House of Commons
Monday, July 29, 1901
Private Bill Business
GREAT SOUTHERN AND WESTERN RAILWAY BILL [Lords]
(By Order.)
Order for Third Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the third time."
said that as the extension of the line to Cashel was very much required by his hon. friends the Members for Tipperary he did not intend to oppose the Third Reading of the Bill, but he did desire to take that opportunity of expressing on the strongest possible manner the extreme dissatisfaction which was felt in the district concerned at the manner in which the Great Southern and Western Railway Company were working the Limerick and Kerry line. He wished it to be understood that the chief complaint was in regard to the goods traffic arrangements. Previous to the amalgamation, responsible officials of the company went round the district promising a better train service and greater facilities for the public. But since the amalgamation had become an accomplished fact, the company had gone back upon those promises. He was not speaking at random; he was prepared to prove his assertion. He held in his hands resolutions passed by the Kerry County Council and the Newcastle West Town Commissioners, pointing out that they were induced to support the amalgamation proposal by the promise of an improved service on the line between Limerick and Kerry, and expressing their dissatisfaction at the treatment now accorded to them, and the public inconvenience caused by the neglect of the company to provide an improved service. Now the company "pooh-poohed" the whole thing. They denied that any undertaking had been given, and declared that if their officials made any promise they were not bound by it. Such conduct was shabby, and only worthy of a railway company. He passed from that, and would dwell upon another question, a very important one, vitally affecting the people and the industries of the south of Ireland. It was a question of railway rates. Again he had to point out that prior to the amalgamation officials of the company went round promising a general revision of rates and a reduction in particular cases. On the faith of those promises support was given to the amalgamation scheme. But, the company having attained its object, was now ignoring them, and the district affected by the amalgamation was in a worse condition than ever. The promised reduction of rates for hardware goods from Birmingham had not been carried out. There was, however, a still more important matter Terrible injustice was being inflicted upon the Irish butter industry, and he held in his hands a letter signed by Mr. H. Sullivan, pointing out that while, prior to the amalgamation, it was possible to get Irish butter placed on the London market within sixteen or eighteen hours of its despatch from the south of Ireland, it now took from four to six days, with the result that it was rendered impossible to place that butter in a favourable condition on the market. That statement was confirmed by a Mr. Gibson, of Limerick, the Secretary of the Irish Dairy Association, and a gentleman well known in connection with the Irish butter industry, who, in a letter which he had written, declared that the promises made by the company were being deliberately broken. The letters he had received showed that the people in the south of Ireland were treated in a scandalous fashion by this company. No other people in the world would stand it. The few remaining industries were being carried on against terrible odds. The railway rates alone were enough to kill them, to say nothing of foreign competition. The Chief Secretary should deal with the matter in a practical way, not by making sympathetic replies, which resulted in nothing, but by compelling the company to work this line in a proper and businesslike manner, to cast aside their petty spites, and to carry out their promises. If Ireland had, as she ought to have, a Parliament of her own, these grievances would not be allowed to exist.
, having lived in North. Kerry practically all his life, had had some experience of the working of the line both before and since the amalgamation, and he had no hesitation in saying that the condition of affairs under the amalgamation throughout the whole of the county of Limerick and the greater portion of Kerry, so far as the travelling public and the carriage of the mails were concerned, was as bad as, if not worse than, under the Waterford and Limerick Company. On three days in succession last week the connection at Limerick Junction failed, the consequence being that the mails were delayed in delivery to the extent of eight hours. Commercial men would appreciate what that meant when they knew that the replies from Irish commercial houses could not, in consequence, be sent until seventeen hours later than would otherwise have been the case. There might have been some excuse when Limerick Junction was being worked by two companies, the one in competition with the other, but there was not the slightest justification now that amalgamation had taken place. Paid agents of the Great Southern and Western Railway Company had made public promises to the ratepayers of North Kerry that, if they would withdraw their opposition to the Amalgamation Bill, certain concessions and facilities would be given. Relying on those promises, the opposition was withdrawn, but now the state of things was such that the very men who previously favoured amalgamation were going to the county council and the urban councils proposing resolutions calling on the company to carry out their pledges and to act honourably. The statement had been publicly made that those promises would have been carried out had it not been for the fact that the Kerry County Council opposed the amalgamation. The council had no alternative, if they were to get back the money they paid as a guarantee; and were they to be punished in this way because they fought in the interests of their ratepayers? The failure of the connection at Limerick not only affected the mails, but disarranged the whole of the tourist and passenger traffic. Things were getting so bad that the House ought to take some interest in the matter, and see that these railway companies did not run the whole machinery of the country and of the House of Commons, but carried out honourably the promises they made.
* desired to see Clause 34 in the Bill so amended that protection would be given to private hotel-keepers in the districts affected. The railway company ought to be put in the same position as any other hotel-keeper, and made to work their hotels only in open and fair competition. Irishmen welcomed competition, and they were glad to see this company investing their money in hotels in this district. They welcomed the proposal, as they knew that good hotels would be put up by them; but they desired that these hotels should be worked so as not to interfere unfairly with the existing hotel-keepers. The company must be judged by the method in which they had transacted similar matters in the past, and as an illustration of that method he might mention that the Great Southern and Western Railway issued through return tickets from Dublin to Killarney, including three days board at their hotel, for 42s., whereas the ordinary return ticket for the railway journey only was 55s. The House, before passing the Bill, ought to inquire whether the provision of hotels was necessary in the interests of the promoters, and when they were satisfied in that respect they were bound to see that no injustice was done to other people with similar interests. With that object he desired that the company should be bound to issue tickets for their line without giving preferential rates, in order that other hotels in the district should be able to compete with them on equal terms. In his constituency about £100,000 was invested in hotel property, and he thought that fact should induce the House of Commons to do what he asked. In this matter he did not speak only for people of his own religious persuasion or politics. One gentleman who was a Protestant wrote to him stating that if the Bill was passed in its present shape it would simply ruin him. Another of his constituents, who was as strong an Orangeman as the hon. Member for South Belfast, made a similar complaint. He called the Chief Secretary's attention to this clause, so that it would not come on him without notice. He had heard him declare in another debate that the whole support and influence of the Government would be given to any individual in Ireland whose interests were unfairly affected. The interests of a large number of hotel-keepers were very materially affected by the clause under consideration, and he was sorry that the Chief Secretary was not present in order to use his influence against this clause and act up to the declaration he had referred to. He would have to tell his constituents of the fact as illustrating how unreal the Chief Secretary's interest was in most of their affairs. The proposal he made was a very fair one. In Kerry they had a number of hotels which were quite equal to what the company proposed to erect. There were some hotels in Killarney that were better. For instance, all the nobility and gentry, as they were styled, put up at certain existing hotels, while there were other hotels that suited visitors from Lanca- shire and Yorkshire who could not afford to put up at large hotels belonging to the railway company. The clause would interfere very seriously with the poorer portion of the tourist traffic. He begged to move.
Amendment proposed—
"To leave out the words 'now read the third time,' and add the words 're-committed to the former Committee in respect of Clause 34 of the Bill, as amended.'"—( Mr. Murphy. )
Question proposed "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
supported the motion, and said he did so because he did not wish to see any monopoly created in the county of Kerry in connection with the hotel business. Judging from the treatment they had received in the past from this company they had no guarantee that if the monopoly was granted in the hotel business they would not continue treating them in the same way in the future. They had no guarantee that the preferential rates offered now would be continued, and a very energetic class of the community in his constituency would be ruined if this clause passed in its present form. He desired that new hotels should be constructed, but what he strongly objected to was the creation of any monopoly that would damage any section of his constituents.
said he desired to say a few words in favour of the motion made by his hon. friend. They would have no other opportunity of expressing their views upon this Bill but this one, and in the county of Kerry they were very much interested in this matter. They objected to any hotels having a monopoly, and there ought to be a fair field for all. They had no guarantee that when this, company had killed all competition that they would still continue offering these special facilities. All they wanted was that there should be fair and open competition.
in supporting the motion said hitherto he had been a friend of the company, and on two occasions he came down to London to support them. After two years experience of the company, however, he had come to the conclusion that it was not safe to trust them. The Great Southern and Western Railway were the most unapproachable and the most discourteous railway company in the whole county of Kerry, and for that reason he should support the motion before the House.
said his constituents had been working very hard to get this Bill passed, and the county Council of Tipperary had given their consent to it. All the popularly elected bodies in south Tipperary were anxious that this line should he constructed, and he was afraid that if the motion which had been moved were passed it would jeopardise the passage of the Bill, and the line might not be constructed at all. Although he agreed with his hon. friends that the Great Southern and Western Railway had not treated them as well as they ought to have done, nevertheless, for the reasons he had given, he should vote against his hon. friend's motion if they went to a division.
thought it was in the interests of Ireland generally that everything that could possibly be done ought to be done to develop the tourist traffic in the south of Ireland, and nobody could deny that the action of the company in building hotels and improving their tourist railway service had not proved an advantage to the south of Ireland. The Great Southern and Western Railway were only asking that they should be treated in the same way as other companies. When this Bill passed through the other House the question of the hotels was not raised at all. He firmly believed that this Bill would undoubtedly be for the benefit of the south of Ireland, and he hoped the hon. Member for East Kerry would withdraw his motion.
on a point of order said that the individual members of the Kerry County Council did not vote in favour of petitioning against the Bill owing to the promises made by the company.
* : Order, order! That is not a point of order, and the hon. Member has already spoken.
said they had another threat from the hon. Member for the Devizes division of Wiltshire. It was worthy of remark that no Irish Member had been found to stand up and say a single word for the Great Southern and Western Railway Company. He suggested that the House should refer the Bill back and not trust the company.
* pointed out that it was not in order to discuss the past conduct of the company under this motion.
said he wanted to see the Bill re-committed. They should not take the promise of the company for anything at all, for whenever the company had got powers hon. Members from Ireland knew how they had been used in other cases. They had Broken faith all along the line.
* said it was not in order to pursue that line of argument.
said he did not wish to transgress. He wished this; Bill to be re-committed, even if it were defeated.
* : The question is, Is the Bill to be recommitted in reference to the Amendment to Clause 34.
said the only Member who spoke in favour of the Bill on the other side told the House that if a certain course was not taken the Bill, would have to be rejected.
* : This particular Clause 34 does not entitle the hon. Member to go into the conduct of the company in other cases.
said this was only the beginning of the exhibitions, they would get of breaches of faith on the part of the Great Southern and Western Railway Company. The company had taken up a monstrous position by the aid of the Irish Government. The President of the Board of Trade was responsible for the promises which had been given. No one had a good word to say for the company after years of experience. He wished his friends to go to a division, even if the Cashel line had to stand over. He wished to point out the danger of allowing the passing of an omnibus Bill containing one sweet pill.
* said the hon. Member was going against his ruling.
said he might perhaps be excused, as he did not rise to speak often. He asked his friends, notwithstanding what was said on the other side, to go to a division.
* said he desired to withdraw the motion. Having regard to the present position of affairs, he trusted the House would allow him to say one or two words.
* : The hon. Member is not entitled to say anything by way of reply to anything that has been said.
* asked leave to withdraw the motion. Owing to the position of affairs, he would not go to a division, but would endeavour to find some other means of effecting the result he desired and bringing the company to their senses.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read the third time, and passed.
Education Board Provisional Order Confirmation (London) Bill [Lords]. (BY ORDER.)
moved an Instruction to the Committee with respect to the Education Board Provisional Order Confirmation (London) Bill. He said he was loth to occupy any of the time of the House, particularly at this late period of the session, but he trusted that it would be in his power before he sat down to convince hon. Members on both sides that he did not rise and plunge into a maiden speech without good and sufficient reason. The Instruction, which he earnestly hoped might be issued to the Committee upstairs, referred to two sites which had been scheduled by the school board authorities to the borough of Stepney. They were known as the Bromley Street and the Blakesley Street sites. With regard to Bromley Street, since putting his motion on the Paper he had learnt that it had been withdrawn; there was, therefore, no longer any controversy with regard to it. He did not know that officially, but he trusted they would now hear whether it was the case. He understood it had been withdrawn in compliance with an arrangement which was made some months ago between the borough council of Stepney and Lord Morpeth, chairman of the School Accommodation Committee. The council agreed to widen the streets, to clear the insanitary neighbourhood of Heath Street, and effect the necessary rehousing in consideration of the school board on their part agreeing to take a portion of the area so cleared instead of the Bromley Street site, which was objected to. On these grounds the school board agreed to withdraw the Bromley Street site, but that site remained part of the Bill as drafted. In explaining why there had been so much delay in opposing the measure he said he must plead for the Borough Council of Stepney on two grounds—firstly, that they were under the impression that when the school board entered into the agreement to which he had referred they had undertaken to co-operate with the council, not only in regard to Bromley Street, but also by implication in regard to any other sites which it might be necessary to acquire; and, secondly, he would remind the House that the borough council was a newly-created body, and therefore youthful and innocent. They could not be expected to be up in all the moves on the parliamentary chess-board, and no doubt they had weakened their position by postponing action and neglecting to keep a vigilant eye on what was going on in this House. For that reason they could not appear before the Committee to-morrow. He could plead on his own behalf parliamentary youth and innocence, and while he would not dare to lay down any principle, it seemed to him that it did not matter at what stage a Bill was opposed so long as it could be shown that the opposition thereto was just and reasonable. In any case, it would be hard indeed if, owing to an oversight on the part of the council, punishment and hardship were to be inflicted upon the poor people of the neighbourhood. It was as a supplicant for them that he spoke that night. The school board had for some years past cast longing eyes upon the Blakesley Street property, and, apart from any action which they had taken in this House, the borough council and the inhabitants of the district had used every remonstrance in their power to prevent the site being used for school board purposes. A conference was held between Mr. Wylie, representing the Education Department, and the Borough Council of Stepney. Mr. Wylie's report had not been made public, so that it was impossible to say what view that gentleman took. A deputation waited upon the School Accommodation Committee from the borough council, and finally a large public meeting was held in the town hall, at which the mayor presided. It was attended by a large number of the most influential persons in the district. His hon. friend the Member for Lime-house was present upon the occasion, and would no doubt be able to tell the House what passed at that meeting. There was one incident, however, to which he should like to refer. Mr. Bruce, one of the members of the school board for the Tower Hamlets, was present and made a very frank, but to his mind astonishing, statement with regard to the policy of the board. He expressed a hope that in future the school board would be able to co-operate with the borough council more than it had done in the past. The right course, he felt, would have been for both bodies to have taken up this question together. So far the hon. member cordially concurred. But Mr. Bruce went on to say that the school board had no legal power to clear away slums and rebuild. "That," he said, "was the work of the borough council." Asked if he was aware that representatives of the borough council had offered on behalf of that body to co-operate with the school board in acquiringsites other than those scheduled, Mr. Bruce replied that he was perfectly unaware of the offer, but stated that if the borough council would write to the school board stating their willingness to co-operate with the board, and making arrangements for re-housing the people displaced, there was no doubt the board would accept the offer. Asked further why it was that the school board always scheduled less than twenty houses, Mr. Bruce replied that this was done because that was the largest number they were allowed to take without re-housing. He had not the least wish to see the school board involved in the work of re-housing, and stated that they were elected to look after education alone. A letter was read to the meeting from Sir Charles Eliott of the London School Board, stating that he was—
"in sympathy with the objection against the sites, and adding that the school board was terribly afraid of the duty of rehousing, and so everything had to give way to the object of taking less than twenty houses."
The policy and practice of the school board was familiar to this House. Under Standing Order 183A they could not acquire twenty houses inhabited by the labouring classes without incurring re-housing responsibilities. To evade this nineteen houses or less were acquired. A school was built and used for a short time. It was then found to be inadequate, and the board then asked power to acquire more houses on a separate Bill, thus neatly circumventing the intentions of Parliament. He could not see why twenty families should be re-housed and nineteen should not. In any case the Order 183 should be re-drafted so as to prevent the school boards or any other body taking two bites of the cherry and evading their responsibilities piecemeal. He did not know whether the views expressed by Mr. Bruce were the views of all his colleagues on the school board, but he trusted they were not. A great deal was said at the present time about the housing of the working classes, but very little seemed to be done. His view was that nothing could be effected by what was called "comprehensive legislation," and that the only remedy would be found in the co-operation of all public and private bodies. Every authority which had the power to acquire and to clear sites in London should surely be guided by one principle, and that was to use their opportunities for the advantage of the district, to promote the public health and morality, in short to clear sites which needed clearing, and not to accentuate the great existing difficulty of providing decent house accommodation by the wanton destruction of good and sanitary houses in which these poor people were able to live. He held that no good house property should under any circumstances be destroyed, unless absolute urgency and necessity was clearly proved. Could that be proved in this case? He could not believe that it was necessary to destroy this good property, and that this was the only site which could serve the purpose of the school board. In the present instance the borough of Stepney had unanimously passed two resolutions—one within the last few days and one in December last—in which they repudiated indignantly the action taken by the school board. London looked to these local bodies in the matter of the housing of the poor, and he asked the House to consider whether these local bodies, who were doing all they could towards the solution of this great problem, were likely to be encouraged by this action of the school board in evading all responsibility in connection with rehousing, and in wantonly destroying habitable house property, so that the local authorities were left with nothing but slums and insanitary areas. The Borough Council of Stepney had shown in this case that they were most eager to co-operate with the school board and the Board of Education; they had come forward and offered to take over all the responsibility of clearing the sites and widening the streets. That offer showed that they were genuinely anxious to meet the school board and the Board of Education; but what hope could there be, unless they were met in a friendly spirit, that this most difficult of all problems could ever be settled? He did not wish to debate this question on party lines, but he maintained that though this particular case might appear to some hon. Members insignificant, still there was underlying it a great principle. He appealed therefore to the school board and the Board of Education to co-operate in every way they could with the local authorities, and try and solve this question. It was wise and politic that at this of all times the school board should not enter into a conflict with the local bodies. He rejoiced to think that, for the first time, a borough council had found a solution of this question. The borough of Stepney had entered into relations with the school board, and were going hand in hand with education and the housing of the poor, and if that could be done in one instance, why might it not be done in all, and why should not it be acted upon in the case of the Blakesley Street site as well as in the case of the Bromley Street site? He appealed to his hon. and learned friend opposite, the Member for North Camberwell, who he saw was anxious to pulverise him. He was one of those who believed that if some of the millions which had been and were being spent on education were laid out on better houses the cause of education itself would greatly profit. His hon. and learned friend the Member for North Camberwell was as ardent and able an advocate of housing reform as he was an educationist. Did he shed his housing principles when he entered the portals of the school board? Did he not believe that the moral education of a decent house was as important as anything taught in the board schools? Did he not know that the efforts of our teachers by day were obliterated and nullified by the deplorable surroundings of the poorer class of children by night? If that were so, he appealed to his hon. and learned friend to use those great opportunities which the school board possessed in clearing sites. They had a programme for one year, which contained no less than forty scheduled sites in London. Allowing nineteen houses for each site, that meant that between 700 and 800 houses were to be cleared away. He believed that he did not put forward an impossible ideal when he said that he could picture a state of things when, as each board school was erected, a group of decent houses would be erected round it, in which some of the children, at all events, would live under decent and civilised conditions. He appealed to the whole House, to all Members who at the time of the General Election made so many promises in regard to the housing question. When they packed their political portmanteaus in the shape of election addresses, they placed in them the articles which they believed to be most useful for their arduous voyage to these benches. He hoped and believed that these articles were for use as well as for show. He hoped and believed that they would not fade and shrink in the parliamentary wash. To all Members who were interested in the housing question, here and now was an opportunity of testing and proving the durability of those articles which they had placed before the electors at the General Election. He trusted they would support the Instruction, for underlying it a great principle was at stake. He begged to move.
said he desired to support the motion of his hon. and gallant friend. The Blakesley Street site was situated in the constituency he had the honour to represent, and the London School Board proposed to purchase it against the wishes of the local authority. The borough council of Stepney in December last passed an unanimous resolution condemning the action of the London School Board in attempting to take the site referred to. Blakesley Street was one of the broadest and best streets in the division of St. George's in the East, and was occupied by lightermen, who had to be at their occupation at all hours. It was proposed to unhouse 120 inhabitants in order to build a board school to facilitate the education of children, principally foreigners. St. George's in the East was one of the most densely crowded districts in inner London, the number of inhabitants to the acre being 200 as against 61 for London. According to the last census returns the population had increased 7 per cent., whereas the housing accommodation had decreased 5 per cent. It was not unusual that as many as six families resided in one house, and occasionally a family occupied a cellar at a rental of six shillings a week. Within a radius of one mile from Blakesley Street there were no less than ten board schools, and many voluntary schools also. He would submit those facts to the House, and leave it to the judgment of the House whether the London School Board ought not to listen to the representations of the borough council for the locality.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on Education Board Provisional Order Confirmation (London) Bill [Lords] to leave out Plan No. 23 and Plan No. 25 from the Schedule."— Major Evans-Gordon.
said as chairman of the School Accommodation Committee of the London School Board he desired to say a few words on the motion. He was entirely in sympathy with everything that had been said by hon. and gallant Gentlemen and the hon. Gentleman with reference to the pressing urgency of the question of the housing of the poor. A year ago his committee made representations to the Education Department that in the two blocks in which the Blakesley Street site was situated there was a deficiency of 1,694 school places, and the Department, after most careful inquiry, said, "Very well, we will give you permission to build a new school for 750 places." The Sites Committee then went down to the locality, and arrived at the conclusion that Blakesley Street would be a good site after consultation with the local members of the school board. His committee then proposed that the Blakesley Street site should be taken, but before proceeding any further they consulted all the board schools and voluntary school managers in the locality, and no objections were received from them. Then his committee represented to the school board that the Blakesley Street site should be taken. In November last year they advertised their intention to take the site, and then the Borough Council of Stepney asked to be seen by the School Accommodation Committee. On 27th of February last his committee listened to the representations of the Stepney Borough Council with extreme care, and he was quite sure that they were most anxious to meet the borough council in any practical proposal. The case of the council, however, was that Blakesley Street contained fairly good property, whereas there were in Stepney a number of sites with very unsuitable houses, and that one of them should be selected, the result of which would be that the school board would have to provide the re-housing instead of the borough council. If his committee could have found a site as educationally suitable and as cheap as the Blakesley Street site it would have been selected, even though it involved re-housing by the school board. The position of the borough council was that Blakesley Street, which contained a number of decent houses, should not be cleared, but that another site should be cleared, and that the school board should provide the re-housing.
* said that was not quite the position. The agreement between the borough council and the school board referred to the Bromley Street site, and the arrangement was that the school board would not have to re-house.
said it was impossible to deal with the Blakesley Street site as with the Bromley Street site. As the matter presented itself to him, the borough council endeavoured to throw upon the school board the obligation of doing part of the re-housing. The school board were quite willing to work amicably with the borough council in this matter, and they went and inspected the Johnson Street site, but they found it was a site which would cost a good deal more than the Blakesley Street site, and was educationally not so suitable. The Johnson Street site was contiguous with two Roman Catholic voluntary schools, and within a few minutes of a Church Voluntary school. The objections to putting down a board school in close contiguity to three voluntary schools might riot weigh with the borough council of Stepney, but it would, and did, weigh very greatly with the committee, of which he was a member, which had to consider this matter. Other alternatives had been suggested in a more or less indefinite form, and the Government inspector held local inquiries and considered all the suggestions, and ultimately came to the conclusion that there was nothing for it but Blakesley Street, and so Blakesley Street had been put into the Bill. The matter had now gone out of the hands of the London School Board, and it had become a matter for the Board of Education to deal with, and inform the House as to what the evidence was of the necessity for the Blakesley Street site. He hoped the House would not strike out "Blakesley Street," because, in the first place, there would be a year's delay, and there were already 1,964 children unprovided for, and the result of the recent roll showed that there were 200 new children over and above the 1,964. There would be a delay of a year, and the education would be less advantageous. According to a report supplied from his own surveyor, it was impossible to find a site in the prescribed area which would not involve the destruction of more buildings and the disturbance of more people. Therefore, advocates of the housing of the working classes ought to vote for the Bill on that ground. The school board had met the borough council in this matter; there was no other alternative; at the present moment the borough council could not suggest one, and the Board of Education could riot find one. If it were possible to find a site educationally as suitable, and which would not involve any delay, and which would cost, area for area, not more than Blakesley Street, the school board and the committee would be glad to give it their consideration, but it was necessary in the meantime to hold on to something, and they should therefore take powers, although they need not necessarily build at once.
said that, the attention of the Board of Education having been called to the fact that a deficiency of school accommodation existed, he made inquiries into the matter, and the House might take it from him that there was a deficiency of accommodation, and that it was necessary to give powers to the school board to build accommodation for the instruction of these children. Having come to the conclusion that there undoubtedly was a deficiency, it then became the duty of the Board of Education to see that the site proposed was a fit and proper site for a school, and it was their duty not to allow a site to be scheduled in the Bill unless they were convinced of that fact. According to their invariable custom where alternative sites were suggested, they had taken upon themselves to hold a local inquiry to ascertain which site was most suitable. The question of displacing the population was a question for Parliament, and not for the Board of Education. In this particular case a local inquiry had been held by the Inspector of the Board of Education, who came to the conclusion that the Blakesley Street site was the most convenient and suitable for the school. They therefore sanctioned its inclusion in the Bill. But it was open to those who objected to appear before the Committee, which would decide the question after hearing evidence, and he could not countenance the demand that the House itself should deal with the matter.
said that the reason why the Stepney Borough Council had not sought to appear before the Committee was that they were under the impression that they had come to an agreement with the school board with regard to both the Bromley Street and the Blakesley Street sites, and therefore had no cause to interfere in any way. With regard to the Blakesley Street site, he understood that that would be taken out of the Bill; but even if it were they were still face to face with the principle which actuated the school board in these matters. He thought the school board ought to abstain in very poor districts from laying hands upon sites of a high rateable value, and thus laying an extra burden upon the poor. It was a curious fact that in the case of the Bromley Street and Blakesley Street sites both properties are the best rateable properties in the district. He drew attention to the fact that owing to what is called the block system adopted by the school board the board schools were in much closer proximity than he considered necessary. He suggested that if the provision of further educational sites in St. George's in the East were dealt with under a different system there would not be the necessity for so many schools.
pointed out that under the "block system" schools were grouped together for the purpose of accommodation, and the Education Department accepted the "blocking" of the school board.
thought that where a district was of great rateable value the fact should be taken into account. The London School Board, too, ought to rehouse the people whom they displaced for educational purposes. It was not so much the quantity as the quality of the property taken. The school board scheduled districts because they contained a good class of houses, a smaller number of which would be required, and the duty of rehousing thus avoided. He strongly urged the House to pass the Instruction which had been moved.
, referring to the statement that the borough council had not taken up the position they ought to have done and given evidence before the Committee, because they believed an arrangement had been come to, said he was informed that while it was perfectly true an arrangement was come to in regard to one site, in this particular case no arrangement was arrived at.
said the clerk to the council did believe an arrangement had been come to.
thought it was an unfortunate position, and it would have been much better if evidence had been placed before the Committee. He could not, however, see his way to support the motion before the House, because there was a very large deficiency of accommodation to be supplied. There could be no dispute on that point, as the matter had been very carefully gone into by the school board, whose proposals were endorsed by the Board of Education. He could not share the responsibility of allowing the deficiency to go on for another year, or possibly two years, as would be the case if the Instruction was carried. The supporters of the Instruction had not attempted to prove that an equally suitable alternative site was available, and the Vice-President had stated that the Department, after endeavouring to make themselves conversant with the district, had come to the conclusion that there was no alternative site. He should, therefore, oppose the Instruction, but he felt that in these matters where there was any dispute between the school boards and the local authority some inquiry should be made, and that the views of the local authority should carry great weight.
said that the matter under consideration raised a principle of great importance in view of the recent creation of London municipalities. The time had come when the local authorities of London should have a great deal more to say as to the position of these schools and the action of the school board than was at present the case. In the course of the recent Education debates a great deal had been said about the school boards being put in any way under the municipalities. The question before the House seemed clearly to show that some such step was absolutely necessary, because London really consisted of a number of large cities, and it was very unreasonable that a municipality controlling a population of, say, 350,000, should not be able to settle the position of a school.
* : Order, order! The hon. Member is now opening a very large question, which hardly arises on the Instruction.
said the position the supporters of the Instruction were taking up was that the local authority should be more consulted, and their contention was that in this case the local authority had been consulted, but not to a sufficient extent. The local authority had come into existence since this site was first considered, and he certainly thought the whole contention was whether or not the local authority, which, after all, was the supreme authority in the district, should be consulted.
* : I did not object to the hon. Member saying the local authority might have been consulted more. My observation was directed to the question of control by the local authority, which is a much larger subject.
said it was essential that in these large municipalities local authorities and the school board should work together in this matter. Because they had not done so in this case he should support the Instruction, as it was absolutely necessary that the London municipalities should be supported in their view.
thought the Vice-President was mistaken in suggesting, as he apparently did, that the local borough council should have appeared before the Committee by which this Bill was considered He had a strong impression that only owners of sites concerned could so appear. If the right hon. Gentleman thought a Committee was the proper body to determine the controversy between the school board and the local authority, and would give an undertaking that the Bill should be recommitted to a Select Committee, before which the borough council could be heard, the motion might, perhaps, be withdrawn. That, he thought, was a reasonable proposal, and would meet the point of the hon. Member for Poplar.
said he was prepared to give such an undertaking on the understanding that the motion before the House was withdrawn.
asked whether such a course would involve any delay.
understood that the Report of the Select Committee could be considered before the end of the session.
said that, if that assurance was given, as far as he was concerned there would be no objection to the course proposed.
Motion, by leave, withdrawn.
Bradford Corporation Bill
Humber Commercial Railway and Dock Bill
London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway Bill
Paisley Police and Public Health Bill
Lords' Amendments considered, and agreed to.
BARROW-IN-FURNESS CORPORATION BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.
BRIDEWELL HOSPITAL BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, without amendment.
BROADSTAIRS AND ST. PETER'S WATER AND IMPROVEMENT BILL [Lords]
CENTRAL LONDON RAILWAY (No. 2) BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.
FRESHWATER, YARMOUTH, AND NEWPORT RAILWAY BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, without amendment.
DOVER HARBOUR BILL [Lords]
King's consent signified; Bill read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.
SOUTH ESSEX WATER BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.
BETHLEM HOSPITAL BILL [Lords]
DOVER CORPORATION BILL [Lords]
HEYWOOD AND MIDDLETON WATER BOARD BILL [Lords]
SALFORD CORPORATION BILL [Lords]
As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
SOUTH EASTERN AND LONDON, CHATHAM, AND DOVER RAILWAYS BILL [Lords]
As amended, considered; Amendments made; Bill to be read the third time.
WATFORD AND DISTRICT TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]
Read a second time, and committed.
Dublin (Equalisation of Rates) Bill
Ordered, That Standing Order 207 be suspended, and that the Lords' Amendments to the Dublin (Equalisation of Rates) Bill be taken into consideration to-morrow though opposed.—( Mr. Harrington. )
Ordered, That the Lords' Amendments be considered to-morrow.
EDUCATION BOARD PROVISIONAL ORDERS CONFIRMATION (BARNES. ETC.) BILL [Lords]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 7) BILL [Lords]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 8) BILL [Lords]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 9) BILL [Lords]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 12) BILL [Lords]
Read the third time, and passed, without Amendment.
ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 11) BILL [Lords]
PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 3) BILL [Lords]
TRAMWAYS ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 2) BILL [Lords]
As amended, considered; to be read the third time to-morrow.
GLASGOW CORPORATION (TRAMWAYS AND GENERAL) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]
[Under Section 7, Sub-Section (2) of the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899.]
Considered; to be read the third time to-morrow.
Greenock Corporation Order Confirmation
Bill to confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Greenock Corporation (to be proceeded with under Section 7 of the Act), ordered to be brought in by the Lord Advocate and Mr. Solicitor General for Scotland.
Greenock Corporation Order Confirmation Bill
"To confirm a Provisional Order under the Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, relating to Greenock Corporation," presented accordingly; and under 62 and 63 Vic., c. 47, s. 7 (2), ordered to be considered upon Thursday.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to Local Government Provisional Order (No. 11) Bill, without Amendment.
That they have agreed to Rhyl Improvement Bill; Golborne Gas Bill; Metropolitan District Railway Bill; Biggleswade Water Board Bill, with Amendments.
That they have agreed to Amendments to Wigan Corporation Tramways, etc., Bill [Lords]; Leeds Churches Bill [Lords]; and to Worcester Tramways Bill [Lords], without amendment.
RUGBY WATER AND IMPROVEMENT [Lords]
LEEDS CORPORATION (GENERAL POWERS) [Lords]
Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Petitions
Burgh Sewerage, Drainage, and Water Supply (Scotland) Bill
Petition from Inverness against; to lie upon the Table.
EDUCATION (No. 2) BILL
Petition from Battersea, against; to lie upon the Table.
Housing of Working Classes (Repayment of Loans) Bill
Petition from Shoreditch, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Lodger Franchise
Petition from Shoreditch, for legislation; to lie upon the Table.
Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill
Petitions in favour, from Bracknell; and Stanford; to lie upon the Table.
Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children (Scotland) Bill
Two Petitions from Kildalton, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Sovereign's Oath on Accession Bill
Petition from Stirling, against; to lie upon the Table.
Returns, Reports, Etc
East India (Public Works Department)
Return [presented 26th July] to be printed. [No. 290.]
Arsenical Poisoning (Royal Commission)
Copy presented, of First Report of the Royal Commission appointed to inquire into Arsenical Poisoning from the Consumption of Beer and other Articles of Food and Drink. Part I. Report [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Board of Education
Copy presented, of revised instructions applicable to the Code of 1901 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
South Africa
Copy presented, of Papers relating to certain Legislation of the late South African Republic affecting Natives [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Malta
Copy presented, of Further Correspondence relating to the Political Condition of Malta [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Trade Reports (Annual Series)
Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 2,669 to 2,672 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
EGYPT (No. 2, 1901)
Copy presented, of Despatch from His Majesty's Agent by the Consul General at Cairo enclosing a Report as to Irrigation Projects on the Upper Nile, etc., by Sir William Garstin, K.C.M.G. [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
National Education (Ireland)
Return ordered, giving the fol- lowing particulars regarding the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland:—
Names of Commissioners. When appointed. Number of attendances. Hours of meeting. Number of meetings to which the Press was admitted. 1890. 1891. 1892. 1893. 1894. 1895. 1896. 1897. 1898. 1899. 1900. Total Number of Board meetings each year
—(Mr. Thomas O'Donnell.)
"Minerva" and "Hyacinth" (Trials)
Return ordered, "of the Particulars of the recent sea trials of the 'Minerva' and 'Hyacinth.' "—( Mr. Wolff. )
Questions
Questions
South Africa—Martial Law—Execution of Rebels
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that on or about the 21st instant a British subject named Klopper was hanged for the crime of high treason at Burghersdorp, in the Cape Colony, and that on or about the same day another British subject named Klasson was sentenced to death and executed at Somerset East, in the same colony, for a similar offence; whether the civil courts of the colony are now open or to what extent their jurisdiction is in abeyance; before what courts and on what dates the above named British subjects were tried, and who were the judges composing the court; what legal assistance, if any, was allowed to the accused, and was the evidence upon which they were convicted that of natives or white men; were the trials held in public, is any report of the proceedings available, and was any appeal from the sentences passed open to the accused; and whether the Indemnity and Special Tribunals Act (No. 6, of 1900), passed by the Cape Parliament last year for the purpose of trying persons accused of treasonable offences, has now expired for the purposes of such trials; if so, before what tribunals fresh cases of a like nature are now tried.
I have no information with regard to the particular cases referred to. The Special Court established by the Cape Act No. 6, of 1900, only has jurisdiction in cases of high treason and all political crimes committed before or within six months after the passing of the Act, that is, up to the 12th of April last, when the jurisdiction of the ordinary courts revived. But although the courts were nominally open they were not able adequately to deal with the grave cases of treason and rebellion which were increasing within their jurisdiction, and on the 22nd of April the following notice was, with the approval of the Cape Ministers, issued by Lord Kitchener.
Notice
Notice is hereby given that from and after this date all subjects of His Majesty and all persons residing in Cape Colony who shall, in districts thereof in which martial law prevails, be actively in arms against His Majesty, or who shall directly incite others to take up arms against him, or who shall actively aid or assist the enemy or commit any overt act by which the safety of His Majesty's forces or subjects is endangered, shall immediately on arrest be tried by court-martial, convened by my authority, and shall on conviction be liable to the severest penalties of the law. KITCHENER,
General Commanding-in-Chief. April 22nd, 1901.
What was the date of Lord Kitchener's proclamation?
April 22nd.
Eight months after Lord Roberts closed the war.
Lord Kitchener and the Imperial Yeomanry
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state when and in what terms Lord Kitchener last reported his satisfaction with the number and quality of the mounted troops now in the field in South Africa, and especially as to the quality in riding and shooting, and capacity for employment in the field of the latest levy of Imperial Yeomanry despatched from this country in and after January of the present year, and whether any report from the general officers commanding such mounted forces under Lord Kitchener can be given to the House.
Lord Kitchener, writing privately on 29th March, 12th April, and 26th April, wrote in very favourable terms of the latest levy of Imperial Yeomanry and expressed his opinion that with a little experience in the field they would prove most useful troops. The same reports have been given me unofficially by various generals and regimental officers under whom they have served. In more recent letters Lord Kitchener states that a proportion of these troops have not improved as he had hoped, but they are undergoing careful training.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether a large number of these men do not enter hospital immediately on arrival in South Africa, suffering from all kinds of disease, phthisis included?
I am not aware of that. The War Office is not responsible for the men falling ill.
Yeomanry—Arrears of Pay
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War a question of which I have given him private notice—namely, whether he is aware that a number of yeomen who have returned from South Africa declined to receive their medals on Friday last on the ground that they had not received their arrears of pay; and whether he will take immediate steps to inquire into their grievance and arrange for the payment of the arrears without delay.
No such case has reached me. If the hon. Member will supply me with any such cases I will certainly give my attention to them. The practice of the War Office when the statement of the amount due is delayed is to grant to the men four-fifths of what they can show they appear to be entitled to.
Boer Casualties
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he can state the number of Boers reported to him as killed, taken prisoners, and surrendered since the beginning of the war up to 1st July, 1901; also the number of horses, cattle, and sheep reported captured up to the same date; and whether he will state the number of prisoners now in custody.
The numbers of prisoners of war and surrendered burghers is about 33,000. Some more have been released on parole. No accurate returns of their killed have apparently been kept by the enemy, and therefore no information in this respect is available. No complete Returns of captured stock have been forwarded from South Africa.
Does that include women and children?
How many British troops have surrendered to and have been released by the Boers?
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that Lord Kitchener's weekly report of casualties among the Boers for the past six months, from 31st January to 22nd July, show that 669 Boers were killed and only 390 wounded, whereas the usual proportion of killed to wounded in war ranges from one in three to one in six or seven; whether Lord Kitchener has sent any explanation of the fact that practically two Boers have been killed to one wounded; and, if not, whether some explanation will be asked for.
As I have already told the House, the Boers carry away their wounded, and we cannot tell how many are wounded.
Are there not some wounded included among the prisoners?
I cannot say whether that is so. As a rule wounded prisoners are mentioned as wounded.
Boer Captures of British Troops
I beg to ask the Secrstary of State for War whether he can state the number of British and Colonial soldiers who have since October lest been made prisoners by the Boers and afterwards released by them.
The hon. Member will find all the information available in the daily casualty lists and in the monthly summary of casualties.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that a telegram in The Times shows that there has been a miscalculation of over 1,000 in the returns.
I am not aware of that.
May I ask, Sir, what is the reason why, in answer to an earlier question as to the total number of prisoners taken, the total was given, and when an hon. Member on this side of the House asks a question—
* : Order, order! The hon. Member cannot criticise the answers given.
Are not Members on this side of the House who put questions entitled to have as full answers as are given to hon. Members on the other side of the House?
* : If the hon. Member suggests that equal justice is not meted out by me to both sides of the House, he is very much out of order.
I asked a question myself, and I was referred to a weekly Return, and a question was asked by an hon. Member opposite—
* : Order, order! The hon. Member is entirely out of order in discussing these matters. If he has any objection to take to the mode in which I deal with the business of the House—
What I said, Sir, had no reference whatever to you. My question was why a Minister gave totals in the case of questions which he wishes to answer—
* : Order, order! The hon. Gentleman is now commenting on an answer that has been given. He cannot do that.
Are you aware, Sir, that we were precluded from discussing the way in which the right hon. Gentleman answers questions in Committee of Supply?
Pay of Civil Surgeons at the Front
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the pay of civil surgeons who have served for three years with the Imperial forces will be rendered at the end of that period on a similar scale to the pay of members of the Royal Army Medical Corps.
The matter is under consideration.
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the case of civil surgeons serving with the Imperial forces; and will steps be taken to render them eligible for the gratuity under the provisions of Army Order 136, June, 1901.
The hon. Member apparently refers to the gratuity granted to re-employed officers and those in a similar position. It is not issuable to medical men engaged under special terms.
Do not these men lose their professional employment in civil life when they serve with the Imperial forces, and ought they not to be in the same position as Army surgeons in the matter of gratuity?
The bargain made with them is a different one.
And a very hard bargain it is, too.
Captain Leumann, I.M.S
I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether he is able to promise reconsideration to the case of Captain Leumann, I.M.S., now deceased, who, having been lent by the Indian Government to the Natal Government, volunteered for service upon the outbreak of the war, and whose executors have been denied any participation in the war gratuity on the ground that he was engaged in a civil capacity; and whether it has been represented to him that under the Indian Government this officer would have been deemed to have earned such gratuity in similar circumstances.
Captain Leumann was granted a special rate of pay as a civil surgeon, and was therefore ineligible for the war gratuity. Had he been treated as a captain of the Royal Army Medical Corps, and thereby been eligible for the war gratuity, he would have been not so well off.
Disclosure of Official Documents
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War a question of which I have given him private notice. whether it is a fact that he has been obliged to refuse all further official communications to a London morning journal; and, if so, whether he can make any statement on the subject.
I am not sorry that my hon. friend has put this question, because it enables me to state exactly what has occurred. I desire to repudiate the suggestion that any action has been taken against a morning journal in consequence of the information, which subsequently turned out correct, which that journal published respecting the shooting of the wounded at Vlakfontein. On the contrary, I am grateful to any correspondent who can give the public accurate intelligence as to past events. But on two occasions in the present year this journal has published statements on impending events based on secret official documents, and it is immaterial in my opinion whether these were obtained by direct purchase or through the means of a correspondent. In each case the information had been refused on patriotic grounds by another journal. On the last occasion, last week, I intimated to the editor that this practice must cease, and that unless he could give me the means of detecting the leakage I must take such steps as the Government can to protect the country from the effects of premature and inaccurate disclosures. I notice that this journal states to-day that it is "in a position to obtain much other official information," and I am informed that a similar case of the publication of information from an official document by this journal, also surreptitiously obtained, recently occurred at the Admiralty. I may add that I have already had to dismiss one official for making improper use of confidential documents. It may be that in this case the leakage is outside the War Office. But while taking such steps with regard to guilty individuals as may be necessary, I cannot justify leaving men of moderate income to the temptations which may be offered them by a prominent journal, and I think the House will assist me in my effort to put down these occurrences, which are a disgrace to the public service and a danger to the country.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he contemplates taking any steps under the Official Secrets Act, either against the proprietors of this journal or against other persons who may be implicated.
In any case in which I can take action under the Official Secrets Act I shall certainly do so.
Bloemfontein Concentration Camp
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the medical officer's report upon the state of health of the children in Bloemfontein Refugee Camp, which was asked for by Lord Kitchener a month ago, has been yet received; and, if so. will it be published in extenso, and how soon.
The report has not yet been received.
On the 27th of last month I was told that the War Office had telegraphed, and expected a reply very soon. I will repeat the question on Thursday.
No mail can arrive between now and Thursday.
Inyacke Island
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will state the reason why the British Navy in past years landed Marines on Inyacke Island, in Delagoa Bay, for the purpose of hoisting the British flag there, and will he explain why this action has been discontinued.
No record can be found at the Admiralty of the occurrence referred to by the hon. Member.
South African Transports—The "Mongolian."
(Derbyshire, Ilkeston): I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can state the results of the inquiry into the condition of the transport "Mongolian" on her last voyage from Cape Town as regards defects in machinery, supplies, and accommodation for the troops; and what steps he proposes to take, or has taken, in the matter.
Inquiry has now been made into the circumstances attending the voyage of the "Mongolian." It appears that the machinery of this vessel broke down twice during the journey from the Cape, and in consequence the ship was considerably delayed and the voyage unduly lengthened. Before leaving on her outward voyage she was dry docked, thoroughly surveyed, and her engines opened up, and her Board of Trade certificate renewed. Up to the time of her last voyage the "Mongolian " had made the passage at her average rate of speed, twelve knots. The delay of the ship naturally caused an extra demand upon the stores, which in some cases proved inadequate. The commanding officer, on her last voyage from the United Kingdom, reported that the accommodation was entirely satisfactory on all points, and that the hospital could hardly be improved upon. Unfortunately great demands were made upon the accommodation in the case under consideration, owing to the fact that several patients who had acquired the germs of enteric at Kronstad developed the disease on board. The hire of the vessel has been stopped for the period by which she exceeded the normal length of voyage, and a fine of £700 has thus been inflicted. An abatement will also be made in the daily rates payable in respect of victualling.
Kruger's Treasure
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies if Captain Crowe, the British consul at Delagoa Bay, has communicated with the British Government as to the failure to seize, with the sanction of the Portuguese Government, treasure of ex-President Kruger, valued approximately at £2,000,000, secretly shipped from there by the sailing ship "Litchfield"; and, if so, will he state the nature of such communication, and, in the event of his having no information, will he make inquiries.
* : During the prohibition of the export of gold from Lourenco Marques the vessel in question was searched, but no gold was found.
* : Will the noble Lord say whether it is not a fact that the gold was pointed out to the British representative, but owing to the incompetence of the person employed by him the seizure was not effected?
* : I must ask for notice of the question.
* : How is it the Colonial Office answered a question on this subject on the last occasion, and now it is the Foreign Office?
[No answer was returned.]
Railway from Lorenzo Marques to the Transvaal Frontier
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies if the Portuguese Government have leased, or are negotiating for the purpose of leasing, to the British Government the railway between Lorenzo Marques and Ressano Garcia, the frontier town of the Transvaal, and, if so, will he state the terms and the advantages that will be gained by British traders from any such action.
* : We know nothing of any such negotiations.
Soldiers and the Franchise
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether any voter now serving in South Africa would sacrifice his vote if his poor rate remained unpaid on the 20th of this month.
* : I fear that the answer to this question must be in the affirmative.
Volunteer Bands and Orange Processions
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that pipers and drummers of the 1st Volunteer Battalion Argyle and Sutherland Highlanders took part in an Orange procession at Greenock on the 12th July, wearing the uniform of their corps; whether such action on the part of Volunteers in uniform is permitted, and, if not, whether he will take steps to prevent such conduct in the future.
One piper and two drummers of this Volunteer battalion without permission played in an Orange procession on 12th July, and some ex-members of the pipe band played in apparently borrowed uniform. The matter is being taken up by the General Officer commanding the district.
Case of Mrs. Mary Gorman
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware of the destitution of Mrs. Mary Gorman, a widow, of Harristown, county Kilkenny, whose two sons were in the Royal Irish Regiment, and that one of her children died while on his way to the Transvaal, and the other, after spending one year there and eight and a half years in India in the English Army, got a year's imprisonment for some neglect of duty; and whether, having regard to the circumstances, he will cause the imprisonment to be remitted, and give some relief to the mother of those two Irish soldiers.
I am not aware of the case. I regret to say that the grounds set forth in the question would not justify any reconsideration of the case.
Poona College of Science
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for India if he is aware of certain difficulties in the way of technical instruction and engineering training caused by the action of the Director of Public Instruction in the Bombay Presidency, whereby several students applying to enter the engineering branch of the College of Science at Poona found themselves excluded, and, having regard to the recent declarations of His Excellency Lord Curzon, at the Aligurh College, will he state what steps will be taken for the removal of the restrictions mentioned.
I learn from an answer given to a question in the Bombay Legislative Council on the 12th February last that, in consequence of the large increase in the number of students in the engineering branch of the Poona College of Science since the year 1898–99, it became necessary to limit the admissions in 1901 to forty, and to select those to be admitted by a competitive examination. Neither the accommodation in the college nor the teaching staff is calculated to admit of an indefinite extension of the numbers attending, and the restriction was absolutely necessary to provide for the efficient working of the institution, which is maintained primarily for the supply of candidates for Government service in the Public Works Department.
British Commercial Agents Abroad
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he will state in what portions of the United States the British commercial agent is employed, what is the general nature of his duties, what salary and allowances he receives, and under what Vote the money is paid; and what commercial agents are employed elsewhere, what salaries are paid them, and under which Votes do they appear.
* : The British commercial agent in the United States has his headquarters at Chicago; his general duties consist in watching and reporting on the commerce, industries, and products of special districts, and in answering inquiries from chambers of commerce and firms. His salary is £500 a year, and he also receives an allowance of £300 to cover travelling and other expenses. His salary and allowance, as well as those of the other commercial agents, are accounted for under the Diplomatic and Consular Vote, subhead "Special Missions," partly under the heading "Collection of Commercial Intelligence," £2,000 and the balance (£200) out of "Unforeseen Missions." The commercial agents for Russia and Switzerland reside at Moscow and Zurich, and receive respectively salaries of £500 and £300 and allowances of £300 and £200 a year. The remaining commercial agent who acts for Central America, and who is permitted to trade, receives only an allowance of £100. All these appointments are experimental.
Has the nobel Lord mentioned the whole of the commercial agents?
* : Yes, Sir.
Chinese Indemnity—Opium Duty
I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether His Majesty's Government have considered the advisability of encouraging the Chinese Government to meet the indemnities to the Powers, by an increase in the duties on both native and imported opium, with a view to assisting that Government to put down the opium vice, in preference to the increase in Customs duties on imports of useful articles proposed by some of the other Powers.
* : I understand that the object which my hon. friend has in view is to make the duty on opium ultimately prohibitive. It is evident that such a result would not furnish China with money to pay off the indemnities. But, in fact, the question of what revenues should be utilised for this purpose has already been settled by agreement among the Powers concerned. I stated them to the House on Friday.†
Unseaworthy Ships—The "Louisiana."
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the crew of the steamship "Louisiana," at the port of Quebec, refused to proceed to sea in this vessel on the ground that she was in an unseaworthy condition, on account of her deckload of timber which gave her
† See Page 274
a list to port, that a surveyor was called by the crew with the result that he ordered some of the deckload to be taken off, and that after this was done the vessel had a list to starboard, in consequence of which five of the firemen refused to proceed in the vessel, for which they were sentenced to four weeks imprisonment.
The Board of Trade have not yet received particulars from Quebec of the case to which the hon. Member refers, but they have been asked for, and, so soon as they are in my possession, I will consider whether it is necessary for me to take any further action. Meanwhile I am informed that the "Louisiana" has arrived safely in this country, and inquiries shall be made on board.
Lights on the Scottish Coasts
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the report of the Scottish Chambers of Commerce, Shipowners' and Shipmasters' Associations, in which reference is made to the inadequacy of Scottish lights, and that intervals occur in the lighting of the Scotch coasts; and will he state what steps the Northern Lighthouse Commissioners propose to take in the matter.
I have seen a copy of the report referred to, but the Board of Trade have not received any communication from the Commissioners of Northern Lighthouses on the subject.
Birmingham Brass Foundries—Deaths from Poisoning
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to an inquest recently held by the Birmingham city coroner on a young man named Martin Brannon, who died from pneumonia and tubercle, certified by Dr. Moir, medical officer to the Ladywood Dispensary, to be due to brass poisoning; and whether, in view of the statement that a large proportion of the 2,000 men, women, and girls employed in the 400 brass foundries of Birmingham are suffering or have suffered from the well-known symptoms of this disease, and that the coroner stated that this was a case for inquiry, he will cause inquiry to be made.
* : Yes, Sir. My attention has been called to the case by the coroner. The question of the danger to health from dust in brass polishing and in the polishing of other metals has for some time been engaging the attention of the factory staff, and especially of the Medical Inspector of Factories. I will make further inquiry into the matter, and consider what steps ought to be taken.
Lead Poisoning in Printing Offices
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that Mr. Alhuisen, factory inspector, in the month of April last, issued to newspaper proprietors and owners of printing offices notices that the setting up of type came under Section 30 of the Factory and Working Act, 1895, which is known as the lead poisoning clause; whether he sanctioned this action of the inspector; and can he state what prosecutions, if any, took place as the result of this notice.
* : Notices have been issued as stated in the question. The matter was not submitted for my sanction, but the action of the inspector seems to be justified by the number of cases of lead poisoning in printing works, of which the hon. Member will find particulars in the chief inspector's report just issued. The prevention of such cases turns entirely on the cleanliness of hands. The employers have made no demur, and there has been no question of any prosecution.
Were there not seventeen fewer deaths from this cause last year than the year before, and has any case been made out for this interference?
* : I do not see how that affects the question. The matter is a very small one. It is merely the provision of accommodation for the workmen to wash their hands.
Prison Industries
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he can state whether he proposes to carry out the suggestion of the Controller of Prison Industries contained in the Report for 1900 (page 55) and abolish the treadwheel, crank, and other forms of unproductive labour in prison; and will he say how many treadwheel machines still remain in His Majesty's prisons, and in how many prisons the labour of oakum picking is continued.
* : The Prisons Committee of 1894 recommended that cranks and treadwheels, where unproductive, should be abolished and some other form of labour substituted, and since that date active steps have been taken by the Commissioners to gradually discontinue the use of these forms of mechanical labour. There are only sixteen now in use, and most of these will shortly be discontinued, as soon as arrangements can be made for the water supply being otherwise provided for the prisons. Oakum picking is continued in most of the prisons, but is only resorted to in the case of very short sentences, where time does not admit of more useful employment being engaged in with any profit or advantage.
Prison Warders
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether anything is being done to remedy the difficulty experienced by the prison authorities in getting suitable men for the position of prison warders, as stated by the prison inspectors on page 31 of the Report for 1900.
* : I am afraid I cannot say more at present than that this matter is receiving careful consideration.
Penge Medical Officer of Health
I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that Dr. Scott Tebb was elected medical officer of health by the Urban District Council of Penge, after open competition in response to public advertisement; can he state why the Local Government Board refused to sanction the appointment; whether he requires a profession of belief in vaccination from all persons before sanctioning their appointment as medical officers of health; and will he say what duties in securing vaccination are imposed on medical officers of health to urban district councils.
(Mr. WALTER LONG, Bristol, S.): The case of Dr. Tebb was fully discussed a short time ago by the hon. Member and others on the Vote for the Local Government Board, and, as then appeared, sanction to his application was refused on account of the views expressed by him in relation to vaccination. The answer to the third point in the question is in the negative. As regards the last point, a medical officer of health is much concerned with vaccination as being the most effectual means of preventing the spread of smallpox, and in the event of an outbreak of that disease in his district it would devolve upon him to do his utmost to promote vaccination and re-vaccination.
Cattle Disease Regulations—Canadian Store Cattle
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether his attention has been directed to resolutions and statements from agricultural societies and other representative bodies, pointing out the inconvenience caused to farmers by exclusion of Canadian store cattle; whether any cases of pleuro-pneumonia, or diseases resembling it, have lately been detected in animals from Canada slaughtered at the port of debarcation; whether there is any proof that the disease exists, or ever has existed, in the Dominion, or if it now exists in the United States; and whether he will cause inquiry to be made by Commission, or otherwise, into the whole question.
* : We have of course received resolutions from the few districts interested in the importation of store cattle. The question is one which was decided by an Act of Parliament passed so recently as 1896—and the existence or absence of disease in the exporting countries was only one element in the case for passing such an Act. So far as our evidence goes, there is no reason for suspecting the existence of disease.
Argentine Cattle
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether, in view of the interruption of and damage to trade between the Argentine and England, His Majesty's Government has received any information from the Argentine Government or the British Minister in Buenos Ayres which would enable it to enter into negotiations for the removal of restrictions on both sides.
* : We have no power to make such a bargain as is suggested in the question, nor would it be desirable that we should have such power. It is our duty to prohibit the importation of cattle from any country where there is good reason to believe that foot-and-mouth disease exists, and to remove the prohibition when we have reason to believe that disease has disappeared, and that otherwise the circumstances are such as to afford reasonable security against the importation of diseased animals.
London Stock and Dead Meat Market Prices
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he will take steps to ascertain from British farmers the prices they have lately been paid for live cattle and dead meat sent to London for sale; and whether he will also ascertain what gradual increase, if any, has been made in the prices of American meat by the dealers who control its sale.
* : We have no machinery at our disposal for making such a wide inquiry as the question suggests, nor are the farmers under any obligation to give us such information if we asked for it. There is no reason whatever to suppose that those prices would show a different tendency to the current quotations at the principal markets. Those of the London markets do not indicate any material change in values during the last three months. There was a rise during practically the whole of 1900, but a decrease has since, occurred. There was a similar rise in American meat last year, and a decrease since April of this year.
London Auxiliary Postmen's Grievances
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he will explain why a deputation of London auxiliary postmen in October, with respect to their wages and prospects,, was not received by him, seeing that assurances had been given that this privilege would be granted.
The deputation was not received by the Postmaster General because nearly all the subjects which they proposed to bring under discussion had already been exhaustively considered and dealt with in the Report of the Tweedmouth Commission, and no good purpose would have been served by reopening them. The hon. Member's reference to assurances on this point is not understood. It should be remembered that auxiliary postmen are not in the permanent service of the Department, and are only employed for a portion of the day.
Ceylon Parcels Postage
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that registered parcels from Ceylon to Australia are sent via England in place of being sent direct; will he state who is responsible for this arrangement, and whether he will take steps to adopt a business rule in the matter.
The arrangements for the transmission of parcels, whether insured or not, between Ceylon and Australia are made by the Colonial Governments; and, according to the Ceylon Post Office Guide, a direct change has been established. As, however, it was noticed some little time since that insured parcels were occasionally sent from one Eastern colony to another by way of England, the Postmaster General drew the attention of the several post offices concerned to the advantage of sending all such parcels directly.
Sale of Stamps at West Strand Telegraph Office
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that on a recent occasion a gentleman was refused stamps at the West Strand Telegraph Office on Sunday on the ground that only stamps for telegrams were allowed to be sold; whether throughout the country this rule is in operation; if so, will he abolish it.
No, Sir; the Postmaster General is not aware of such a case, and any officer taking the course described would be disobeying his instructions, which are that stamps for all purposes are to be sold on Sundays at the West Strand Post Office.
Sale of Stamps at Railway Stations
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he will make another attempt to provide stamps for sale at the great railway stations in London, also at Manchester, Sheffield, Birmingham, Dublin, Belfast, Edinburgh, and Glasgow; and has he ascertained the objection of the great newspaper vendors to sell stamps at railway stations.
Endeavours were made in 1892, and again in 1897, to arrange for the sale of postage stamps by persons keeping book and other stalls at the London railway stations, as well as at those in the larger provincial towns, but without much success. The chief newspaper vendors have hitherto declined to undertake the sale at their railway bookstalls, and the Postmaster General is not aware that they are prepared to reconsider their decision. Licences have, however, been granted in recent years to certain persons for the sale of stamps, etc., at railway stations and other public places by means of automatic machines, but it is feared that the demand has been too small to encourage a larger provision of these machines.
Glyndyfrdwg Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether his attention has been drawn to the despatch of letters from the village of Glyndyfrdwg, in Merionethshire; is he aware that letters now leave that village at 5.40 p.m. and go to Llangollen, where they lie till 9.15 p.m.; and, as the mail train passes through the village of Glyndyfrdwg at 9.7 p.m., whether he could arrange for the Glyndyfrdwg bag to go by that train to Chester, and be sorted in the railway sorting office; and whether, having regard to the postal arrangements for the adjoining village of Carrog, steps will be taken for the improvement of those of Glyndyfrdwg at an early date.
The night mail letters from Glyndyfrdwg are now sent by the train leaving that place at 5.51 p.m. To afford a despatch by the train leaving at 9.7 p.m., as suggested, would involve the letters being sorted in the travelling post office, and the work in the travelling post office is now performed under such great pressure at this point that the Postmaster General regrets that he would not be justified in making any addition to it.
Will the same facilities be given to Glyndyfrdwg as to the adjoining village?
I cannot say without notice, as I do not know what the facilities are.
The Parliamentary Debates
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he has been able to make arrangements to place in the library of the House an unrevised report of the Debates.
Yes, Sir; the contractors have volunteered to deliver in future complete sets of uncorrected proofs to the library, for the use of Members, simultaneously with their despatch to the speakers.
Expediting Divisions
I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether he can see his way to the construction, during the recess, of new exits from the No and Aye lobbies direct into the lobby, by making passages through the dividing wall, where it is panelled near the present screen-doors; to moving the check tables close to these new exits, which would be provided with doors, and turnstiles that permit egress only, so that Members, as soon as the doors of the House are locked, and no more can enter, could pass out into the lobby, and be duly counted without waiting till the House is cleared and inner doors locked.
No, Sir; if there were no other reason, against the proposal, I fear it is structurally impossible. The alterations could only be carried out by the removal of the staircases giving access to the galleries of the House. These staircases cannot apparently be dispensed with, and cannot be erected elsewhere. An important part of the post office accommodation would also be destroyed.
New Public Offices—Mr. Brydon's Plans
I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether the drawings for the new public offices, left by the late Mr. Brydon, include a complete set of elevations and sections as well as plans, and, if so, to what scale; and whether they also include the half-inch and full-size details necessary for the erection of the building.
The general drawings include complete elevations and sections, as well as the plans, and they are to a scale of 10 feet to one inch. There are full and clearly drawn half-inch scale details of both exterior and interior, but there are no full-size details except for joiners' work. My department has retained the services of Mr. Brydon's principal assistant with a view to ensuring, so far as possible, that Mr. Brydon's design may be carried out in its integrity.
House of Commons Accommodation
I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will undertake that no expenditure shall be incurred to carry out the recommendations of the Select Committee on House of Commons Accommodation without the House having first an opportunity of expressing an opinion on the desirability of incurring such expenditure.
I cannot proceed to carry out any of the recommendations of the Select Committee until an estimate has been considered and passed by the House, or until the approval of the House has been signified after discussion on the Houses of Parliament Buildings Estimate. I am anxious that such discussion should, if possible, take place this session.
Greenock Fever Hospital
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether he can state how long it is since the Greenock Fever Hospital was condemned as unsuitable by the Scottish Local Government Board; whether he is aware that a site for the proposed now hospital has not yet been selected; and whether the Local Government Board is prepared to insist on a suitable fever hospital being provided for Greenock and the neighbouring burghs without further loss of time.
I am informed by the Local Government Board that in November, 1898, they drew the attention of the local authority of Greenock to certain serious defects in the hospital accommodation provided for infectious cases occurring in the burgh, and suggested that a new hospital be erected. The local authority are co-operating with the local authorities of the burghs of Port Glasgow and Gourock, and with the local authority of the lower district of Renfrewshire, with the view of erecting a joint hospital. A joint committee has been formed, and has been engaged in endeavouring to secure a site. Several sites have been visited and reported on, but a suitable one has not yet been secured. The Local Government Board will endeavour to hasten the action of the local authorities.
Greenock School Board
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether he can state how much is spent annually out of the public rate by Greenock School Board in providing prizes for religious as distinct from secular knowledge.
I am informed by the School Board that the amount spent in the manner indicated in the question is £14 5s. 2d.
Is the expenditure legal?
Yes, Sir, perfectly legal.
Scottish Local Government Board Report
I beg to ask the Lord Advocate, as representing the Secretary for Scotland, if he will explain the cause of the delay in issuing the Report of the Local Government Board for Scotland, and will steps be taken to ensure the issue of the Report at an earlier date next year.
The delay has been due partly to the fact that the Report is now brought up to the end of the preceding calendar year, and partly to unusual pressure of work caused by the outbreak of small-pox in Glasgow. It is hoped next year to issue the Report by the beginning of May.
Board Night Schools
I beg to ask the Vice-Pre- sident of the Committee of Council on Education whether a school board organising a night school as a public elementary school not covered by the sanction of the Education (No. 2) Bill will be able to draw upon the school board rate in aid of the instruction of any pupils over fifteen years of age at the commencement of the school year.
I have many times tried to explain to the hon. Member that this is a legal question which the Board of Education have no authority to determine. In their opinion, as I have several times stated, such application of the school rate would be illegal, but it is a matter which the school boards must determine for themselves.
Physical Exercises in Night Schools
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether, in view of the many favourable comments in the annual Education Blue-books respecting the value of gymnastics, swimming, and physical drill to the pupils of the night schools, he can see his way to reinstate suitable physical exercises among the subjects of instruction for which grants are receivable in the night schools.
Under the Minute the fixed grant formerly made is discontinued. It was under it that physical exercises received indirectly Government aid. It is quite open to managers of evening schools to make provision for such exercises, but no special grant for practising them will be made.
Private Bill Committees
I beg to ask the hon. Member for Watford, as Chairman of the Committee of Selection, whether during the current session any Member of the House has asked to be excused serving on a Private Bill Committee on the ground of his private profession, business, or avocation; and whether any Member has been excused on that ground.
The answer to both questions is in the affirmative.
Crookes Endowed Schools. Sheffield
I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he can explain why the Crookes Endowed School, Sheffield, received no income from endowment during the year ending 31st March, 1899.
* : I have been asked by the Vice-President to answer this question as Charity Commissioner. According to the accounts rendered to the Charity Commissioners for the year ending 31st March, 1899, the school received a sum of £84 0s. 7d. from endowment.
Charity Commissioner's Annual Report
I beg to ask the hon. Member for the Tunbridge Division of Kent, as representing the Charity Commissioners, whether the Charity Commissioners can give in their annual Reports, in addition to the lump sum realised by the sale of the real property of charities, a statement of the number of acres of land sold during the year, with the number of acres situated in rural and urban districts respectively.
* : The Commissioners will be glad to accede to the request of the hon. Member, but as so much of the present year has elapsed it cannot be done in the next annual Report.
Outbuildings for Irish Live Stock
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the prosecutions instituted by the sanitary authorities in Ireland against people in the congested districts for keeping during severe weather cows or other animals in their dwellings; and whether, in view of the fact that these people are owing to their poverty unable themselves to build proper sheds and outhouses, he will recommend the Congested Districts Board to give them assistance to do so.
I am not aware that prosecutions have been instituted by sanitary authorities as stated. Under improvement schemes carried out on estates of the Congested Districts Board, and in other places in, the congested districts through the medium of parish committees, the Board has given limited assistance to small occupiers in order to encourage the building of outhouses and the removal of cattle from their dwelling-houses. It is open to the small occupiers in the congested districts, generally, to apply to the Board for a grant to be administered by a parish committee, but the funds set aside for the purpose this year have already been appropriated.
Strangford Dispensary District
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the attention of the Local Government Board for Ireland has been called to the need which exists for a branch dispensary at Dunsford, in the Strangford Dispensary district, county Down; whether the Board is aware that the sick poor of Dunsford are obliged to travel to Ballyculter, a distance of five miles, to obtain medical necessaries; and whether steps will be taken to oblige the guardians of the Downpatrick Union to establish the branch dispensary referred to.
This matter has been before the Board of Guardians for some time past, and on the 22nd June they gave directions for the establishment of a dispensary at Dunsford.
Irish Convent National Schools
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state at what rate per head on the average attendance in each case was the bulk sum paid to the conductors of convent national schools last year calculated; does this bulk sum include or exclude the residual capitation grant payable to all schools under the Education Act of 1892; whether he has observed that, in Memorandum, page 30, the insertion of the bulk sum is mentioned as a clerical error due to inexperience of clerks; whether he will ascertain who was responsible for the error in this case; and whether any responsible official in the National Education Office checks such work.
A Return is in preparation showing for convent schools the rate per pupil paid and the average attendance on which paid in each case. The Return will be communicated to the hon. Member when received. The bulk sum paid as a temporary measure in lieu of the capitation grant included the equivalent of the residual grant in each case. The bulk sums paid were subject, however, to rectification. This process of revision and rectification of the bulk sums is now in progress. The insertion of the bulk sum was not the error, but the omission to strike out the reference to capitation.
Malicious Burning of Heather in Co. Wicklow
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that since the Local Government (Ireland) Act came into operation there has been a considerable increase in the number of claims for alleged malicious burning of mountain heather (including a recent claim by Colonel Heighington, of Donard, county Wicklow), and for other alleged malicious injuries to property; whether he has read the judgment of Chief Baron Palles at the recent Monaghan Assizes in reversing two decisions of the county court judge, one of which was a claim for £450; and whether he will order an inquiry into the increase of such claims with a view to an alteration of the law under which they are made.
Compensation was not obtainable under the Grand Jury Acts for malicious injuries to mountain heather as it is now under the Local Government Acts. The answer to the second question in the first paragraph is in the affirmative. The whole question of compensation for malicious injury was carefully considered at the time of the passing of the Local Government Act, and the law deliberately changed to meet an acknowledged grievance. The best form of inquiry, namely, of hearing before the county court judge with an appeal, is already secured, and no change in the law is contemplated.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in many cases the burning is not at all malicious?
* : Order, order! That is discussing the answer.
Wicklow National Schools—Delayed Supplies of Requisites
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that at a recent meeting of the county Wicklow national school teachers it was stated in a resolution passed by the meeting that arrears of books and requisites for periods ranging from fifteen months to a week were still due to most of the teachers present; that several of the teachers had received books they had not ordered, and which were useless, instead of books that had been ordered and paid for, and which were needed; and that many of the articles ordered had not been delivered nor the orders acknowledged; and whether he would draw the attention of the Board of Education to these complaints with a view to having them inquired into.
Yes, Sir; the hon. Member has been good enough to send me a newspaper report of the proceedings at the meeting referred to. I observe, however, that the names of the teachers who made these complaints are not given. In order to identify the requisitions and to facilitate inquiry it is desirable that particulars of the names of the teachers and their schools should be supplied, and if this is done the matter will be fully investigated by the Commissioners.
Ballinakill Townlands
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the condition of the sixty-two tenants living on one town-land in the Ballinakill electoral division of Mount Bellew rural district; whether he is aware that the sixty-two tenants are existing on land valued at £227, or about £3 10s. for each family; and, seeing that there are grazing lands in this division valued at £1,840, whether the Government intend to take any steps to enlarge the holdings of these tenants.
The Congested Districts Board will be prepared to consider the question of purchasing the lands referred to in the second paragraph, for the purpose mentioned, if the owner offers to sell them to the Board.
Sligo Finances
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can say when the Provisional Order fixing the financial relations between the Sligo Urban District and the Sligo County Council comes into operation, and can he state to what extent it will be retrospective in its operation.
The Bill confirming the Provisional Order received the Royal Assent on Friday last. It will be retrospective to the extent set forth in the Order.
Castlebaldwin National School
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland will he state the cause of the delay in sanctioning the grant promised over a year ago by the Commissioners of Education towards the erection of new national schools in Castlebaldwin, county Sligo; and whether, taking into consideration the condition of the Cladhogue and Greyfort schools, which the new ones are intended to replace, and which have been condemned by the medical officer of the district as dangerous to the health of the pupils, he will bring pressure to bear on the Commissioners with the view of having this grant sanctioned at once.
The case was delayed for some time owing to the fact that no funds were available, and the cause of delay was duly explained. The application was considered by the Commissioners at their meeting on Tuesday, the 16th July, when a grant was sanctioned, and the decision of the Board has since been communicated to the applicant.
Labourers' Cottages in the Longford Union
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Provisional Order in respect of the scheme for building additional labourers' cottages in Longford Union, recently inquired into, has yet been issued, and if so, how soon can the tenders for building in unopposed cases be taken.
The issue of this Provisional Order only awaits the settlement of certain questions connected with the arrangement of sites, in respect of which the Local Government Board is in correspondence with the district council. Contracts for the erection of the cottages cannot be entered into until the Order becomes absolute, which will not be until a month has elapsed after the publication of the Order.
In how many cases of sites has difficulty arisen?
If the hon. Member will give me notice I will communicate with him.
Labourers Acts Provisional Orders
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland can he state when the Provisional Order for the erection of additional cottages under the Labourers Acts will be issued in the case of unopposed applications; will this Order be confirmed during the present session; and how soon will it be possible to take tenders to erect these houses.
I have written to the hon. Member asking him to state to what Union this question refers. Upon receipt of this information I shall be in a position to ascertain when the Order will be issued.
Overcrowded Excursion Steamers—The "Slieve Bernagh."
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if his attention has been called to the overcrowding of the Bangor steamer "Slieve Bernagh" (the property of the Belfast and County Down Railway Company) on the 13th, 14th, and 15th July last, as well as on various other occasions during the year, and whether he will take steps to prevent such overcrowding in future and secure the safety of passengers.
Neither the Board of Trade nor its local officers have received any complaints with regard to the alleged overcrowding of the steamship "Slieve Bernagh," and the owners inform me that careful precautions are taken to prevent more persons being carried than the Board of Trade certificate allows.
Kinvara Harbour
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the state of Kinvara harbour, county Galway, the entrance to which is blocked by heaps of mud, so that vessels have been obliged to remain a fortnight out at anchor until a high tide takes them to the quay, 200 yards distant; and, having regard to the fact that Kinvara and the surrounding districts, apart from, the fishing industry, carry on an export trade of wheat and barley; and in view of the importance to these districts of proper harbour accommodation, he will cause inquiry to be made, so that whoever is responsible shall be obliged to effect the necessary improvement.
I have no information as to the condition of Kinvara Harbour. So far as I can ascertain, there is no harbour authority responsible for the maintenance of the harbour. I will communicate the hon. Member's question to the Irish Government.
Will the right hon. Gentleman institute an inquiry?
Not on the information at present before me.
But this is a matter of vital interest to the district.
I will ask the Board of Works in Dublin to look into it.
Barracks Contracts in Ireland
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can specify the particulars of the alleged default of the contractor, Michael Dalton, for artificer's work in Boyle, Carrick, and Sligo Barracks, which led to his contract being cancelled; whether he can state in which barrack the default occurred; and how was his attention, drawn to it.
The contract was cancelled on the recommendation of the General Officer Commanding the Forces in Ireland. I am not prepared to give any particulars.
Curragh Beer Contracts
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the Burton Brewery Company has the entire contract for supplying the troops at the Curragh with ale and stout in wood and bottle, and Irish whisky, and whether he will state why the contract was given out of Ireland, and what official is responsible.
I am not aware of the circumstances referred to. The matter rests entirely with the General Officer Commanding the district.
Irish Produce in English Markets
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he is aware that superior quality Irish beef, mutton, bacon, and butter are not sold as such on the English markets, while home and foreign products of inferior quality are sold as Irish; is he aware that unbranded bacon is sold in some of the establishments in the City as Irish, in view of the fact that Irish bacon curers brand every piece; and will he state whether inspectors under the Food and Drugs Act have prosecuted in any cases of the kind within the past year; and, if so, will he state the number and the punishment inflicted; and, if not, what steps he proposes to take.
* : To sell home and foreign products as Irish would of course be an infringement of the Merchandise Marks Acts. But in the only case named by the hon. Member it is impossible to say that bacon cannot be Irish because it is unbranded. Inspectors under the Sale of Food and Drugs Act have no power to prosecute under the Merchandise Marks Acts, the onus of prosecution generally resting upon the person aggrieved. The Board of Agriculture can, however, prosecute in special and typical cases. Since 1896 there have been twenty-four such prosecutions, details of which are given in the annual Report of the Board dealing with this branch of their business.
Are not the statements contained in my question exactly correct? Seeing that this matter is under the right hon. Gentleman's control, will he not investigate the matter?
* : I must have specific cases before me. I cannot make a roving inquiry.
Butter Standard Committee—Irish Representation
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether his attention has been called to a resolution recently passed at a meeting of the Cork Butter Exporters' Association, calling on the Government to place one or two members of their body directly representative of the southern butter factory trade on the Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into and report on the fixing of the standard of water in butter; and whether, having regard to the representation of the creamery interest, steps will be taken to adjust the balance of representation affecting the factory and creamery systems, so as to equally safeguard the milk and butter producers identified with both systems.
* : These Committees are judicial, and so long as all the facts are properly placed before them it is not necessary, nor would it be right, to attempt to nicely balance the importance of the various industries affected by giving them a proportionate representation on the Committee itself. I quite admit, however, the importance of the salt butter trade, and I have appointed an additional member closely connected with it. The hon. Member does not appear to be aware that the chairman of the Cork butter market is already a member.
What is the name of the additional member appointed?
* : Mr. Hickey, a large dealer in this kind of butter in Manchester.
Kinvara Postal Arrangements
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he is aware that the town of Kinvara, county Galway, with a population of close on 2,000 inhabitants, has at present only one daily mail delivery, although the town of Gort, four miles distant, has a morning and mid-day delivery; and whether, having regard to the sea fishing industry carried on at Kinvara, he will institute inquiries with a view of having the same facilities accorded to it as Gort.
The Postmaster General will cause inquiry to be made as to the practicability of improving the postal service to Kinvara, County Galway; and the result shall be communicated to the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Rosscarbery Mails
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether any decision has yet been arrived at regarding the transit of the day mail from Clonakilty to Rosscarbery; and, if not, will steps be taken to bring about this postal reform in that district.
The Postmaster General has not yet been able to arrive at a decision as regards the transit of the day mail from Clonakilty to Rosscarbery. The matter is still under consideration, and the result shall be communicated to the hon. Member as soon as possible.
Education—Minute of 3rd July
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if, having regard to the fact that the time for which the Minute of the Board of Education is laid upon the Table expires this week, he will give an assurance that the Minute will not be acted upon until the House has had an opportunity of discussing it.
I hope an opportunity will be found to-morrow, as I suggested on Friday last.
May I ask if the right hon. Gentleman will put it in front of the Third Reading of the Education Bill?
I do not think that would be either necessary or desirable. I do not believe there is any great desire for a prolonged discussion on the Third Reading of the Education Bill, and, if it is kept within reasonable limits, there will be ample time to deal with the Minute.
Treatment of Cancer
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he is aware that at a recent gathering of the foreign delegates to the Tuberculosis Congress reference was made to cancer as the one other disease which has up till now baffled the scientific and medical men of the world; and whether, in view of the increase of this disease, he will consider the advisability of the appointment of a Commission or Committee to inquire what steps can be taken for aiding research into the cause, cure, and prevention, of this disease.
I cannot believe that a Commission would be the proper machinery for carrying out delicate and difficult questions of medical research. The prevalence and increase of this disease is occupying every medical mind over the whole of the civilised world, and I do not think the appointment of a Commission would either aid or stimulate inquiry. Before any grant of public money could be made by the Government in aid of research they would have to be assured that such an unusual course would have satisfactory results.
Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to provide funds for such an inquiry?
That would be a dangerous proposal for any Government to make.
Business of the House
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury what will be the business to-morrow and on Thursday. There is a strong feeling on this side of the House that ample time should be allowed for the discussion of the Education Bill to-morrow. There is no disposition to delay unduly the Third Reading of the Bill, but hon. Members are somewhat alarmed at the prospect of other business being interposed.
I had intended to put two or three small Bills, which are really uncontroversial, before the Education Bill, but as the right hon. Gentleman looks with some suspicion upon that moderate proceeding, I will take the Education Bill first. If, as I hope, the discussion on the Education Bill is brought to a conclusion by half-past six or seven o'clock, there will be ample time for the discussion of the Minute, which I shall put down as the second Order. The business for Thursday will be the Naval Works Bill and, I hope, the Military Works Bill and other measures.
May I ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he will put down the Education Minute in the Form of a resolution, instead of leaving it to be discussed on the Education Estimates? A resolution would not involve a question of want of confidence in the Government, and the House would have a free hand.
The Government would not take a less grave view of any action against the Education Department than they would of a reduction of the Minister's salary.
Then are we to understand that the followers of the right hon. Gentleman will not be free to express their opinions?
[No answer was returned.]
Public Works Loans [Remission Debts]
Committee to consider of authorising the Remission of certain Debts and Fees in pursuance of any Act of the present session relating to local loans (King's Recommendation signified), to-morrow.—( Mr. Hanbury. )
Factory and Workshop Acts Amendment Bill and Factory and Workshop Acts Consolidation Bill, Consolidated into Factory and Workshop Acts Amendment and Consolidation Bill
Reported from the Standing Committee on Trade, etc., with Amendments.
Report to lie upon the Table and to be printed. [No. 291.]
Minutes of Preceedings to be printed. [No. 291.]
Bill, as amended (by the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Thursday, and to be printed. [Bill 277.]
Message from the King
Grant to Earl Roberts
, at the Bar, acquainted the House that he had a Message from His Majesty the King, signed with His Majesty's own hand, and he presented the same to the House, and it was read by Mr. Speaker (all the Members of the House being uncovered), and is as followeth:—
Edward Rex
"His Majesty, taking into consideration the eminent services ren- dered by Field Marshal Earl Roberts of Kandahar, K.G., K.P., G.C.B., G.C.S.L, G.C.I.E., V.C., Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's forces during the war in South Africa, and being desirous in recognition of such services to confer upon him some signal mark of His favour, recommends to His faithful Commons that he should be enabled to grant Earl Roberts the sum of one hundred thousand pounds.
Ordered, That His Majesty's Most Gracious Message be referred to the Committee of Supply.—( Mr. A. J. Balfour. )
Agricultural Rates Act, 1896, Etc., Continuance Bill
[Second Reading.]
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
I wish to draw attention to the Reports and evidence of the Royal Commission on Local Taxation. I regard those documents as of the most supreme importance, and therefore I would ask the House to bear with me for a brief period while I allude to the incidents which gave rise to the appointment of the Commission, and while I deal with some of the evidence placed before it. I do not intend to criticise in any carping spirit the work of the Commission. I rather wish to emphasise the peculiar character of its Report. Hon. Gentlemen who were Members of the House in 1896 will well remember the stirring vents of that period, and will not forget that, owing to the strenuous opposition offered to the Bill then introduced, it was deprived of its permanent character. But by the present Bill, I venture to assert, the Government is reviving the situation which existed in 1896 in a much more aggravated form, because during the interval which has since elapsed it has expended, rightly or wrongly, necessarily or unnecessarily, large sums of money, and has found it requisite to raise increased taxation by placing duties upon the food of the agricultural labourer who works on the land, the owners and occupiers of which are to be subsidised under this Bill. During the debates in 1896 the Government agreed to introduce a time limit, and also promised to appoint a Commission to deal with the whole question of taxation upon real and personal property. That Commission was afterwards nominated. I have never made the confession before, but deep down in my heart and mind I have cherished the hope that, having taken an active part in the debates in opposition to the Bill, and having always felt a great interest in rating matters, I would have been selected for the honour of a seat on that Commission. When, however, the names of the Commission were published, I can only say that I read the names of the Commissioners with a feeling, shared, I believe, by Members on both sides of the House, of dismay almost approaching to despair. I do not think that any impartial man could say that the Commission was a well-balanced body, and I venture to assert, without wishing to impugn the rectitude or honour of any individual member, that it was a biased and one-sided Commission. The centre of gravity inclined very strongly towards one school of thought. One would certainly have expected that in selecting a body of gentlemen to deal with this important question care would be taken that the two conflicting interests should receive fairly equal representation. One would have thought that the precedent of the Licensing Commission would have been followed, so that of fifteen Members five might have represented the agricultural and land interests, and five the urban and commercial interests, while the remaining five were neutral gentlemen possessing scientific, expert, and technical knowledge of the subject under review. A Commission so selected would have equally represented, if I may so describe them, the aristocracy, the democracy, and the bureaucracy. There was not, I believe, one single commercial man on that Commission. In my judgment there was only one member who might fairly be considered as a representative of the town and urban classes, namely, Mr. James Stuart, a late member of this House, and a gentleman of great authority on rating matters, whose shoe- latchet very few of us are worthy to unloose. It will probably be said that there were two town clerks on the Commission. Yes, but whence did they hail? They were very judiciously and carefully selected. One was the town clerk of Liverpool—the most reactionary, or, at all events, the most extremely Tory corporation in the United Kingdom—who during the existence of the Commission was nominated to be clerk of the county council of Lancashire. He signed, the Majority Report with Sir John Hibbert, the Chairman of the Lancashire County Council, and it would have been a very singular occurrence if the clerk and the chairman of a county council had signed different Reports. The other was the town clerk of Birmingham. Birmingham is a city not entirely dissociated from the name of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for the Colonies; it is the home of Liberal Unionism. What Liberal Unionism is I never could make out. It appears to be the creed of those who designate themselves by the name of one political party, while they profess the opinions and pursue the policy of another. Both of these gentlemen, honourable as they are, were placed in a most invidious and unfortunate position, in which neither of them could have that perfect freedom of action which it is so desirable that members of such Commissions should enjoy. All the more honour, therefore, to Mr. Orford Smith, the town clerk of Birmingham, that he has, in his order and reservation to the Majority Report, come as near to anathematising the principles of the Rating Bill as it was possible for him to do. One can judge of the leanings of that Commission by the fact that in the Majority Report they quote and cite the opinion of the late Professor Sidgwick, thereby giving it their imprimatur that agricultural land was deserving of differential treatment, that if was equitable that it should obtain what they euphemistically called "classification," because in 1846 its owners lost the advantage which protective duties on corn gave them. Just as much it might have been said that because the owners of property throughout the country were no longer able to buttress their revenues by the taxation of the food of the people, they should have a large part of their rate paid out of Imperial funds.
I have recited these facts to lead up to the remarkable result which occurred notwithstanding the leaning and bias of the Commission. We see a re-enactment, with a slight difference, of a drama played in days of old, when a certain prophet in the Old Testament, who was called upon to curse the invaders of his country, blessed them. Here you have a Commission practically nominated to bless the principle of the Rating Bill, and it has come as near to condemning it as possible. There seems to be a general idea—for which I blame the newspapers, because they published synopses of the Report before they had had time carefully to digest it—that the Local Taxation Commission has accredited the principle of the Rating Bill. They had done nothing of the kind; they have entirely discredited it. The scheme they suggest is of a totally different character from the one enshrined in the Act, amounting almost to a negation of it. There is not one word from the beginning to the end of the Report which endorses the action of the Government in bringing in this permanent Bill of theirs, or supports the permanent re-enactment of the principle and the policy of these Rating Bills.
I turn for a few moments to the evidence given before the Commission. That evidence and the Reports prove up to the hilt all the arguments and contentions advanced from this side of the House against the Rating Bill. We pointed out the terrible severity with which rates fell on the towns; we described the infinitely greater burden of the rates in municipalities and urban districts as compared with the country. One cannot specialise in a Second Reading speech, but certainly a large part of the evidence and a great deal of one of the Reports entirely bears out those arguments. I refer to the Hamilton-Murray Report; the Majority Report is discreetly silent on this point. We alleged that the already existing inequalities between town and country would be aggravated and accentuated by this Bill. That also has been proved. I will take the two counties of Rutland and Westmoreland. The county of Rutland has an assessable value per head of the population of £7 6s., and Westmoreland of £6 16s. Rutland, before the passing of the Rating Act, received from Imperial sources 6s. 8d., and has since received an additional sum of 3s. 6d. per head of the population, making in all 10s. 2d. Westmoreland, before the passing of the Act, received 5s. 7d., and under the Act it received an additional 2s. 3d., making in all 7s. l0d. Passing to the boroughs, I take first the city of Leeds. The assessable value per head of the population is £3 15s., and the amount received from Imperial sources is 2s. l0d. I ask the House to note the mocking inversion of the two amounts: Rutland received 10s. 2d., while Leeds receives 2s. l0d. The hon. and learned Member for the Stretford Division will probably say that in the case of the towns it really does not matter whether it is 2s. or 10s. The town of Oldham has an assessable value of £3 14s. per head, and receives 2s. 7d. Birmingham has an assessable value of £3 13s. per head, and receives only 2s. Gateshead has an assessable value of £3 per head, and receives 2s. 4d. The Government has obtained its majority on a war policy, and it is using that majority to keep the towns harnessed to the chariot wheels of the land. A large number of county boroughs receive from 2s. 6d. to 3s. 6d., while the counties obtain between 5s. and 6s. When hon. Members opposite defend this Act before their constituents they will have to show the justice of these inequalities.
But not only does the Act increase the inequalities between town and country, but it likewise accentuates and perpetuates inequalities between rich and poor unions in the counties themselves. I will take three instances of that. The Union of Billsdon has an assessable value of £9 per head of the population, and it receives 4s. 4d. from Imperial sources, of which 1s. 7d. is under the Rating Act. The Union of Penzance obtains 1s. 3d. altogether, of which 6d. only is under the Rating Act. The Union of Oldham receives 8½d., of which the large sum of a halfpenny is under the Rating Act. The hon. Member for Oldham, on the opposite side of the House, has recently had some correspondence in regard to the Rating Act. His constituents and himself do not see eye to eye in this matter. Not being able to convince them by the hard logic of facts, the hon. Member made an incursion into military metaphor to push home his argument, and he said, "Why, if there is not hospital accommodation for all the injured, should not the ambulance attend to the more grievously wounded?" We are dealing with a rating question, and I ask the hon. Member, who is the more grievously wounded—the union receiving 4s. 4d. per head of its population, or his own union receiving 8½d.? The towns who are rated at 6s. or 7s. in the £, or the counties rated at 2s. 2d.? If the hon. Member wants to indulge in military hyperbole I will give him a better simile. The whole Army is marching along, carrying its own baggage. The privates are carrying three times as much as the officers. Under this Bill you are dividing the burden of the officers, and distributing it equally over the already over-burdened privates. The rates throughout the counties are shown by this Report to be on the average 2s. 2½d. in the £. What an elysium for the poor towns! What are the rates in the large cities and towns? I have a few details which I have received from the town clerks of various places, and I would ask the House to compare them with the 2s. 2½d. of the counties. Portsmouth, 6s. 6d.; Cardiff, 7s.; Manchester, 7s. 1d.; Bradford, 7s. 2d.; Leeds, Leicester, Hull, and Bristol, 7s. 3d.; Birmingham—the Colonial Secretary always transcends his colleagues—7s. 6d.; Nottingham, 7s. 8d.; Sheffield, 7s. l0d.; Norwich, 8s. 9d.; and Southampton, 10s. Id. Taken generally, the average rates for the United Kingdom are 4s. 4d., and in the counties 2s. 2½d. From these figures the House will arrive at the conclusion that the rates in the boroughs will average about 6s. in the £. The right hon. Gentleman responsible for this Bill, in his First Reading speech, advanced an argument which I may call jejune and puerile, and what a condition his armoury must have been in when he had to use such a weapon. The right hon. Gentleman took a parallel case of a house and a farm at £400 a year, and indulged in an elaborate calculation. He introduced all sorts of other factors, including income and profit, which have nothing whatever to do with it. Why did the right hon. Gentleman not take the case of a shop in a town or some small business premises at £40 or £50 a year? Why did he not take the case of a man who had invested his savings in building cottages, whose income was being gradually swallowed up by increases in the rates. The right hon. Gentleman had no business in making his calculation to introduce such subsidiary details as profit and income. Rates have always been assessed upon the annual value of land, and the contention has always been that rates upon all kinds of property should be proportionate. Whenever any consideration was given to depressed industries it should be given to all depressed industries, and any attempt to reduce the burden should be made equal all round. About the year 1886 were the days of bumper Budgets, and at that time it was pointed out that lean years might follow the fat years, and that then it might be necessary to make good the difference. Perhaps it will be within the recollection of everybody that the Government has had to increase taxation considerably. The present Government has now gained a great name throughout the country as a past master in the art of increasing taxation. The amount of additional burden which they have put upon the rates in order to raise this additional £2,000,000 is 3d. in the £. Every class of the community has been made to contribute to this sum, and yet there is one class of the community which receives the perennial consideration of the Government. Whoever has to pay this particular class has always a right, according to the policy of the Government, to obtain relief. The doles necessary to make good these grants in relief of the rates on land are paid by the taxpayers of this country, and the doles under the Tithes Bill are levied upon the ratepayers. They come out of the Local Taxation Fund. That money ought to be distributed amongst the various rating authorities of the country, while the ratepayers have to make this dole to the clergy of the Church of England. A large proportion of the ratepayers are Nonconformists. It is only since I have joined the Liberal party that this fact has been brought home to me, for I have seen the noble self-sacrificing work which the Nonconformists are doing, and have been doing for the past generation. I cannot understand the frame of mind of any hon. Gentleman who will argue that a Nonconformist, paying rates of perhaps 6s. or 7s. in the £., who is maintaining his own religion and contributing to the stipend of his own minister, and keeping in order the fabric of his church or chapel, should contribute one tittle to buttress up the revenues of a Church which he does not believe in. We were told at the outset that this Bill was one to relieve distressed agriculture.
The right hon. Member for Sleaford, speaking in support of the Agricultural Rates Act, 1896, said that the relief would be greatest where the distress was most severe, and this Bill pretends to be one for the relief of distressed agriculture. But it is nothing of the kind. I will take the two counties of Suffolk and Durham. Suffolk has 75 per cent, more acreage than Durham, and receives only 4 per cent. More. There is another instance which I have taken from the recent Report which has been issued. I refer to the case of the West Riding of Yorkshire and Essex and Dorset. After subtracting from the West Riding of Yorkshire the towns it is about equal to the acreage of the counties of Essex and Dorset. As hon. Members well know, there is no more prosperous district than the West Riding of Yorkshire, whilst Essex and Dorset are poor agricultural counties. And yet the West Riding of Yorkshire receives 10 per cent, more under the Rating Bill than the combined counties of Essex and Dorset. I will refer hon. Members to the evidence on page 118 of the Local Taxation Commission Report, for if they will not believe me perhaps they will believe the hon. Member who sits for Basingstoke, and Messrs. Sancroft, Holmes, and Davies. But in the middle of the debate on the Rating Bill of 1896 the tune was changed. It was then said to be not a measure for the relief of distressed agriculture, but a measure of justice to an over-rated class. What is the chorus and the refrain which runs through the whole Report? It is that ability to pay is the great touchstone of the severity and burden of the rate. What class of property is able to pay better than another? Surely it is the rich, highly-rented land in the vicinity of urban communities which has the value of £3 or £4 per acre. That is the land which is best able to pay, and not the waste land of Essex and Dorset. This Bill is founded upon the principle that "unto him that hath shall be given." The poor land is to be sent empty away, while the rich land is to have the larger portion. If you are accurate in the argument that agricultural land is overburdened, then you are going about the wrong way to remedy it. Local taxation is local, and the rates are expended locally, but if in making up the amount of money which is required any particular class are over-burdened, then some others must escape what they ought to have paid.
I will not labour that point any longer, and I will now come to the vexed question as to whether the landlord or the farmer will be relieved. If hon. Members opposite are right in their contention on this point, it brings them no nearer. However large our sympathies may be with the farmer, our great argument is that you have no business to select any one particular class of ratepayers and afford I all the relief to that class to the exclusion of all others. This relief is bound to go to the landlords. Rates are, and always have been, inseparable and indivisible, and anything that tends to permanently reduce the amount of rates must tend to increase the letting or selling value of the land. The Chancellor of the Exchequer says: "Prove your contention; place before me one instance of the landlord having obtained this relief." I may remind hon. Members that the landlord does not announce in the papers when he intends to increase his rents in consequence of this Act. In 1896, and for many years previous to that date, you could not pick up a newspaper about Lady Day without reading of numerous instances of remissions and abatements in rents, amounting to 10, 15, and 20 per cent. How many do we see now? Are they so frequent as they were five years ago? Is there one case now where there were twenty before the passing of this Act? Hon. Members opposite know full well that there is not, for a stop has now been put to them by this Act. The right hon. Member for Sleaford told us that farming was in such a terrible state that relief was absolutely necessary to save the farmers from ruin. It did not seem to occur to the right hon. Gentleman that rents were everywhere too high, and this was testified to by the evidence given before the Commission. In how many cases has rate reduction taken the place of rent reduction? The economic law is too strong for hon. Members opposite, and they know full well that this rating relief is bound to find its way into the pockets of the landlords.
With regard to the Reports of the Taxation Commission, I will take the Majority Report, which was not signed by thirteen commissioners, as was stated, but by twelve, and even three out of the twelve made reservations which practically neutralised their signatures. The Majority Report is voluminous without being luminous. It is a piece of involved and cumbrous special pleading, and full of pretty platitudes. It is the Report of an advocate and not of a judge. The Hamilton-Murray Report is concise, concrete, well defined, and well argued, and the plan adopted has a distinct form, and is well expressed in the letterpress in which it is described. There is a great deal of similarity about these Reports, and these really are the only two Reports with which it is necessary to deal. Both Reports place before them the same goal, though they attempt to reach it by different routes. Both select certain services for which local expenditure is necessary, and both suggest increased State subvention in order to relieve the ratepayer of this expenditure. The Majority Report maintains the old system of assigned revenues, with all its complicated machinery, and it proposes increased grants under fourteen different headings. The Majority Report is only a tinkering Report, and a piece of patchwork which renders the last state of affairs worse than the first. Even Mr. Goschen himself would not know his own child as it appears in the Majority Report. The other Report boldly grapples with this difficulty. It does away entirely with the whole of these assigned revenues. All economists in this House will be glad to see the whole of this system of intercepted revenues entirely done away with, in order that the House of Commons may resume the power which it ought to have to control the finances of the country. The Hamilton-Murray Report suggests a direct State contribution to all those old services, which has to be fixed in amount and remain constant for ten years. I prefer this Report, because I think it is excellent in every shape and form. It may be assumed that I am antagonistic to the boroughs, but that is not so. If any clear plan can be adopted which is workable and will apply all round, I assure hon. Members that I shall welcome it, and I shall not begrudge the counties the extra amount which they would receive. With regard to agricultural land, the Majority Report suggests that it is inequitable that agricultural land should continue to pay the full rate, whilst the Hamilton-Murray Report says it should pay only one half. But who is to find the balance? How is it to be made good? Who will have to be mulcted in order to make it good? Not the State, and not the general taxpayer, but it is to be made good in the rating area in which that particular agricultural land is situated. That is a totally different scheme to the one which is now proposed. Such places as Manchester, Leeds, Liverpool, and London, have little or no interest in agriculture, for their interests are commercial, but they will have to provide the money to give relief in Essex, Dorset, and other counties. Your new plan is an entirely different one, and although it is objectionable, it is less objectionable than the scheme which is now proposed. I venture to say that this Report strikes a death-blow to the system of classification, because what will ensue? When you come to carry out the reform which is suggested in the Hamilton-Murray Report; when by expending £1,500,000 you are able to relieve the county and borough rates—practically in the counties one half—when you come to deal with the balance, and place fifty per cent, of that on the shoulders of the other ratepayers in the counties, you will have such an outcry that it will only then come home to you what a great injustice you are doing.
I have talked with scores of hon. Members on the opposite side of the House, and it is astonishing in the case of the most hard-shelled Tory to find what a reasonable, and fair-minded, and sane person he turns out. After describing the grievances of the town to them they say, "That is perfectly true, but there is a Commission sitting, and the Rating Bill is only a temporary expedient, and afterwards things will be levelled up." If the Bill had been passed in the way in which it was introduced, this difficulty would never have arisen, If you had passed the Bill in its permanent form, you would have bartered away your freedom, and when you desired to approach the complete readjustment of the matter, you would have found a rope round your neck, and you would not have been able to carry your Bill through the other House. I ask hon. Members to consider the figures which I have placed before the House, and I appeal to the Government to consider whether this term of four years is not very much too long. The only advantage that may be derived from it before four years are over, is that parties may have changed sides. It is all very well to say you must be loyal to your party, but there is something nearer and dearer involved than loyalty to party, and that is consideration for the position, and the rights and interests of their own constituency. Your duty to your constituency ought to be dearer to you than loyalty to your party. I am asking nothing unreasonable, for I only wish that the benefits accorded to the counties should be shared by all. This kind of legislation provokes a spirit of retaliation on the part of the towns. In conclusion, all I have to say is that as long as I remain a member of this House I shall always consider this kind of taxation a grave wrong to the people whom I represent. The Government have a great opportunity. This vexed question of local taxation has exercised the minds and disturbed the judgment for a very long time. Now a solution is pointed out—a solution which is not costly, is not difficult, and except on one point is not controversial. Therefore I do press upon the Government and upon hon. Members on that side of the House that this solution should be accepted, and that this matter should be undertaken without any delay. I can promise the Government that if they approach this great reform, this great readjustment in a spirit of fairness and equity and due consideration to the rights and interests of every class of ratepayers, and if they carry, as I hope they will, to a satisfactory conclusion this great evil of the differential treatment of real and personal property in this country, they will have done a great and good work, and future generations—aye, even generations of Liberals—will look back to it as an oasis of good in the vast desert of evil deeds. I beg to move the Amendment standing in my name.
* : I rise to second the Amendment of my hon. friend. It is difficult for many of us to be thankful for the small mercy which has been vouchsafed to us, and by which the Government has saved a discussion of two days. The Bill is now, we understand, not to be perpetual. It is to last only four years, because the Government say they are going to legislate on the whole of this great and important question. We may perhaps be pardoned for having a preliminary doubt as to whether the Government will undertake that duty within the next four years. They show no particular enthusiasm now when they have got this Report, which it has taken five years to compile. They show no particular enthusiasm to use it in promising only to bring in legislation in four years. After our recent experience in the way they have dealt with the education question, where they have shown hopeless inability to deal with the larger questions and have brought in a series of small patchwork and partisan measures during the past six years, I think we may be pardoned if we compare what they are likely to do on the question of rating with what they have done on, the question of education, and to say that we do not really expect that they will deal with this most vital question in the course of the next four years. But we have to discuss this question, and we have to act upon it a good deal as if they were going to legislate, and in discussing the Bill before the House we must consider what is the character of the legislation we shall have to expect if they act upon the same principles when they come to deal with the whole question as they are now acting upon in dealing with this lesser part of it.
What are the assumptions on which the Bill is based? The assumptions are, we may assume, those on which they will legislate in the larger question—first, that agricultural land deserves special consideration and treatment owing to agricultural depression; that agricultural land is proportionately heavier rated than other property; that subventions can safely be given in increasing volume by the national exchequer with no definite security for economy, and no proof of special need in localities; and that special national taxes can and ought to be set apart for the relief of local taxation. With every one of these assumptions most of us on this side of the House disagree, and we are bound strenuously to resist the Bill because we think it indicates the intention of the Government when they come to the larger question to legislate on the same principles. I should like to deal with one or two of these assumptions. First of all there is the special claim of the agricultural industry on the ground that it is depressed. That depression no one wishes to deny. There is no one but regrets that while in the ebb and flow of industry the prosperity of England has been advancing, the fortunes of its oldest industry have been declining; but how does that constitute any claim upon the national purse? Does anyone say that the real effect of foreign competition—the great cause which is injuring the agricultural industry—can be stopped by a gift which amounts to only Is. per acre on the average, taking England all over? You cannot dam back the great torrent of corn which is coming into this country from the unlimited fields of America and other parts of the world. But in the last few years since the Rating Act was passed we have been able to see how much more a slight change in the price of corn has been able to do for the agricultural industry than all the doles you can give it in this Parliament. Since 1895 the price of corn per imperia quarter has been rising steadily. In 1895 it was 23s.; 1896, 26s.; 1897, 30s.; 1898,34s.; and in 1899 it fell somewhat but not down to what it was in 1894-5. Everyone must agree that a rise in the price of corn has an infinitely greater effect on the prosperity of the agricultural industry than your small dole of 1s. The result has been a very large increase in the number of acres under cultivation. I suppose we may be told that, as the industry is, depressed, at any rate this small gift—for small it is. spread over the whole country—is a solace to the agricultural industry, to break the fall and dull the edge of misery. If that is so, it applies quite as much to the industries of the towns. The agricultural industry is not alone depressed. I take the Yorkshire towns. Take Leeds, for instance. Fifteen years ago there was a large flax industry in that town. There were thirty mills employing between 2,000 and 3,000 persons. There are now three employing between 200 and 300 hands. Has that industry not as much claim as the agricultural industry? In the one case the result is due to Belgian competition, in the other to American. But where is the difference? Everyone knows the condition of the Bradford woollen industry for the last few years. But these great towns do not come to Parliament whining for money from the National Exchequer. They do not come asking Is. where, owing to the forces of nature and inevitable competition, they have lost£l. They have too much of the spirit of self-help, and they help themselves in the great towns. I think if it were really the farmers who were coming hat in hand for assistance we should be more sorry for the future. But we do not believe this movement has originated among the farmers. But the demand of the towns is justified as against the country, because of the higher rates in the towns. But the friends of the agriculturists say it is true that the rates are less in amount, but the proportion levied on agricultural property is infinitely larger in the country districts. In the Majority Report they quote an amount of evidence on the subject. I will quote one of these passages in order to illustrate the point I wish to make. Mr. Rew, lately secretary to the Chamber of Agriculture, said— He complained of his rating. It sounds a terrible hardship, but what is the real situation? In the case of mills and houses in towns, most of the assessment represents capital which is spent by the occupier, builder, or manufacturer. He creates almost the whole of the value—in most cases the greater part of the value which is taxed for local purposes. Therefore his rates are a very serious impediment indeed upon him when he has to pay on the capital which he puts into his business or houses. This is, of course, true to some extent of the farmer. It is true so far as it represents buildings and quite recent improvements, but most of the assessment represents the value of land or ancient improvements which are hardly distinguishable from it. The rate does not fall on the farmer, and it is admitted by practically every authority that the rates on the land are in the nature of a rent-charge on the land. Perhaps the most definite and clear authority on that subject I should like to quote is Viscount Goschen. He said some years ago— It seems to me that by going on this false assumption of the specially burdensome character of agricultural rating that the Government does not seek to relieve the places which, owing to the poverty of the population, are most in need of relief.
I urge upon the House that we are at this moment in a very dangerous position with regard to these subventions. The towns are undoubtedly bitterly discontented. Our towns are at this moment represented by Conservatives; but yet, in spite of that fact, our great towns are passing resolutions against the very, legislation which a large part of their members apparently intend to maintain. That will have to be met in some way, and I suggest that we are running great risk that very soon the Government will come down and say, "We dare not fail to attend to the demands of the towns. We will give them subsidies on the same principle as we are giving them to the agricultural districts." I do not think that is an altogether illusory danger, for the hon. Member for the Brightside Division of Sheffield received copies of the resolutions passed by the corporation of that city objecting to the Agricultural Rating Act. He wrote back— consideration the proportion the population bears to the rateable value, and also the actual expenditure. Of course, we cannot discuss that at the present time, but what I do say is that if we are going to increase this system of subventions we must lay down definitely that it shall be done on some such principle as has been suggested by Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray. If we are going to give additional millions it must not be given in a way which offers no inducement to economy of any sort or kind. I would point out to right hon. Gentlemen opposite that this scheme in the Report which offers security for economy is absolutely incompatible with the Bill you are now passing.
The last thing on which I wish to say a word is our objection to the continuance of the deceptive principle of setting aside special taxes for local subventions. This Report, I think, pretty nearly disposes of the idea which has been so strongly put forward by the advocates of this Bill that a special kind of taxation is to be put aside for this Rating Act. When we on this side of the House say that the towns are being taxed for the assistance of the agricultural districts we are told, "Oh, no; a particular kind of taxation has been put aside for it." I hope we shall not hear much more of that argument, for in the Report of the only member of the Commission who is a Minister of the Crown, he makes use of these words— passed in the great towns throughout the country. Out of the towns with over 100,000 inhabitants not a single one has passed a resolution in approval of the Bill, while thirteen, and those by no means the smallest, have passed resolutions against it. These towns are London, Manchester, Sheffield, Bradford, Hull, I Salford, Leicester, Bolton, Sunderland, Gateshead, Halifax, Southampton, and Oldham. Having regard to the political representation of those towns, it cannot be said that those resolutions are actuated by any political feeling. They are prompted by genuine disapproval of the legislation. This question cannot be left where it is. It has got to be dealt with, but I do not think it is that party which will deal with it which is under the suspicion on the part of the country of I really acting not upon science but upon I sentiment. I believe the real sentiment which is mainly at the bottom of this is that something must be done to bolster up the old country families throughout England. [Ministerial cries of dissent.] I do not think that is an ignoble sentiment at all after what they have done for the country, but I do not think you will do it in this way. I believe you must trust to these families sending out their sons to other activities— into business and to the colonies. That is how you will keep the country gentlemen going, but I say this is a much greater question than that of any set or class in the country. The people who are really appealing to have this question dealt with are the great urban communities. I hope that the Government will, even at this late hour, consent to reconsider their proposals.
Amendment proposed—
"To leave out from the word 'That' to the end of the Question, in order to add the words in the opinion of this House, while it is expedient that early legislation should be introduced for the readjustment of the burdens of local taxation, the necessity for which is shown in the Reports of the Local Taxation Commission, it is undesirable to continue the present grants in relief of certain classes of property under the Acts now proposed to be renewed' "—( Mr. George Whiteley ).
Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down seems to think that our action in connection with this matter has at the root of it the sentiment that we desire to bolster up the old families of England by relieving them from local burdens to the amount of 1s. per acre. The hon. Gentleman says he does not believe it will have any effect. Neither do I, nor do I think that it ever entered the head of any human being that it would. The hon. Member for Pudsey concluded his observations by warning us that he and his friends were determined to divide on this Amendment. The hon. Member put a very moderate case indeed before the House in support of the Amendment, and he resorted to the old expedient of abusing the Government. He commenced by a criticism upon the composition of the Royal Commission which has just reported. He thought the Commission was so select that it had a strong bias on one side, and as for the representatives of municipal life who sat on that Commission—namely, the town clerks of Liverpool and Birmingham—it was quite clear that he was of opinion that neither of them was in a position in which he could possibly exercise the freedom of action which was to be desired. I must say, with all respect to the hon. Member, that I think that is a statement which ought not to have been made. It is a thoroughly undeserved libel upon two well-known public servants, who in all respects are the equal in integrity and honour to the hon. Member himself. Personally I believe that the Commission which considered this question was as strong, as capable, and as powerful a Commission, having regard to the work it had to do, as has been appointed during the whole history of Royal Commissions in this country. But there is a clue to the hostility of the hon. Gentleman. It appears that he expected to be asked to serve on that Commission, but, unfortunately, and no doubt by a great mistake, the chance was not offered to him.
It is said—the Leader of the Opposition repeated it the other day—that we have changed our ground and abandoned the plea on which the Bill was originally put forward—namely, that it was a measure in relief of agriculture. We have done nothing of the kind; our case for the Bill has been the same throughout. We have never changed it one iota. Our plea was based on two considerations, and it was this: that agricultural land was burdened with taxation most unfairly as compared with other kinds of property, and that in thousands of cases it was being taxed out of all proportion to its ability to bear it. That was one plea, and the other was this: that the condition of agriculture throughout the country was such that its relief from the unfair burdens which it had to bear would not brook more delay. I could cite case after case taken from the evidence given before the Royal Commission which showed conclusively that land was being taxed three, four, five, and even more, times as much as other property. An hon. Member has already quoted one case; I shall quote another. One of the sub-commissioners, Mr. Wilson Fox, who was secretary to the last Commission and one of the sub-commissioners in Lincolnshire, said— met at all. No one has ever attempted to answer them. They would have found it rather difficult, perhaps, to do so, and so from the beginning they were shirked—deliberately shirked by every Member on that side, from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouth downwards—and I challenge the right hon. Gentleman once again to-night to meet and refute them, and, if he cannot, to desist from his opposition to the removal of an injustice so gross and so intolerable as this.
I may now be permitted to give a few of the reasons why I think it desirable that Parliament should give this relief. I often used to think during the debates upon this Bill in 1896, and still more have I thought to-night, that if we ever could conduct our business in the House of Commons like men of common sense, and if we could ever be free from party feeling, this measure would be agreed to almost without debate. [Cries of "Oh."] Hon. Gentlemen say "Oh," but what are the credentials of this Bill? Why, the universal complaint for years has been that the burdens upon land, as compared with other kinds of property, were excessive and unfair, and ought to be relieved. That is admitted by many gentlemen, even on that side of the House, and so long ago as 1879 the Duke of Richmond's Commission, which at that time was inquiring into agricultural depression, recognised and gave voice to that complaint in the recommendations which it made. Again, in 1896, another Royal Commission recommended to Parliament a proposal very much on the lines of this Bill. Who was the author, and what was the character of that Commission? Was it a Tory or a Unionist Commission, appointed by a Tory or Unionist Government? Nothing of the kind. That Commission was appointed by a Radical Government, of which Mr. Gladstone himself was the chief. The majority of its members were members of the same persuasion, and it had for its president one of Mr. Gladstone's colleagues in his Cabinet. I was asked myself, and I consented, much against my will, to serve on that Commission also; and on one of the last occasions on which it was my privilege to meet that distinguished man, Mr. Gladstone personally thanked me for having agreed to do so, and I was always glad, in consequence, ever afterwards that I did. It was, however, with reluctance, I confess, that I undertook the duty, for I had already served upon another Commission appointed for precisely the same purpose by Mr. Disraeli, and I was of the opinion that we knew enough already as to the causes of agricultural depression at that time, and that what was wanted then was action rather than more inquiry.
Well, Sir, such was the composition of that Commission, which consisted, I think, of sixteen or seventeen members altogether; but so overwhelming were the evidence and the facts which were brought before us, and which could not be disputed, as to the unfairness of the burdens upon land, as compared with other property, that when their Report, after much consideration and discussion, assumed the shape in which it was finally agreed to and presented, twelve members of this Radical Commission voted for that Report, and only two were found to vote against it. Now, the Leader of the Opposition made a statement the other night in regard to that Commission so erroneous and so far from the truth, not intentionally, I am sure, that I was obliged to interrupt and correct him on the spot. I understood him to say from his recollection, as he told us, that the proposal which they made was originated, not by the Commission, but by the Government, and was as much a Government measure as if it had been brought in in the first place by a Minister on this side of the House. Nothing can be further from the truth; but I was not so very much surprised, because every kind of fiction and untruth with regard to that Commission was being sedulously spread at that time by a section of the Radical press, and to such an extent were these methods practised that even the elect might be deceived. But one and all of them were exposed, and were dealt with at the time, and among others by myself in a speech on the Second Reading of the Bill. There it is on record. It exposed and entirely refuted them, and, although there are other things on record which I might have said, I purposely refrained from saying them, and unless I am compelled to do so by a repetition in this House of the slanders which were rife at that time, I for one do not intend to re-open that subject now. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that that Interim Report was brought forward by two members of the Commission, who were at the same time members of the Government; but, as a matter of fact, the proposal was originally suggested in the evidence of the Central Chamber of Agriculture, and was put into shipshape by a man who worked harder than any other on the Commission—the late Mr. William Liddle—who had made a study of this subject for years, and who probably knew more about it than any other man, and I am glad to be able to pay this tribute to his memory.
Sir, I have referred to two Commissions; but there is a third Commission, one of the strongest, having regard to its personnel , that I remember, which has also reported, and reported quite recently, on the question of this Bill. They have sat, I think, for about five years, and certainly they cannot be accused of being hurried in their deliberations and conclusions; and yet this third Commission, this Commission so strong in the calibre and experience of its members, and including among them some of the ablest representatives of municipal life in this country, they, too, have likewise reported in favour of the policy which we are asked by the Member for Pudsey to reject to-night. They have had before them the evidence of Select Committees in both Houses of Parliament in 1863, of the Agricultural Commission appointed in 1893, and also the evidence taken by themselves. And what are the conclusions they arrive at? They will be found on pages 33, 35, 37, and 38 of the Report which has been recently presented, and as they are very short, perhaps I may be permitted to quote them to the House.
On page 33 they speak as follows— Agricultural Commission in 1896 in these words—
Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether that recommendation is temporary or permanent in its character?
I have no doubt it was a temporary recommendation, though it does not say so in so many words, but the Bill never professed to be anything else than temporary, for there are in it words which do not usually occur in cases of Acts which Parliament mean to be permanent.
Now, Sir, what I have quoted practically embodies the view of this third Commission with regard to this Bill; and it is passing strange indeed that with all the evidence of all the Committees and Commissions; they have had before them, and with all their experience of the working of the Act, they should so emphatically endorse the proposals it contains if it deserved one-fiftieth part of the denunciations of hon. Gentlemen opposite. But there is a greater authority than that of Royal Commission. There is the authority of Parliament. And upon this question the last Parliament of Queen Victoria supported the views of these Royal Commissions by overwhelming majorities against the most rampant and unscrupulous obstruction I ever remember. Has anything occurred since then to warrant the new Parliament in overriding the decision of the old one? No, Sir; but, on the contrary, what has happened is absolutely conclusive—so far as anything political can be conclusive—in support of the policy of the Government. Hon. Gentlemen opposite seem to forget that there is another tribunal, higher even than that of Parliament or of Royal Commission—namely, the country. And Upon this question, which you fought with such bitterness and venom, we have appealed to the country itself; and what is the reply? A majority of 150 in favour of the Government who introduced and successfully carried this Bill. You may say that the verdict of the country was given on the war, and on the war alone. [Hear, hear.] I thought you might, but I take leave to differ from you, and I doubt if any individual Member of the House of Commons had better opportunities of judging than myself, for I visited and spoke at between forty and fifty meetings, in nine or ten different constituencies, during the General Election, and everywhere I found the deepest anxiety upon the subject. In the rural constituencies, at all events, other questions most undoubtedly bulked quite as largely as the war, and prominent among them all was the renewal of the Rating Act.
Moreover, the question was directly raised before the country at the General Election, and in the most formal way it could be. I am not sure whether it was raised in the address of the Leader of the House. But I do remember this—that side by side with his address on the same day in the columns of The Times there was the address of another member of the Government—the Minister who had charge of the measure, and who was more responsible perhaps than any other member for it; and in that address the verdict of the country was asked and directly challenged on the policy of the Bill. After pointing to the pledges which had been given by the Unionist party and by the Government on this point, and the way they had fulfilled them during their first year of office, it went on in these words—
Well, it appears, then, that the justice and policy of this Bill have been vouched for by two Royal Commissions. It was accepted by enormous majorities in the last Parliament, and has finally been ratified by the judgment of the country. I am really at a loss to know what higher testimony, what better credentials hon. Gentlemen can desire, or it would be possible for a Bill in the world to have. It was stated somewhere the other day that "the Opposition has been virtually united in its detestation of the Agricultural Rates Act, and its attitude only reflected the feeling of the country." The first statement is inaccurate, as shown by the division lists; and as to the second, I can only conclude that the Radical party on this question is as much out of harmony with the constituencies and the country as it is on everything else. And here, Mr. Speaker, I think I might have left the subject but for some of the statements which have been made in the course of these debates. But the Leader of the Opposition said the other day that the Bill creates injustice between one kind of property and another in the country. No, Mr. Speaker, the Bill does exactly the opposite. It removes to some extent, though only partially, a very great injustice which existed already. But then he thinks we should have used more discrimination, given more relief where it was chiefly needed, and less to those parts of the country—which he says were many—which were very flourishing, and whose rents were high. I confess I do not know where they are. The right hon. Gentleman may be better informed than the Royal Commission; but what they say is this. The Royal Commission said— lutely doubled on the morrow. I ask hon. Gentlemen opposite to think and consider what this must mean; what it undoubtedly will mean to many of these occupiers. And what is the time in which hon. Members select to do this? I cannot speak with any certainty for the rest of England, though, from the information I get and from what I hear, I have little doubt that the year will turn out to be an exceptionally bad year in all parts of the country; but I have had information quite recently upon which I know I can rely, from my own part of the country, and what I am told is that last year was, by general admission, the worst year we have had since 1879, and that this year unhappily promises to be even worse than last year. Is it useless altogether, I wonder, to appeal to hon. Gentlemen opposite to reconsider their position on this question? I know not, I am sure. But if it is, then all I can say is this: vote for this Amendment if you wish, those of you, at least, who dare; but remember if you succeed you will be met in your constituency with a shout of execration from every human being, and from every class who gain a livelihood in connection with the soil. [An hon. Member laughed.] The hon. Gentleman thinks this is a laughing matter. I wish most sincerely I could agree with him. You will be execrated by the impoverished and too often ruined owners of the land, by the tenant-farmers great and small, by the labourers who work for them, and who find their living in the land, and, above all, by the thousands upon thousands—and there are vast numbers of them still—of the poor struggling people who may be called the peasantry of this country, some of them tenants, others more commonly the owners of the land they till, whose life in times like these—and I know what I am talking about—is one constant and never ceasing struggle to avert ruin from their little homes. It is against these and such as these that hon. Members opposite are now seeking to inflict this cruel, this absolutely needless, and, what must be to many of them, this final blow. Hon. Members stand condemned even by the catchwords of their own party cries. "Back to the1 land" is one; "No room to live" is another. Is this the kind of encouragement which hon. Members offer to the overcrowded populations in the towns to go back and try and make their fortunes on the land? Talk of organised hypocrisy—that organised hypocrisy which the late Leader of the Liberal party told us the other day was prevailing in its ranks! Why, surely, never in the history of parties was their hypocrisy in the light of hon. Members' own professions like the opposition to this Bill, and I ask the House of Commons by every means in its power to resist it to the end.
* : I am one of those in favour of the renewal of the grants in aid of agricultural land until Parliament has determined the manner in which permanent provision should be made. One thing speakers should bear in mind in discussing this Bill, and that is that the relief given by the Agricultural Rates Act of 1896, although limited to five years, was not limited with the intention that at the expiration of five years the Act of Parliament should lapse, but limited in order that Parliament in the meantime should deal with the whole subject of local taxation. It is on that ground, and upon the ground that Parliament has now had laid before it the Report of the Royal Commission, that I support the renewal of this Act, in order to give Parliament an opportunity of dealing with the important question of local taxation. Whatever circumstances affected agriculture in 1896 affect it today. Agriculture is still feeling most cruelly the depression which has so long affected the farmers of this country, and the continuance of that depression from 1896 down to the present time has emphasised the inequalities which exist at the present time with regard to the rating of agricultural land. The agricultural interest, in my opinion, has nothing to lose but everything to gain by a fair and equitable readjustment of local taxation. I would ask anyone in the House to pause for a moment and consider what would be the effect if this Bill were allowed to lapse in March next. On whom would the loss fall? In my opinion, the people who would suffer would be the farmers of the country, and in my mind it is incumbent on Parliament to renew this Bill, if solely for the purpose of carrying out the original intentions of Parliament, that when the Royal Commission reported their Report should be taken into consideration, and Parliament would deal with the whole question. The question of the readjustment of local taxation is extensive and complicated, but at the same time it is the most pressing which we have to deal with. As one who has had considerable experience of local government, I should like to make a suggestion to the President of the Local Government Board with regard to local taxation. I would suggest that before dealing with the question of readjustment of local taxation Parliament should carry out the recommendations of the Commission with regard to the valuation authorities. There may now be in the same district five different valuing authorities; the Royal Commission suggested that one should be established for each county, and for the purposes both of Imperial and local taxation. That would, in my opinion, greatly simplify matters when the whole question comes to be dealt with. I will not further detain the House, but as one of those on this side of the House who intend to vote for this Bill, I thought it incumbent upon me to state the reasons for my intention.
It is a great pleasure to hear such a speech as has just been delivered come from the opposite side of the House, because from the speeches lately heard one would have thought this was a party question, and that hon. Members opposite had no feeling at all for the agriculture of the country. I quite agree with the hon. Member that in any future Bill introduced dealing with the whole question of local taxation one of the most important parts of the Bill will be to give equal assessment throughout the Union. With regard to the present Bill and the limitation to four years, I must confess that I have been disappointed. I was in hopes that the Government would have adhered to what my right hon. friend said last week in introducing the Bill, namely, that it was to be a per- manent measure We all hoped that would he the case, and it is a curious thing that within a few days the Leader of the House said the permanent character of the Bill would be abolished and the limit introduced. Four years seems to be a fair time to introduce the matter of local taxation, but in Parliament time goes very fast. Even at the present time some people think the Government is not so popular as it was when it came into office; but however that may be, it may occur that the Government, for some reason or other, will have to make way for those sitting on the opposite side of the House, and from what we have heard from hon. Gentlemen opposite, I should be sorry to trust this Local Rating Bill to their tender mercies. This Bill is only for a limited period, and if it rested with hon. Gentlemen opposite to renew it, I am afraid we should not have any reduction of rates with regard to this matter. I am one of those who would stick to the original Bill at all hazards. In this I think we do wrong for the sake of expediency. I heard one hon. Gentleman say that the price of corn had so much increased that it had relieved the farmer more than anything else. That is news to me. I grow a good deal, and am in touch with the growers of the county, and I know that the price of, corn is as low now as ever it was. It is now 30s. a quarter, and you cannot get it much lower, and you cannot grow it at a profit at that. The hon. Member said the farmers were not distressed. I think they are more distressed than ever they were; they are giving up farms, and what is more significant is, they are training their sons to other professions. It is a common thing to hear of the sons going into the towns and leaving the farms which their fathers and forefathers have cultivated for generations. I do not support this Rating Bill on account of that depression, but because I have always said it was an act of justice; but when I hear hon. Gentlemen get up and say farming is not so bad as it is said to be, I must say it is as bad as it can be. On the top of all the bad years we have a year like the present; we have lost our hay crop, and we have scarcely any roots, and the oats and barley are as bad as they can be. In addition to all these evils and bad seasons, what can be a greater trial in the country than the scarcity of labour? That was the result of the war; but whereas in early days when a war took place it was a great help to the agricultural industry, and wheat went up, as it did at the time of the Crimea, to 100s. and 120s. a quarter, now when war takes place wheat is the lowest price that it has ever been and labour more scarce. I do not want to lay great stress upon this, but I do want to put before the House on an occasion like this the great depression the farmers are suffering at the present time. Not only are the farmers suffering, but the amount of food grown in the country every year is less. Years ago the wheat cultivation was over 4,000,000 acres; now it is reduced to 1,700,000. Surely that is a matter for consideration. Much less wheat is grown than was grown, and a great deal of the land is laid down to poor pasture, and does not produce anything like the food it did. It is in the interest of the whole community that arable land should be cultivated and kept going, not only because a healthy occupation is afforded for the labourers of the country, but in order to produce food for the people. Not only has wheat cultivation decreased, but sheep have diminished, and pigs are almost extinct. At the same time as this decrease of the food of the people has taken place the population has enormously increased, and that makes the difference much greater than ever before. The farmers certainly expect and have always looked to this Government to do something for them, and when this Act was first introduced the farmers accepted it thankfully as an act of justice. They have paid more rates in comparison with what they have got out of their holdings than any other portion of the population. It has been said that the farmer pays very small rates because the rent of his holding is small. That is quite true. His rates per acre are small, but if he is farming 500 acres, and he has to pay rates on every acre, the amount in the aggregate is very large compared with what the village shopkeeper, who occupies small rateable premises, has to pay on those small premises. If hon. Gentlemen will take instances in the country, they will find that the farmer not only pays full rates— because it must be remembered that the farmer still pays full rates on his house and buildings, which I think is very unfair, and will, I hope, be altered in some future legislation— but he also pays rates on every acre that he occupies. The hon. Member for the Pudsey Division said the amounts paid in town and country were very unequal. But the House should remember the advantages a man gets for his rates in the town. He occupies small premises, and for the rates he pays on those premises he gets a great many advantages, such as good; streets, paving, lighting, water—
Not water.
At any rate he gets a great many advantages which one does not get in the country. What advantage do the acres that a man cultivates derive from the police, education, and sanitary rates?
The farmer pays only one quarter of the sanitary rate.
But what good is the sanitary rate at all to the acres? If the sanitary authority put in drain pipes and drained the land, it would be a different thing. Let me compare for a moment the advantages a foreign agriculturist gets as against our own. Foreign countries are held up as examples for British agriculturists to follow. Prices are raised to a fictitious extent by means of import duties. Of course, we do not expect that in this country. Foreign agriculturists have very cheap carriage for their produce by railways and canals by means of Government subventions. We have nothing of that kind here. Agriculturists have to pay just as much for carriage as any other class of the community, and very often a great deal more than foreigners, because, unfortunately, many of the railways give a preference to the foreigner over the home producer in the matter of rates. Then foreigners have agents in all the great towns to try and push the produce of the country. Have we anything of that kind? Does our Board of Agriculture have agents to say where we can send our produce, and how we can best and most cheaply send it? No, we have to depend entirely upon ourselves; we get no help whatever from the Government in this respect. It is some times said that farmers have a great many luxuries, that they go hunting, and their daughters play the piano, and so on. I do not believe there is a more hard-working class in the community. They go to bed late, and they rise early, and they do it all for very small profits indeed. The only class of farms that pay are those small farms on which the farmer and his sons do the whole of the work.
A good deal has been said with regard to the rates in towns being very high as compared with those in the country. I was surprised to hear the hon. Member for the Pudsey Division say that the average rates in the country were 2s. 2d. in the £. That is an entire mistake.
That is laid down in the Majority Report— Is. 1¼d. for the half-year; therefore the whole of the rates are twice that, 2s.2½d.
That is the average of rates taken from Mr. Shaw Lefevre's Return, which was made a great many years ago, and in those days rates were very low.
I made a Return long after Mr. Shaw Lefevre.
And what did you make it?
2s. 3d.
That is a penny more. But everybody in the country knows that since that time rates have been going up every year. They are getting higher and higher every year. ["No."] In the south of England, at any rate. I live myself in what is called a very favoured and favourite county, but the rates are very high. I know an agricultural parish in which the rates are no less than 6s. in the £. What does the hon. Gentleman think of that? More and more demands are made on the ratepayers. When you travel through the country, as you approach a town you will frequently see a new building— probably an isolation hospital. Who pays for that? The ratepayers. Who are the principal ratepayers in the country districts? The farmers and the occupiers of land. A few years ago the county rate in my own county varied from 2½d. to 3d. in the £ now it is 7d. I have always contended, and I am glad to see that the Majority Report agrees with me, that roads, lunatics, education, and police ought all to be paid for by the nation as national burdens. Who use the roads now? Not we who live in the country but the gentlemen in the towns, with their motor-cars, cycles, and carriages. If they come to a county in which the roads are bad they at once have letters in the papers saying what a disgraceful county it is. Main roads now cost half as much again as they did only six years ago. The public insist on having these advantages. The gentlemen who live in the towns not only enjoy all the advantages of the towns, but they wish to come into the country and enjoy all the advantages of the country without paying for them. If the whole nation benefits by the roads the whole nation should pay for them.
I should like to say a word with regard to land going out of cultivation. A friend of mine the other day told me that land in Essex was at such a low ebb that he had bought a farm at between £5 and £6 per acre.
How much the tithe?
The tithe, of course, was heavier, and I must tell the House that it was land-tax free. I said to my friend, "What a wonderful bargain you have got," for the land was formerly worth £20 or £30 an acre. He replied, "It seems very cheap; but I made a bad bargain, because the outgoings are such that I get no return from it at all." That is a serious thing. As I have already said, I live in a favourite residential county; people are very glad to come down and live in the houses and rent the shooting; but there is more land in hand in Hampshire than in any other county in England. There are no less than 197,700 acres in hand at the present time. Farmers have given up their holdings as a bad job. Surely that shows great depression. It has been said that this relief of the rates, as it is called, though I prefer to call it an act of justice, does not go into the farmers' pockets. Into whose pockets can it go then? Surely nobody will get up and say that the rent of any land has been increased since this Rating Act was passed. Instead of the rental value of land increasing, it has been going down regularly. Land in the southern parts of England is now let at so low a rent that, after deducting the tithe and the cost of management, nothing comes into the owner beyond 2s. or 3s. an acre. You cannot reduce the rent below that. It seems to me that the proof of the tact that this relief goes into the pockets of the farmers is to be found in their eagerness that this Act should be renewed. If hon. Members will go into the country and address meetings in the agricultural districts they will find that with one voice the farmers will rise up and say, "There is one thing you must do this year, and that is renew the Agricultural Rating. Bill."
Reference has been made to the fact that I have said the relief to the poor land is small as compared with that to the rich. So it is, and I hope that in a future Bill the inequality will be remedied. This is not a measure which is to stand for all time. It is to remain in force only for four years, until the right hon. Gentleman has had time to prepare and introduce a larger measure. When that larger measure is introduced I hope that the poor land will be placed in a better position than it now occupies. I believe the House will pass this Bill, because I cannot imagine Parliament refusing to do this act of justice to agriculturists. It has been said that Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray were against this relief of the rates. I do not gather that from the Report, for I find that on page 128 those two gentlemen say—
* : The hon. Member for North Hampshire has put the agriculturists' side of this vexed question before us with great ability, but I would venture, though not an agriculturist, to throw some little doubt on certain of the statements he made. He said, in the first place, that the price of wheat was only 6d. or 1s. above the bottom. At the very lowest it was 6s. or fully 25 per cent, above the price of 1895.
I ought to have said the average of the year, not the lowest price which has been touched.
* : I think, if the hon. Member waits until the end of this year, he will find that the average of the year is very much higher than the average of 1895. With regard to the acreage under wheat, that during the last year or two has shown a considerable increase, although I am aware that up to two years ago it decreased enormously. The whole gist of the hon. Member's argument was that this measure was called for owing to the depression of agriculture. Yet this measure for which he is pleading, as he himself showed, gives only 3d. or 6d. an acre to the land which is most depressed and most needs relief, while it gives 5s., and even 10s. in some cases, to land which needs no relief at all. When he says, and perhaps truly, that rates in agricultural districts tend to rise, I must, remind him that they have risen and are rising very much faster in the towns. Therefore, so far as that argument goes for anything, it is rather opposed to relief being given to agricultural districts as against towns. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Sleaford Division, who has a wide knowledge of agricultural questions and a long experience of this House, and whose stately periods always charm, even though they fail to convince, objected to the view that rating was a hereditary burden on land. The right hon. Gentleman himself has said that when rates go up rent goes down, and, ceteris paribus , of course when rates go down rents go up. That being the case, and our present rating law having existed since the time of Elizabeth, I argue that the burden of the rates has fallen practically on the landlord rather than on the tenant, and what may be the number of centuries that have to pass before a burden of that kind becomes hereditary I do not know. It seems to me that if there is any burden which is hereditary, this is one.
The circumstances of our debate are very much altered by the concession, of the right hon. Gentleman as to the duration of the operation of this Bill. If I might venture to express an opinion, I would say that a reasonable compromise has been arrived at. The towns and those who speak on their behalf were bound to protest against the permanent laying on of this burden for the benefit of agricultural land, because it is perfectly evident from this Report, of which we have heard so much and shall hear very much more, that the towns also are unfairly treated in this matter of rating. I can quite see from the point of view of the Government the difficulty of dropping this relief. That is the worst of hasty legislation of this character. It cannot help setting class against class, town against country. Although it is perhaps too much to expect from human nature, I should almost have imagined that the great patriotism of the landed interest in this time of great financial strain might even have induced them to allow this Act to cease to operate for the time being, until the whole question could be dealt with in a larger form. This measure was passed in the piping times of peace and prosperity bequeathed by a Liberal Government. [Laughter]. Yes, bequeathed by a Liberal Government. That prosperity began in the last "portion of the tenure of power of the Liberal Government, and was helped in no small measure by the financial measures of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouthshire. We have now the heavy strain of a war which was inevitable but unforeseen, and which, being unforeseen and unprepared for, has cost twice as much as it ought to have done. The principal excuse for the measure is that of agricultural depression. I do not laugh at agricultural depression at all. It is still, I suppose, rather severe. It was most acute up to 1895 or 1896, and it was principally due to the fall in prices, which affected manufactures .as well as agriculture. When agricultural depression is so severe that sufficient capital is not put into the land to make a return, or land becomes derelict, then I say that agricultural depression becomes a national concern, and it is a national loss. But I say again in regard to that matter, that to attempt to relieve agricultural depression by a measure which gives least where most is wanted is no relief at all. At this particular time when agriculture was so depressed, there was also intense depression in many of the manufacturing industries. Coal was at a very different price from that of to-day; it was very shortly after the great coal strike. Very few of our great iron companies were paying dividends, and in those cases the dividends were very small. In regard to one trade, of which to my sorrow I know something, the cotton trade, the dividends of the joint stock companies which publish their returns in Oldham had only averaged 2½ per cent, for fifteen years up to 1895, and the losses for the years 1895–6, so far as I remember, averaged something like £300,000 per annum, which means that, in addition to making no return at all, these joint stock companies were losing about 4 per cent, or 5 per cent, of their capital. Things have been better since then, but even now I do not suppose the Oldham mills have made a greater return than 3 per cent, or 3½ per cent, for twenty years. There is a great falling off at the present time. The future of some of our industries is looking very black, and the curtailment of the production of the cotton industry is already being discussed.
It has been roundly asserted that all the benefit of this Act has gone to the farmers. I think it is quite impossible to gauge how much has gone to the farmers and how much to the landlords during the past five years, but, at any rate, the longer the measure continues in operation the less goes to the farmer. I will not stop to argue the point, because I am supported in that view by all economic authorities. We are often challenged to produce cases. I will venture to give one in which I am interested. I happen to be trustee for one or two estates in which there is agricultural land— I am speaking particularly of a case in Cheshire in regard to the farms of which the tenants have not changed, and in those cases I admit the whole of the benefit has gone to the tenant. But in regard to one farm there was a change of tenant, and I as a trustee was bound, on the advice of my agent, to raise the rent. We obtained an increased rent, and in fixing that rent we naturally took into account the benefit given by this Act. If I had adopted any other course I should have been wanting in my duty to my cestui que trust. If this Act is made permanent, as hon. Members opposite desire it to be, the whole benefit will eventually go to the landlords. I have been speaking of the grounds on which the measure was advocated in the past. The case to-day is different. The country is in a very serious financial condition. I venture to say that if this measure had not been passed five years ago no responsible Government would have dared to propose it now. Another altered circumstance is that the Royal Commission has reported. There is no proposition in that Report to rate personalty as a whole. To broaden the basis for rating purposes is not feasible. I take it that that plan has gone for ever, and I am glad of it. I was certain it was a will-o'-th'-wisp. But what the Commission states in all sections of the Report is that a larger measure of Imperial subventions should be given to the relief of the rate- payers, whether they are in town or in country. They also agree that, at any rate, as regards some measure, if not the whole—Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray recommend as regards the whole practically—regard should be had to population and poverty. If regard is had to population and poverty as judged by the rateable value per head of the population, I venture to say that the towns will get more than the country.
I want for a moment to look at one or two matters in these Reports. We have been told on the highest authority that Parliament ought not by any means to feel itself bound to carry out the recommendations of any Commission it may appoint. Lord Salisbury in another place has told us of the constitutional danger of imagining that Commissions are appointed to present Reports on which it is the duty of Parliament to act. It seems to me that Royal Commissions are very much like bishops: we quote them when they suit our purpose, and we disregard them when they do not. The Majority Report complains rather bitterly of the misrepresentation to which this Agricultural Rating Act has been subjected. They appear to think that that Act should have been passed in 1846, when protection was done away with. They then proceed to show that complaints were as loud in 1836 as they are at present. As a matter of fact, rates were higher in the country at that time, and, without wishing to say anything unpleasant, I am bound to state that agriculturists have always managed to make their complaints heard. The first quotation given from 1836 is the case of Mr. Samuel Goodman. He says— of £2,000 in the year. I really think that is a most ludicrous instance to be-quoted in a Report of this gravity. You are asked to believe that a farmer was paying on an assessment of £4,200 a year when the total produce of his farm was only £2,000 a year, out of which he had, to pay everything. Another case is that Mr. James Stratton, and it is stated in his own words—
I happen to know that case, and I can assure the hon. Member that Mr. Stratton's rent is very very small. Indeed, I think he said so before the Commission.
* : His rent, I think, was about 11s. an acre. There is a table in the Report given on the authority of Mr. John Speir, of Newton, near Glasgow. Mr. Speir appears from his memorandum to be one of those gentlemen whose facts are somewhat doubtful, whose inductions are far from being above suspicion, and whose guesses are absolutely wild. At page 35 he has a table in which he endeavours to show that agriculture is paying much more than manufacturing or trading or labour. The table is vitiated by the idea that property, not people, pays. But that is a small matter, about which we need not trouble. The reliability of the figures may be judged by the fact that he says wool and cotton mills are rated on all their machinery. They have to pay quite enough, but I am thankful to say they are not rated on all their machinery. This table appears to be an estimate on the net income of the amount of rates paid by individual people. With regard to farming, I will leave the matter as he states it, although, in my opinion, if you are going to test the amount of rates paid on farm land, you must add the rent to the farmer's profits to arrive at any fair result.
I wish to come to the manufacturing figures. I do not know what manufacture Mr. Speir was speaking of, but I will take a typical case of an Oldham cotton mill. A mill with £150,000 capital would be assessed at about £3,000; it would pay in rates about £1,000 a year, and its average return at 4 per cent. — and that is all they have made for the last twenty years— would be £6,000. So that, instead of the rates being 1.5 per cent., as Mr. Speir states, they would be 16 per cent., on the calculation I have made, and which I believe is a fair calculation. That applies only to the cotton trade, but one must give examples which are familiar to one's self. I think, after such cases as these, the Commissioners have been a little unwise in speaking about misrepresentation. They are a little unfair, too, in the manner they quote Mr. R. H. Dawe, then town clerk of Hull. Mr. Dawe is the author of a scheme such as is recommended by Lord Balfour of Burleigh, Sir Edward Hamilton, and Sir George Murray in their Reports—a scheme of fairer division which would help the towns. In regard to this matter I want to say that I am not at all blind to the case that can be made for special relief to agricultural land. I think the claim for some relief is a fair one, but I think the claim of all ratepayers for some relief is a fair one. I want to see a more equitable division of the money now paid, as under such a division the towns would benefit, and they might reasonably acquiesce in some extra measure of relief to agricultural land. The case is best made out at page 131, in the Report of Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray. If the principles there set forth are applied to the amounts paid by and paid to a medium-sized town it will be seen that the medium-sized towns are very badly treated. There are four counties mentioned as receiving 5s. 8d. independently of the Agricultural Rating Act, and 2s. 3¾d. under the Act, or 7s. ll¾d. altogether. There are eight typical towns set forth on the same page which receive in Imperial subventions j only 2s. 9d. per head. Then there is the comparison with the town of Oldham, which I have the honour to represent, to which reference was made by the hon. Member for the Pudsey Division, and about which I need say no more. On page 136 there is a statement of what, in the opinion of Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray, ought to be paid under a fair division to the unions of Oldham and Garstang respectively in the same county. There it is shown that, if Oldham received what in the opinion of these two gentlemen of great authority it is entitled to, it would receive not £7,071 but £24,073. If it received that subvention it would mean a reduction of rates by 8d. in the £1. If in addition it paid its proportion of the cost of the agricultural relief as recommended by those two experts— only one quarter of the onerous rates, instead of one half of the whole rates as at present— the rates would be relieved of another 1½d. or 2d.; so that altogether my constituency would receive on such a division an assistance in rating which would amount to about l0d. in the £. I trust I am not labouring the case of Oldham too much. There is no one in the House who is less inclined to thrust the affairs of any Little Pedlington on the attention of the House of Commons; but Oldham, both in regard to its cotton and its machinery, which are its great manufactures, is dependent on its export trade, in which it is competing with all the world, and it is a typical case of the injustice of the present system to urban ratepayers of the distribution of Imperial subventions. Willing and ready as I am to act fairly to agriculture, and freely as I acknowledge that agricultural land as compared with dwelling houses did in the past rightly demand relief, I cannot and will not rest satisfied while only one kind of owner and occupier obtains justice, and while our great industrial centres, upon which the prosperity of this country chiefly rest, are left uncared for and with wrongs unredressed.
* : I approach this question from rather a different standpoint than anyone who has yet taken part in the debate, having been a member of the Royal Commission, and being prepared to take my share of responsibility for the Majority Report. For my part, I think all these questions of local taxation— although I do not wish to speak so cock-surely as some hon. Gentlemen opposite— are infinitely difficult, and all I claim in support of what I am going to say in reference to the Report of the majority of the Commissioners is that to the best of our lights and views we believe that what we there set forth is true and right as regards the question of local taxation in this country. Let me remove a misapprehension which at present exists. We are not here discussing what I may call the ultimate or final reform of local taxation. The Majority and Minority Reports are agreed that any ultimate or final reform of local taxation must have special regard to the needs of our urban districts. I am not going to discuss this point for one moment; I think it is rather beyond the present question. I am not going to discuss whether the form of relief suggested by the Majority Report or that suggested by the Minority Report would give most to the urban districts. But I can say this— and I am now speaking on behalf of those who signed the Majority Report— that our view is that the scheme there laid down will give the maximum of reform and the maximum of grant or subvention to the urban districts, as much as in the plan in the Minority Report, although I speak with the greatest respect of Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray. I wish to point out to the House that there is practically no difference as regards the root principle between the Majority and the Minority Report. A mistake has been made by various hon. and learned Members opposite, because they have not seen the principles which are involved. Before I deal with the principles involved, let me explain what it is that we have to consider, and what it is that we tried to consider upon the Royal Commission. The question was, what scheme of local taxation is necessary in order that you may have an equitable contribution from the various sources in respect of which we draw our contribution for the purposes of local taxation? It is not a question of the country on the one side and the town on the other. We had to consider a much broader question, and we gave the answer which will be found in the Majority and the Minority Reports.
Before I deal with these principles, let me mention two or three of the fallacies which are always trotted out when we are discussing a question of local taxation, and no matter how often they are refuted he same old fallacies are always attributed to us. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment said that this question of rating was being dealt with in regard to the depression of a particular industry. That is an absolute fallacy, and on my own behalf, and on behalf of the other members of the Royal Commission, I say that we would not, for one moment, have listened to the plea for special rating as regards any particular industry because it happened to be in a state of depression. This is an entire fallacy, and if you once start upon rating from that point of view you will be sure to get in a most hopeless muddle.
That was the argument of the hon. Member for Basingstoke.
* : I differ from that view, and I think that my hon. friend has been misunderstood. On the Commission we considered all these matters, and we came to certain conclusions, and surely I am entitled to put forward those conclusions. Let me take another fallacy. People are very fond of trotting out the hereditary fallacy, but I would remind the House that much of what we are dealing with now is of recent growth. Many of the rates to which the Agricultural Rates Act applies are comparatively of recent growth, and the hereditary principle is not really applicable, because it is merely a question of what is right and just. What do hon. Members opposite say in regard to the Act of 1840 which exempted all the stock in trade in this country, although that trade had been liable? [An hon. Member: They never paid it.] It was paid in some cases, and it was found that they were liable to pay it on the hereditary principle, but the manufacturers came to this House and got the Act of 1840 passed, and it has been renewed from year to year. Take the next fallacy of the hon. Member opposite in regard to town and country. Because the town is rated higher than the country he seems to draw from that the deduction that the town is unfairly rated as compared with the country. If the hon. Member had studied and appreciated what is laid down by the Royal Commission I do not think that he would have made a statement of that kind. It is a very complicated question to ascertain what their relative liabilities are; but, at any rate, a mere broad statement of figures is no test at all. The large rate in towns includes many things which apply only to towns, such as sewage and improvement charges, which go up to the amount of the rate. It is quite sufficient for my purpose to take the sewage rate. Is that a matter which can be fairly compared with a country district, where the farmer has to dispose of his own sewage on his farm? Everyone who tries to get at the kernel of this matter must realise that you cannot, in group form, compare the two rates.
There is another matter which you must never lose sight of, particularly in regard to rates under the Agricultural Ratings Act and the Tithes Rates Act, and that is the ability to pay. Everyone knows that the towns are richer than the country districts in the aggregate, and there is no doubt that if you take what is paid in the town in proportion to the income, it is less than what is paid in the country in proportion to the income. That is the true test. Supposing one man is paying 6d. out of £1, and another is paying Is. out of £10, which of these people do you suppose bears the heaviest burden? I should have thought that after all the researches which the hon. Member has made he need not have gone into this archive of fallacies. What was the next suggestion which he made? The hon. Member went into the rateable value per head of the population. Surely he must have known that you cannot take a worse test than that. Take a very poor district, so poor that it is almost depopulated There you get a very high rateable value, and the more the district is depopulated, the higher the rateable value becomes. And yet the hon. Member has referred, to this matter as if it were really a test to apply to rateable value.
The hon. Member also talks about the difference between poor and rich land Now if land is the subject matter which is entitled to be rated in a particular way, what does it matter whether it happens to be rich or poor land? You do not rate the premises of a cotton spinner who is prosperous in a different way to the premises of a cotton spinner who is not prosperous. What you are rating is a commodity or some subject matter, and whatever the character of the man may be, whether he be rich or poor, it must apply to all cases. With regard to occupying owners, we considered most carefully whether we could find any definition of the ultimate incidence of local taxation. There is no general principle involved. You have to consider what the conditions are in each, case in order to see whether a particular occupier or owner will get the benefit. It is merely a question of justice, and it really does not matter which party gets it. I believe that in 99 per cent, of the cases the occupier has got the advantage. But if the landlord had got every penny of it, I should still argue in the same way It does not matter whether the one party or the other gets it, because the question is whether the subject matter is rated at its proper value or not. It is a great mistake to be everlastingly raising this question as one between occupier and owner. In a certain sense this is almost an insoluble question, because you cannot deal with it upon any general principle, but it makes no difference in principle whether it goes to the landlord or not. I believe that under the present conditions of agriculture it does go to the occupier, although the hon. Member for Oldham has given us one illustration to the contrary.
My aim is to deal with the matter as one of principle. I refuse to go into matters of detail. You get confused in matters of detail. 'That is what the Royal Com- mission did. They went into matters of detail. I will merely lay down the result arrived at, and tell you why we did it. The hon. Member for Pudsey rather unworthily touched upon the constitution of the Royal Commission. I say nothing of the Members of this House who happened to be on the Commission, but I think it was hardly fair to speak in the way the hon. Member did of a gentleman who in my opinion is the greatest authority in this country on matters of rating and local government—I mean Sir John Hibbert. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Wolverhampton will concur with me in that. Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Mr. Smith, Mr. Clare, Mr. Dalton, and Mr. Elliott believed in the rating principle of the Agricultural Rating Act. It was unworthy to attack men who are not here to defend themselves. I am perfectly certain that, apart from what I may call mere discussion in this House, no hon. Member, whatever he may think of what has been done by the Royal Commission, and whether he agrees with the Report or not, would think of following the unworthy example of the hon. Member, and suggesting that anyone who signed the Report was not convinced of the truth of its statements. What is the first step you have to take in order to see whether a system of local taxation is fair or not? You have to consider the purposes for which the money raised is to be expended. All the members of the Commission were agreed that certain services undertaken by local authorities were of a national or onerous character. They went further, and said that as a matter of theory the whole of the expenditure for these services ought to be found by the national Exchequer. As regards this expenditure, the Commission said there ought to be classification of properties if the burden was to be distributed equitably and fairly as between ratepayers, and that land ought only to pay one-half of its rateable value. That is the root principle of the Agricultural Rating Act.
Why one-half?
* : I will tell the hon. and learned Gentleman. If you try to get a fair assessment as between one class of property and another, and apply the principle of classification, that is the fairest division we could make. I admit that it is impossible to have an absolute arithmetical calculation in that matter, but there is this remarkable fact that every member of that Commission, whether Radical or Conservative, whether he represented a town or country district, came to the conclusion that you must have classification as regards these properties, and that the proper classification was to assess at one-half. It seems to me to be quite unnecessary to go back into the evidence which made us come to that conclusion, because I understand that hon. Members opposite think the Report of. Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray is to be commended. Let me deal with the other branch of the subject for a moment. Where you have what is known as beneficial expenditure there is classification, and land is only rated at one-fourth its value. The members of the Commission all agreed that every case that came under the Agricultural Rating Act, with the exception of payment for district roads, was a case of onerous payment, and therefore there ought to be a half-assessment, because the land was less able to bear burdens than other rateable property. The hon. Member went into long details, which I thought irrelevant matter, but I have not heard a single Member on the other side say that the Royal Commission were wrong in this matter, and there you get up to a certain point, an absolute and full justification of the Agricultural Rating Act. It is a necessary element in a scheme of local taxation reform, and if you were not to pass or repass this Act at the present moment you would put back indefinitely the cause of the reform of local taxation, more particularly as regards urban districts. I absolutely agree that assistance from the State should only be given in respect to onerous services. What is the case as regards the equity between the ratepayer and the taxpayer? We all found on the Royal Commission that if this matter were dealt with on more equitable considerations the whole expense of these onerous services, apart from local administration, should come out of the national Exchequer.
In town and country?
* : The hon. Member says in town and country, and I will assume it. I think he is perfectly right, but what I am pointing out is that if in taking certain onerous services off agricultural land you put them on other ratepayers you would not be dealing with the difficulty, but you would be increasing the wrong. [An HON. MEMBER: That is the recommendation of both Reports.] The hon. Member, I am afraid, has only read the Reports superficially. In time we may arrive at such a state of theoretical perfection. In a hundred or a thousand years time we may arrive at that point. I am not concerned to deny that. But we have to look at these as practical matters of everyday life, and looking at the Agricultural Rating Act which we have to put in force now, what could be more unfair in town or country districts than to put the charge on the other ratepayers? He thinks that in the town it would be a comparatively small burden, whereas in the country it would be a comparatively large burden.
Is it in the Report of the Royal Commission?
* : I will not re-answer the hon. Member. I have answered him already. I say that when you come to a time of perfection, and each man bears the burden that ought to be put upon him, we shall no longer have these difficulties and questions of adjustment. The point we are at now is whether this deficiency arising from the rating of agricultural land at one-half ought to be made good by the national Exchequer or not. I say that the answer is that, the service being national, that is the fund from which you ought to get payment. We have heard it stated over and over again that this is a dole to a particular interest. Anyone who really considers the Report of the Royal Commission will find that this dole theory is exploded once and for all. In this same Bill there is a proposal regarding the tithes rent-charge. I do not think that has been attacked. It can be shown that on historical considerations tithes attached to benefices are entitled to the remission which the Act gives. This topic is an intricate one. It must be approached as a rating topic purely and simply. The only question is whether in dealing with the particular subject-matter you are putting a fair assessment on it. After the conclusion to which the Royal Commission came it would be grossly unfair to agricultural land and to the owners of tithe rent-charges attached to benefices if the Bill were not renewed. I regret that it is not renewed once for all. It is not a relief or a dole, but it is giving a man what he is entitled to on every principle of local taxation.
* : The debate up to the present time has been exceedingly interesting. It has had two aspects: the one has been historical, and the other economical and prophetical. I cannot pass away from the historical part of this debate without one allusion to the remarkable speech made by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sleaford. It threw a most interesting light upon a very important epoch in English history. We have had a great many theories as to why the Government dissolved when they did, and a great many theories as to what was the course they ought to have pursued at the election; but until to-night we have had only one theory as to what was the issue tried at that election and the verdict given. Some of us were under the impression that perhaps the time for the dissolution was not happily chosen. Some of us were of opinion— I think the bulk of the country were of opinion— that the question put before them was what policy they wished to be pursued in a great Imperial crisis, involving the issues of peace and war and the conduct and conclusion of that war. So strongly did the Government themselves feel that they put it distinctly to the constituencies as both a warning and an encouraging note that every vote given against the Government was a vote given in favour of the enemies of the Queen. There was, however, a member of the Cabinet who knew much better than that. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sleaford has told us to-night that the verdict of the country was taken on the Agricultural Rating Act. There was, he said, an appeal to the country on that subject. The country gave a final decision on that issue. The Government, with its large majority of 150, was returned, not on the South African War, not on the policy of Lord Milner or the Colonial Secretary, but on this rating policy of the Government. Then, Sir, in those tragic tones of which he is such an accomplished master, he warned the House as to the fearful consequences that would result if they were led away by the blandishments of my hon. friend the Member for Pudsey, and voted for this Amendment. He described a picture of such horror that I myself felt alarmed, as if we were about to commit some great crime. He said that if we deprived the landed interest of Great Britain of Is. 1¼d. in the pound of their rates a shout of execration would arise from every human being in the kingdom — the impoverished owners, ruined tenants, unfortunate labourers, and above all, the peasants of this country would feel that they had suffered a most cruel blow. I myself for a moment almost staggered under the weight of that terrific censure, like some prisoner who is hearing the sentence of death in the most impressive tones for some gross crime. If we depart from what I may call the right hon. Gentleman's historical reminiscences as to the origin of this Bill, his singular commentary on the proceedings at the General Election, and his anticipations as to how the country would receive even so great a catastrophe as this Bill not being renewed for four years, we may then approach the more economic and more argumentative speech of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, and who has defended, with great ability,—the ability of an advocate, not of a judge—the decisions of the Commission of which he was so distinguished a member. I will say in passing, with reference to that Commission, that I for one will neither criticise its composition nor its action. That Commission, as the right hon. Member for Sleaford well knows, was a Commission proposed by himself, not when the Bill was introduced, but when he was face to face with the shout of indignation—I will not say of execration, but of indignation—which arose from its own benches, from the members for the large towns, who then protested against that Bill being made a permanent Bill, and before the Bill was brought on for Second Reading—[Ministerial cries of " No."]—he announced to the House that the Bill was to be temporary and tentative measure, was only to last five years, and that previous to any final decision being come to a Royal Commission should be appointed to consider the whole question of local taxation.
I am sure the right hon. Gentleman does not wish to misrepresent anything that occurred, but I am almost absolutely certain that the announcement of the Royal Commission was made on the introduction of the Bill.
* : I think the right hon. Gentleman is right, and also that I am right. I do not think he announced it on the first evening of the introduction of the Bill, but at a later stage of the debate, on the First Reading. But, at all events, I was only speaking from memory, and if he says I am wrong I at once admit the correction. But he himself does not, I understand, dispute the fact that the Royal Commission was to be appointed in order to consider the whole question before any attempt at permanent legislation was made.
I have found the passage, and it is absolutely accurate that I made the statement that there would be another Commission on the introduction of the Bill.
* : The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has been arguing for, and defending, not the Bill that is before Parliament, but another Bill altogether, which is to be brought in at some future day, and is to carry out the recommendations of the Commission. What did that Commission do? I think the House, although it may be rather disappointed at the length of time that Commission occupied will find no fault with the mode in which it carried on its inquiry. It sat sixty-four days, examined over 160 witnesses, its evidence and memoranda occupied 2,323 folio pages, contained in seven volumes, and I think it may be taken to be one of the most exhaustive inquiries ever made on the subject. I am not going to attempt to-night, and I am sure the House and the Government will not attempt, to pronounce an opinion on the findings of that Commission; it is absolutely impossible. That Report was not in the hands of hon. Members until the middle of May, and the questions raised in it are so grave, and the difficulties of the whole position of such importance, that it would be absurd for any of us to pretend to express any opinion. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Stretford is familiar with all the ins and outs of the Commission, and we see the traces of his Roman hand in the Report more distinctly after his speech than possibly we saw them before. But while I do not wish to detract from the research, the arguments, and the various characteristics of the Majority Report, I will venture to express the opinion that the Report of Lord Balfour of Burleigh and the Report of Sir. E Hamilton and Sir G. Murray stand out in bold relief from all the other Reports presented, and in the future I think controversy will rage round the arguments for and against local taxation drawn from that masterly summary in the Report I have alluded to. The hon. Member, while discussing a Bill which is not before us, pointed out what he called the root principle of this Bill, and not only what he called equitable contribution, but also the purpose for which local taxation was raised and should be applied. He stated, though I do not think the Government will accept that, that the National Exchequer should really find what was called the onerous taxation. I am not going to argue an imaginary event. I do not think that such an imaginary Bill will ever come before this House, but I will refer to what the hon. Member called the fallacies of this controversy, and especially the fallacies which he considered were contained in the speech of my hon. friend behind me. He repudiated most strongly, and I think most successfully, the idea that depression of any trade should enter into any question of rating or rating relief. But we had just listened for half an hour to a speech from one of the leading agricultural members of this House, who put the whole question from first to last on agricultural depression. The hon. Member for Hampshire dwelt entirely on agricultural depression, prices, and costs, and wound up by warning us as to what the present state of agriculture was. But the hon. Gentleman opposite repudiated that, so that I will not say a word about it. Then he attempted to repudiate, but not, I think, so successfully, what, he called the doctrine of hereditary burdens. My right hon. friend the-Member for Sleaford, no doubt remembering the controversies of 1896, and. how he was beset on the question of hereditary burdens, took the opportunity, of his present freedom from responsibility to repudiate any allegiance to the economic doctrines of the late First. Lord of the Admiralty, who was then Chancellor of the Exchequer. Well, it is all very well to say you do not believe in hereditary burdens, but has anybody ever answered either John Stuart Mill or Mr. Goschen on that point? Mr. Goschen only takes, I think, three rates-as illustrating what he means, and he takes first the largest rate levied in this, country, the poor rate; every acre of land in this country for the last 300 years has been bought and sold, devised and settled, subject to the payment of the poor rate, and to say that the amount of that poor rate has not entered into the calculation of every man who bought and sold land is to ignore the very first, principles of a bargain. The poor rate has been spoken of as a rate that has increased and varied, but the poor rate is at this moment less than it has ever, been it is a decreasing burden in favour of the land owner. The other hereditary burden is the highway rate, and this has been a burden upon owners of land from the time of the Conquest. It is a permanent rent-charge, and these two burdens— the poor rate and the highway rate— are the first charges the, State takes out of the value of property for these purposes. But the hon.. Member who has just sat down has attempted to justify his contention about, hereditary burdens by that very old, that worn, threadbare story about stock-in-trade being rendered liable for the poor rate by the Act of Elizabeth and the Act of 1840 being passed to abolish it. But nobody knows better than the hon. Gentleman that the decisions of the judges had made the Act of Elizabeth absolutely unproductive, and in 1840 Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, then Secretary to the Poor Law Board, said in his memorandum it was madness to attempt to go on levying a rate that could not be levied, and only touched a small portion of the property, and left a vast mass of property which had sprung up since the days of Elizabeth absolutely untouched. Nobody objected to the abolition.
Why is the Act made annual?
* : Why is the Ballot Act made annual? It was made annual, as other Acts have been made annual, for no reason. It is one of the absurdities and anomalies of our legislation, that when we have not the courage to pass an Act out and out we make it temporary, and then it is renewed every year. Then the hon. Member alluded to the difference of rates between town and country, and here again, if he will allow me to say so, he was betrayed into the use of two words that should not have passed his lips— gas and water. He must know that every Commission, every Report of the Local Government Board, and every figure used in these Reports, exclude gas and water altogether. When you say you pay so much more in town and speak of gas and water, these are not included; there is no question about that. In reference to sewage, there is expenditure that does not occur in the country, but I do not like to hear sanitary arrangements for the rural districts pooh-poohed. They are as necessary in the country as they are in towns, and I do not like to hear rural sanitary authorities spoken of with contempt, and of the sanitary rate as if it should not be taken into consideration. Then, said my hon. friend, ability to pay is another fallacy. He says the town is richer; but it is not the towns that pay, the ratepayers in the towns which pay— and remember the burden of the rates in the towns does not fall on the large manufacturers, nor on the wealthy shopkeepers, it falls on the rank and file in the towns who have to pay a very considerable portion of this increased expenditure. But the argument of the hon. Gentleman really was upon the principle of rating, and he, therefore, touched upon the ultimate incidence of rates as between owner and occupier. I should agree with a great deal of what he said and with much of the Report of the Commission on the principle of rating, but then this is not a rating Bill, it is a relief Bill. The Bill gives relief to a certain class of ratepayers because, for some reason, it is assumed that they are entitled to relief from the State. Now, I ask the House to consider what this amounts to. The root principle— borrowing the phrase of the hon. I Member— the root injustice of local taxation is that it is levied on one description of property only, on real property; it is not levied on personal property. That inflicts a great injustice on farmers, landowners, shopkeepers, and manufacturers. I It is an injustice, but you draw a distinction between town and country for the purpose of showing that the evil is more oppressive in the rural than in the urban districts. Now, how do the local rates fall? The rateable value of the whole country last year as contained in the Report of the Local Government Board, and confirmed by these Bluebooks, was 175½ millions. I speak, of course, of England and Wales. The rateable value of agricultural land is over 24 millions, and of buildings and other hereditaments rated, 150¼ millions. Therefore, in dealing with this relief, you are dealing simply with 24 millions of rateable property. Now, what was: the rate last year? I prefer taking the I statement of the Royal Commission just reported, confirmed as it is by the Local Government Board, instead of the statement of the hon. Member for North Hampshire. It is always better, if you can, to isolate London from the rest of the community, and in London the average rate was 5s. 7½d., and the average rate in the country outside London was 4s. 7d.; that gives a total inclusive average of 4s. 9¾d. No manipulation of figures can make it more or less, and the taxation levied by rates last year was something nearer 40 than 39 millions. Now, what is the relief to agricultural rates? Let us look at the naked figures and see what is the amount the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sleaford exalted to such a height in the course of his speech. The rate on agricultural land is 2s. 2½d. There can be no argument about that; that has been settled by the Local Government Board as the sum which, under the Act of Parliament, they have taken as the assessable value of every yard of land in the country. When an hon. Member talks about 6s. he refers to an isolated case, but the average rate in 1899 was 2s. 2½d., and the half of that is 1s. l¼d., which is paid out of the Estate Duty, and out of the Consolidated Fund for the benefit of ratepayers who are paying a sum amounting to something under 2¾ millions, out of a rateable value of 175 millions, paying 40 millions in local taxation. To these fortunate or unfortunate people, who pay a little more than 2½ millions out of 40 millions, and whose property is only 24 millions out of 175 millions, you are handing over from Imperial sources £1,344,000. That is the question the House has to decide. There is no more root principle in that than in putting a sovereign into the charity box. The Imperial Exchequer, on the ground of the peculiar position of the gentlemen who pay this £2,600,000, gives them £1,344,000 towards it. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sleaford, with his enormous experience on agricultural matters and familiarity with land, tells us that the prosperity and salvation or the ruin of the owners, occupiers, and cultivators of 27 million acres depends upon their getting 1s. 1d. per acre from the Imperial Exchequer.
I was referring to the poor, small, struggling people whose life at the present time is a constant struggle to make both ends meet.
* : I have no doubt that there are more struggling people in the large towns. But why should this relief be given? I do not go into the economic doctrines which the hon. and learned Member for Stretford has laid down. I say in the first place that the burden is greater in the towns than in the country. And why are the people in the country who pay two and a half millions to have this preference over those who pay the thirty-six millions in the towns? I say again the burden is greater in the towns than in me country. The average rate in the towns is something like 5s. in the £the burden is not only greater, but the increase in the rates has been greater. I do not think that the hon. Member has sufficiently appreciated that fact. Let me recall to the House what Mr. Goschen reported thirty years ago. He reported that the local rates in this country in 1841 were £8,000,000, and in 1868, the date of his Report, they were £16,500,000. He reported that of the increase of £8,000,000, £2,000,000 were Poor Law expenditure, £5,500,000 new rates in the towns, and only half a million on the highway and the county rate. When I dealt with the subject many years after that, I took the Report down to 1891, and the £16,500,000 had run up to £28,000,000. That has never been impugned. Ten millions and three-quarters of that increase were purely metropolitan and urban, and only three-quarters of a million was increase in the rural districts. The House will recollect that there is hardly any town of importance where the rates are not over 7s. in the £ and when you give relief on account of the pressure of rates on a specific class of ratepayers—I do not want to exclude the agricultural ratepayer—you should also remember that the urban ratepayer has an equal claim to that of the agricultural ratepayer. The argument that the agricultural ratepayer only is entitled to receive relief I dismiss altogether as unworthy of consideration. Another fallacy pointed out by the hon. Member is that not only is this relief given in this unfair manner as between the urban and country districts, but unfairly as between themselves. The hon. and learned Member laughed at the idea of richer and poorer land. I wonder whether the hon. Member for the Chelmsford division of Essex will admit that Essex ought to have no greater relief than Middlesex, or that land which lets at £4, £5, or £6 an acre ought to have the same proportion of relief as land which lets at 11s. an acre? I have received a letter from a friend, a well-known Member of this House, whose name I will not mention, and he tells me that he had been making a calculation in respect of the amount of relief he had received under the Act of 1896 upon land situated in a large city. He said, "I have just sold this land for £500 or £600 an acre." It had been let at £500 an acre as accommodation land. And he also told me that someone else had offered since £1,000 an acre for it. This is the poor, distressed agriculturist for whom relief is pleaded. He has got more relief on this "root principle," which is defended by the hon. and learned Member, than the poor, struggling farmer in Essex or elsewhere. Is that defensible? [Cries of "Yes" and "Undoubtedly."] Hon. Gentlemen who say that will say anything. An hon. Member asked—"Why should you raise this question just now when there is general depression and a greater increase of taxation, and why should you wish to deprive the poor farmer or the landowner of this relief just now?" Has it occurred to the right hon. Member for Sleaford that the farming industry practically pays no income tax—[An HON. MEMBER: Because they make no income.]—that this impoverished class, whose rateable value is £24,000,000 on twenty-seven million acres, pays no income tax? Why? On account of the relief which my right hon. friend the Member for West Monmouthshire gave them when he provided that they should only be assessed on one-third of their rental. That is not very pleasant hearing for the struggling tradesmen in the large towns. Sir Alfred Milner showed before the Royal Commission that Schedule B of the income tax on farmers "is rapidly becoming a farce. Last year it only amounted to £190,000, and its tendency is still to diminish." When he was asked at what point the farmer would begin to pay the income tax, Sir Alfred Milner said that he must pay a rent of £487 12s. in order to be subject to the income tax at all. I am not going to argue against that, but I say it is worthy of note at this time, when all other classes of the community are being subjected to a considerable amount of taxation, when the income tax is being raised to 1s. 2d. in the £, and one industry still practically remains exempt from income-tax, it is one of those conditions of the case which, I think, should be taken into consideration. I believe that this Report is an epoch-making Report. I am sure that it is the duty of the Government to take that Report into their most careful consideration; and a Government with such a majority is capable, if it chooses, of effecting a great reform in local taxation, and of dealing with these crying evils as between all classes of ratepayers and all classes of people who are not ratepayers. The problem is to get hold of personal property and make it pay its fair share of taxation. No contribution to this question had been made of greater value than the Report of Sir Edward Hamilton and Sir George Murray, full as it is of intricacies and difficult problems; and I think that the Government have acted wisely in not provoking a controversy at this time by attempting to make this rough-and-ready and unworkable scheme a permanent part of our fiscal system. They are right in making the Bill operative for four years only; and that is a pledge on their part that, as soon as practicable, they will come to the House with a statesmanlike, wise, and judicious scheme to deal with the whole subject of local taxation.
* : The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down rallied the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Sleaford upon his speech, and rather ridiculed the suggestion he made that at the last General Election the question of agricultural rates was in any way before the constituencies. I do not think that my right hon. friend suggested that the relief given to the agricultural rates was the main question before the constituencies, but hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite will remember that, when the Rating Act and the Tithes Act were being passed through the House, they assured the Government that the electors would be reminded of those measures. I can answer for it that no stone was left unturned by the Liberal party in the elections in which I took part to bring home to the electors the meaning of the Agricultural Rating Act. I think my right hon. friend the Member for Sleaford was therefore justified in reminding the House that the prophecies so freely indulged in in 1896 had not been fulfilled.
Now, it was with the greatest satisfaction that I heard the opinion expressed by the right hon. Gentleman opposite when he was referring to the Reports of the Local Taxation Commission, and I think it is evident that no one who is prudent or who has taken the trouble to study this rating question would come to the House directly after the presentation of these Reports and attempt to pronounce a final opinion upon their relative merit and the schemes which they suggest. A great step in advance has certainly been made by the work of this Commission; and I listened with the greatest regret to the comments on the Commission made by the hon. Member who moved the Amendment. Those comments have been referred to by the right hon. Member for Sleaford, and it is not necessary for me to say that they were quite undeserved. No Royal Commission has ever worked harder in endeavouring to solve a most complicated question, which has puzzled statesmen on both sides of the House. The Commissioners brought the greatest ability and industry to their task, and each of them approached the question with an impartial and fair mind, determined to arrive at a just conclusion. That being the predominant opinion as to the quality of the Commission and the result of their labours, it is a pity the hon. Gentleman indulged in the language he did.
Now the right hon. Gentleman opposite, in dealing with the so-called hereditary burdens, was not quite accurate in including among them the highway rates. It has been forgotten that the highways have been dealt with in two different ways—first, by the Turnpike Trusts, and then by the relief given in 1878 and by the subsequent Acts of Parliament which went to the payment for the main roads. The right hon. Gentleman quoted two great authorities in support of his theory, but I would ask the House this question: If we are to be met with the argument of hereditary burdens, what reform is it possible for Parliament, for the Royal Commission, or for any other body of men to recommend or to carry out in the system of local taxation? Here is the hereditary burden view: that these charges are hereditary to the land, so that although you are able to show that they constitute a heavy burden, and that the occupier of rent-charge pays more in respect of rates than he justly ought to, you must not deal with that injustice or relieve him, because such burdens are hereditary, and therefore these people must go on suffering from the injustice. The right hon. Gentleman has not attempted to deal with the facts put before the House by the Commission, by my hon. and learned friend the Member for Stretford, and by other speakers in this debate, as regards the incidence of rating upon certain classes of property? He has told us that the larger amount of rates is paid by the urban districts—that in the urban districts the rates are 10s., or 9s., or 8s., or 7s. in the £, and that in the rural districts they are only 2s. or 2s. 6d. That, I submit, has nothing whatever to do with the question we ask the House to consider to-night. Whether a man pays 10s. or 2s. 6d., what the House has to determine is what the proportion is that he as ratepayer is called upon to pay in return for the services rendered him by the local authority which levies the rates upon him. I submit that my hon. and learned friend the Member for Stretford was abundantly justified in his argument that the urban ratepayer enjoyed a full return for the money he pays, while the rural ratepayer, in addition to the rates he pays for the services rendered, the benefit of which is in his case very remote, has to pay a very considerable item, as private expenditure for services rendered, to the urban ratepayer. The right hon. Member said gas and water had been introduced, but those matters can be left on one side. There are many services from which the urban ratepayer directly benefits, which add not merely to the value and comfort of his home, but to the value of the labour by which he has to earn his living, and the same service has to be paid by the local ratepayer for himself in addition to what he pays for rates. To compare the relative positions of the urban and the rural ratepayer solely by the amount of rates levied in their respective districts is to draw a comparison between two things that are in themselves not comparable, and, in my judgment, to altogether mislead the House as to the real merits of this question.
The right hon. Gentleman said that this was not a rating, but a relief Bill, and I entirely accept that description with one qualification. It is both a rating and a relief Bill. It is a rating Bill because it deals with the burden of the rates to be borne by some classes of ratepayers. It is a relief Bill because it proposes, and in my opinion wisely and properly proposes, that the gap created by this change in our rating system shall, in the future, in respect of the burdens already incurred, be borne by the State, and not by the other ratepayers in the locality. The right hon. Gentleman took both myself and the hon. Member for Stretford rather to task. He said the speech of the hon. Member for Stretford was not a speech for the Bill before the House, but for a Bill which might at some future time be laid before it. The right hon. Gentleman suggested that the Government might say how far they accepted the view of my hon. and learned friend as to the proposals in the Report of the Commission. I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree that the proper course for the Government to take with regard to legislation for the future is to follow the advice he himself gave, and to wait until they have had time to examine these Reports very fully and carefully, and to ascertain what is the proper way in which to deal with this difficult question of local taxation.
The decision of the Government that the operation of the Act shall be limited to four years appears to have changed altogether the character of the debate we have had. I heartily congratulate myself on the decision we have come to, because it has changed the character of the debate, which certainly deserves the description that has been given to it, that it has been in no sense acrimonious. It has been businesslike, and if that were the only return the Government are to get for the action we have taken, it was worth the doing. We have been told that there is no grievance in connection with the exemption of personalty from rating, that it could not be rated because it could not be found. I do not think that is the only reason why personalty was exempted by Parliament in 1840. Some hon. Gentlemen opposite have argued as if the Government held the view that the only injustice in this matter was the one which is felt by the agricultural ratepayer or the tithe rent-charge payer. The Government have never held that view; it was a view invented for us by hon. Gentlemen opposite. We have always held that the grievance was one between realty and personalty, but we have also held that the grievance of the owner or occupier of agricultural realty is a double one as compared with that of the owner or occupier of urban realty. Instead of the urban ratepayer grumbling because the rural ratepayer is relieved, he should see in that relief a first attempt to deal with this rating question, and should join with the owner or occupier of agricultural realty in an attack upon the common enemy—personalty—which ought to be brought to the relief of both. That is the view we have always adopted; we held that view in 1896 when we advocated this measure to the House. I venture to call the attention of the House to some valuable figures, based on a Return issued by Lord Milner when he was at the Board of Inland Revenue, and since continued. It shows that the capital value of non-rateable property as between the years 1894–95 and 1898–99 has increased by £1,032,000,000. The capital value of rateable property, exclusive of land, showed in the same period an increase of £264,000,000. But when you take the capital value of land for the same period—and these figures include urban land—there is a decrease of no less than £41,000,000; and yet it is this particular class of property upon which the special burden of local taxation is laid. Some hon. Gentlemen opposite have urged that since 1896 there has been an increase of rental obtained by the landlords in respect of this relief of agricultural rates. One hon. Gentleman has told us that as a trustee he had been compelled by all the laws of right and justice to increase the rent of his tenant by the amount of the relief which has been given to the ratepayers.
said the Chancellor o the Exchequer had challenged the House to give a single instance, and he had given a case as a trustee.
* : Of course, nobody had suggested there was not a single instance, but the vast majority of the landlords have not taken this advantage. The figures relating to the rateable value of agricultural land for the year 1899 show that since 1896 the rateable value of agricultural land—which is taken from the rental value—has decreased by no less than £530,000 a year. And yet we are told that, as a consequence of the Agricultural Rates Act, the rents have been raised. Now, Sir, in the short speech with which I introduced this measure I gave to the House some simple figures showing the proportion of rates paid by the different owners of classes of property. The hon. Member for the Pudsey Division took me severely to task for taking these figures as an illustration of my opinion. I am sorry to have fallen under his displeasure, but I think I was absolutely justified, and I will repeat the figures. The hon. Gentleman asked me. why I did not take the case of a shopkeeper or small trader. I have no objection to take such a case. My argument has been that the proportions paid in respect of rates by the owner of personalty, the owner of tithe rentcharge, and the owner of agricultural land are not equitable. In the typical examples given, the owner of agricultural realty pays more than one-third of his income, the owner of tithe rentcharge more than one-eighth, while the owner of a house with an income of £400 a year pays only 1–37th, if the rates be 6s. in the pound, and, of course, only l–74th if he lives in a rural district and they are 3s. The hon. Member condemns that form of illustration, but can he instead show that the figures are inaccurate?
The right hon. Gentleman has no right to introduce income into the question.
* : I am sorry I have not the hon. Member's profound knowledge on this subject. I am so stupid that I am unable to see why in the name of fortune, when we are measuring, a man's ability to bear a certain burden, we may not have regard to his income. I should have thought it was not only the proper but the simplest and most reliable way of testing a matter of this kind. The hon. Member has said we have no right to do this, and that it is the wrong kind of illustration. That is not, however, the sort of answer we want from that side of the House. It carries us no further. Let the hon. Member show that what I gave as facts are not facts, and let him show that the incidence of taxation falls heavier on the urban than it does on the rural taxpayer. It will be in the memory of the House that no attempt has so far been made to dispose of the statement which I have put before the House in regard to the agricultural ratepayer. All we are told is that urban ratepayers pay 8s. or 10s. in the pound, and rural ratepayers 2s. or 3s. Hon. Members opposite make merry over the sums quoted in the Report. I find nothing that is amusing in the statements made by Mr. Bowden in 1836 or of any of the witnesses. I know Mr. Stratton very well. He is a man of great ability, with a thorough knowledge of his profession; a man of the utmost rectitude, and very well able to state a case of this kind. It might be said that this was a hereditary burden, and that the owner or the occupier of the land must continue to bear it. For what it is worth that argument is a good one, but it does not dispose of the position taken up by the Government that, while there is a claim for redress on the part of urban realty, there is a double claim on the part of the owner of agricultural realty and tithe rentcharge, because the weight of the burden is far greater in the latter cases than in the former. It does not get rid of the facts in the form in which I have stated them, nor in the form in which they are to be found in the Report of the Commission. It may be said that this is a hereditary burden, and that the owner or occupier of the land must continue to bear it. For what it is worth that argument may be a good one, but it does not dispose of the fact that, according to the Royal Commission, the Government were justified in saying, as we say now, that while there is a claim for redress on the part of the owners of urban realty, as against personalty, there is a double claim on the part of the owners of agricultural realty and tithe rentcharge, because the weight of the burden is far greater in the latter case than in the former. That, I think, justifies the action which the Government took in 1896 in passing the Act, and in renewing it now.
Let me call the attention of the House to some of the figures given in the Report of the Commission, which I confess I am very much surprised have not been quoted before. On page 14 there is a most interesting and valuable statement, which draws a comparison between the incidence of Imperial finance and local finance. It shows that the main contention of the Government in dealing with these questions of agricultural rates is justified, namely, that while in recent years Imperial finance has more or less adjusted itself to modern requirements and modern conditions, local finance has remained in exactly the same condition in which it was years ago, and that the burden still falls exclusively on one class of property. According to the Return, the contribution of rateable property towards Imperial finance was 17·6 per cent., and of non-rateable property was 21·4 per cent. When we look to local finance, we find that rateable property contributed 82·8 per cent., and non rateable property only 6·1 per cent. Coming to contributions of other sources of revenue, not connected with land, to Imperial and local finance, 61 per cent. is contributed to Imperial finance, and 11·1 per cent. to local finance. I think that table in itself, without anything else justifies the Report of the Royal Commission and the action taken by the Government. What was the decision of the Royal Commission? It is unnecessary for me to refer to more than a few points. My hon. and learned friend, who was a distinguished member of that Commission, has made it clear in his most interesting and forcible speech what was the attitude of the majority of the Commission. The hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment expects too much when he asks the House of Commons to disregard altogether the Report of the majority, and to be guided entirely by the views of the minority. It has been suggested that there is a sharp distinction between the recommendations of the Majority Report and the Minority Report. My hon. and learned friend stated what the majority of the Commission recommended. In both cases the treatment of the agricultural rating interests by the Government in the Rating Act has been amply justified. The sole difference is that the Minority Report did not include in the list of onerous charges as many local charges as were included in the Majority Report. I confess, for my part, I cannot understand how a distinction can be drawn between some of the onerous charges which the minority included in their Report and some which they excluded. Why it was thought right that the maintenance of a main road should be an onerous charge, and the maintenance of a highway should not, passes my comprehension. Every hon. Member who is acquainted with the main roads and the highways of our country will confirm my impression that it will be extremely difficult for any individual, without a local guide, to find out for himself which was a main road and which was a high read. As a matter of fact, there is no distinction between them, and I maintain that if the Commission recommended that relief should be given in respect of certain charges, and if they described those charges as onerous duties, they should include such matters as highways if main roads were included. Therefore the distinction, between the Report of the minority and the Report of the majority is so small that for the purposes of this Bill it may be discarded.
We have been told, Sir, by hon. Gentlemen opposite that this relief is given to the agricultural interest at the expense of the towns, and the justification for that statement is that the gap which is created by giving this relief to agricultural ratepayers is filled up by contributions from Imperial taxation. But here again we have the benefit of the criticism of those who are opposing us, because no one has ever suggested how the gap can otherwise be filled up. If it is accepted, and there is no serious protest from the Opposition on the point, that the present incidence of taxation on certain classes of property is unjust, and constitutes an unfair burden, does it not follow that we must in some way redress that grievance; and if we relieve the burden on those who are unduly pressed, how are we to fill up the gap thus created unless we turn to the general taxpayer and the general sources of revenue, in order to make them pay as part of the national charges what has hitherto been borne by the local taxpayer? The method may not be the best we would like, but, at all events, it is the best that has been suggested, and the Royal Commission, after the fullest consideration, was able to recommend none better or more satisfactory. That was the view which the Government acted on in 1896, and which we are acting upon now in asking the House to renew this Bill, which not only relieves the ratepayer to the extent of one half of his rates, but provides the money for filling up the gap out of the Imperial Exchequer. Hon. Members may condemn it, but, if they admit the grievance and the justice of remedying it, there is no other method known to us by which we can provide for the difficulty thus created. I do not know that any other serious objections have been advance to our proposal. We have been told—although I think that it has been disposed of—that this relief will go into the pockets of the landlords. I gave the House just now some figures which showed pretty clearly that if the landlords get this money they must have got it in some surreptitious way which does not appear. But, after all, a little fact is worth a great deal of theory. My hon. friend behind me has reminded the House that every farmer in the country is pressing for this reform. I know hon. Members opposite have not a very high opinion of the intelligence of farmers. They always seem to suggest that the farmer is unable to take care of himself, and that the landlord can do exactly what he likes with him. But, at all events, the farmers have not had their hands tied behind their backs with regard to this rating question. They have been perfectly free to go for or against it, with the result that not only in this country, but in Scotland, where they examine these matters very closely, they have been unanimous in impressing upon the House of Commons by petition, and also upon my Department, that we should deal with this question again as we dealt with it in 1896. I believe that, so far from the farmers holding the view that the benefit goes to the landlords, they would, if consulted, not desire to impose any time limit at all on the Bill, but would prefer that it should be passed as a permanent measure. The farmers, however, would rather have the Bill as it stands than risk losing it; but they have no fear that, even if it were made a permanent measure, it would put money into the pockets of the landowners.
However, even if some of this relief goes into the pockets of certain owners, who are they? Hon. Members opposite always speak as if the landlords were all owners of vast property, millionaire proprietors with huge estates. Do they not realise, has it never entered into their minds, that a large number, in fact the majority of the landowners in this country, are small owners, many of them occupying their own land? If there is to be a remedy, are we going to give it to the occupier, and refuse it to the man who is not only the occupier, but also the owner? What special sin is there in being an owner of land; why is it so, that if an injustice is admitted, and a remedy provided, it is to be given to one man and denied to another, solely because he is a landowner? If this is a relief from a long standing injustice, I submit we have no right whatever to refuse the sanction of Parliament to a Bill of this kind because in the case of certain owners some benefit might be derived from it. That view, I may say, was very strongly held by the Member for Lincolnshire in 1896, when he declared his intention of voting for the Bill of that year on the ground that there were, he thought, 400 small proprietors in his own division, each one of whom would derive a direct benefit from the Bill, and that if nothing else justified him in voting for the Bill that fact would be sufficient in itself. Something has been said about the effect of making the Bill permanent. I do not admit for a moment that it was the intention of the Government when, they brought this Bill in in its present form to place it on the Statute-book for all time in that form. I confess I should have been better pleased if I heard from hon. Gentlemen opposite what their views are as to whether this relief ought to be renewed, subject to the general treatment of the whole question. It has been impossible to-night to ascertain whether, if the whole rating question is to be dealt with, it would be their intention to include the agricultural interests in that relief or not. [Several hon. Members: Certainly.] I am very glad to hear that. At all events the object of the Government is to emphasise the fact that they believe that the relief given in 1896 was justly and properly given, and that in any final settlement of the question that relief must be maintained. That was our object in 1896, and is our object now, and most certainly will be our object if it is our lot to deal with this question as a whole. In proposing the renewal of this measure now, we do so with the object of declaring that, at all events, for our part, we believe that the agricultural ratepayer and tithe rent-charge owner are entitled to the relief given to them under the Act; and although there may be some inconsistencies and inequalities as between the different ratepayers which will have to be considered in any final settlement of the question, nothing shall be done, by us at all events, to prejudice in the smallest degree those who have been relieved under an existing Act of Parliament.
* : I desire to deal with this question from a somewhat different point of view from that in which it has been dealt with up to the present by my hon. friends. I congratulate the Government on the changed attitude which they have taken up with regard to this Bill. They have practically said that, although their proposal was right in itself, yet the manner in which it was carried out was not satisfactory. This is not to be a permanent measure, and the Government are prepared to admit that they will reopen the whole question of local taxation within four years. That is a great advantage and a great concession. I also congratulate my right hon. friend on having accepted that concession, and on having abandoned the intention that this Bill was to be opposed to the death. The Liberal official Amendment has had three editions. First of all it was for the rejection of the Bill; then a milk and water Amendment was suggested; and now we have an Amendment which is rather difficult to understand, if taken by itself. Moreover, the speeches which have been made have not really dealt with that Amendment. They have dealt chiefly with two matters, one the Report of the Local Taxation Commission and the other an attack on the whole Bill. The speech of my hon. friend the Member for the Pudsey Division rather reminded me of the speeches he used to deliver when he sat on the other side of the House. I desire to dissociate myself entirely from the sentiments of my hon. friends who only look upon this Bill as a dole to landlords, and I regret what my hon. friend the Member for Oldham said upon that. He looked upon this Bill merely as a relief for agricultural depression. I venture to say that this Bill, and the whole principle with reference to reform of local taxation, should have nothing whatever to do with agricultural depression, and the only reason why this ridiculous idea came into existence was the unfortunate circumstances connected with the introduction of the Bill in 1896. I speak as an agriculturist, and I think it was very unfortunate that the Government, and the right hon. Gentleman who then represented the Government in the matter, put the necessity for the Bill upon the question of relief. Farmers may be few in this House, but they are large in number outside it, and, speaking on their behalf, I repudiate that idea altogether. The principle they ask for is equality in taxation; and that as regards local taxation they ought to be in the same position as they are as regards Imperial taxation, i.e ., that a person should contribute to rates according to his ability. My hon. friend the Member for the Pudsey Division talked about hereditary burdens. He might just as well talk about the justice of maintaining hereditary privileges. As a Liberal, I do not regard any question from a hereditary point of view, but whether it is good or bad. I must say that I have no sympathy with that kind of talk, and I also dissociate myself entirely from the same kind of argument put forward by my right hon. friend the Member for East Wolverhampton. But I quite agree with my right hon. friend in his most important declaration that the problem is to get hold of personal property and make it pay its fair share of local taxation. I venture to think that the attack on landlords which has been made from this side of the House is a most unfortunate one. One solitary instance has been given by the hon. Member for Oldham as having occurred in the county of Cheshire. Cheshire is one of those counties which has not suffered from agricultural depression, but with reference to that instance I should like to know very much whether the rent was only increased 1s. per acre, as that is said to be the amount of the relief at the present moment. I expect the rent was raised much more. I believe that the large number of hon. Members in this House who have let land since the Act came into operation have let it at the same or a smaller rent, and have not taken any notice of the Act at all; and I am quite certain that farmers would be the very first to repudiate the idea that any attempt had been made by landlords to take any advantage of the Act, certainly this would be the case in Somerset. The compromise of four years having been suggested by my right hon. friend and agreed to, the question ought really to have been one as regards the Report of the Local Taxation Commission; and I, for my part, think it is very unfortunate that the debate should have degenerated into a discussion on doles to landlords and other extraneous matters.
If the arguments to which we have been listening are sound, then the Liberal leader would have opposed the Bill. He ought not to have consented to any compromise, but ought to have fought the question as it was fought in 1896. Then the Bill which was fought so strongly was a five years Bill; the present Bill is a four years Bill, and therefore there is just as good a reason for fighting it now as there was in 1896. But really the whole question now turns on the Report of the Royal Commission on Local Taxation. That question has been argued from various points of view, and it has been pointed out that the Report refers to such matters as the relief of the poor, police, the maintenance of main roads, and education. The Commission examined all these onerous charges, and came to the conclusion that these charges should not fall entirely on land. But although they declare that that principle is sound, they say it is not workable, that they cannot see how these charges can be put on the Imperial Exchequer, and they fall back on the wretched policy of subsidies. Everyone who knows anything of local government knows that when a county council or a board of guardians receives money direct from the Imperial Exchequer it is always more or less extravagantly spent. The same authority which raises the money should spend it, otherwise you will have extravagance. I was very much surprised that no reference was made to the evidence given by Sir Alfred Milner before the Commission on Agricultural Depression. He pointed out very significantly that rateable property amounted to over £210,000,000, whereas non-rateable property amounted to £228,000,000; that is to say that 52 per cent. of property contributed nothing towards local taxation except in the same way that real property contributed towards the subsidies which are now given. The Commission did not attempt to grapple at all with the question as to how that large amount of non-rateable property should be brought into the net and taxed. At the present moment the farmer or the landlord pays a local income tax. Why should not personal property pay an income tax also as regards local matters? In other countries that is not found to be impossible. What could be more unfair than that a man getting all the advantages of local expenditure should not contribute anything towards the rates in the proportion of his ability to bear them? That is a very great injustice indeed, an injustice which the Local Taxation Committee did not try to remedy in any way. All they did was to fall back on the question of increased subsidies. I urge on the Government that they should seriously consider the question whether it would not be possible to impose a local income tax or local death duties in order that a man should pay towards local taxation according to his ability, in the same way as he pays towards Imperial taxation. At the present moment real property bears all the local taxation, whereas personalty pays nothing at all towards it; so that a rich man with an income of five or ten thousand in con-sols, bank or brewery shares, escapes all Contribution to the local expenditure from which he derives advantages, except being rated on his house and garden. And I venture to suggest that that is a question which deserves the most careful consideration of the Government.
I desire very briefly to thank the Government for having introduced this Bill, and to express a certain chastened regret that they have not made it perpetual, because no one can tell what may happen in four years time. I remember when the hon. Gentleman the Member for the Pudsey Division spoke on the Bill five years ago, he said that the Government had given themselves away with a pound of tea. I cannot help thinking that the hon. Member in crossing to the other side of the House has followed in their footsteps. The common sense which the hon. Member usually displays appears to have deserted him with reference to the Amendment he has moved. He talks about relief to certain classes of property. That is precisely what the agricultural interest does not want. The reason why we support this Bill is because it is aimed at the gross injustice of the whole system of local taxation. Let hon. Members take the case of A and B. A lives in a country village and pays rates on his house and no more. B farms 500 acres of land, he pays rates on his house and on his land as well. It has been said, I think by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouthshire, that the relief of the rates does not go into the pockets of the farmers but of the landlords. All I can say is that every Friday when I am not at the service of this House I attend a large market in the eastern counties, and although I have heard very hard language used with reference to the weather, the Minister of Agriculture, and other matters, I have never once heard a man say that the relief of the rates went into the landlords' pockets, or that his rent was put up in consequence of the Act. The hon. Member for the Pudsey Division says what is wanted is to bring down the rents, not to reduce the rates. What does the hon. Gentleman know about rents in the eastern counties? Practically they are non-existent. Formerly twenty tenants were running after one farm; now twenty farms are running after one tenant. The question of rent does not enter into the matter at all. It is not because of agricultural depression that we support this Bill; still, for all that, I cannot help thinking that the House ought to take a benevolent interest in agriculture, and ought to support it if possible in its present straits. If we have the land depopulated, and if it is allowed to run to waste, how are you going to get men to man your Fleet, and man the frontiers of the Empire? The position cannot be worse than it is at present. The hon. Member for Basing-stoke said he knew of land being sold for £5 or £6 an acre. I know arable land which was sold for 55s. an acre, though I am bound to add that there was a certain amount of sea-wall on it, but 55s. an acre did not represent its true value. In Mid Essex two months ago the farmers were ploughing in their wheat, because they knew there was no good letting it grow; and that is a state of things which is recurring every day. As my right hon. friend the Member for the Sleaford Division said, this year will be worse than any year since 1879. Then again, the question of agricultural labour has to be considered. I told the House some years ago that, owing to the dearth of agricultural labour, the cows in Essex had to be milked with an oil engine; but if the present state of affairs goes on, they will have to be milked with a motor car. We support this Bill not because of agricultural depression, but because the House ought to take a favourable view of our necessity. I take such a serious view of the incidence of local taxation and the pressing character of the rates which weigh upon us in East Anglia, that I am very much inclined to adopt the view put forward by an hon. Member in the last Parliament, that the farmers would be in a much better position if the money raised on agricultural land for education had been spent on artificial manure. It is not for me to pile up the agony with regard to agricultural depression. All I will do is to thank the Government again for bringing in the Bill, and to assure them that the agricultural interest will not be ungrateful to them.
The right hon. Gentleman said with reference to this Bill, that when he introduced the Agricultural Rating Bill of 1896 it was not introduced with the object of relieving agricultural distress, but with the object of adjusting certain inequalities in rating. Some of us who heard the right hon. Gentleman introduce the Bill in 1896 were somewhat surprised at the statement he made tonight. In introducing the Bill of 1896 the right hon. Gentleman said—
"In making this motion, I may remind the House that this measure is one of those referred to in the Gracious Speech from the Throne as intended to mitigate the severity of agricultural depression. I do not know whether any hon. Gentleman has given any attention to the voluminous evidence published by the Royal Commission on agricultural depression; but to those who have done so it must be evident that the cause of that depression is the decline of agricultural produce in recent years."
In the Queen's Speech it was also stated that a measure would be laid before the House of Commons with the object of mitigating agricultural distress. It is evident, therefore, that the main object of introducing this measure is in order to relieve agricultural distress, and therefore I desire to say a few words with reference to the view taken of this Bill by ratepayers in the large towns and cities. Lord Beaconsfield said that there were three parties interested in British agriculture—the landowner, the tenant, and the labourer; but I contend there is a fourth party, namely, the British population. The two parties who are financially interested in this Bill are the landowner and the farmer; those who are interested adversely are the agricultural labourer and the taxpayer. [An HON. MEMBER: No, no.] An hon. Member says ", No, no," but there are about l¼ millions of agricultural labourers in the United Kingdom. The amount to be taken under this Bill is £2,380,000, which is practically about 15d. per head of the population. The 1¼ millions of agricultural labourers contribute as consumers of dutiable articles something like £475,000 per annum, and therefore practically the agricultural labourer, with a wife and three children, takes every year to the Chancellor of the Exchequer 6s. 3d. and asks him to give it to the farmer and the landowner In Sheffield we have something like 10,000 acres of agricultural land within the city boundaries. That land will get under this Bill something like £1,000 a year, but the people of Sheffield will have to contribute towards the Act £25,000. There is land within a mile and a half of the parish church in Sheffield which lets at £5 an acre for gardening purposes. The owner of that land gets relief to the extent of £10 a year. The Deputy Lord Mayor of Sheffield has twenty acres around his house, and he gets relief to the extent of £6 a year. I say that the incidence of the taxation of this Bill is unjust. It renders and where it is not required, and gives no help where it is required. We can sympathise on this side of the House with the statement of the hon. Member for Chelmsford, but even if such land should be helped, accommodation land in the vicinity of large towns and cities should not be assisted, and there are tens of thousands of acres of such land which do not want relief. We tried five years ago to limit the relief to land letting at £1 an acre or less, but the supporters of the Government would not receive any such suggestion. We have been asked to-night to mention a single instance where the relief given under the Act went into the pockets of the landlords. What about the Irish landlords, who get £350,000 a year? That is a statement which cannot be contradicted, and which members of the Government know very well to be true. The ratepayers in our large boroughs have, therefore, every right to complain of the incidence of this Act, and it is my duty as representing a large urban constituency to oppose its renewal even for four years. I hope, however, that something will be done to put taxation on a more satisfactory basis.
I hesitate to intervene in the debate at this late hour, but as a tenant farmer I desire on behalf of myself, and the tenant farmers of this country, to express my gratitude to the Government for bringing this Bill before the House. Since I have been a Member of this House I have frequently heard that the national burdens ought to be distributed according to the power of any particular industry to bear them. I would remind the House that, according to statistics compiled by Mr. W. J. Harris, a former member of this House, agriculturists to-day receive £43,000,000 less per annum for their produce than was the case twenty-three years ago. It is true that some £15,000,000 of that deficit has been made up by the reduction of rents, but still there is a loss of £28,000,000 per annum. I would also remind the House that this loss has arisen, not from, any neglect or ignorance on the part of agriculturists, but from influences altogether beyond their control. They have arisen from the reduction of prices, consequent on the full development of free trade in this country, and while I believe that on the whole free trade has done good, and has tended to commercial prosperity and the increase of personal wealth, it has hit agriculture very hard. We therefore claim that burdens which were reasonable and just when we had protection are not now reasonable or just. Under the Stock-in-Trade Act, which is renewed every year, tradesmen are not required to pay rates on their stock in trade. We do not begrudge them that advantage, but when we ask that the same principle should be applied to agriculture, we are met at once with all kinds of objections, and are told we are asking for sops and doles. I quite admit the grievance in towns, but the Government have declared that they acknowledge that grievance and are prepared to deal with it; and they have given an earnest of that by handing over to the county councils large sums of money from Imperial taxation for the relief of local rates. The Unionist party have recognised that principle, and I hope I shall see the day when we shall have complete rearrangement of the local rating of this country. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] I have not trespassed very often on the time of the House, and this is a very important question to me. I am endeavouring to submit to the House what I believe to be the justice of our claim. My opponent at the last election placarded the Division with reference to sops and doles for the landlords, but before he went very far he had to promise to vote for sops and doles himself. All the prophecies which hon. Members indulged in in 1890 have proved false. The hon. Member for South Molton, who as a tenant farmer is aware of the working of this measure, did not vote for the Third Heading of the Bill of 1896, but he voted for the First Reading of this Bill. That means that after four years working of the measure he is persuaded that the fears entertained by hon. Gentlemen opposite are groundless. It is a calumny on the landlords to say that they have derived all the advantages under the Act. I know a large landlord who had his property revalued, and he instructed his surveyors in fixing the new rents to have no regard to the advantages the tenants would derive under the Act. I confess to a feeling of dismay at the hard things said by hon. Gentlemen opposite with reference to the Act during the debate on the Finance Bill. Nearly every speaker went out of his way to gird at it; the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouthshire being the most conspicuous and able of its critics. He advised the Chancellor of the Exchequer instead of putting a tax on coal to drop the Agricultural Rating Act. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] The right hon. Gentleman wished to deprive agriculture of the little help it obtained under this Act, in order that capitalists getting 15 per cent, or 20 per cent, should not be taxed. The landlord only gets about 2 per cent., the farmer gets no percentage at all, merely bread and cheese for his labour, and the labourer gets 2s. 6d. a day. What, therefore, can be the sense of justice of the right hon. Gentleman in seeking to burden agriculture in order to relieve the coal trade? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Aberdeen criticised the Government for not having pledged themselves to give one or two millions to the Boer farmers, and only the other day the Irish Members—although the Irish tenants are working their land under more favourable conditions than any other tenants in the world, and have a system of voluntary purchase which I hope will be extended—asked for a scheme of compulsory purchase which would pledge the credit of this country to £120,000,000. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] Is it possible, unless the British farmer refuses to pay rent, or unless he takes up arms against the Government, that he must fail to extract any terms from hon. Gentlemen opposite? I venture to allude to another aspect of this question. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] I regret to see the exodus of the rural population into the towns, and the only remedy is to make it worth their while to remain on the land. The State has a duty in this matter, and as long as the Government shows a determination to deal fairly with the agricultural interest, the British agriculturist will in the future, as in the past, do his utmost to maintain the high tradition of British agriculture. As to the food supply of the country, I glory in cheap food for the people, and I heartily support the maintenance of a strong Navy to protect our foreign supplies of food; but while it is wise to do that, it would be unwise of us to neglect to produce from our own land as much food as it is capable of producing, thereby affording employment for labour, and doing something to prevent the exodus of the rural population into the towns. I am proud that the Unionist party have had the determination to do justice at all costs, and I am not afraid of the opinion of the towns when they know the true facts. I regret that the debate is limited to one night. We had three or four nights on the coal tax, and we ought to have had two nights for this Bill, because I believe that the more it is discussed the more the people of England will be convinced that it is a simple act of justice to the agricultural industry, which will do something to resuscitate rural life and promote and maintain in the country a healthy and prosperous peasantry, which, after all, is the strength and bulwark of the Empire.
* said that the great interest his constituents had taken in the Bill imposed on him the duty of stating why he would support the Amendment. Five years ago the town council of Crewe protested against the Bill, without distinction of party, and that protest had been repeated in the petition which he had the honour to present to the House against the renewal of the Act. During the last election he had been challenged as to the amount he as a landlord had received under the Act. He personally had not received anything, but he maintained that there were a number of instances in which the relief went into the pockets of the landlord. He knew a property in which a landlord, before the Act was passed, gave back 10 per cent. of the rent, but he had discontinued that remission since the Act came into operation. He begged to enter his most earnest protest against the Bill. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!]
said that the only true principle on which taxation could proceed—[HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] He had listened to the speech of the President of the Local Government Board with the greatest possible interest, and he gave the right hon. Gentleman credit for having in that speech expressed his sincere and honest conviction as to the justice of the proposal of His Majesty's Government. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] He gathered from the right hon. Gentleman's remarks that he divided those who contributed to local taxation into two classes, namely, the agricultural ratepayers on the one hand—[HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!]—and those who lived in urban districts and paid solely on the rateable value of the houses which they occupied on the other hand. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] He asked hon. Members opposite to give him five minutes in which to finish his remarks. He would not be deterred from expressing his views on behalf of his constituents.
On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, I desire to direct your attention most respectfully to the continued and disorderly interruptions of hon. Gentlemen opposite, and to ask you very respectfully to ask hon. Gentlemen to give the hon. Member an opportunity of being heard.
* : That is not a point of order, but I hope that hon. Members will enable the hon. Member to make his remarks.
said that he had never been accused of wasting the time of the House. He admitted he occupied the time of the House when important questions affecting British commerce were concerned, but he denied having wasted the time of the House. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] He claimed on behalf of his constituents an opportunity of protesting against the continuance of the Act, which he believed would inflict an injustice on the general body of the ratepayers for another four years. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!] The Royal Commissions had now reported and the Government did not require four years in which to adjust the local taxation of the country. [Cries of "Divide, divide!"] He would ask the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board whether the inhabitants in houses in urban districts did not derive a large portion of their incomes from shares in railways and other industrial concerns—[HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!]—which contributed enormously towards the local taxation of the country—[HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!]—and that there was only a very small fringe of personalty which did not contribute to local taxation. For his part he did not desire to make any charge against the landowners of the country that they desired to take from their tenants the advantages of the Act. [HON. MEMBERS: Divide, divide!]
Order, order! Police, police!
* : The remarks of the hon. Member are highly disorderly. To call out "Police, police!" in the House is a highly disorderly expression. If the hon. Member repeats it I shall have to call the attention of the House to his conduct.
With great respect, Sir—
* : Mr. Walton.
Why do you not keep order?
* : The hon. Member is highly dsorderly. I must call the attention of the House to his grossly disorderly conduct, and request him to quit the House for the remainder of the sitting.
On a point of order—
* : There is no point of order. I have already ordered the hon. Member to quit the House.
Mr. Speaker—
* : The hon. Member is not entitled to speak. It is my duty, as the hon. Member refuses to pay any attention to the Chair, to name him, and I name you, Mr. William Redmond, for disregarding the authority of the Chair.
I beg to move that the hon. Member be suspended from the service of the House.
* : On a point of order, Mr. Speaker, the First Lord of the Treasury moved the hon. Member's suspension before you named him.
* : It is absolutely incorrect. The hon. Member for East Clare was named for disregarding the authority of the Chair.
Question put, "That Mr. William Redmond be suspended from the service of the House."—( Mr. A. J. Balfour. )
I desire to ask you, Sir, with great respect to allow me to say one word in explanation. What I desire to say is this. I had not the faintest idea of wilfully disregarding any order you gave. I merely wanted to point out to you, Sir, that the continued interruptions of hon. Gentlemen opposite was most unfair, and to call on you with great respect to restrain them,
and allow us to hear what the hon. Member was saying. If you will kindly tell me what order you called upon me to obey, which I disobeyed, I shall certainly know what my crime was.
* : Order, order! The Question is, "That Mr. William Redmond be suspended from the service of the House."
The House divided:—Ayes, 303; Noes, 71. (Division List No. 368.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Churchill, Winston Spencer Garfit, William Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Clare, Octavius Leigh Gibbs, Hn A. G. H. (City of Lond. Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Herb. John Anson, Sir William Reynell Coghill, Douglas Harry Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk. Arkwright, John Stanhope Cohen, Benjamin Louis Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Gore, Hn G. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop Asher, Alexander Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc.) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Compton, Lord Alwyne Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon. Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Goulding, Edward Alfred Bailey, James (Walworth) Corbett, A. Cameron(Glasgow) Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Balcarres, Lord Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Green, W. D. (Wednesbury) Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r) Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Craig, Robert Hunter Greene, W. Raymond (Cambs.) Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W. (Leeds Cranborne, Viscount Grenfell, William Henry Balfour, Maj K R(Christchurch Cripps, Charles Alfred Gretton, John Banbury, Frederick George Crombie, John William Greville, Hon. Ronald Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin Crossley, Sir Savile Groves, James Grimble Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H (Bristol) Dalkeith, Earl of Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton Beach, Rt. Hon. W. W. B. (Hants) Davenport, William Bromley Guthrie, Walter Murray Beaumont, Wentworth C. B. Davies, Sir Horatio D. (Chath'm Hain, Edward Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Dickson, Charles Scott Haldane, Richard Burdon Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Halsey, Thomas Frederick Bignold, Arthur Digby, John K. D. Wingfield Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G (Md'sex Bill, Charles Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield Hamilton, Marq. of (Lond'derry Blundell, Colonel Henry Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert Wm. Bond, Edward Dickson-Hartland, Sir Fred. D. Harcourt, Rt. Hn. Sir William Boscawen, Arthur Griffith- Dorington, Sir John Edward Hardy, Laurence (Kent Ashford Brassey, Albert Doughty, George Harris, Frederick Leverton Broadhurst, Henry Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Haslett, Sir James Horner Brookfield, Colonel Montagu Duke, Henry Edward Hay, Hon. Claude George Brown, Alexander H. (Shropsh. Dunn, Sir William Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale- Bryce, Rt. Hon. James Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D. Bull, William James Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir William Hart Heath, Jas. (Staffords., N. W.) Bullard, Sir Harry Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D. Helder, Augustus Burt, Thomas Evans, Sir Francis H (Maidstone Henderson, Alexander Butcher, John George Farquharson, Dr. Robert Hermon-Hodge, Robert T. Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Higginbottom, S. W. Carlisle, William Walter Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith) Hoare, Edw. Brodie (Hampstead Carson, Rt. Hn. Sir E. H. Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E. Causton, Richard Knight Finch, George H. Holland, William Henry Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.) Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbyshire Firbank, Joseph Thomas Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry Cawley, Frederick Fisher, William Hayes Hoult, Joseph Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Fison, Frederick William Howard, John (Kent, Faversh.) Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond Hozier, Hn. James Henry Cecil Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm. Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon Hudson, George Bickersteth Chamberlain, J. Austen (Wore'r Flower, Ernest Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Channing, Francis Allston Foster, Philip S.(Warwick, S. W. Johnston, William (Belfast) Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.) Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Chapman, Edward Fuller, J. M. F. Kearley, Hudson E. Charrington, Spencer Gardner, Ernest Kenyon, Hn. Geo. T. (Denbigh) Kenyon, James (Lancs, Bury) Morton, Arthur H. A (Deptford) Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop.) Mount, William Arthur Spear, John Ward Keswick, William Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) Spencer, Rt Hn C. R. (Northants King, Sir Henry Seymour Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) Stanley, Hon. A. (Ormskirk) Kinloch, Sir John George S. Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) Stanley, Edward Jas. (Somerset) Kitson, Sir James Myers, William Henry Stanley, Lord (Lancs.) Knowles, Lees Newdigate, Francis Alexander Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm. Nicholson, William Graham Stroyan, John Langley, Batty Nicol, Donald Ninian Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Norton, Capt. Cecil William Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) Nussey, Thomas Willans Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Lawson, John Grant O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Taylor, Theodore Cooke Layland-Barratt, Francis Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Tennant, Harold John Lee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham) Parker, Gilbert Thomson, F. W. York, W. R.) Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead) Parkes, Ebenezer Thorburn, Sir Walter Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington Paulton, James Mellor Thornton, Percy M. Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Peel, Hn. Wm. Rbt. Wellesley Tollemache, Henry James Leigh, Sir Joseph Penn, John Tomkinson, James Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Percy, Earl Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S. Platt-Higgins, Frederick Trevelyan, Charles Phillips Llewellyn, Evan Henry Plummer, Walter R. Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward] Lock wood, Lt.-Col. Powell, Sir Francis Sharp Ure, Alexander Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Pretyman, Ernest George Valentia. Viscount Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham) Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Vincent, Col. Sir CEH (Sheffield Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S. Purvis, Robert Wanklyn, James Leslie Lowe, Francis William Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Warde, Colonel C. E. Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft) Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Rea, Russell Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan Macdona, John Cumming Reid, James (Greenock) Webb, Colonel William George Maconochie, A. W. Remnant, James F. Welby, Lt.-Col. A. C. E. (Taunton M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool) Renshaw, Charles Bine Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts.) M'Arthur, W. (Cornwall) Rentoul, James Alexander White, Luke (Yorks, E. R.) M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.) Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green) Whiteley, H. (Ashton-u.-Lyne) M'Iver, Sir L. (Edinburgh, W.) Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas Thomson Whitmore, Charles Algernon Majendie, James A. H. Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Malcolm, Ian Robinson, Brooke Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Manners, Lord Cecil Robson, William Snowdon Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir H. E. (Wigt'n Roe, Sir Thomas Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Melville, Beresford Valentine Round, James Willox, Sir John Archibald Middlemore, J. Throgmorton Royds, Clement Molyneux Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E.R.) Mildmay, Francis Bingham Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.) Molesworth, Sir Lewis Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath) Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart Montagu, Hon. J. Scott (Hants. Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Wrightson, Sir Thomas Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Sharpe, William Edward T. Wylie, Alexander More, R. Jasper (Shropshire) Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Morgan, David J. (Walthamst'w Simeon, Sir Barrington Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong Morrell, George Herbert Sinclair, Capt. (Forfarshire) TELLERS FOR THE AYES.— Morris, Hn. Martin Henry F. Smith, HC (North'mb. Tyenside Sir William Walrond and Morrison, James Archibald Smith, James Parker (Lanarks.) Mr. Anstruther. NOES. Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.) Grant, Corrie Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Allen, Charles P. (Glouc., Stroud Hammond, John O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary, Mid Ambrose, Robert Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N. Bell, Richard Harrington, Timothy O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.) Boland, John Joicy, Sir James O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Bolton, Thomas Dolling Jones, David Brynmor (Sw'nsea O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Caine, William Sproston Jordan, Jeremiah O'Dowd, John Caldwell, James Joyce, Michael O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Cameron, Robert Leamy, Edmund O'Malley, William Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Levy, Maurice O'Mara, James Condon, Thomas Joseph Lough, Thomas O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Cullinan, J. Lundon, W. Partington, Oswald Delany, William MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Power, Patrick Joseph Dillon, John Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Reddy, M. Doogan, P. C. MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Duffy, William J. McDermott, Patrick Redmond, William (Clare) Farrell, James Patrick M'Govern, T. Roche, John Fenwick, Charles M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Schwann, Charles E. Flynn, James Christopher Murphy, John Sheehan, Daniel Darnel Gilhooly, James Nannetti, Joseph P. Shipman, Dr. John G. Soares, Ernest J. Weir, James Galloway Woodhouse, Sir J. T. (Huddersf Sullivan, Donal White, George (Norfolk) Thomas, Alfred (Glamorg., E. White, Patrick (Meath, North) TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Tully, Jasper Whiteley, George (York, W. R.) Captain Donelan and Mr. Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Patrick O'Brien.
* then directed Mr. William Redmond to withdraw from the House, and he withdrew accordingly.
I rise to a point of order. I beg to draw your attention, Sir, to the fact that the division bells were not properly rung for this division. In company with my hon. friends the Members for South Dublin and North Kerry I was on the Terrace, and only heard one bell rung. We came up as quickly as possible to take part in the division, only to have the doors closed in our faces. No cry of "Division" was called. [Several HON. MEMBERS: Order, order!]
* : Hon. Gentlemen on both sides must restrain themselves.
* : I beg to ask your ruling, Sir, as to whether it was a proper division, and, if so, can I claim on behalf of myself and my hon. friend that we should be included.
* : The result of the division is declared, and it would be quite out of order to include any hon. Member who was outside the doors. It occasionally happens that hon. Members are shut out.
As I am associated with my hon. friend, I wish to say that I was walking on the Terrace—
* : Order, order! That is the same point of order that I have disposed of. The hon. Member will not be in order in persisting after I have disposed of it.
I want to have your ruling, Sir, as to whether more than one division bell rang or not.
* : It is impossible to interfere with the result of the division.
My point is that no division was called on the Terrace.
* : I have heard the hon. Gentleman's point, and I have already stated that it is impossible for me to interfere with the result of the decision declared at the Table upon such grounds. Mr. Walton.
No matter how procured?
* : I hope the hon. Member will not persist.
I say it is most unfair.
Do I understand your ruling, Sir, to be that no matter how a division is called, whether according to the rules of the House or otherwise, if the majority has decided that there can be no amendment, although the division has been improperly called—
* : I have given my ruling. Mr. Walton.
On a point of order—
* : Order, order! The conduct of the hon. Member for Kilkenny is grossly disorderly. He has persisted in standing after I told him his point was disposed of. I must call upon him therefore forthwith to quit the precincts of the House.
On a point of order—
* : Does the hon. Member refuse?
Oh, most decidedly!
Then I name you, Mr. Patrick O'Brien, for disregarding the authority of the Chair.
I beg to move that Mr. Patrick O'Brien be suspended from the service of the House.
Question put.
declared himself a teller for the Noes.
* : I cannot accept the hon. Member as a teller.
On a point of order, Sir, may I ask you whether the sentence of the House is to be pronounced by you on an hon. Member before the House has pronounced it. The House having not yet decided that a certain Member shall be suspended, is it in your power to decide that he shall not act as teller?
* : It is a practice of the House that an hon. Member whose conduct is in question shall not act as teller.
On a point of order, Sir, may I ask you to name a precedent?
* : Order, order!
Question put, "That Mr. Patrick O'Brien be suspended from the service of the House."
The House divided:—Ayes, 307; Noes, 55. (Division List No. 309.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex F. Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn E. Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Cecil, Lord H. (Greenwich) Ferguson, R. C.Munro-(Leith) Allhusen, Augustus H. Eden Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J.(Birm.) Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Anson, Sir Wm. Reynell Chamberlain, J Austen (Worc'r Finch, George H. Arkwright, John Stanhope Channing, Francis Allston Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry Firbank, Joseph Thomas Asher, Alexander Chapman, Edward Fisher, William Hayes Atkinson, Rt. Hn. John Charrington, Spencer Fison, Frederick William Bagot, Capt. Josceline Fitz Roy Churchill, Winston Spencer Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund Bailey, James (Walworth) Clare, Octavius Leigh Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. Balcarres, Lord Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Flower, Ernest Balfour, Rt Hn AJ. (Manchester Coghill, Douglas Harry Foster, P. S. (Warwick, S.W.) Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Cohen, Benjamin Louis Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co. Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W.(Leeds Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Fuller, J. M. F. Balfour, Maj. KR. (Christeh'ch) Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Gardner, Ernest Banbury, Frederick George Compton, Lord Alwyne Garfit, William Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H (City of Lond. Beach, Rt Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol) Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert J. Beach, Rt. Hn. W. W. B. (Hants) Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk. Beaumont, Wentworth C. B. Cox, Irwin Edw. Bainbridge Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Craig, Robert Hunter Gore, Hn. GRC. Ormsby-(Salop) Bhownagree, Sir M. M. Cranborne, Viscount Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc.) Bignold, Arthur Cripps, Charles Alfred Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John E. Bill, Charles Crombie, John William Goulding, Edward Alfred Blundell, Colonel Henry Crossley, Sir Savile Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Bond, Edward Dalkeith, Earl of Green, Walford D. (Wednesb'ry Boscawen, Arthur Griffith- Davenport, Wm. Bromley- Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury Brassey, Albert Davies, Sir H. D. (Chatham) Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs. Broadhurst, Henry Dickson, Charles Scott Grenfell, William Henry Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Gretton, John Brookfield, Colonel Montagu Digby, John K. D. Wingfield- Greville, Hon. Ronald Brown, Alexander H. (Shropsh. Dimsdale, Sir Joseph C. Groves, James Grimble Bryce, Rt. Hon. James Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton Bull, Wm. James Dixon-Hartland, Sir Fred. D. Guthrie, Walter Murray Bullard, Sir Harry Dorington, Sir John Edward Hain, Edward Burt, Thomas Doughty, George Haldane, Richard Burdon Butcher, John George Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Halsey, Thomas Frederick Caine, William Sproston Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G. (Mid'x Caldwell, James Duke, Henry Edward Hamilton, Marq of (Londnderry Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Dunn, Sir William Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert W. Carlile, William Walter Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Hardy, L. (Kent, Ashford) Carson, Rt. Hn. Sir Edw. H. Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir Wm. H. Harris, Frederick Leverton Causton, Richard Knight Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D. Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lanes.) Evans, Sir F. H. (Maidstone) Haslett, Sir James Horner Cavendish, VCW.(Derbyshire) Farquharson, Dr. Robert Hay, Hon. Claude George Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale- Maxwell, Rt. Hn. Sir H. E. (Wg'n Shipman, Dr. John G. Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D. Melville, Beresford Valentine Simeon, Sir Barrington Heath, James (Staffords, N. W.) Middlemore, John T. Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire) Helder, Augustus Mildmay, Francis Bingham Sinclair, Louis (Romford) Henderson, Alexander Molesworth, Sir Lewis Smith, H C (North'mb. Tyn'side Hermon Hodge, Robt. Trotter Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Smith, James P. (Lanarks.) Higginbottom, S. W. Montagu, Hon. J. S. (Hants.) Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Hoare, Edw. Brodie (Hampst'd) Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Soames, Arthur Wellesley Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E. More. Robert J. (Shropshire) Spear, John Ward Holland, William Henry Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow) Stanley, Hon Arthur (Ormskirk Hope, J. F. (Sh'ffield, Brightside Morrell, George Herbert Stanley, Edward Jas. (Somerset Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Stanley, Lord (Lanes.) Hoult, Joseph Morrison, James Archibald Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) Stroyan, John Hozier, Hon. Jas. Henry Cecil Mount, Wm. Arthur Strut, Hon. Charles Hedley Hudson, George Bickersteth Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Murray, Chas. J. (Coventry) Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Johnston, William (Belfast) Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath Tennant, Harold John Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Myers, William Henry Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E. Joicey, Sir James Newdigate, Francis Alexander Thomson, F. W. (York, W. R.) Kearley, Hudson E. Nicholson, William Graham Thorburn, Sir Walter Kemp, George Nicol, Donald Ninian Thornton, Percy M. Kenyon, Hn. Geo. T. (Denbigh) Norton, Capt. Cecil William Tollemache Henry James Kenyon, Jas. (Lanes., Bury) O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Tomkinson, James Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop) Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. M. Keswick, William Parker, Gilbert Trevelyn, Charles Philips King, Sir Henry Seymour Parkes, Ebenezer Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward Kinloch, Sir John Geo. Smyth Partington, Oswald Ure, Alexamder Kitson, Sir James Paulton, James Mellor Valentia, Viscount Knowles, Lees Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt, Wellesley Vincent, Col Sir C. E. H (Sheffild Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm. Penn, John Wanklyn, James Leslie Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Percy, Earl Warde, Col. C. E. Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) Platt-Higgins, Frederick Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Lawson, John Grant Plummer, Walter R. Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan Layland-Barratt, Francis Powell, Sir Francis Sharp Webb, Colonel William George Lee, Arthur H. (Hants, Fareham Pretyman, Ernest George Welby, Lt.-Col. A C E (Taunton Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead) Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Welby, Sir Charles G. E (Notts.) Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington Purvis, Robert White, Luke (York, E. R.) Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Whiteley, H. (Aston-un.-Lyne) Leigh, Sir Joseph Rasch, Maj. Frederic Carne Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Rea, Russell Whitmore, Charles Algernon Leveson-Gower, Fred. N. S. Reid, James (Greenock) Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Llewellyn, Evan Henry Remnant, James Farquharson Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Renshaw, Charles Bine Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Rentoul, James Alexander Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Long, Col. C. W. (Evesham) Ridlev, S. Forde (Bethnal Green Willox, Sir John Archibald Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. T. Wilson, A. S. (York, E. R.) Lowe, Francis Wm. Robertson, Herbt. (Hackney) Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.) Lucas, Col. F. (Lowestoft) Robinson, Brooke Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Robson, William Snowdon Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart Macdona, John Cumming Roe sir Thomas Wrightson, Sir Thomas Maconochie, A. W. Round, James Wylie, Alexander M'Arthur, Chas. (Liverpool) Royds, Clement Molyneux Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George M'Arthur, Wm. (Cornwall) Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.) Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) M'Iver, Sir Lewis (Edinb., W. Sassoon. Sir Edward Albert TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Majendie, James A. H. Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Sir William Walrond and Malcolm, Ian Sharpe, William Edward T. Mr. Anstruther. Manners, Lord Cecil Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew NOES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.) Flynn, James Christopher M'Govern, T. Ambrose, Robert Gilhooly, James M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Boland, John Hammond, John Mooney, John J. Bolton, Thomas Dolling Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil Murphy, J. Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Harrington, Timothy Nannetti, Joseph P. Condon, Thomas Joseph Jones, David Brynmor (Swan'a) Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Cullinan, J. Jordan, Jeremiah O'Brien, Kendal (Tipper'ry Mid Delany, William Joyce, Michael O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Dillon, John Leamy, Edmund O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) Doogan, P. C. Lundon, W. O'Connor, Jas. (Wicklow. W.) Duffy, William J. MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. O'Connor. T. P. (Liverpool) Farrell, James Patrick MacNeill, John Gordon Swift O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Flavin, Michael Joseph M'Dermott, Patrick O'Dowd, John O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Weir, James Galloway O'Malley, William Roche, John White, Patrick (Meath, North) O'Mara, James Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Whiteley, George (York, W. R. O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Sullivan, Donal TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Power, Patrick Joseph Tully, Jasper Captain Donelan and Mr. Reddy, M. Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) Hayden.
* then directed Mr. Patrick O'Brien to withdraw from the House, and he withdrew accordingly.
Question again proposed.
rose to continue the discussion, when—
rose in his place, and claimed to move,
"That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The House divided:—Ayes, 258; Noes, 130. (Division List No. 370.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex F. Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Halscy, Thomas Frederick Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G (Midd'x Allhusen, Augustus Henry E. Cranborne, Viscount Hamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'nder'y Anson, Sir William Reynell Cripps, Charles Alfred Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert Wm. Arkwright, John Stanhope Crossley, Sir Savile Hardy, Laurence (Kent, Ashf'rd Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Dalkeith, Earl of Harris, Frederick Leverton Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Davenport, William Bromley- Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy Davies, Sir Horatio D. (Chatham Haslett, Sir James Horner Bailey, James (Walworth) Dickson, Charles Scott Hay, Hon. Claude George Balcarres, Lord Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Heath, James (Staffords. N. W.) Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Maneh'r Digby, John K. D. Wingfield- Helder, Augustus Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield Henderson, Alexander Balfour, Rt. Hn. Gerald W (Leeds Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter Balfour, Maj. K. R. (Christch.) Dixon-Hartland, Sir Fred Dixon Higginbottom, S. W. Banbury, Frederick George Dorington, Sir John Edward Hoare, Ed. Brodie (Hampstead Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin Doughty, George Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E. Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol) Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside Beach, Rt. Hon. W. W. B. (Hants. Duke, Henry Edward Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Hoult, Joseph Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. Dyke, Rt. Hn. Sir William H. Howard, John (Kent Faversh'm Bignold, Arthur Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Hozier, Hon. Jas. Henry Cecil Bill, Charles Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Hudson, George Bickersteth Blundell, Colonel Henry Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith) Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Bond, Edward Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Johnston, William (Belfast) Boscawen, Arthur Griffith Finch, George H. Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Brassey, Albert Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Kemp George Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John Firbank, Joseph Thomas Kenyon, Hon. G. T. (Denbigh) Brookfield, Colonel Montagu Fisher, William Hayes Kenyon, James (Lanes., Bury) Brown, Alexander H. (Shropsh) Fison, Frederick William Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop) Bull, William James Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond Keswick, William Bullard, Sir Harry Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon King, Sir Henry Seymour Burt, Thomas Flower, Ernest Knowles, Lees Butcher, John George Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W. Lambton, Hn. Frederick Wm. Carlile, William Walter Gardner, Ernest Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth Carson, Rt. Hn. Sir Edward H. Garfit, William Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lanes.) Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H. (City of Lond. Lawson, John Grant Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbyshire Godson, Sir Augustus Frederick Lee, Arthur H. (Hants. Fareham Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead) Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Gore, Hn G. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop Legge, Gol. Hon. Heneage Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm. Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-(Lincs. Leigh-Bennett. Henry Currie Chamberlain. J. Austen) Wor'cr Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John Eldon Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S. Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry Goulding, Edward Alfred Llewellyn, Evan Henry Chapman, Edward Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Charrington, Spencer Green, Walford D. (Wednesbury Loder, Gerald W. Erskine Churchill, Winston Spencer Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury) Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham) Clare, Octavius Leigh Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs. Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S.) Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Grenfell, William Henry Lowe, Francis William Coghill, Douglas Harry Gretton, John Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft) Cohen, Benjamin Louis Greville, Hon. Ronald Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Groves, James Grimble Macdona, John Gumming Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton Maconochie, A. W. Compton, Lord Alwyne Guthrie, Walter Murray M'Arthur, Chas. (Liverpool) Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Hain, Edward M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.) Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Haldane, Richard Burdon M'Iver, Sir Lewis (Edinburgh W. Majendie, James A. H. Plummer, Walter R. Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley Malcolm, Ian Powell, Sir Francis Sharp Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Manners, Lord Cecil Pretyman, Ernest George Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Maxwell, Rt Hn. Sir H E (Wigton Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E.) Melville, Beresford Valentine Purvis, Robert Thorburn, Sir Walter Middlemore, J. Throgmorton Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Thornton, Percy M. Mildmay, Francis Bingham Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Tollemache, Henry James Molesworth, Sir Lewis Reid, James (Greenock) Tomlinson. Wm. Edw. Murray Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Remnant. James Farquharson Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward Montagu, Hon. J. Scott (Hants.) Renshaw, Charles Bine Valentia, Viscount Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Rentoul, James Alexander Vincent, Col. Sir C. E H (Sheffield More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire) Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green) Wanklyn, James Leslie Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow) Ritchie. Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson Warde, Colonel C. E. Morrell, George Herbert Robertson, Herbert (Hackney Webb, Colonel William George Morris, Hn. Martin Henry F. Robinson, Brooke Welby, Lt.-Col. A. C. E. (Taunton Morrison, James Archibald Round, James Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts.) Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford Royds, Clements Molyneux White, Luke (Yorks, E. R.) Mount, William Arthur Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Whiteley, H. (Ashton und. Lyne Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute) Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert Whitmore, Charles Algernon Murray, Chas. J. (Coventry) Scott, Sir S. Marylebone, W.) Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) Sharpe, William Edward T. Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Myers, William Henry Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew Willox, Sir John Archibald Newdigate, Francis Alexander Simeon, Sir Barrington Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.) Nicholson, William Graham Sinclair, Louis (Romford) Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.) Nicol, Donald Ninian Smith, H. C. (North'mb. Tynes'e Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath) O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Smith, James P. (Lanarks.) Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Wrightson, Sir Thomas Parker, Gilbert Spear, John Ward Wylie, Alexander Parkes, Ebenezer Stanley, Hon. A. (Ormskirk) Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Peel, Hn. Wm. Robert Wellesley Stanley, Edward J. (Somerset) Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong Penn, John Stanley, Lord (Lanes.) TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Percy, Earl Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart Sir William Walrond and Platt-Higgins, Frederick Stroyan, John Mr. Anstruther. NOES. Abraham, William (Cork, N. E. Fenwick, Charles MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Allen, Chas. P. (Glouc., Stroud) Flavin, Michael Joseph M'Arthur, William (Cornwall) Ambrose, Robert Flynn, James Christopher M'Dermott, Patrick Asher, Alexander Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.) M'Govern, T. Beaumont, Wentworth C. B. Fuller, J. M. F. M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Bell, Richard Gilhooly, James Mather, William Boland John Gladstone, Rt. Hn Herbert John Mooney, John J. Bolton, Thomas Dolling Grant, Corrie Morton. Edw. J. C. (Devonport Broadhurst, Henry Hammond, John Murphy, J. Bryce, Rt. Hon. James Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil Nannetti, Joseph P. Buxton, Sydney Charles Harrington, Timothy Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Caine, William Sproston Harwood, George Nussey, Thomas Willans Caldwell, James Hayden, John Patrick O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary Mid Cameron, Robert Hayne, Rt. Hon. Chas. Scale- O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N. Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Hayter, Rt. Hn. Sir Arthur D. O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.) Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Hobhouse, C. E. H. (Bristol. E.) O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Causton, Richard Knight Holland, William Henry O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Cawley, Frederick Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley) O'Dowd, John Channing, Francis Allston Joicey, Sir James O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Condon, Thomas Joseph Jones, D. Brynmor (Swansea) O'Malley, William Craig, Robert Hunter Jones, wm. (Carnarvonshire) O'Mara, James Crombie, John William Jordan, Jeremiah O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Cullinan, J. Joyce, Michael Partington, Oswald Dalziel, James Henry Kearley, Hudson E. Paulton, James Mellor Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan) Kinloch. Sir John George Smyth Power, Patrick Joseph Delany, William Kitson, Sir James Rea, Russell Dillon, John Langley, Batty Reddy, M. Donelan, Captain A. Layland-Barratt, Francis Redmond, John E. (Waterford Doogan, P. C. Leamy, Edmund Robson, William Snow don Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Leese, Sir Joseph F.(Accrington Roche, John Duffy, William J. Leigh, Sir Joseph Roe, Sir Thomas Dunn, Sir William Levy, Maurice Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Emmott, Alfred Lough, Thomas Schwann, Charles E. Evans, Sir Francis H (Maidstone Lundon, W. Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Farquharson, Dr. Robert MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Shipman, Dr. John G. Farrell, James Patrick Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Sinclair, Capt John (Forfarshire Soames, Arthur Wellesley Trevelyan, Charles Philips Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Soares, Ernest J. Tully, Jasper Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Spencer, Rt Hn C. R. (Northants Ure, Alexander Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Sullivan, Donal Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) Taylor, Theodore Cooke Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan Woodhouse, Sir J. T. (Hudders'd Tennant, Harold John Weir, James Galloway TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Thomson, F. W. (York, W.R.) White, George (Norfolk) Mr. George Whiteley and Tomkinson, James White, Patrick (Meath, North Mr. Joseph Walton.
Question put accordingly, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
The House divided:—Ayes, 251; Noes, 133. (Division List No. 371.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F. Davenport, W. Bromley- Hobhouse, H. (Somerset, E.) Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Davies, Sir Horatio D. (Chatham Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightsd.) Allhusen, Augustus Henry E. Dickson, Charles Scott Houldsworth, Sir William H. Anson, Sir William Reynell Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Hoult, Joseph Arkwriglit, John Stanhope Digby, John K. D. Wingfield- Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield- Hozier, Hon. James Henry Cecil Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Hudson, George Bickersteth Bagot, Capt. Josoeline Fitz Roy Dixon-Hartland, Sir Fred. D. Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Bailey, James (Walworth) Dorington, Sir John Edward Johnston, William (Belfast) Balcarres, Lord Doughty, George Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex) Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manc'r Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Kemp, George Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey) Duke, Henry Edward Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T. (Denbigh) Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W. (Leeds) Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Kenyon, James (Lanes., Bury) Balfour, Maj. K. R. (Christch'ch. Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop.) Banbury, Frederick George Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Keswick, William Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst King, Sir Henry Seymour Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol) Finch, George H. Knowles Lees Beach, Rt Hn W. W. B. (Hants.) Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Firbank, Joseph Thomas Lambton, Hon. Fredenck Wm. Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. Fisher, William Hayes Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth) Bignold, Arthur Fison, Frederick William Lawrence Wm F. (Liverpool) Bill, Charles Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon Lawson, John Grant Blundell, Colonel Henry Flower, Ernest Lee, Arthur H. (Hants. Fareham Bond, Edward Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W. Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead) Boscawen, Arthur Griffith- Gardner, Ernest Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Brassey, Albert Garfit, William Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Brodrick, Rt. Hn. St. John Gibbs, Hon. A. G. H (City of Lond Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S. Brookfield, Colonel Montagu Godson. Sir Augustus Frederick Llewellyn, Evan Henry Brown, Alex. H. (Shrops.) Gordon, Hn. J. E (Elgin&Nairn) Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Bull, William James Gore, Hn. G. R C Ormsby-(Salop) Loder Gerald Walter Erskine Bullard, Sir Harry Gore, Hn. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc) Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham) Butcher, John George Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S.) Carlile, William Walter Goulding, Edward Alfred Lowe Francis William Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft) Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lanes.) Green, W. D. (Wednesbury) Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth) Cavendish, V.C.W.(Derbyshire Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury) Macdona, John Cumming Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.) Maconochie, A. W. Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Grenfell, William Henry M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool). Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm. Gretton, John M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E. Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r Greville, Hon. Ronald M'Iver, Sir Lewis (Edinburgh W Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry Groves, James Grimble Majendie, James A. H. Chapman, Edward Guthrie, Walter Murray Malcolm, Ian Charrington, Spencer. Hain, Edward Manners, Lord Cecil Churchill, Winston Spencer Halsey, Thomas Frederick Maxwell, Rt. Hn. Sir H E (Wigt'n Clare, Octavius Leigh Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G. (Mid'x Melville, Beresford Valentine Cochrane, Hn. Thos. H. A. E. Hamilton Marq of (L'ndonderry Middlemore, J. Throgmorton Cohen, Benjamin Louis Hanbury. Rt. Hon. Robert Wm. Mildmay, Francis Bingham Collings. Rt. Hon. Jesse Hardy, Laurence (Kent, Ashfo'd Molesworth, Sir Lewis Colston, Chas. Edw. H. Athole Harris, Frederick Leverton Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Compton, Lord Alwyne Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Montagu, Hn. J. Scott (Hants.) Cook, Sir Frederick Lucas Haslett, Sir James Horner Moon, Edward Robert Pacy Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Hay, Hon. Claude George More, R. Jasper (Shropshire) Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Heath, James (Staffords., N. W.) Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow) Cranborne, Viscount Helder, Augustus Morrell, George Herbert Cripps, Charles Alfred Henderson, Alexander Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Crossley, Sir Savile Higginbottom. S. W. Morrison, James Archibald Dalkeith, Earl of Hoare, Edw. Brodie (Hamptead Morton, A. H. A. (Deptford) Mount, William Arthur Ritchie, Rt. Hon. C. Thomson Tomlinson. Wm. Edw. Murray Murray, Rt. Hn A Graham (Bute Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward Murray, Charles J. (Coventry) Robinson, Brooke Valentia, Viscount Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) Round, James Vincent, Col. Sir C E H (Sheffield Myers, William Henry Royds, Clement M. Wanklyn, James Leslie Newdigate, Francis Alexander Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Warde, Colonel C. E. Nicholson, William Graham Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert Webb, Colonel William George Nicol, Donald Ninian Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Weir, James Galloway O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Sharpe, William Edward T. Welby, Lt.-Col. A. C. E (Taunton Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts.) Parker, Gilbert Simeon, Sir Barrington White, Luke (York, E. R.) Parkes, Ebenezer Sinclair, Louis (Romford) Whiteley, H. (Ashton-un.-Lyne Peel, Hn. Wm. Robert Wellesley Smith, H C (North'mb. Tyneside Whitmore, Charles Algernon Penn, John Smith, James Parker (Lanarks) Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset) Percy, Earl Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Platt-Higgins, Frederick Scares, Ernest J. Willox, Sir John Archibald Plummer, Walter R. Spear, John Ward Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R. Powell, Sir Francis Sharp Stanley, Hon Arthur (Ormskirk Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks) Pretyman, Ernest George Stanley, Edward Jas. (Somerset Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath) Pryce Jones, Lt. Col. Edward Stanley, Lord (Lanes.) Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart Purvis, Robert Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart Wrightson, Sir Thomas Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Stroyan, John Wylie, Alexander Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Reid, James (Greenock) Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong Remnant, James Farquharson Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Renshaw, Chas. Bine Thorburn, Sir Walter TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Rentoul, James Alexander Thornton, Percy M. Sir William Walrond and Mr. Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green Tollemache, Henry James Anstruther. NOES. Abraham, William (Cork, N. E. Flavin, Michael Joseph Murphy, John Allen, Charles P. (Glouc., Stroud Flynn, James Christopher Nannetti, Joseph P. Ambrose, Robert Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.) Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South) Asher, Alexander Fuller, J. M. F. Norton, Capt. Cecil William Bell, Richard Gilhooly, James Nussey, Thomas Willans Boland, John Grant, Corrie O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary Mid Bolton, Thomas Dolling Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton O'Brien, P. J. (TipperaryMid Broadhurst, Henry Haldane, Richard Burdon O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.) Bryce, Rt. Hon. James Hammond, John O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Burt, Thomas Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) O'Donnell, T. (Kerry W.) Buxton, Sydney Charles Harrington, Timothy O'Dowd John Caine, William Sproston Harwood, George O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Caldwell, James Hayden, John Patrick O'Malley William Cameron, Robert Hayter, Rt. Hn. Sir Arthur D. O'Mara James Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Hobhouse, C. E. H. (Bristol, E.) O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Holland, William Henry Causton, Richard Knight Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley) Partington, Oswald Cawley, Frederick Joicey, Sir James Paulton James Mellor Channing, Francis Allston Jones, David B. (Swansea) Power, Patrick Joseph Coghill, Douglas Harry Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire) Rea, Russell Condon, Thomas Joseph Jordan, Jeremiah Reddy, M. Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow Joyce, Michael Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Craig, Robert Hunter Kinloch, Sir John George S. Robson, William Snowdon Crombie, John William Kitson, Sir James Roche, John Cullinan, J. Langley, Batty Roe, Sir Thomas Dalziel, James Henry Layland-Barratt, Francis Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan Leamy, Edmund Schwann Charles E. Delany, William Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Dillon, John Leigh, Sir Joseph Shipman, Dr. John G. Donelan, Captain A. Levy Maurice Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh. Doogan, P. C. Lough, Thomas Soames, Arthur Wellesley Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark) Lundon, W. Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R. (N'rth'nts Duffy, William J. MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Sullivan, Donal Dunn, Sir William Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Emmott, Alfred MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Taylor, Theodore Cooke Evans, Sir Francis H (Maidstone M'Dermott, Patrick Tennant, Harold John Farquharson, Dr. Robert M'Govern, T. Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E Farrell, James Patrick M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Thomson, F. W. (York, W.R.) Fenwick, Charles Mather, William Tomkinson, James Ferguson, R. C. M. (Leith) Mooney, John J. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport) Tully, Jasper Ure, Alexander White, Patrick (Meath, North) Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.) Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) Whiteley, George (York, W. R.) Woodhouse, Sir J. T. (Huddrsfid Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.— Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Mr. Herbert Gladstone and White, George (Norfolk) Williams, Osmond (Merioneth) Mr. M'Arthur.
Main Question put, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
The House divided:—Ayes, 247; Noes, 129. (Division List No. 372.)
AYES. Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir A. F. Dixon-Hartland, Sir Fred D. Keswick, William Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Dorington, Sir John Edward King, Sir Henry Seymour Anson, Sir William Reynell Doughty, George Knowles, Lees Arkwright, John Stanhope Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm. Arnold-Forster, Hugh O. Duke, Henry Edward Lawrence, Joseph (Moumouth) Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool) Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas Lawson, John Grant Bailey, James (Walworth) Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward Lee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham) Balcarres, Lord Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead) Balfonr, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r Finch, George H. Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W. (Leeds Firbank, Joseph Thomas Leveson-Gower, Fred. N. S. Balfour, Maj K R. (Christchurch Fisher, William Hayes Llewellyn, Evan Henry Banbury, Frederick George Fison, Frederick Wm. Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R. Bathurst, Hon. A. Benjamin Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol Flower, Ernest Long, Col. C. W. (Evesham) Beach, Rt. Hn. W .W. B. (Hants. Foster, Philip S (Warwick, S. W Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S. Bentinck, Lord Henry C. Gardner, Ernest Lowe, Francis William Bhownaggree, Sir M. M. Garfit, William Lucas, Col. F. (Lowestoft) Bignold, Arthur Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H. (City of Lon. Lucas, Reginald J.(Portsm'th) Bill, Charles Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk. Macdona, John Cumming Blundell, Col. Henry Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn Maconochie, A. W. Bond, Edward Gore, Hn G R C Ormsby-(Salop M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool) Boscawen, Arthur Griffith Gore, Hn S F Ormsby-(Lines) M'Calmont Col. J. (Antrim, E.) Brassey, Albert Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir j. Eldon M'Iver, Sir Lewis (Edinb'rgh W Brodrick, Hon. St. John Goulding, Edward Alfred Majendie, James A. H. Brookfield, Col. Montagu Gray, Ernest (West Ham) Malcolm, Ian Brown, Alex. H. (Shropshire) Green, Walford D (Wednesbu'y Manners, Lord Cecil Bull, William James Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs) Maxwell, Rt Hn Sir H. E (Wigt'n Bullard, Sir Harry Grenfell, Wm. Henry Melville, Beresford Valentine Butcher, John George Gretton, John Middlemore, J'hn Throgmort'n Carlile, William Walter Greville, Hon. Ronald Mildmay, Francis Bingham Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H. Groves, James Grimble Molesworth, Sir Lewis Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lanes.) Guthrie, Walter Murray Montagu, G. (Huntingdon) Cavendish, V. C. W (Derbyshire Hain, Edward Montagu, Hon. J. S. (Hants) Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) Halsey, Thomas Frederick Moon, Edw. Robert Paey Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich) Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G. (Mid'x More, Robt. J. (Shropshire) Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm. Hamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'dr) Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow Chamberlain, J. A. (Worc'r) Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robt. W Morrell, George Herbert Chaplin, Rt Hon. Henry Hardy, L. (Kent, Ashford) Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F. Chapman, Edward Harris, Frederick Leverton Morrison, James Archibald Charrington, Spencer Haslam, Sir Alfred S. Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford Churchill, Winston Spencer Haslett, Sir James Horner Mount, William Arthur Clare, Octavius Leigh Heath, James (Staffords, N.W) Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E. Helder, Augustus Murray, Charles J. (Coventry Cohen, Benjamin Louis Henderson, Alexander Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath) Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter Myers, William Henry Colston, Chas. Edw. H. A thole Higginbottom, S. W. Newdigate, Francis Alexander Compton, Lord Alwyne Hoare, Edw. B. (Hampstead) Nicholson, William Graham Cook, Frederick Luoas Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E. Nicol, Donald Ninian Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Hope, J. F. (Sheffield Brightside O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge Houldsworth, Sir Wm. Henry Palmer, Walter (Salisbury) Cranborne, Viscount Hoult, Joseph Parker, Gilbert Crossley, Sir Savile Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham) Parkes, Ebenezer Dalkeith, Earl of Hozier, Hon. James H. Cecil Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt. Wellesley Davenport, William Bromley- Hudson, George Bickersteth Penn, John Davies, Sir H. D. (Chatham) Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick Percy, Earl Dickson, Charles Scott Johnston, Wm. (Belfast) Platt-Higgins, Frederick Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P. Johnstone, Hey wood (Sussex) Plummer, Walter R. Digby, John K. D. Wingfield- Kemp, George Powell, Sir Francis Sharp Dimsdale, Sir Joseph C. Kenyon, Hn. Geo. T. (Denbigh) Pretyman, Ernest George Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop) Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward Purvis, Robert Smith, James Parker (Lanarks) Webb, Col. Wm. George Quilter, Sir Cuthbert Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand) Weir, James Galloway Rasch, Major Frederic Carne Scares, Ernest J. Welby, Lt.-Col. A C E (Taunton Reid, James (Greenock) Spear, John Ward Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts) Remnant, James Farquharson Stanley, Hon. A. (Ormskirk) White, Luke (York, E. R.) Renshaw, Charles Bine Stanley, Edw Jas. (Somerset) Whiteley, H. (Ashton-u.-Lyne) Rentoul, James Alexander Stanley, Lord (Lanes.) Whitmore, Charles Algernon Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green Stewart, Sir Mark J. M 'Taggart Williams, Col. R. (Dorset) Ritchie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson Stroyan, John Willoughby de Eresby, Lord Robertson, Herbert (Hackney) Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley Willox, Sir John Archibald Robinson, Brooke Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.) Round, James Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.) Royds, Clement Molyneux Thorburn, Sir Walter Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford- Thornton, Percy M. Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert Tollemache, Henry James Wrightson, Sir Thomas Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray Wylie, Alexander Sharpe, William Edward T. Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew Valentia, Viscount Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong Simeon, Sir Barrington Vincent, Col Sir C E H (Sheffield) TELLERS FOR THE AYES— Sinclair, Louis (Romford) Wanklyn, James Leslie Sir William Walrond and Smith, H. C. (North'mb Tynes'e Warde, Col. C. E. Mr. Anstruther. NOES. Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.), Grant, Corrie O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.) Allen, Chas. P. (Glouc., Stroud) Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton O'Dowd, John Ambrose, Robert Haldane, Richard Burdon O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Asher, Alexander Hammond, John O'Malley, William Bell, Richard, Hardie, J Keir (Merthyr Tydvil O'Mara, James Boland, John Harrington, Timothy O'Shaughuessy, P. J. Bolton, Thomas Dolling Harwood, George Partington, Oswald Broadhurst, Henry Hayden, John Patrick Paulton, James Mellor Bryce, Rt. Hn. James Hayter, Rt. Hn. Sir Arthur D. Power, Patrick Joseph Burt, Thomas Hobhouse, C. E. H. (Bristol, E. Rea, Russell Buxton, Sydney Charles Holland, William Henry Reddy, M, Caine, William Sproston Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley) Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Caldwell, James Joicey, Sir James Robson, William Snowdon Cameron, Robert Jones, David Brynmor Swansea Roche, John Campbell, John (Armagh, S.) Jones, William (Carnarvonsh.) Roe, Sir Thomas Campbell Bannerman, Sir H. Jordan, Jeremiah Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Causton, Richard Knight Joyce, Michael Sheehan, Daniel Daniel Cawley, Frederick Kinloch, Sir J. G. Smyth Shipman, Dr. John G. Channing, Francis Allston Kitson, Sir James Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire Condon, Thomas Joseph Langley, Batty Soames, Arthur Wellesley Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Layland-Barratt, Francis Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R. (N'th'nts) Craig, Robert Hunter Leamy, Edmund Sullivan, Donal Crombie, John William Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington Taylor, Theodore Cooke Cullinan, J. Leigh, Sir Joseph Tennant, Harold John Dalziel James Henry Levy, Maurice Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, E.) Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan Lough, Thomas Thomson, F. W. (York, W. R.) Delany, William Lundon, W. Tomkinson, James Dillon, John MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Donelan, Captain A. Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Tully, Jasper Doogan, P. C. MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Ure, Alexander Douglas, Chas. M. (Lanark) M'Dermott, Patrick Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) Duffy, William J. M'Govern, T. Warner, Thomas C. T. Dunn, Sir William M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North) Wason, E. (Clackmannan) Evans, Sir Francis H. (Maidst'e Mooney, John J. White, George (Norfolk) Farquharson, Dr. Robert Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport) White, Patrick, Meath, N.) Farrell, James Patrick Murphy, John Whiteley, G. (York, W. R.) Fenwick, Charles Nannetti, Joseph P. Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith) Nolan, Joseph, (Louth, South) Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund Norton, Capt. Cecil William Williams, O. (Merioneth) Flavin, Michael Joseph Nussey, Thomas Willans Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) Flynn, James Christopher O'Brien, Kendal (Tippe'y, Mid. Woodhouse, Sir J T (Hudd'rsfi'd Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.) O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.) TELLERS FOR THE NOES— Fuller, J. M. F. O'Connor, Jas. (Wicklow, W.) Mr. Herbert Gladstone and Gilhooly, James O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Mr. M'Arthur.
Bill read a second time, and committed for Thursday.
In pursuance of the Order of the House of the 22nd day of this instant July, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put.
Adjourned at Two of the clock.