Member for King's Lynn had said that he thought he should find himself alone in this matter. As a humble member of the Public Accounts Committee, he wished to associate himself with the hon. Member for King's Lynn upon this point.

This discussion has principally turned on the Report of the Committee which inquired into the constitution and management of business in the War Office. The House should, in the first place, express its sense of the debt it is under to the members of that Committee for their laborious inquiry and comprehensive report. I think our thanks are also due to the right hon. Gentleman for having appointed the Committee. This is not a Committee which was appointed by Parliament or by an authority independent of the right hon. Gentleman, but it was selected and appointed by him for the purpose of assisting the Secretary of State in the reorganisation of the departments of the War Office in an alteration of the conditions of business in the office. The House is under a considerable disadvantage necessarily because the Report itself is not the main or most important question. The most important question is, what is the right hon. Gentleman going to do on the Report; and we cannot expect him, engaged as he is in the arduous duties of his office at this moment, to be ready with an answer to all the questions addressed to him on that subject. It is impossible that he can have made up his mind on the various points already, and we must probably have to put off to another session any real and fundamental consideration of the important points raised in the Report. In my opinion, it would be a strange thing indeed if we were not to find in such an office as the War Office many departments capable of being reformed. The War Office is peculiar and distinguished from almost every other office in this—that it is an amalgamating office. It springs from half-a-dozen different departments originally distinct from each other, and which have been brought together. It has also undergone the process of a good deal of cutting and carving by successive authorities; therefore we might expect, in some respects, that it might be capable of some improvement. At the same time there are one or two ideas that have taken possession of the public mind, and especially of this House, which I think are not well founded. The main idea is that there is, or has been, in the War Office some sinister civilian element which has been powerful in past years to prevent good administration, and to cause great and unnecessary friction with the military authorities. The right hon. Gentleman has said that he is going to proceed at considerable length in removing the civil element from the War Office and in substituting the military element.

I hope that he will not carry that too far. A constitutional point arises. It is not enough for us to have the Secretary of State in this House, as a sort of guarantee for us that the soldiers are not completely in possession of the Army. It has been laid down by the highest constitutional authorities, from the Duke of Wellington downwards, again and again in the most explicit terms, that the most important control exercised in the War Office over the Army ought to be in the hands of civilians—I mean apart altogether from the questions of discipline and training, and the purely military side of the duties to be performed. In the Navy, as well as in the Army, but especially in the case of the Army, it has always been held by the highest constitutional authorities that there should be a great representation of the civilian element in the authorities which deal with the Services, and that this representation was absolutely necessary. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not completely expel the civilian element. He spoke a few months ago of finding himself in a laager of civilians. I think now he has no civilian in that laager. Everyone is either a present or a past soldier. I do not know that that is a situation of things likely to lead to good results. I am old-fashioned enough to believe that our predecessors were not wrong when they considered that the Secretary of State should be supported in the administration of the Army by a strong and solid body of the best civilian officers this country can produce, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not be carried away by any theory to the contrary, and that he will maintain that old and long established principle.

Then the right hon. Gentleman is a great advocate of decentralisation, and everybody will agree with him in that. Here, again, I am not sure at all that the greatest sinners in centralisation have been the civilians. I am afraid that it has been the soldiers who have done more than any others to create the inability to act without high authority, in that want of a sense of individual responsibility which undoubtedly has existed in many departments. The right hon. Gentleman to-night quoted a story of a half-pint of varnish, but the offender in that incident was a soldier and not a civilian. However, I entirely approve—and everyone must approve—of the general idea that there should be as little centralisation as possible, and especially in these days the general officers and their staffs who administer the affairs of districts ought to be allowed much greater lati- tude than they have hitherto enjoyed. As to the proper way in which this should be done, I am content to leave that very much to the right hon. Gentleman and the recommendations of the Report. The right hon. Gentleman referred to one advantage of decentralisation which did not commend itself very much to my judgment. He seemed to think one of the great benefits to be derived from decentralisation would be to prevent questions in the House of Commons, and he was very severe upon the hon. Member for Ross and Cromarty, and upon my hon. friend the Member for North Aberdeen for questions which they had put. To my mind the right hon. Gentleman is entirely on the wrong tack. I quite agree there ought to be some reserve and limit observed as to the number and character of questions, but do not let it be understood that there is to be any inability on the part of members of the House as regards the putting of questions in matters of administration where they have reason to think that some error is being committed or some mistaken course followed. In the very cases which have been spoken of it is the fact that questions have been asked in this House that often produces the effect which is desired. It is the knowledge that questions may be asked in this House which prevents mistakes being made. I must say that, while I can sympathise with a member of any Government in his desire to somewhat stint the number of questions put in this House, I think that many questions might be answered in a less public way; still do not let the right hon. Gentleman in his zeal to save the time of the House do anything which will tend to throw the authority of the Government into the scale against the freest liberty to Members putting such questions as they may think fit to ask. I could go into individual cases in regard to the war and the daily administration of military affairs which show what a useful part these questions play in the good administration of our affairs.

Another most important question on which the right hon. Gentle man will have to make up his mind is the question of the distribution of the higher duties among the great officers on the head- quarters staff. I am a little surprised that the Committee in their zeal have been so very explicit in defining the exact organisation which should be adopted for this purpose, because it is a most important question, and one which goes a little beyond the proper limits of an inquiry of this kind. It was inquired into a few years ago by the celebrated Hartington Commission, of which I had the honour to be a member. My own belief is that no system you can introduce for securing the co-operation of either of the services with the civilian and his colleagues will be satisfactory unless you have the most perfect loyalty and good faith and feeling among all the officers, whether civilian or military. I think if you look closely into the cases where friction has arisen you will generally find that it has been caused by some personal feeling, or through the lack of a good understanding between the officers themselves. I have always myself thought, having served both at the Admiralty and the War Office, that the latter would do well to copy something from the administration of the Admiralty. But the system of having a certain number of high officers of great experience and authority on a level, or practically on a level, one of them exercising a certain privacy over the others and being most conspicuous among them—that is the most satisfactory organisation for a Department such as this. In the old days there was—what shall I call it?—a perpendicular organisation. Officers of a certain degree reported to those above them, and so it went up from one great officer to another until the report came to the Commander-in-Chief, and then to the Under Secretary, and finally to the Secretary of State. The Secretary of State in those days never knew, or if he did it was only by private inquiry, what the real and full opinion of the officers under the Commander-in-Chief was. We wish that the Commander-in-Chief should maintain his position of privacy, and we wish that the Secretary of State should have the fullest access to the minds, as well as the expressed opinions, of all the officers who serve under him.

I was glad to hear from the right hon. Gentleman that the Army Board according to his idea is to have the fullest power of initiative, so that they should be able to meet together, compare their own views, and discuss matters, possibly long before they come to his knowledge, in order that when the questions do come before him he may be fully informed. These are very delicate questions, and not to be settled by a vote in this House, even on the Report of a Committee, however able. Time only will show how the obvious difficulties of any organisation of this sort can be got over. But I believe myself that such an organisation in the main as is recommended, of an Army authority under the Secretary of State, or as the right hon. Gentleman himself has suggested, will probably be the most efficient for the interests of the public service and of the country. We wait to know what the right hon. Gentleman will do in this matter. We know he is full of zeal and industry, and no one is better acquainted with the details of the business of the War Office than he is, and I hope that when his time is less occupied by the affairs of the war he will arrive at some conclusion which may be useful to the country.

There is one little matter to which I wish to refer before I sit down. The right hon. Gentleman found fault, rather severely I think, with my right hon. friend the Member for South Aberdeen for certain questions that he put regarding the alleged arming of the Zulus, and he said that my right hon. friend had been too persisient with his questions. I know that my right hon. friend was in possession, at the moment, of a letter from a member of the Legislative Assembly in Natal, and he also knew that the matter was so serious that the Premier of Natal was protesting against it. In these circumstances, after the right hon. Gentleman gave a rather evasive or almost contemptuous answer to the question, I think it is not wonderful that my right hon. friend persisted. This is one of the many cases that I could quote where Ministers, and I think particularly the right hon. Gentleman, have been indignant at questions being asked and matters raised in this House when they would not be quite so indignant if they knew how much reserve is exercised by their critics, who do not put before the country all the evidence they possess. This was a case in point, because my right hon. friend was invited by this member of the Legislative Assembly to publish his letter immediately in the English papers. My right hon. friend consulted me about it, and we agreed that it would be much better not to publish it, but to ask a question across the House in order to obtain, as we hoped we should, and as I think we now have obtained, an answer indicating that the Government had no responsibility in the matter.

I do not complain of the tone of the criticisms which the right hon. Gentleman has made. I quite recognise the justice of what has been said in regard to the past laches of the War Office. Perhaps I might say, in regard to his last remark, that my complaint of his colleague the right hon. Member for South Aberdeen was that we were of opinion, having in our possession other information, that such letters as he had in his possession had taken an exaggerated view of what had occurred, and we assured him that we were not arming the Zulus for any purpose, and that at the moment it was impossible to say more. I merely rose to appeal to the Committee, although I do not want them to close the debate if they desire to continue it, to agree to the Vote for the War Office in the interests of those who wish to discuss the Medical Vote, which conies after it.

said he would not occupy the time of the Committee for many minutes. He had taken considerable interest in the speeches which had been delivered upon the Report of the War Office Committee, but he wished respectfully to warn the Committee against the danger of taking this Report too seriously, because it was the 41st Commission which had sat on the War Office since the year 1815, and the result of all those Commissions had been to land them in the position in which they found themselves a year and a half ago. He wished to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he could give them some more information as to how he hoped to obtain a sufficient number of men for his three army corps. He thought that was a subject germane to this Vote, and he thought it was quite as important a matter to the Committee and to the country generally as the report of the War Office Commission. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would not think that in mentioning this matter he was acting in any spirit of opposition towards him. He was not doing so in the least, for he had the greatest respect and admiration for the courage and energy with which the Secretary of State for War was tackling at the present moment a most difficult problem, although he knew from a few words which the right hon. Gentleman had dropped with respect to himself that he considered him an irreconcilable Member. Lord Raglan, speaking in another place, had said about ten days ago that it would be necessary to find 6,000 men to fill up the places of the time-expired men whose term of service would be up at the beginning of next year. Lord Wolseley was of opinion that the War Office would find that there would be a deficiency of between 80,000 and 100,000 men in the Army next year. The Inspector General of Recruiting stated in his report that although some portions of his department were satisfactory others were not; and although the standard of height in the infantry had been lowered to 5 ft. 3½ in. fewer infantry were recruited this last year than in 1899. They might talk about building barracks which would give house accommodation for women and children, but he said that to all intents and purposes it was impracticable. Another experiment which the War Office had taken up was to induce men to enlist by making them more comfortable in barracks. That was all very well so far as it went, but would it induce men to enlist? Those ideas did not permeate the strata of society—the agricultural labourers—from which recruits were drawn. He ventured to say there were only two ways of getting the men that were wanted—namely, by getting rid of the abuses of stoppages and by giving better pay. A recruit was told that he would get 1s. or 1s. 3d. a day, and then he found that this was subject to a deduction of 3d. a day. He had to find his own underclothing and the amount of trousers he wanted beyond what was provided by the Government. There were charges for hair-cutting and washing. In connection with the canteen the Government, or those who conducted the canteen, paid 1s. a gallon for beer which was sold at 1s. 3d. There were hospital stoppages which were the greatest swindle of all. They had heard a good deal about the American army lately. It was a small army, but the nation was rich; it was a nation of business men, and they knew they must pay for a good article. They paid 1s. 7d. or 2s. a day, because it was business. What was done in this country? The War Office advertised for men, knowing perfectly well that by not paying the market rate they would not get the men they wanted. But, after all, there was some advantage in the system. A boy taken at seventeen or eighteen years of age and trained for two years made a good soldier, but the disadvantage was that two men were paid to do one man's work. When a year and a half ago 126,000 men were sent to the front, 90,000 men had to be kept at home who were ineffective. He did not think the War Office were riding for a fall, and intended to come to the House another year and say. "We cannot get the men: you must give us conscription or a higher rate of pay." He thought they were doing their best, but he was perfectly certain that they were not getting the men they wanted.

The hon. Member behind me has made a very important speech in regard to the recruiting question, and I think I ought to intervene in order to thank him for the helpfulness of the observations he has made. May I refer to one or two points in his speech which I think are hardly quite as fair as he tried to make out in his comparison to the American army? It is comparing a nation which asks one man in 100 to serve in the Army or Reserve to a nation which asks one man in 1,000 to come forward for similar service. The fact that it is possible to attract one man in 1,000 by a certain rate of pay is no proof that the same rate of pay will attract one man in 100. I must also disabuse the mind of my hon. and gallant friend of the idea that the War Office were at one moment keeping 90,000 men at home who were unfit to go abroad. The idea is founded on what has been said by Lord Lansdowne, but that is an entire delusion and misconception of what was said. What Lord Lansdowne said was that the 90,000 men who had not left the country were not to be regarded as equivalent to three army corps, because they consisted largely of men who had just joined. As a matter of fact, out of the whole 90,000 only 40,000 remained in this country who had not gone abroad four months afterwards. On the main question which the hon. Gentleman has raised I have this to say. I think that the calculation to which reference has been made, that we are short of about 80,000 or 100,000 men, is enormously in error. I certainly should be very sorry to stand here and admit that the Army is short of such a number. As to the actual effect of the campaign on the Army, it is very difficult for me, and, I should say, impossible for anyone, to speak with certainty. No doubt the war does cost us a large amount of invaliding, and therefore depletion of the Army; but, on the other hand, it is to be remembered that our recruiting up to now has shown no falling off. It is not a fact that we have raised an enormous number of men at a higher rate of pay; the recruiting of men at the ordinary rate of pay has gone on, but not up to the record of last year, which was a year of great excitement and enthusiasm. Still, it is considerably above the level of any former year. I have only two further remarks to make. No one can possibly watch with more interest and concern the progress of recruiting than the Secretary of State for War. No man in this House can say with certainty what are the conditions which will bring us the full number of recruits we may desire in any year, and yet leave a surplus to turn away who may not be quite up to our standard. As to the question of pay, it must be remembered that when a man stands up at this box and offers an increase of pay that increase will remain the inheritance of the British Army for all time. Therefore it is absolutely essential that before we move in that direction, if we are to move at all, we should be most fully persuaded that what we propose will give us what we require. I think at this moment, when we have so large a body of men serving at increased rates of pay, and when the actual depletion by the war is prodigious, we may well ask for the indulgence of the House before we attack a problem which has not arisen—namely, the depletion of our numbers—but I assure the House now, as I have done before, with the fullest sense of responsibility, that the Government are prepared, if the necessity arises, to submit such proposals as may be required to keep up the Army to the necessary standard.

asked if the right hon. Gentleman could tell the Committee anything with respect to the action which was being taken as to officers' expenses. Two years ago, in consequence of events in South Africa, the attention of the public was strongly directed to this question. This was a question on which they had promises from the predecessor of the noble Lord now Chief Secretary for Ireland. Was the War Office going to do anything to remedy the evil, or had the question sunk into oblivion, though admitted to be an evil some two years ago?

My right hon. friend promised that this question should be looked into. He has appointed a small Committee, of which I am chairman, with a very wide reference, to look into the matter and to make recommendations which will be brought before the House. We have had one meeting already, but for various reasons we have had to adjourn, and will not sit for some time. We do not lose very much time by not sitting now, for very many people who could give excellent advice are away in South Africa, and little could be done. I cannot say that we shall be able to place proposals before Parliament when it meets next year, but I hope we shall be able to do so.

* said it was hardly fair that the Secretary of State for War should swing the sledge hammer around him and then beat an ignominious retreat. The hon. Member for South Donegal and himself had been twitted for asking questions. Why had he to ask so many questions? Let the noble Lord the Financial Secretary to the War Office consider how he answered questions. Formerly his Lordship was most courteous, but he seemed to be an entirely different man since he went on to the Treasury Bench as a War Office representative. His answers were frequently impertinent. The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War would like to join some of his colleagues in taking away the privileges of Members of the House by sweeping questions off the Paper altogether. So long as Members were permitted to put questions, he for one intended to put them. If he were to put all the questions he might put, they would number fifty a day. He drew attention to the case of 600 men of the Lewis section of the 3rd Seaforth Highlanders (Militia), who volunteered for service in South Africa, but who were sent to Egypt to liberate the Regulars there. These men on being brought back from Egypt were disembodied at Dingwall instead of Fort George. There was no suitable steamer to take them to Stornoway; but a small steamer was obtained from MacBrayne sufficient only to accommodate 370 men. It was an open boat, and the weather was wet and stormy. One man died from exposure, and many men were invalided. If this was the kind of treatment which Volunteers were to receive, how could the country expect to get recruits for the Army? Who paid for the steamer hired from MacBrayne?

I hope the Committee will not go at length into the question which the hon. Gentleman has raised. Whatever else may be said on this question, it is not a contract made by the War Office. If any error has been made it is not the error of the War Office or of the commanding officer, but of the shipping company. As this is the last night that can be given to Army Estimates, it may be desirable now to pass from the Vote under discussion to the Medical Vote. I conceive that it is desirable in the general interest that the Medical Vote should be taken. If that is the view endorsed on the Front Opposition Bench, I should be prepared then to move the adjournment.

The right hon. Gentleman has appealed to me, and he indicates the course which we ought to pursue. It is not the interest of the Government, in one sense, that this debate should be continued, but surely the right hon. Gentleman should look to the business of the House being conducted in an orderly way. I understood that there are a number of matters to bring forward on this Vote of the Secretary of State's salary. This Vote gives the Committee the only opportunity we have of discussing a great many matters which could not be discussed in the early part of the session, and which really would go without consideration and without publicity altogether unless we have this discussion now; and, much as may be the importance attached to the medical Vote, I should be sorry to see hon. Members deprived of this opportunity.

Of course, I have not the slightest objection to the course which the right hon. Gentleman desires should be followed.

said it was no fault of the Opposition that this Vote was not disposed of earlier in the evening. He understood from the ruling of the Deputy Chairman it would be impossible for them to discuss anything with relation to the conduct of the war. He did not propose to transgress that ruling, but he thought they had a right to complain of the absence of information as to what was transpiring in South Africa, It was not the fault of Lord Kitchener, and he could not believe that that general did not communicate to the War Office everything that transpired there. The authorities in Pall Mall must know what was happening, and the question was, Why was the information withheld from the public? For example, the Standard that morning contained the report of the capture of a mail train in Cape Colony, of which nothing had been issued by the War Office. Cases had occurred before in which the newspapers were ahead of the War Office in news. The country was still without full information as to what took place at Vlakfontein. We were entitled to know what was happening in South Africa. All we knew was that 250,000 men on our side were engaged there; and there could not be more than 10,000 of the Boers. Still the war was not coming to an end. There must be some reason, and some information in the possession of the War Office which was with held from the public. Moreover, there was picking and choosing of news on the part of the War Office. For example, letters of Messrs. Steyn and Reitz which had been captured were promptly issued by the War Office in order to show the condition of the Boers. Why could we not know what was the condition of our own force? Again, the Secretary of State for War promised to procure more detailed information of the Botha-Kitchener interview, but it was not forthcoming. Lord Kitchener's summarised telegrams still remained, showing that Botha was in May willing to surrender under conditions less than independence. The Colonial Secretary had said that General Botha, in the interview, objected to Lord Milner. That was not in the paper presented to the House. It must have come in a communication from Lord Kitchener, and, if so, why had the House not had it? How was it that this report had not been laid upon the Table of the House? According to Lord Kitchener's telegram, General Botha was satisfied with regard to the conditions laid down as to the government of the Transvaal. That construction had been challenged by hon. Members on the other side of the House; but how was it that they had not received from Lord Kitchener a full account of the negotiations? If the Government had received that full account why did they not give the information to the country? The curious thing was that the Government had published General Botha's account of the interview, but that the report of their own general on the matter had been withheld from the public? That was a very extraordinary state of things. The right hon. Gentleman had stated in the House that he was awaiting Lord Kitchener's despatch, and that he had no doubt that Lord Kitchener would give full details of the interview in that despatch. But the right hon. Gentleman had not published Lord Kitchener's despatch; he said that Lord Kitchener had only confirmed what was in his telegram. [An HON. MEMBER on the Irish benches: He will be asked to rewrite it.] It was quite clear, at any rate, from the discussions that had taken place that more information had been received by the Government which had not been made public. He would tell the Committee why. In the course of the discussion on the Botha negotiations the right hon. Gentleman said that General Botha had objected to Lord Milner. How did that not appear in the Papers laid before the House? He could understand the Government withholding information which would be valuable to the Boers for military purposes, but what possible end could be served by concealing from the country all that had taken place between General Botha and Lord Kitchener? There must have been some object, and he suggested that that object was to remove the responsibility which rested upon the Government of refusing to conclude a peace in March last upon terms which Lord Kitchener himself considered satisfactory and ought to be adopted. There was no military reason for the concealment: the only reason was a purely political one. The Government ought to send for full information, if they had not got it, as to what transpired on that occasion. They had in a full narrative form an account of the interview between General Buller and General Botha's brother: how was it that a similar report had not been published in regard to the interview between Lord Kitchener and General Botha?

said that the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War had done him the honour in his absence of alluding to a question he had put to him. Any personal attack made on himself by the right hon. Gentleman in his individual capacity he would pass over with silence and contempt; and he attributed to anything the right hon. Gentleman had said the slightest importance consistent with Parliamentary courtesy. As the right hon. Gentleman had ventured to criticise him in the exercise of a Parliamentary right, he would show the object and good of his questions. He had again and again said that throughout the campaign there had been shown a lamentable disregard of the sufferings of the poor private soldiers who were doing their duty, and a desire to protect the interests of the richer classes. [Cries of "Oh, oh!"] That was a very serious allegation. So recently as the 27th June he asked the right hon. Gentleman the following question—

"Whether he can state what particulars, if any, has the War Office received of the attack on the convoy between Bethel and Standerton, when an officer of the Munsters and five men were killed and upwards of twenty were wounded; and what explanation, if any, has the War Office to give for the publication of the statement of the casualties without any details of the engagement."

That brilliant statesman the right hon. the Secretary for War, with that "forcible-feeble" style of his—[Cries of "Oh, oh!"]—he must characterise the right hon. Gentleman's style—replied that no further information as to the engagement had been received from South Africa, and that it appeared to him to have been a small skirmish, in which only six men had been killed and twenty wounded. He went on to say that if Lord Kitchener had attached any importance to it he would have sent details. Lord Kitchener, he contended, did not seem to attach much importance to human life. [Cries of "Oh, oh!" "Withdraw!" and "Mahdi's head!"]

said that he was afraid that the Deputy Chairman was going to ask him to withdraw his statement in regard to Lord Kitchener, but, if he had done so, he would not have withdrawn that statement. He would come to another matter. The noble Lord the Financial Secretary to the War Office and he had always been on the best personal terms during his Parliamentary life. They were so still, so far as he was aware. A few days ago he had put down a question to the Secretary of State for War, which was answered by the noble Lord. He thought that the Cabinet Minister in charge should have done him the honour, and the country at large the honour, of answering that question. He noticed, however, that when a question was asked in reference to the conduct of the war it was answered not by the Minister, but by the Secretary to the Minister who had left this House to be the chief ministerial press censor in South Africa, evidently for political purposes.

said that every single answer to questions which he had given had been written out for him by the Secretary of State for War.

said that that was very charming, but the Secretary of State for War could not have written out the answers to the supplementary questions he had asked. He had asked another question dealing with the military government of Johannesburg—whether the military governor had given special facilities to the Banking Company of Africa immediately after the occupation of Johannesburg, by ordering that all the drafts of that company were to be received as legal tender instead of gold. The noble Lord had said that he did not know anything about it, and that there had been an unfortunate omission on the part of the War Office—

said he would not; he did not want to exercise his temper any longer. He should, however, tell the right hon. Gentleman the reason which actuated the military authorities in giving special facilities to the African Bank; it was that the Gentleman who was Financial Secretary to the Treasury was a director of that bank. He had only to turn to the answers given to questions given that afternoon by the right hon. Gentleman as a specimen of the style of the big strong man who was to save this decaying Empire. He often amused his friends on these benches by telling them beforehand what the answer of the right hon. Gentleman would be to their questions. [An HON. MEMBER on the Ministerial Benches: Why do you ask them?] Because he wanted to let the British public know what was going on. He believed that the intelligence of the British public was stronger than that of some hon. Gentlemen on the Government benches. When he asked questions, the answer generally was, "We have no official information." Again, when he had asked a question in regard to Lord Roberts, it was said in reply that Lord Roberts had so much to do, that he had given away so many war medals, that he had given so many posts to the nobility, that his Lordship had no time to devote to these trivial matters. He would come now to a more serious matter. In his early days he had practised in the county courts of Ireland, and he knew the art of evasion perfectly. He had asked the right hon. Gentleman that afternoon this question: "What explanation, if any, the War Office has to give of the fact that, while two clerks in the De Beers Company, the one a cyclist and the other employed throughout the siege of Kimberley in a clerical capacity, have obtained the Distinguished Service Order, two officers of distinguished merit, the one a holder of the Victoria Cross, have been passed over, although mentioned in Colonel Kekewich's despatches for conspicuous ability and gallantry during the siege of Kimberley?" He had also asked the right hon. Gentleman this other question: "Whether he can explain why Colonel Kekewich, who was in command at the siege of Kimberley, was not consulted as to the way in which rewards should be distributed to those whom he had brought under the notice of the Commander-in-Chief?" The right hon. Gentleman replied that he had no information.

I beg pardon. I had plenty of information, but I said that I had none to communicate to the right hon. Gentleman. [Laughter.]

Those laugh best who laugh last. These things were stereotyped in his mind. This was an object lesson in the right hon. Gentleman's method of answer. In reply to both of his questions the right hon. Gentleman said he had no information. He had asked him again why the right hon. Gentleman had no information in regard to his second question, and the reply was that he had not seen Lord Roberts, but that he knew Lord Roberts's motives, although he would not explain them. He (Mr. MacNeill) would give the reason why two attachés of the Kimberley Diamond Mines were promoted to the Distinguished Service Order, and two gallant gentlemen, one of whom had been recommended for the Victoria Cross, and both of whom had been mentioned in despatches for conspicuous ability and gallantry during the siege of Kimberley, were passed over. It was that the Government had to conciliate Rhodes and his creatures. Was it not a fact which the right hon. Gentleman dare not deny, that Colonel Kekewich, who conducted the siege of Kimberley with conspicuous ability, and who was only the son of a judge, had to exercise his right against the gold-bugs and diamond merchants in Kimberley as military commander, and did not Mr. Cecil Rhodes, when General French relieved Kimberley, order Colonel Kekewich out of his room?

Order, order! The hon. Gentleman, under cover of discussing an answer to a question is raising matters which are not relevant under this Vote. It has been ruled from the Chair that the answers of Ministers cannot be discussed on Supply unless they are relevant to the Vote itself.

I have ruled that it is not relevant, and I must ask the hon. Member to obey my ruling.

said he failed to see, if his point was not relevant, the pertinence of anything. His contention was that questions were answered in a way they ought not to be.

The hon. Gentleman must confine himself to the administrative acts of the Minister.

said if the Chairman would not permit him to continue he would be glad to bring his remarks to a conclusion. But he would say that during the fifteen years he had been in the House he had never seen the evasion of questions carried to such an extent. He never saw in any office less inclination to answer any questions than that exhibited by the right hon. Gentleman.

said he hoped the public would appreciate his position, and he was sure that the attitude of the right hon. Gentleman would not raise him in the admiration of the Empire.

thought it a great pity that a personal turn should have been given to the debate. He associated himself with the hon. Member for Carnarvon in asking the Secretary for War to give the House and the country a little more information as to what was going on in South Africa. First, on the grounds of humanity. There was the sad event in which an hon. Member with whom they all sympathised, who had lost his son in an engagement four days ago, and which had only been reported that afternoon. The War Office either had or had not got the information, and if they had the information they ought to have published it. The right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War ought to give instructions that fuller information should be sent by the Commander-in-Chief in South Africa as to the conduct of the operations. In the second place, more information ought to be given on the grounds of policy. The Government could not carry on the war without the support of the House of Commons. The right hon. Gentleman might think that he had the support of his own side, but there was not the same intelligence given, certainly not the details of what was going on, as was afforded a year ago. He believed that the war might have been ended long ago, if a proper use had been made of the negotiations with General Botha in February last; and there was a very strong feeling in the country that these negotiations had gone further than we yet knew of.

said hon. Members were entirely wrong in supposing that the Government were to blame, in any sense of the word, for not publishing a larger amount of information as to the military operations. Allusion had been made to the unfortunate loss that had fallen on a Member of the House, the Member for Wandsworth, in the death of his son. He believed the news was wrongly transmitted by the telegraph in the first instance. It should be remembered that telegrams in the newspapers rather highly coloured accounts of skirmishes which did not seem sufficiently important to the generals commanding the columns all over the country to be deemed worthy of instant notice, and, moreover, the columns often did not touch the telegraph for many days. He was sorry to hear the hon. Member for South Donegal state that Lord Kitchener's information was not to be relied upon. Suggestions of that kind were undesirable and unworthy. The Government had given to the House on every occasion all the information that reached them except only as to the movement of columns to a particular objective. In regard to the negotiations with Botha, it was clear from the captured documents that President Steyn would not consent to any terms short of independence. That Lord Kitchener would never have proposed, and His Majesty's Government would never offer. As a matter of fact, if the Government had received a despatches from Lord Kitchener on that subject they should have published it, but the despatches they received dealt only with the military operations, and not with those particular negotiations. He could assure the hon. Member that if he saw all the documents received by the War Office he would agree that the country was given a true and accurate account of the proceedings in South Africa.

* : I am not content with the reply of the right hon. Gentleman. He knows nothing at all about it.

* : He knows nothing about it. Can the right hon. Gentleman inform me who is responsible for the arrangement by which these 600 patriotic Lewis men who volunteered for service in South Africa and were embodied at Fort George were not disembodied there, and who made the arrangement for a steamer to take them from Kyle to Stornoway? This is a very serious matter, and will be detrimental to recruiting.

said he understood that the Secretary of State for War had represented him as describing Lord Kitchener's despatches as untrue and unreliable. What he had complained of was that the War Office did not give the full despatches. What he said was that Lord Kitchener had shown a lamentable indifference to human suffering.

From what the hon. Member for Ross-shire has said, it would look as if a slight had been put upon the Militia, but such is not the case. When a regiment at the end of its training is disembodied the members become private individuals on obtaining their passes. These men have always been disembodied at Ding-wall and given their passes for the island of Lewis, and they have gone by whatever boat they wished. On this occasion the Provost of Stornoway suggested that they should all come at one and the same time, so as to meet with a public reception. That was not the province of the commanding officer, but he arranged for a boat to take the whole of the men. After the men were in the train and had actually started he found that the owners of the boat had substituted a smaller boat. He was unable to do anything which would meet the demand for accommodation by the remainder of the men. It is a matter of very great regret that it should have been so, but I cannot allow any blame to rest with the officer commanding, who, outside of his real province and real work, did his best to forward the wish of the Provost of Stornoway. He was defeated in his efforts by another ship having been substituted for the one ordered.

said this was unquestionably a most important Vote, considering the vast amount of money which was being spent on the war now going on in South Africa. There had been exceedingly few occasions on which they could discuss the war during the present session. A motion had been made to reduce the salary of the Secretary of State for War by £100. He would certainly vote in favour of that reduction. He did so, firstly, on the general ground that if any Member on the Opposition side of the House proposed a reduction of the salary of any Minister in the present Cabinet he should always vote for it, because he regarded those gentlemen as responsible for the war, and he regarded them also as responsible for the war having gone on so long. During the great Napoleonic war Ministers subscribed a very large amount of their salaries to the public service, and it seemed to him that when the present Ministers were habitually calling their opponents traitors and heaven knows what, and boasting and swaggering of being great patriots, the best thing they could do would be to follow that example.

said that another reason why he would vote for the Amendment of his hon. friend was that the right hon. Gentleman had come forward with a scheme for the reorganisation of the Army. He was not a military man—not even a captain of Volunteers—but so far as he could gather from the service Members there was a general consensus of opinion on their part that a more thoroughly bad scheme was never presented to the House of Commons. He understood that it would cost £4,500,000. [An HON. MEMBER: Not so much.] He had always observed that when a Minister said a scheme would cost so much money—he had in view the case of Uganda—that Minister proposed it in a sort of homoeopathic way, and induced the House of Commons to accept it. He would guarantee that this reorganisation scheme would cost more than £2,000,000. Another reason why he supported the reduction was that, while they could not discuss under this Vote what had taken place in South Africa, they could discuss the action of the right hon. Gentleman who was responsible to the House of Commons. It sometimes happened that they were baulked in their desire to discuss the Estimates owing to the closure being put on, but the closure would not be put on that night. Hon. Gentlemen opposite who cried "Divide" might carry out their natural wishes and go home to bed; but Members on that side claimed the right to speak fully on this question. He thought that, considering the anxiety which existed in the country, the right hon. Gentleman should urge the Commander-in-Chief to give fuller information as to what was going on at the seat of war. The right hon. Gentleman had said that correspondents were able to telegraph in regard to a particular fight or battle, but that the Commander-in-Chief was not able to do the same. Surely the Commander-in-Chief might send some officer with a despatch to the nearest telegraph office. Did the right hon. Gentleman really mean to say that if an engagement had taken place in which twenty or thirty men had been killed or wounded, we, in this country, were to know of it from the correspondents before the Commander-in-Chief knew it himself? And yet that was the defence of the right hon. Gentleman. All they asked was that the right hon. Gentleman should say to Lord Kitchener that we in this country were anxious to know what was going on in South Africa, and desire him, if he would be so good, as to send fuller telegrams. As to the negotiations with Botha, the right hon. Gentleman said that these might interest history but not interest us; but why did not Lord Kitchener send a despatch in regard to the negotiations with General Botha? In all probability it was that the Colonial Secretary had telegraphed to Lord Kitchener that his negotiations with General Botha were preposterous, and that Lord Kitchener was offended and would not send anything further to the Government. [Laughter.] The hon. Gentleman who laughed might like to think these proposals preposterous, but he could not believe that the Commander-in-Chief would be of the same opinion. He wanted to know two things. In the first place, could the right hon. Gentleman state what was the position of Lord Kitchener in regard to peace negotiations? Did he gather that Lord Kitchener could not enter into negotiations and discuss matters with General Botha, if General Botha proposed it? That was most important, because the session was very nearly at an end, and before the House separated they should clearly know from the right hon. Gentleman what were the powers, if any, in the hands of Lord Kitchener. The right hon. Gentleman had said that from the correspondence of Mr. Steyn and Mr. Reitz it was evident that they would not come within the area of the British Empire. He did not read the correspondence so. These Gentlemen had said that they would not submit unless with independence; but he could understand a certain independence within the area of the British Empire.

said the hon. Gentleman could not argue on that line under this Vote.

said he would ask whether the right hon. Gentleman meant distinctly that the Government would not give that independence which Canada possessed if the Orange River Colony and the Transvaal entered within the area of the British Empire. He also wanted some information in regard to the Committee of Ladies which the right hon. Gentleman was sending out to South Africa, which was not an act of Lord Kitchener's, but of the right hon. Gentleman himself. The leading lady was a most able and respected lady, but she had written articles in which she had shown herself a bitter partisan of His Majesty's Government. The other ladies he did not know, but they were representatives of high Conservative families. Then there was one who was an inspector of factories. He suggested that the right hon. Gentleman should agree to appoint a lady from the Committee represented by Miss Hobhouse. [Cries of "Oh, oh."] What they wanted was a fair investigation. Nobody had questioned for a moment the facts stated by Miss Hobhouse. [Cries of "Oh, oh."] Some Gentlemen sneered at that, but he asked them to get up and challenge any of Miss Hobhouse's statements. He was sure the right hon. Gentleman wished to be fair, and he thought it would be most desirable for him to appoint some lady from Miss Hobhouse's committee. [Cries of "Oh, oh."] The right hon. Gentleman had given a Return of the number of men, women, and children who had died in the various refugee camps, and it seemed that there was something wrong as to the condition of the children in these camps. The right hon. Gentleman had stated that in the Transvaal in the month of July there was an epidemic of measles, but everyone knew that measles was not a serious disease— [Cries of "Oh, oh "]—provided proper care was taken. He remembered that when he had spoken of these deaths before, the right hon. Gentleman had said that there were a large number of negroes in the camp. His notion was that the right hon. Gentleman's intention was to convey that the deaths were among the negroes. The return showed that the deaths of whites in the camp numbered 777 out of 85,000, but there was not one death out of the 23,489 negroes. He thought some explanation should be given by the right hon. Gentleman on that matter. Did the right hon. Gentleman mean that there would be no return of the deaths of blacks, or that the officials did not know how many blacks had died? What they wanted to know was the total number of deaths amongst blacks and whites in the various camps.

said that the Government ought to give the fullest information as to the condition of the women and children confined in these hells upon earth—the concentration camps. When the War Office adopted the system of concentration camps they accepted an awful responsibility both before God and man. It seemed that all questions of inquiry in regard to the camps were to be deprecated, and all demands for information were to be deemed traitorous. The Intelligence Department of the Army was a byword and a focus of contempt. The war in South Africa had been cruel and costly, and there had been awful blunders committed at the beginning of the campaign. Did the War Office imagine that the Boers, instead of being armed with Mauser rifles, were armed with sporting guns? The responsibility for the disasters which had occurred seemed to be equally divided between the War Office and the Colonial Office, and, forsooth, at a time like this they were to ask no more questions than at a time when the whole Empire was at peace. The position would be farcical if it were not for the terribly serious nature of the business. The right hon. Gentleman complained of the amount of work put upon the subordinate clerks at the War Office, and simultaneously he brought forward a huge scheme for the reorganisation of the Army when their hands were full of this most awful war. He protested against the scheme being carried through at a time of panic, and deprecated the enormous increase in the cost of the Army which this scheme would involve. They should rather have turned their attention to the strengthening of the Navy as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Forest of Dean had often said. What amount of military opinion in the country was in favour of the Army reorganisation scheme? The most competent military authorities had torn it to shreds and atoms as a thing thoroughly impracticable. How were they to get the men unless they were willing to pay the ordinary soldier more than 1s. per day? What experience had the right hon. Gentleman of war? Had he ever seen a shot fired? Did he know a rifle from a fowling piece? In order to mark in a proper sense their condemnation of the inefficiency of this blundering Department the salary of the Secretary of State ought to be reduced £4,000. Why was Miss Hobhouse not invited to join the Committee of ladies to be sent out to South Africa?

said it was perfectly evident if the Government persisted in taking the Vote that night the Committee would have to sit a considerable time, because there were a number of hon. Members who desired to say something upon it. He would suggest that the most convenient course for the Government was that they should now consent to bring the proceedings to an end. He begged to move to report progress.

Committee report progress; to sit again to-morrow.

SOLICITORS BILL [Lords].

Order for Second Heading read, and discharged; Bill withdrawn.

COUNTY COURTS (IRELAND) BILL [Lords]

Order for Second Reading read, and discharged; Bill withdrawn.

In pursuance of the Order of the House of the 22nd day of this instant July, MR. SPEAKER adjourned the House without question put.

Adjourned at a quarter before One of the clock.