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Commons Chamber

Volume 98: debated on Tuesday 30 July 1901

House of Commons

Tuesday, July 30, 1901

Private Bill Business

Dublin (Equalisation of Rates) Bill. (by Order.)

Lords' Amendments considered.

said he thought it would be convenient that he should make a brief explanation on behalf of the Government of their intervening in what hon. Members would see by the notice on the Paper to be a private Bill, and nothing more than a private Bill. When this Bill came up to this House in the first instance he found it his duty to rise and state the position of the Government towards the measure. After consultation with his colleagues, he was commissioned to say that the Government would have to oppose that Bill unless certain Amendments were accepted by the promoters, but he also added the information that if these Amendments were accepted by the promoters of the Bill the Government, for reasons which he gave, would feel it its duty to countenance and support it in its remaining stages. It might be asked why the Government felt it their duty to intervene at all, even at this stage of the Bill. In order to explain that he must very briefly remind the House of the transactions which led up to this measure and the situation with which they now had to deal. It would be in the recollection of those who had taken an interest in this question that a Bill was promoted two years ago for amalgamating five townships with the city of Dublin. That Bill was passed by a very large majority when it came up in this House for Second Reading—a majority, he thought, of 162—and the argument urged on both sides of the House was that Dublin ought not to be treated differently from any other city in Great Britain. Against that it was said that there were no precedents for carrying a proposal to amalgamate against the wishes of the outlying parts of the town which it desired to amalgamate. If that were true, the only justification for the attitude which the Government had taken up would fall to the ground, because the Government only intervened in this matter holding that this Bill ought to be a substitute for amalgamation, that it was put forward as a substitute for amalgamation, and that it must be considered in that light. Well, that measure went to another place, and Amendments were introduced into it which led to the two Houses disagreeing, and the Bill was lost. Last year another Bill for amalgamating the five townships was introduced. Again it was passed by a large majority in the House of Commons. In order to bring this vexed question to a satisfactory conclusion, a Joint Committee of both Houses was appointed to consider the merits of amalgamation. It was a very strong Committee. The chairman was the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Clitheroe Division of Lancashire, and other members were Lord Welby, Lord Wenlock, Lord Llandaff, and another Peer, and the hon. Member for Bolton and his hon. friend the Member for Chelsea, and the hon. Baronet the Member for the Brixton Division of Lambeth. The Committee considered the question of amalgamating these five townships. It did amalgamate three of them; it did not amalgamate two of them. But it was not content to allow the matter to rest there. It sent down a unanimous Report, signed by all those eight gentlemen, in which the Committee directed the attention of this House and of the Government to the fact that although they had not amalgamated these two townships, they still felt and enjoined upon them the necessity of some adequate contribution from these townships for value received. They said that in respect of a number of matters, to be found in the Schedule to this Bill, the townships derived benefits, and made no return for those benefits, and they indicated that Parliament ought to follow the principle of the law equalising rates in London. When that Report came down to this House there was a very interesting debate upon it. Every member of this House who sat on that Committee urged the Government with one voice themselves to initiate legislation by public Bill, in order that the townships should make some contribution for the benefits which they received. The Government was not in a position to give that undertaking. It was unusual, in fact he thought unprecedented, for the Government to undertake that they would proceed with another Bill in another session of Parliament. But this pledge was given by the Government of the day—by his predecessor, with the authority of the First Lord of the Treasury. He (the First Lord) undertook that the Government would, before the 20th November, acquaint the Corporation of Dublin with the decision which had been arrived at, in order that in the event of the Government determining to proceed by public Bill the Corporation should not be put to the expense of a private Bill. Owing to the dissolution, and owing to the reconstruction of the Government, it was quite impossible that that pledge should be fulfilled. When he arrived in Dublin, one of the first things he found was this pledge; he found it very difficult, owing to force majeure , to deal with it in a way that would be at all satisfactory. The time for giving notice of a private Bill had almost elapsed, and it was not possible to take the sense of his colleagues on the matter. Therefore he carefully studied—assisted by those who were best able to give him advice—the recommendations of this very strong Joint Select Committee of both Houses, and he had a Bill drafted which he then thought, and still thought, embodied the sense and intention of the advice—he might almost call it the direction—which the Com- mittee had given to the Government and to the House. It was at that time still an open question whether the Government would introduce such a Bill, or whether, in the event of the promoters, proceeding with their private Bill, the Government would help that Bill. It was found more convenient, particularly in the circumstances of this session, that, the Government should not proceed by a public Bill, and that was how it came about that the Government determined to oppose this, unless the promoters, accepted the Government Amendments. The Government Amendments were considerable in number, but they were accepted by the promoters, and the Bill, as amended, was passed unanimously by a Committee of this House. That Bill so amended went up to another place, and there for the first time opposition, was offered to two of the Government Amendments. This House, neither on the Second Reading nor during the Committee stage, had any opportunity of considering what they might or might not add to these exceptions that were taken to the scheme that the Government had suggested. He would not be in order in going into the merits of those two Amendments at this stage. When they were reached he hoped he might be able to deal with them; but he did feel; that it was necessary that the House should hear some preliminary statement, from him on this subject.

Might he revert for a moment to the argument that the outlying townships of large cities were not to be amalgamated, against their will. The case really hinged upon that. He had gone into this matter with some care at the Local Government Board of England, and he found that the very reverse was the case. He found that in the course of the discussion upon the Act of 1890 the principle was then laid down that opposition on the part of townships proposed to be amalgamated should not necessarily prevail. That principle was acted upon in. the case of Tarn worth and Manchester in 1890, Birmingham in 1891, Richmond, in 1892, Southampton in 1895, Plymouth in 1896, Devizes in 1898, Harrogate in 1899, and in the session in the case of Stockport and South Shields an amalgamation scheme had been carried in the face of the opposition of some of the outlying townships. That being the case, he thought the Government was not bound to follow the direction of the Committee and to invent, if it could, a substitute for amalgamation. The presumption, if the procedure of Parliament was regarded, was in favour of amalgamation. For reasons which he fully shared—hon. Members for Ireland would perhaps not fully agree with him—but for reasons which he held as strongly as any of his friends, he had felt that it would be impolitic, and perhaps unfair, to proceed with amalgamation in this case. But, holding that view, he still thought that some adequate substitute must be provided for amalgamation which would safeguard the townships, and that he thought had been provided for by the Amendments of the Government without inflicting any indefensible loss on the ratepayers of the city of Dublin. He could only say that he would deeply regret to see the loss of this Bill, and he might be told that that might be the result of this House disagreeing with the Amendments that had come down from another place, and that they might be brought back to the melancholy deadlock of 1899. If this compromise, which had been worked out so carefully by the Joint Select Committee and adopted by the Government, was not assented to, it would undoubtedly lead to a revival of the question of amalgamation, and when it was considered that nearly £70,000 of the ratepayers' money had been spent already on this question, he did humbly submit that they ought to endeavour to find a fair solution which would put an end to this strife for ever. The Bill as it left this House would give a great deal to the townships, because they would maintain their separate existence, but that was accomplished without any injustice on the ratepayers of Dublin. It might be said, "Those may be your hopes, but they are doomed to disappointment," He did not think so. In 1899 they were in a very different position. They were almost at the last days of the session when the Lords' Amendments came down, and there was no time for further consideration. That was not the case now. But there was a more vital difference. Since then this Joint Select Committee of both Houses had given its advice, or, as he put it, a direction to this House and to the Government. It was not logical that, because a Committee of the other House had arrived at a conclusion opposite and antagonistic to the conclusion arrived at by the Committee of this House, therefore, they should throw the advice and direction of that Committee to the winds. Clearly a strong case was made for trying to get back if they could by some means to something like the situation which obtained last year—to a condition of affairs when both Houses were, side by side, taking cognisance of this matter. One House could not decide offhand on the assumption that the Committee of this House acted carelessly or ignorantly. He had tried to show that that was not the case—that the Committee of this House had before it Amendments carefully framed to meet the very evil which the other House had sought to remedy in another way. He thought it right; to make this preliminary statement in the House.

First two Lords' Amendments disagreed to without discussion.

On the Lords' Amendment in page 4, Clause 3 ("Equalisation of Rates"), Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

made some observations which were inaudible in the gallery.

said he might point out to the right hon. Member opposite that the very Committee that added the townships that he referred to was the Committee that made this strong recommendation in regard to the townships of Rathmines and Pembroke. The Joint Committee had before them the whole case. They added Drumcondra, New Kilmainham, and Clontarf; they gave them differential rates, and they excluded Rathmines and Pembroke, and recommended that, while excluding them, they should be brought in for the purpose of expenditure which was common to them and the other townships.

said he should like to point out that the Bill as it left this House embodied a number of Amendments to provide for this very point. As originally brought in by the promoters the Bill laid down the hard and fast date of the 31st day of March, 1902. The Government felt that that might bring about injustice, and, in order to avoid that, they left it to the Local Government Board in Ireland to extend the time, could reason be shown. There might very likely be good reasons for extending the time to a certain extent. Arising out of that, he might say this, that the townships had been revalued in recent years. Dublin had asked for a revaluation. It was impossible to say when that revaluation would be carried out, though it should be carried out in the course of the next few years. But clearly, the fact that one had been revalued and the other had not was an important factor. The advantage which the Government plan had over the rigid plan which had been inserted in the Bill in another place was that it allowed some elasticity and arbitration upon those matters, which could only be determined by impartial local and detailed examination into the exact circumstances both of the city and of the townships.

thought that, perhaps, as chairman of the Committee which dealt with this Bill, he might be allowed to say one word. He would remind the House that the cause of the appointment of the Joint Select Committee was this deadlock to which the right hon. Gentleman had alluded in 1900. The Committee were particularly pressed with the responsibility placed upon them to find some solution for that deadlock, so that these public bodies, the Corporation of Dublin and the local authorities of these townships, should not go on spending public money in a perpetual wrangle and fight on this vexed subject. They made a very thorough inquiry into the whole question, they held as many as twenty-five sittings, and they presented, as the right hon. Gentleman had said, a unanimous Report. He would only say that this Bill, as it left the House of Commons, and in the form to which the right hon. Gentleman now proposed to restore it, was in accordance with the unanimous recommendations of the Joint Select Committee. As regarded the particular point—that these burdens ought to be shared between the Corporation of Dublin and the townships, and not be borne by one or the other only, because they affected both alike—it seemed to him that by far the best plan was that recommended by the right hon. Gentleman.

Question put, and agreed to.

On the Lords' Amendment—in page 4, Clause 3, Sub-section 4 ("sixpenny limit")—motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do disagree with the Lords in the said Amendment."

* said that the Lords' Amendment simply carried into effect the unanimous recommendation of the Joint Select Committee of 1890. That Committee recommended the London. Equalisation Act of 1894 as a model, and this Act fixed the maximum additional rate at 6d. The Bill left the fixing of the additional rate absolutely to the Local Government Board in Ireland. He had every confidence in the Local Government Board as at present constituted, and believed that they would do their duty honestly and carefully; but at the same time he did not see why the recommendation of the Committee should not be adhered to, and some limit imposed. The joint expenditure of the corporation must be determined by the corporation of Dublin, which was far richer and more powerful than Rathmines and Pembroke, and there was considerable danger of their going to expenditure ruinous to the poorer districts if no maximum was fixed. The whole valuation of this district was only £256,000, and a sixpenny rate would amount to not less than £6,616 a year. No doubt Rathmines and Pembroke ought to make some contribution to the Dublin expenditure, but in the interest of economy there should be a limit fixed. If the Government do not approve of that in the Lords' Amendment they should suggest one themselves. He did not intend to divide the House; he would content himself with simply making this protest.

said he thought the right hon. Gentleman might rest assured that the interests of Rathmines and Pembroke were best preserved by the provision that the Local Government Board of Ireland should have some control over the expenditure. The Local Government Board had to give permission for almost all the expenditure in these schedules. The Local Government Board audited alike the accounts of the corporation and the accounts of the two townships, and therefore the Local Government Board would be in a position to judge whether the expenditure had been properly incurred, and this Bill imposed upon them discretion, even if they found it had been improperly incurred, still to determine how much ought to be charged to the townships. He thought too much had been made of the supposed analogy of the case of London. The matters which were the subject of equalisation in this Bill were, with one exception, equalised in the metropolitan area by a common charge upon all the various authorities. Take one item alone—the item for the charge of lunatics. The two workhouses, that for the townships as well as that for the city, were situated within the municipal boundaries of the city of Dublin. All pauper lunatics were sent to those two workhouses. If, on the proper principle of equalisation, it turned out that the rate should be 8½d., it was manifestly unfair to impose a limit of 6d. over the whole of this expenditure in the schedule. There could not be a better authority or a better system of rating as between the city and those two townships, if the townships did not take their place with the city in supervising the expenditure; but most undoubtedly, if they were contributing to a common expenditure, there could not be a better tribunal to determine what the proportion should 'be than the Local Government Board.

* thought that, as a member of the Joint Select Committee, he ought to say a word or two on this Amendment of the Lords. The right hon. Member for the University of Dublin had dwelt particularly on the fact that that Committee recommended the Government to follow the law equalising rates in London. Everybody who was in the least concerned with the Equalisation of Rates Act, which governed in London, knew that that was not a very happy precedent. No one who knew its working would seek to make its method of equalisation applicable to any other district. He was sure that the right hon. Gentleman who was chairman of the Committee would agree with him when he said that when they made this recommendation what they wished to do was this—to ask the Government and Parliament to sanction generally the principle of equalisation, and not in any way to sanction it as applied and carried out by the Equalisation of Rates Act for London. Speaking rather more generally, he would say—speaking, if he might be allowed, especially to hon. Gentlemen on that side of the House—that he did not think any member of the Committee would contradict him if he said that he was one of its members who was most reluctant to assent to any scheme which would include Rathmines and Pembroke in the city of Dublin; but, while he I held that view, he certainly was convinced that these two communities should contribute substantially and immediately to the expenditure which was for the common good of them and of Dublin. In his judgment the Bill, as it passed this House, was only making proper provision for the contribution that should be borne by Rathmines and Pembroke. He therefore hoped the House would reject this Amendment of the Lords, and restore the Bill to the form in which it left this House.

said perhaps he might be allowed to point out that the Government introduced an Amendment on Clause 4 of the Bill, which ran as follows—

"In determining the proportion payable in respect of any head and expenditure to or by the Corporation of a district council, the Local Government Board shall take into account the relative benefit derived by the city and urban districts respectively from such expenditure and such other circumstances as appear to the Board proper to be taken into account."

Those were very wide words, and it was not surprising that at first the promoters demurred to them; however, in the end they accepted this Amendment proposed by the Government, and therefore the Local Government Board had the fullest power to take every circumstance into account. He was glad the House had been assured by members of the Joint Select Committee that the words he had just read embodied the intention of the Committee. When the Committee recommended that the principle of the law equalising rates in London should be followed, they did not mean to refer to the one Act dealing with lighting, public health, and roads. In the schedule to this Bill many other purposes were also mentioned—markets, reformatory and industrial schools, and lunatic asylums. His right hon. friend the Member for the University of Dublin had said that he was as anxious as anyone that this question should be dealt with fairly; but surely he was not prepared to follow a superficial analogy with the London Bill, and by so doing to exclude altogether from the operation of this Act three important heads, under which the townships derived considerable benefit t It was said that other parts of Ireland also sent their lunatics to Dublin. That was perfectly true, but the Local Government Board was there to arbitrate, and see that these two townships only paid for the value that they received; so he thought that that argument fell to the ground. There were many differences between, the circumstances of Dublin and the; circumstances of London. London was a municipal entity. Under the Act of 1887 other rates might be imposed besides those imposed up to the date of that legislation. Again, in the case of London the ratepayer who paid a different rate in Kensington to that paid by the ratepayer, say in Whitechapel, did so because in a very direct manner it was for his benefit that the artisans should live in Whitechapel. But in the present case many of those who lived in Pembroke and Rathmines were compelled to carry on their business in Dublin. They used these roads, lights, and markets six days out of seven throughout the whole year. He had indicated three very substantial differences between the case of Dublin and that of London, and he must ask the House to agree with him that the Government had more accurately interpreted the intentions of the Joint Select Committee than the Committee which sat in another place.

, as a Member of the House of Commons Com- mittee which considered this Bill in 1900, thought he might be allowed to say two words. The fact was that the very matter which was suggested before, the House of Commons Select Committee was whether or not the London precedent was bound to be exactly followed. It appeared to the Committee that though they were bound to do their best to carry out the principle which the London Act aimed at, and to apply the principle of equalisation which that Act embodied, they were not bound to follow the precise method adopted in that Act. It was a great satisfaction to him, and he was sure to all other members of the House of Commons' Committee to hear on the authority of members of the Joint Committee that that was the view taken by the Joint Committee themselves.

said perhaps it was only right that he should confirm the statement made by the hon. Gentleman opposite as to the view of the Joint Committee. They distinctly adopted the precedent of London for the equalisation of rates, but they did not mean to restrict that to the one Act of 1894. They knew that in London there was a system by which for various reasons the richer part of the Metropolis took burdens greater than those taken by other parts of London. But in laying down the principle that the burdens should be shared, the Committee certainly did not mean—he was sure that he might speak for every member of the Committee as to this—to bind down the Government or the Corporation of Dublin to follow the particular Act by which equalisation was arrived at between the various communities in London.

Question put, and agreed to.

The remaining Amendments of the Lords were also disagreed with.

Committee appointed to draw up Reasons to be assigned to the Lords for disagreeing to certain of their Amendments to the Bill.

Committee nominated of: Mr. Wyndham, Mr. Attorney General for Ireland. Mr. Solicitor General, Sir Ughtred Kay Shuttle worth, Mr. Lecky, Mr. Harring- ton, and Mr. Whitmore. Three to be the Quorum.—( Mr. Wyndham .)

To withdraw immediately.

CHRIST'S HOSPITAL (LONDON) BILL [Lords]

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

HARROGATE WATER BILL [Lords]

King's Consent signified; Bill read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

NEWPORT (ISLE OF WIGHT) GAS BILL [Lords]

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

TYNESIDE TRAMWAYS AND TRAMROADS BILL [Lords]. (BY ORDER.)

As amended, considered; Amendments made; Bill to be read the third time.

SMETHWICK CORPORATION BILL [Lords]. (Br ORDER.)

As amended, considered; Amendments made; Bill to be read the third time.

BIRMINGHAM (CITY) TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]. (BY ORDER.)

As amended, considered; Amendments made; Bill to be read the third time.

SOUTH LANCASHIRE TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]. (BY ORDER.)

As amended, considered; to be read the third time.

ELECTRIC LIGHTING PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 11) BILL [Lords]

PIER AND HARBOUR PROVISIONAL ORDERS (No. 3) BILL [Lords]

TRAMWAYS ORDERS CONFIRMATION (No. 2) BILL [Lords]

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

GLASGOW CORPORATION (TRAMWAYS AND GENERAL) ORDER CONFIRMATION BILL [Lords]

[UNDER THE PRIVATE LEGISLATION PROCEDURE (SCOTLAND) ACT, 1899.]

Read the third time, and passed, without amendment.

EDUCATION BOARD PROVISIONAL, ORDER (LONDON), BILL [Lords]

Ordered, That the Stepney Borough Council be at liberty to attend by Counsel and Agent and give evidence before the Committee on the above Bill at their sitting on Thursday, 1st August, in respect of the Blakeley Street Site.—( Sir J. Gorst. )

MANCHESTER AND LIVERPOOL ELECTRIC EXPRESS RAILWAY BILL [Lords]

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

HENDON TRAMWAYS BILL [Lords]

Reported [Preamble not proved]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Railway Bills (Group 11.)

reported from the Committee on Group 11 of Railway Bills; That, there being no business ready for their consideration, the Committee had adjourned till Thursday next, at half-past. Twelve of the clock.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Private Bills (Group P)

reported from, the Committee on Group P of Private Bills; That, for the convenience of parties, they had adjourned till Thursday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.

Report to lie upon the Table.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to, Local Government Provisional Order (Port) Bill, without amendment.

That they have agreed to, Shireoaks, Laughton, and Maltby Railway Bill; Metropolitan Electric Supply Bill; London and India Bocks (New Works) Bill; Brighton Corporation Bill; Clyde Valley Electrical Power Bill; Glasgow and South Western Railway Bill, with Amendments.

That they have agreed to, Amendment to Albion Steam Coal Company Bill [Lords].

That they have agreed to, Amendments to Chester Corporation Tramways Bill [Lords]; Manchester Corporation. Bill [Lords], without amendment.

Agricultural Rates Act (1896), Etc., Continuance Bill

Petition of the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Charity Commission Schemes (Tenure of Office of Head and Assistant Teachers)

Petition of Thomas Allen, for inquiry by a Royal Commission; to lie upon the Table.

Education Bill

Petitions against, from Hull; Newcastle-on-Tyne; London (four); Manchester (three); Westminster; Glasgow; Charlton; Huddersfield; Burton-on-Trent; Hanley; Leicester; and Sunderland; to lie upon the Table.

Education of the Blind (Scotland) Bill

Petition from Paisley, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Lands Valuation (Scotland) Act (1854) Amendment Bill

Petition from Paisley, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children Bill

Petitions in favour, from Waun Llwyd; Ebbw Vale; and Victoria (Monmouthshire); to lie upon the Table.

Sale of Intoxicating Liquors to Children (Scotland) Bill

Petition from Alvah, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Returns, Reports, Etc

Railways (Continuous Brakes)

Copy presented, of Return by Railway Companies of the United Kingdom for the six months ending the 31st December, 1900 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Register House, Edinburgh

Copy presented, of Order by the Secretary for Scotland prescribing the con- ditions of appointment to Clerkships in His Majesty's General Register House, Edinburgh [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Evictions (Ireland)

Copy presented, of Return of Evictions in Ireland for the quarter ended 30th June, 1901 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Fisheries (Ireland)

Copy presented, of Report of Inspectors of Irish Fisheries on the Sea and Inland Fisheries of Ireland for 1900 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 2673 and 2674 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Paper Laid Upon the Table by the Clerk of the House

Chamber of London—Annual Accounts of the Chamberlain of London for the year 1900 [by Act]; to be printed. [No. 292.]

South African Telegraphs

Copy ordered, "of the Agreement made the 27th day of July, 1901, between His Majesty's Government, the Governments of Cape Colony and Natal, the British South Africa Company, and the Eastern and South African Telegraph Companies for the Transmission of telegraph traffic to and from South Africa; together with a copy of the Treasury Minute thereon, dated the 29th day of July, 1901.— ( Mr. Austen Chamberlain. )

Copy presented accordingly; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No.293.]

Questions

Questions

South Africa—Civil Administration of New Colonies

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he proposes to lay before the House in greater detail than he has yet done the proposals of His Majesty's Government regarding the civil administration of the Transvaal and Orange River Colonies before asking the House to vote supplies for that purpose.

I have to refer the hon. Member to an answer on the same subject which I gave to the hon. Member for Banff on Tuesday, 11th June.†

Concentration Camps—Miss Hobhouse's Suggestions

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether Miss Hobhouse's suggestions with regard to the management and care of the women and children in the concentrated camps have been adopted by the War Office; whether Miss Hobhouse has requested to be allowed to proceed again to South Africa, in order to give help in the work of charitable relief in the camps; and whether such assistance has been accepted or refused, and, if refused, on what grounds.

I communicated to Miss Hobhouse on 27th June in detail the points on which the Government had been able to adopt suggestions made by her in respect of concentration camps. Miss Hobhouse requested leave to return to South Africa to represent the "South Africa Distress Fund," the officials of which wrote officially proposing that their representatives should undertake in the camps functions similar to those discharged at home by women guardians of the poor. I have been forced to decline Miss Hobhouse's proposal, in common with those of several other ladies representing philanthropic agencies, as the Government have appointed a committee of their own, and are of opinion that the establishment of independent committees in camps controlled by the Government would lead to difficulty.

Sannah's Post Engagement

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the despatch of General Broadwood on the Sannah's Post defeat has been published in its original form; and can he state what explanation, if any, there is of the circumstance that in the despatch written three weeks after the engagement there is no mention of the fact that General Broadwood had telegraphed twice for reinforcements.

General Broadwood's despatch was published exactly as it was received by the War Office. I have no further statement to make with regard to it.

Can the right hon. Gentleman explain the curious circumstance that no notice was taken in the despatch of the fact that General Broadwood telegraphed twice for reinforcements?

Vlakfontein—Alleged Abandonment of British Wounded

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether on the night of 30th May the British forces at Vlakfontein retired under cover of the night to Naauwpoort Nek, leaving all their wounded in the camp at Vlakfontein, and whether the wounded were all captured by the Boers on the following morning; and, if so, whether he can inform the House what has become of these wounded men.

In reply to inquiries Lord Kitchener telegraphed as follows—

"General Dixon reports that when he marched from Vlakfontein night of 30th May, for Naauwpoort, he left his hospital which contained many serious cases to move by daylight 31st May along good road directing for Krugersdorp. This he did. Some six or eight Boers came in sight of the hospital, but in no way molested it."

Imperial Yeomanry—Arrears of Pay—Distribution of Medals

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the 58th Company of the Imperial Yeomanry returned to England on the 25th June; that on the 24th July they had still not been paid off; and that there was an officer of the company in England, who might have been employed to pay the men, but that he was allowed to resign before the aforesaid company was paid; can he explain why this officer, who alone knew to what medal clasps the men of the company were entitled, was allowed to resign, and thus prevent the medal rolls being properly made out to enable the men to receive their due at the hands of His Majesty at the presentation of medals on 26th July; and will he state whether these men were sent home from South Africa without any documents; and whether they are entitled to receive pay until these papers are sent to England and the men are finally discharged.

This company has been demobilised. I am making inquiries into the facts mentioned by the hon. Member, and I shall be glad if he will furnish me with particulars of any specific case of hardship.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the fact that thirty-two noncommissioned officers and men declined to attend the presentation of medals by the King on the Horse Guards Parade on Friday, on the grounds that they cannot submit to be decorated while the wives and families of some of them are starving through their pay being in arrear, and whether he will investigate the alleged grievance of the men and provide some arrangement by which they may receive their pay more promptly in future.

I am not aware of the matters alleged in the question. On the contrary, the applications received to attend the parade were far in excess of the number who could be accommodated. In a corps not organised as regulars the settlement of these accounts is not easy, but every effort is being made to meet the difficulty. As I have already told the House, orders have been given for a payment of four-fifths of the sums which appear to be due to the men.

Soldiers' Private Property

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that in consequence of orders issued by the officer in command of troops on board the steamship "Kent," in February, 1900, all revolvers and pistols in possession of the troops conveyed by that ship had to be given up to the troop leaders on arrival at Cape Town, and that Trooper G. W. Roberts, No. 3,622, 29th Company Imperial Yeomanry, in pursuance of such orders, gave up to Lieutenant C. Wynne Eyton a Mauser pistol, which he had received as a present from a relation, and that on his return on applying for the pistol he was unable to obtain the same, and was informed by Sergeant-Major Bruton that it was lost; and whether he will make inquiries into the matter and see that the pistol or its value shall be restored to Mr. Roberts.

I am not aware of the matters alluded to. All grievances of soldiers should be referred by them to their commanding officer in the manner prescribed in the regulations. Until, therefore, it is clearly shown that every legitimate attempt to obtain redress has been tried and has failed I should not be prepared to institute any inquiries.

Deceased Soldiers' Estates—Case of Griffith-Griffiths

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that Shoeing-smith J. Griffiths, No. 3,708, 29th Company Imperial Yeomanry, son of Griffith-Griffiths, Old Cottage, Aber, near Bangor, died of wounds at No. 8 General Hospital, Bloemfontein, early in December, 1900, having in his possession over £5 in coin, which a fellow trooper handed to Sergeant Smith, of the hospital staff, and that neither this money, nor the pay due to the deceased soldier, nor any of his personal possessions (other than a few trifling things that were taken care of by his fellow trooper) have been delivered to his parents; and whether he will make inquiries to ascertain what is the cause of the delay.

The final statement of the deceased soldier's account not having been received from South Africa, and no application having been made, by the relatives, the money in the hands of the War Office was not issued. The hon. Member's letter has been treated as an application, and the necessary forms have been sent to Mr. Griffiths to fill in.

Volunteers and the New Army Organisation Scheme

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state what number of Volunteer battalions have accepted the conditions laid down in the Army scheme to qualify them for inclusion in the new army corps; and whether it is intended to modify these conditions.

Twenty-five battalions accepted the conditions laid down in the Army scheme, but the date of its introduction necessarily made it difficult this year for all to make arrangements to fulfil the special conditions with regard to camp. No question has arisen of modifying the conditions.

Return of the Seaforth Highlanders

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War, in view of the fact that the War Office regulations will not admit of the grant of any pecuniary compensation to the dependents of the late Private Macaulay, 3rd Seaforth Highlanders, who lost his life as the result of exposure to the weather when making the passage with his regiment from Kyle of Lochalsh to Stornoway on the night of the 11th June, in one of M'Brayne's steamers, which was quite unprovided with any kind of shelter, will the Department communicate with Mr. M'Brayne with the object of obtaining some compensation, seeing that it was his duty to provide A suitable steamer for these troops.

The question of a claim for compensation from the owners of the steamer is one for the consideration of the dependents of the soldier concerned.

Defective Mark Iv. Bullets

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury, in view of the fact that 50,000,000 defective Mark IV. bullets were manufactured, and that 4,500,000 of these bullets were so defective that they had to be broken up, will he say when an opportunity will be afforded for discussing the Vote affecting this question.

I find that the hon. Member has already asked this question four or five times.

He has addressed it to the Department concerned, and any further question on the subject should be put to that Department.

Does the right hon. Gentleman know that the noble Lord who represents the Department will not give me any information? That is why I apply to the right hon. Gentleman.

4th Volunteer Battalion, Norfolk Regiment—Case of S. J. Y. Brock

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been drawn to the case of S. J. Y. Brock, late colour-sergeant of the A Company, 4th Volunteer Battalion, Norfolk regiment, who has been reduced to the rank of corporal, owing to his inability, through pressure of private business, to attend camp for a fortnight; and whether there have been many other cases in which Volunteer battalions have been deprived of the services of thoroughly efficient non-commissioned officers of long service, as a result of the substitution of a fortnight's training in camp instead of one week.

Nothing has been reported to the War Office with regard lo this case or any other similar cases referred to in the question.

Reduction of Court-Martial Sentences

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether any inquiry has yet been made into the case of Private Ryan, who is now undergoing a sentence of three years penal servitude in Stafford Gaol for sleeping on his post in South Africa, and, as this boy was the support of a widowed mother, will his release be now ordered.

The circumstances of a soldier's mother cannot justify his escaping the penalty of a serious military crime, but his sentence of penal servitude was reduced after consideration by the Commander-in-Chief.

Army Medical Department—Promotions

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he can state why the promotions due in the Army Medical Department on the late Director General's retirement on 1st June last have not been gazetted.

The various measures for the reorganisation of the Department are not yet completed.

And am I to understand that that is the sole reason why the promotions have been delayed?

[No answer was returned.]

8th King's Liverpool Regiment

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he can state the object of disbanding two battalions of the Liverpool Regiment, when out of the eight battalions of the garrison regiments which were to be raised only two battalions and a part of a third battalion have been formed up to the present time, and having regard to the fact that the garrison battalions can only serve in non-tropical climates, whereas the disbanded battalions of the Liverpool Regiment had been the subjects of favourable reports, and were as regulars liable to be ordered to stations without regard to the country or climate, whether he will undertake to reconsider the disbandment of these battalions.

If the hon. Member will kindly refer to my reply to a question put by my hon. friend the Member for the Devizes Division of Wiltshire on the 25th instant, † he will find the reasons stated.

The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the latter part of my question?

I have said that careful consideration will be given to all these matters.

Hounslow Barracks Drainage

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War, in view of the fact that the original estimate for reconstructing the drainage of Hounslow Barracks was £6,500, and rose by successive stages to £11,092, will he state who is responsible for the original estimate, who was the contractor, and whether the work was carried out by contract and to specification.

The attention of the Department has been drawn to this matter. The excess on the estimate was unquestionably large, but it must be remembered that there are considerable difficulties in accurately estimating the cost of drainage work before operations are to some extent advanced, and especially so in the case of old barrack buildings, as in the present instance. Steps will be taken to avoid a similar occurrence in future.

Will the noble Lord give me the information asked for in the last part of my question?

Navy—Interchangeable Steering Gear

* : I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether the steering gear of H.M.S. "Cressy" and "Aboukir" is interchangeable.

The steering gear of the "Cressy" and "Aboukir" is not made interchangeable in all its parts, although the general design is the same.

* : Is the question of interchangeability being considered, with reference to the "Canopus" class, for instance?

Yes, Sir; the delay in this case has arisen from the difficulty of placing another steering gear under the steel deck of the "Cressy."

* : Can the hon. Gentleman say when the repairs to the "Cressy" will be completed?

Naval ManœUvres—Roman Catholic Chaplains for the Fleet

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he will inform the House how many vessels of the Royal Navy it is proposed shall take part in the forthcoming Autumn Manœuvres, and the total number of Roman Catholic seamen thereon; and whether, in view of the circumstances attending those engagements, and the length of time the Fleet will be at sea, the Admiralty will consider the advisability of giving effect to the Minute of May, 1878, by the appointment of a Roman Catholic chaplain to each squadron going on cruise.

The Commander-in-Chief in the Mediterranean will be authorised to accommodate the Roman Catholic chaplain, now attached to the Mediterranean squadron, on board one of the ships on the occasion of the ensuing cruise of the combined squadrons in the Atlantic.

German Tariffs on Canadian Products

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether negotiations are being carried on with Germany for the removal of the embargo placed on Canadian products by the German Government; in view of recent agitation in Canada, and resolutions passed by the Montreal Corn Exchange and the Toronto Board of Trade urging retaliatory measures against Germany because of continued tariff discrimination, can the Government give any assurance that efforts will be made to secure for Canada the advantages of a most favoured nation clause in a commercial treaty.

* : Negotiations are not at present being carried on with the German Government in regard to the treatment of Canadian products by that Government, but the important questions raised by the hon. Member are receiving the serious consideration of His Majesty's Government.

Soudan—Education of Natives—Gordon College

I beg to ask the Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can state what steps have been taken to develop and extend technical education and the teaching of trades to native boys in the Soudan; and whether it is intended to make technical education a considerable part of the instruction to be given at Gordon College.

* : I have no information beyond what is contained in Sir Reginald Wingate's Report on the Soudan, which will be found in the Parliamentary Paper, Egypt, No. 1 (1901). Under the heading of Education, on pages 75 to 77, my hon. friend will find some observations on the subject of the proposed establishment of an industrial school in Khartoum.

Beer Bill—Precautions Against Arsenical Poisoning

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board, now that the Beer Bill has been withdrawn, what measures the Government propose to adopt to prevent the introduction of deleterious or poisonous substances into beer, more particularly as the Royal Commission on Arsenical Poisoning in their Report just issued express opinions conflicting with the Majority Report of the Beer Materials Committee, and again emphasise the fact that neither the Inland Revenue Department nor the Public Health authorities appear to possess powers or machinery adequate for the efficient protection of the public.

I cannot accept my hon. friend's premises. The Beer Bill proposed no machinery for preventing the introduction of deleterious or poisonous substances into beer, and, as the presence of arsenic in beer was not suggested as a subject particularly deserving the consideration of the Beer Materials Committee, the Report of the Royal Commission, which was confined to that point, can hardly be said to conflict with the Report of the Committee. But I may say that, so far as the action of the Inland Revenue authorities is concerned, I am disposed to adopt the recommendations of the Royal Commission, assuming that measures can be devised for carrying them into effect. No time will be lost in considering this, but it may possibly be found to require, legislation. Any recommendations as to the action of the Public Health authorities would rest with the Local Government Board.

May I ask who will be responsible in the interval between now and the time of the intro- duction of legislation for looking after the health of the people in this matter?

Liverpool Reformatory Ship "Clarence."

* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that the institution known as the Liverpool Reformatory ship "Clarence" is to be broken up and the inmates, who, since the destruction of that vessel, have been housed at St. David's College, Mold, are to be transferred from the charge of Commander Yonge, R.N., to that of a foreign religious brotherhood for instruction in agricultural work; can he state the reasons for discontinuing an institution which has supplied the mercantile marine with some fifty trained British seamen per annum; and what provision is to be made for the boys, over 100 in number, who are at present ready or nearly ready for sea, as well as for other boys from the same source who may in the future prefer to follow the sea as a calling.

* : The reformatory ship "Clarence" was burnt some time ago, and the boys have since then been housed at St. David's College, Mold. That building has, however, to be vacated next month, and, pending the settlement of future arrangements, the Roman Catholic Reformatory Association, who conduct the reformatory institution, have given notice of their intention to surrender the certificate which they have hitherto held for it. This need not interfere with the boys who are ready or nearly ready for sea, as they can be sent there in precisely the same manner as before, and it will be open to the association to arrange in the future that boys under their care shall, where desirable, be trained for the sea. I think records show that they are fully alive to the importance of doing so. It can be done whether the boys are housed ashore or afloat. As to the future, I understand that Captain Yonge's employment will probably terminate, but other arrangements are still uncertain. One of the difficulties in continuing the work done by the "Clarence" is a financial one, and in order to do my part towards meeting this I have prevailed on the Treasury to increase, for a time, the grant per head for the maintenance of the boys on condition that the Liverpool Corporation increase their contribution from 2s. a week per head to 2s. 6d. The Corporation have not hitherto seen their way to agreeing to do this. I do not despair of some satisfactory settlement being arranged.

* asked the right hon. Gentleman if he was aware that when the Liverpool Corporation considered the application for an increased grant they were under the impression that nautical instruction was to be discontinued in the school.

* : I am not aware of that. In that case perhaps the Liverpool Corporation will communicate with me.

Plumbism in the Printing Trade

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, seeing that the cases of plumbism in the printing trade for last year were one in every 3,000 persons employed in type-setting, he will take any steps to exempt printers, bookbinders, and kindred trades from the operations of the lead-poisoning clause in the Bill for amending and consolidating the Factory Acts.

* : Since this matter was under discussion by the Grand Committee on the Factory Bill I have come to the conclusion that some alteration of the clause in question is necessary; and I am now considering the precise words of the Amendment which I will place on the Paper for the purpose.

London Sanitation—Removal of Stable Refuse

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he will consider the advisability of so amending the Public Health (London) Act, 1891, as to require the Metropolitan Borough Councils to undertake or contract for the removal of stable manure and refuse in the Metropolis, as this duty, which is necessary in the interests of public health, cannot be efficiently carried out by horse owners themselves.

I have noted this point for consideration, but I cannot promise to propose legislation on the subject.

Bovine and Human Tuberculosis —Proposed Commission

On behalf of the hon. Member for the St. Patrick Division of Dublin, I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware of the resolution unanimously passed at the Tuberculosis Congress asking for the appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into and report upon the communicability of bovine tuberculosis to the human species, and whether the Government will consider the advisability of appointing such a Commission, and include in it practical men acquainted with the meat and milk trade, together with agriculturists and scientists.

I am aware of the resolution passed at the congress as to an inquiry on this subject. The matter is receiving the attention of the Government, but they have not at present arrived at a decision with regard to it.

Thames Upper Reaches

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board is he aware that the upper reaches of the Thames are foul and unhealthy owing to surreptitious output and disregard of regulations, and that riverside people and watermen are protesting against present conditions, and whether the Local Government Board will make due inquiry and take action to abate the nuisance and enforce the regulations.

I have not received complaints of the kind referred to, but I will communicate with the] Conservators of the River Thames on the subject.

Avoch (Ross-Shire) Channel Lighting

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether the Northern Lighthouse Commissioners will arrange in the Estimates for next year to provide funds for the placing of lights on the five buoys which indicate the channel off Avoch, Ross-shire.

I am informed by the Commissioners of Northern Lighthouses that the question of lighting the buoys in Avoch Channel will be carefully considered by them when the Estimates for next year are being framed.

Northern Lighthouse Board

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade, in view of the fact that the Lord Advocate and Solicitor General for Scotland are members of the Northern Lighthouse Board, will he say on how many occasions these gentlemen have respectively attended meetings of the board each year during the last five years.

I am informed that neither the Lord Advocate nor the Solicitor General for Scotland are in the habit of attending the meetings of the board.

Will the right hon. Gentleman arrange to fill their places with members who will attend?

[No answer was returned.]

North Sea Fisheries Researches

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether, in view of the interest of Great Britain in the North Sea, and of the fact that each of the minor Powers of Europe interested in fisheries have announced their intention of commissioning one ship for scientific research next spring, the British Government will send at least two new vessels for that purpose, it being admitted that the "Garland" is not seaworthy.

This matter is engaging the attention of the Government, but I am not in a position to make any definite statement at present.

New German Tariff

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade if he will take immediate steps to disseminate information respecting the new German tariff proposals which are causing so much uneasiness amongst traders interested in our exports to that country.

Translations of the principal sections of the proposed German tariff will be published in the weekly Board of Trade Journal. Those relating to cotton and woollen yarns and manufactures will appear in this week's issue, published on Thursday. A meeting of the Advisory Committee on Commercial Intelligence, to which the hon. Member belongs, has also been summoned to consider the matter, and a comparative statement of the existing and proposed duties chiefly affecting British traders is being prepared by the Board of Trade for the information of this Committee and for presentation to Parliament.

Canada and Cattle Disease Regulations

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether, now that pleuropneumonia has been found not to exist in Canada, there is any reason for maintaining the law excluding Canadian cattle; and, if so, can he state what the reason is.

* : The hon. Member seems to suppose that Canada is treated differently in this respect from other countries. The law provides that where there is any risk of importing foot-and-mouth disease from any country no cattle from that country can be allowed to land here even for Immediate slaughter at the port of landing. Where there is no such apparent risk cattle are allowed to land for the purpose of immediate slaughter only, and Canada and the United States are practically the only countries satisfying this condition. From no country are they allowed to land for any other purpose.

Night School Grants—Minute of 3rd July

I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he will state under what Vote the grants are to be asked for in the case of the night schools which are in the future to be organised as not coming under the Elementary Education Acts; and if under the Education Vote it will be competent for the Board of Education to administer those grants wherever offered in respect of elementary subjects except under the conditions as to the observance of the Conscience Clause and of the 17s 6d. limit as laid down in the Education Acts of 1870 and 1876.

Grants will be asked for under the Vote for the Board of Education. The answer to the second part of the question is yes, unless the school is conducted as a public elementary school under Clause 21 of the Minute.

Public Elementary Night Schools

I beg to ask the Vice-President of the Committee of Council on Education whether he will state why it has been decided by his Department that a public elementary night school cannot be held in the same building as an evening school not so organised without the express sanction of the Board of Education.

Because the Board of Education would require to be assured that the expenditure on the two schools was kept entirely distinct.

Musselburgh Infectious Diseases Hospital

I beg to ask the Lord Advocate whether he is aware that the burgh of Musselburgh has been in correspondence with the Local Government Board with respect to the Board's refusal to allow the burgh to make certain alterations in the Mussel burgh Infectious Diseases Hospital, which the burgh represent was in 1887 approved by the Board of Supervision after inquiry by the Board's adviser, who reported favourably on the site, plans being thereupon approved by the Board, and a loan granted for twenty-five years; whether he is aware that, when in 1889 refusing permission for the alterations, the Board condemned both the site and buildings of the hospital, and that the Board's same adviser, who reported favourably on the same site in 1887, condemned site and buildings in 1900; can he explain these alternate reports by the same official; and, should the action of the Local Government Board be found to be in order, whether steps will be taken to give compensation to the burgh of Musselburgh.

* : I learn from the Local Government Board for Scotland that there has been a correspondence with the local authority of the burgh of Mussel burgh regarding the proposed alterations in the Mussel burgh Infectious Diseases Hospital. The site and plans were approved by the Board of Supervision in 1887, at a time when the Board had no powers to insist on the erection of a proper hospital, and when, also, sanitation was much less advanced than it now is as regards isolation of infectious diseases. The building then approved was probably the best that could be made out of premises not erected for hospital purposes; it was better than no hospital at all, and, indeed, greatly superior to the old cholera hospital. The date referred to—namely, 1889—is erroneous. The Board had no correspondence with the local authority in 1889 regarding the matter. It was not until April, 1899, that, in view of certain proposed alterations in the existing buildings, the Board intimated that they had come to the conclusion that the hospital was not proper and adequate, and that no alterations would make it so. It fails in every necessary of a modern hospital for the treatment of infectious disease, is entirely unworthy of a burgh of the importance of Mussel burgh, and, in view of the proposal for alterations, the Board's desire in raising the whole question at present is to save the local authority expenditure which would be thrown away. I am informed that the Board have no information regarding the loan referred to.

Inland Revenue—Promotions in the Clerical Department

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he will state the number of clerks in the Department of Inland Revenue who qualified for promotion at the examination held in August, 1900, and who have not yet received promotion, when they are likely to receive promotion; whether his attention has been called to the statement of grievances submitted on behalf of the clerks to the Commissioners of Inland Revenue in December, 1900; and whether he will make a personal inquiry into the grievances alleged in that statement.

THE FINANCIAL SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY
(Mr. AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN, Worcestershire, E.)

Twenty-seven clerks to collectors of Inland Revenue qualified, of whom twenty-one have not yet been promoted. The date of promotion necessarily depends upon vacancies in the higher classes. I have carefully examined the statement of grievances referred to and have also seen the reply made by the Board of Inland Revenue to the memorialists. In this reply the Board stated that they were unable to recommend to the Treasury any of the measures proposed by the memorialists, and they gave their reasons for this refusal. With those reasons I concur.

Registered Letter Duties in the Post Office

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, if he will state what method or rule is adopted in selecting sorters for the performance of registered letter duties; and, having regard to the value of the correspondence that passes through these officer's hands, whether consideration will be given for an allowance for this particular work, to ensure the better safeguarding of the bankers', jewellers', and stockbrokers' property in course of transit by registered post; and, will he state whether officers in receipt of£58 per annum are employed on these responsible duties.

As vacancies occur on the list of men employed in sorting registered letters they are filled by others who have been trained in the duties as substitutes for those of the regular force during the period of annual leave. No man with a salary of less than £64 a year or of less than two years service is placed permanently on registered letter sorting; but it sometimes happens that a man with £58 a year may as a substitute have to perform elementary duties of this class. It is not proposed to grant any special allowance to men employed on these duties.

E. C. Postmen's Grievances

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he can explain why a memorial addressed to the Postmaster General on 27th September, 1900, from a representative meeting of E.G. postmen, in which the memorialists drew attention to various matters affecting them, which they had laid before the Department in successive papers dating as far back as January, 1898, has not, after ten months, been even acknowledged; and, whether the interview on these matters, which the memorialists have often pressed for, and which has several times been deferred by the Postmaster General, may now be granted.

One memorial dated the 25th September, 1900, from the postmen in the Eastern Central District was received and answered in due course by the Postmaster General; but it now appears that another memorial of the same date and from the same body has, through inadvertence, not been acknowledged by the Postmaster General. Nevertheless, the representations contained in it have been fully inquired into, in connection with proposals for a revision of the staff of City postmen, which are about to be submitted to the Postmaster General. They involve many matters of minute detail more or less affecting the postmen's duties, and these will of course be examined; and if the Postmaster General should find it desirable to confer with the men upon them he will not hesitate to afford them an interview.

Delay in Payment of Postmen's Increments

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether he can state why the annual increments to the postmen at the Eastern Central District Office on 1st April were on this year not paid until in some cases three weeks later; and whether, having regard to the fact that in previous years these increments have been paid promptly when due, and in view of the inconvenience caused to the men, he will take the measures necessary to prevent any delay in the future.

It was not found practicable to have all the men's records examined in time to admit of the increments in every case being paid on the Saturday following the 1st of April. Arrangements have been made which the Postmaster General hopes will prevent similar delay in future.

Glyndwyfrdwy Postal Arrangements

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury, as representing the Postmaster General, whether, as the village of Carrog is within a few miles of Glyndwyfrdwy, on the same line of railway, and under the same head district office, it is possible to give Glyndwyfrdwy the same postal facilities as enjoyed by Carrog.

In framing the answer to the hon. Member's question yesterday, the Postmaster General did not lose sight of the fact that the village of Carrog has a despatch by the train which passes through Glyndwyfrdwy at 9·7 p.m., but for the reasons already stated he regrets that it is not practicable to afford similar facilities at Glyndwyfrdwy.

Technical Instruction at Valentia, Co. Kerry

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that an application has been received by the Congested Districts Board for a grant towards the erection of a hall in Valentia, county Kerry, in which instruction can be given in domestic economy, in net mending, and other purposes, which come under the cognisance of the Board, and whether such application will be favourably considered.

An application of this nature has been received by the Board. It could not entertain the proposal unless a scheme of technical instruction be agreed upon between the County Council, the Board, and the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction. If such a scheme be submitted by the County Council the matter will be further considered.

Judicial Rents in Co. Kerry—Mary Spillane's Case

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the case of Mary Spillane, Castlegregory, county Kerry, whose judicial rent was raised, on appeal by the landlord, from £7 14s. to £11 5s. in one holding, and from £5 5s. to £6 2s. in a second holding; and, seeing that in the first case the houses, which constitute three-fourths of the value of the holding, were built by the occupying tenant without any help from the landlord, and that both those decisions of the Chief Land Commission are in excess of the valuation arrived at by the court valuer, whether he will take steps to have this matter reconsidered by the Commissioners.

I have no cognisance of the matters referred to in the second paragraph, and no control over the Land Commissioners in the exercise of their judicial functions. The reply to the concluding inquiry is, therefore, in the negative.

Rae Estate, Co. Kerry

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state when the Rae Estate, Keel, county Kerry, was put into court, when it was taken out, what steps were taken while this estate was in court to effect a sale, what was the cause of taking the estate out of court without effecting a sale, what is the valuation of this estate, and what is the rental at present paid for it.

The petition for the sale of this estate was presented in April, 1882, and dismissed, by consent, in May, 1900. No effective steps had been taken to bring the estate to a sale. The Land Judge has no information as to the reasons which induced the parties interested to apply for the dismissal of the petition. They were all agreed in this course, and the law entitled them to obtain the order. I have no information on the last two queries.

What was the opinion of Judge Ross on this case?

[No answer was returned.]

Irish Valuation Appeals

On behalf of the hon. Member for the St. Patrick Division of Dublin, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how many appeals against the decisions of the Commissioner of Valuations have been brought before the county and superior courts within the past twelve months; whether he can state in how many of these cases have his valuations been upheld, and in how many they have been quashed.

Out of 26,000 cases dealt with by the Commissioner of Valuations during the past year appeals were lodged to quarter sessions in twelve cases only. In one of these cases his decision was varied, and in another case which was taken to the Superior Court his ruling was reversed.

Belfast Valuation Appeals

On behalf of the hon. Member for the St. Patrick Division of Dublin, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the number of appeals lodged against the new valuations made in Belfast; whether any such number of appeals have been made in England where the local authorities are the rating authorities; and whether the Government will consider the advisability of extending the English system to Ireland.

The number of appeals in respect of the revaluation of Belfast is 7,023, representing about 14 per cent, of the entire valuations made. All these appeals are to the Commissioner of Valuation, and it is not anticipated that one-tenth of them will be taken to quarter sessions. I may observe that in a very large number of cases the increase in valuation is under 10 per cent., in hundreds there is no increase at all, and in some a reduction. I have no information as to the second question, and in reply to the third inquiry I have nothing to add to my answer to the hon. Member's previous questions on the same subject. †

Belfast Lough Mussel Fishing Trade

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the bye-law passed by the Inspectors of Irish Fisheries, prohibiting the taking of mussels from Belfast Lough between 15th May and 30th September, is having the effect of destroying the mussel fishing trade in Belfast Lough, as the mussels are supplied to fishermen in the north and north-east of Scotland as bait for haddock and other white fishing which commences on the 1st day of September in each year; and whether, seeing that no such restriction applies to fishermen in Scotland, Holland, and Canada, he will consider whether the close season in Belfast Lough can be restricted to the period between 15th May and the end of August.

Representations have been made to the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction in favour of an alteration of the close season, and an inquiry will be held in the matter.

Small Houses Acquisition Act in Dublin

On behalf of the hon. Member for the St. Patrick Division of Dublin, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a number of applications made in Dublin to obtain grants for the purchase of houses under the Small Houses Acquisition Act of 1899 have not been granted; whether he can ascertain the cause of such delay in advancing the money; and whether he can take steps for the quicker advances in Ireland of moneys under the Act.

The question of making advances to applicants who desire to take advantage of this Act is one for the consideration of the local authority. The Local Government Board has sanctioned one loan amounting to £1,460 jor the purchase of five dwellings in Dublin. There has been no delay in advancing this loan. Any representations that may be made in favour of an Amendment of the provisions of the Act will, as I have already stated, be considered.

Brosna-Firbane Drainage Board

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Irish Board of Works has communicated with the Brosna-Firbane Drainage Board relative to the condition of the works in charge of the latter body, and whether the Board of Works will consider the advisability of sending down an engineer to inspect and report upon progress, of the maintenance works in charge of this drainage board.

The Board of Works will communicate with the local drainage board, and, if the necessity should be found to exist, will order an inspection of the district at an early date

Apjohn's Estate, Co. Limerick

I beg to ask the Chief Secreatry to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state what progress has been made since 1st January last to bring to a sale under the fortieth section of the Act of 1896 the property of the late Michael Marshall Lloyd Apjohn, on the townlands of Garrison, Nicker, Drominbuoy, Ballyvoneen, and Garrane, all in the parish of Grean, county Limerick; and is he aware that within the pastten days an eviction has taken place whilst the tenants are in negotiation or at least preparing for a purchase of their holdings; and is he prepared to expedite the purchase proceedings so as to prevent further evictions.

The land judge has not yet issued a request for an inspection of these lands under the fortieth section of the Act of 1896. The proceedings were not sufficiently advanced to enable him to come to a decision when the case was recently before him, and the further consideration of the matter has been adjourned till the next sitting. I cannot take any action such as suggested at the conclusion of the question.

Ballyshannon Constabulary

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether, in view of the small number of Roman Catholic men as compared with Protestants at the station of the Royal Irish Constabulary in Ballyshannon, county Donegal, his attention has been called to the transfer of District Inspector Milling from Ballyshannon; and whether he will consider the propriety of having Mr. Milling replaced by a Roman Catholic district inspector with the object to bringing about a greater equalify between the different religions.

Mr. Milling has not been transferred from Ballyshannon, but should he be transferred the suggestion in the question will be considered.

Irish Sanitary Areas

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Local Government Board intend sending a copy of their recent circular to the rural district councils to ascertain their views as to the proposed change in areas of charges for sanitary works in small towns and market places.

Disturbances Among Belfast Shipyard Workers

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that 600 shipyard workers of Belfast made a sudden descent on a small body of Roman Catholic workmen on Friday last, attacking them with bolts and nuts; that these men only saved themselves by taking to the Commissioners' boats and retreating down the Lough; and that an English commercial traveller, being mistaken for a Roman Catholic reporter, was assaulted the same night; and, as the police seem to be powerless, will he say what further steps he proposes to take for the protection of life and property in Belfast.

The facts are stated with substantial accuracy, although the numbers are exaggerated. The disorderly mob consisted of some 300 young men and boys. Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to reply to the second part of his question when I reach that of the hon. Member for Waterford.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that on the 26th instant an English commercial traveller, on visiting the shipbuilding yards of Messrs. Harland and Wolff on Queen's Island, Belfast, who was mistaken for a Nationalist journalist, was attacked and assaulted with stones by a crowd of workmen employed in the yard, and seriously injured; and, seeing that this incident occurred at mid-day, and in the absence of the police, whether steps will be taken to have this yard patrolled by the police.

Yes, Sir; this commercial traveller was mobbed by a crowd of boys and struck by a piece of wood. His injuries, I am glad to say, were not serious. There have been several outbreaks of disorder and violence during the last few days, in consequence of which three men, in addition to this commercial traveller, have been injured and a number of workmen have been deterred from continuing their labours. I have hopes of identifying some of these roughs and bringing them to justice. Upon the steps taken for detecting the culprits it would be inexpedient to say more. In respect of steps for suppressing violence I have to say this—the engineer of the harbour board, the commissioner of police, and the general in command of the troops are co-operating energetically with the lord mayor. The Musgrave works were closed at 5·40 yesterday, but the Government cannot suffer this enforced cessation of labour on the part of certain sections of the community in consequence of the violence and dastardly conduct of men and boys employed elsewhere. I am informed this afternoon that it has been decided to reopen the Musgrave works to-morrow, under the protection of the police and the military. The lord mayor conferred this morning with the managers of the shipyards and harbour board to consider suggestions made by the Government. I trust that these suggestions will be acted on, and prove adequate to the end in view. Should that expectation not be fulfilled, the Government will forthwith assert the supremacy of the law.

R.I.C. Recruits—Roman Catholic and Protestant Candidates

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how long the present commandant of the Royal Irish Constabulary Depot has been in charge of the recruiting for the Royal Irish Constabulary; has he changed the system that was in practice1 previous to his appointment by issuing an order or regulation giving a preference to Protestant recruits over Roman Catholics, and will the Inspector General of the Royal Irish Constabulary be directed to have the present system of recruiting changed to that laid down by the Constabulary Code and the Act of Parliament.

The present commandant was appointed in June, 1896. The reply to the second inquiry is in the negative. The system of recruiting has not been changed. The arrangement under which a certain proportion of recruits of each denomination is called up from time to time has already been explained to the hon. Member, † There is nothing in this arrangement inconsistent with the Constabulary Code or the Act of Parliament.

Labourers' Cottages in the Granard Union

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland can he state when the Provisional Order for the erection of additional cottages under the Labourers' Acts for the Granard Union will be issued in the case of unopposed applications; will this Order be confirmed during the present session, and how soon will it be possible to take tenders to erect these houses.

It is expected that the Provisional Order in this case will be issued within a week from this date. Contracts for the erection of cottages cannot, however, be entered into until the Order becomes absolute, which will not be sooner than a month after the publication thereof.

Valuation of Irish Public-Houses

On behalf of the hon. Member for the St. Patrick Division of Dublin, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state upon what authority and at whose direction the Commissioner of Valuation valued publicans' licences in Belfast, and whether the Government intend having two separate methods of valuing public-houses in Dublin.

The Commissioner of Valuation, acting upon the advice of counsel, decided that public-house licences were liable to be rated as in

† See Debates [Fourth Series], Vol. xcvi., page 604.

England, and he consequently valued them. This decision is subject to appeal to the higher courts. In the last valuation of Ireland, made over forty years ago, and since then only partially revised, these licences were not valued for rating, but, doubtless, when the revaluation of the rest of the country is made they will be treated in the same manner as in Belfast.

Aughnacliffe Postal Arrangements

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is yet able to state if it is proposed to extend the mid-day delivery of letters from Ballinalee to Aughnacliffe, and to arrange for the putting up of a number of additional pillar-boxes in the latter place.

As the hon. Member was informed on the 13th May last, instructions have been given for the erection of a letter-box at Smear, but the provision of letter-boxes at the other places mentioned is not warranted, and the Postmaster General regrets that the circumstances would not justify the cost of extending the midday delivery of letters to Aughnacliffe.

Irish Factory Inspectors

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it is proposed to increase the number of factory inspectors and lady inspectors in Ireland in consequence of the increased duties proposed to be thrown upon the Department under the Bill now passing through the House, and, if so, can he say what will be the qualification test applied and by whom.

If the Bill referred to becomes law, I shall be prepared to consider whether any addition to the factory staff will be necessary in Ireland or elsewhere. The qualifications for the post of factory inspector are determined by the Civil Service Commissioners in consultation with the Home Office, and candidates are tested by the Commissioners.

Cork Assizes—Trial of Mr. Walsh' J.P.—Conduct of the Irish Lord Chief Justice

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether his attention has been called to a notice of motion standing on the Paper impugning the conduct of the Lord Chief Justice of Ireland in the trial of the recent conspiracy case at the Cork Assizes, and whether he can afford facilities for its discussion.

No, Sir. I do not think it would be proper to give the facilities asked for.

May I ask whether it is not a fact that in every instance since the Act of Union, not to go further back, in which a motion impugning the conduct of a judge has been put on the Paper, early facilities were afforded by the Government of the day for a discussion of the motion?

I am not aware whether that is so or not; I have not looked into the matter. But, in addition to any other reason for objecting to the course suggested by the hon. and learned Gentleman, I must remind him that some of the questions which must be discussed are still sub judice , and that fact should make it most inadvisable to have the matter discussed in this House. But there are graver general reasons, apart from that, why I should hesitate to comply with the request.

I think in this case I may fairly ask what those graver reasons are. The mode of impugning the action of a judge is well recognised by this House, and in every instance in the past century facilities were given for the discussion of a similar motion. Surely the graver reason is not that the right hon. Gentleman desires to prevent the discussion by a responsible Member of a motion of this kind impugning the conduct of a judge?

I must look into the precedents before I can give an opinion. But I confess my first impression on listening to the question of the hon. Gentleman is to say that this House

would not be well advised if, whenever an hon. Gentleman thinks fit to put down a motion impugning the conduct of a judge, the time of the House of Commons should be taken up in discussing the judicial bench.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the conspiracy to secure a conviction in this case ignominiously failed?

As one who was present at the trial of the case, may I ask how long this judicial blackguardism is to go on?

* : Order, order! That is language which, as the hon. Member is well aware, cannot be tolerated in this House.

* : I must ask the hon. Member to withdraw the expression. Does the hon. Member decline to withdraw 1 He has used an expression about a learned judge of a kind which the House has always condemned, and I must ask the hon. Member to withdraw it.

* : Then I name you, Mr. O'Shee, for disregarding the authority of the Chair.

I move, Sir, that Mr. O'Shee be suspended from the service of the House.

Question put, "That Mr. O'Shee be suspended from the service of the House." —( Mr. A. J. Balfour .)

The House divided:—Ayes, 258; Noes, 50. (Division List No. 373.)

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex F.

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Bailey, James (Walworth)

Aird, Sir John

Arrol, Sir William

Balcarres; Lord

Allhusen, Augus. Henry Eden

Asher, Alexander

Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J.(Manch'r

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Atkinson, Rt. Hon.John

Balfour, Capt.C. B. (Hornsey)

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Bagot, Capt. Josceline Fitzroy

Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W(Leeds

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.

Gore, Hn GR. C. Ormsby-(Salop

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Banbury, Frederick George

Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John E.

Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford

Bartley, George C. T.

Grant, Corrie

Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute

Bathurst, Hon Allen Benjamin

Green, W. D. (Wednesbury)

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry)

Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol

Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)

Beaumont, Wentworth C. B.

Gretton, John

Myers, William Henry

Bhownaggree, Sir M. M.

Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick)

Newnes, Sir George

Bignold, Brthur

Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Blundell, Colonel Henry

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Norton, Capt. Cecil William

Bulnois, Edmund

Hain, Edward

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Bousfield, William Robert

Haldane, Richard Burdon

O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Halsey, Thomas Frederick

Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay

Brassey, Albert

Hamilton, Marq. Of (L'nd'nd'ry

Palmer, SirCharles M (Durham

Brigg, John

Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert W.

Palmer, Walter (Salisbury)

Broadhurst, Henry

Harcourt, Rt Hn Sir William

Parker, Gilbert

Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Parkes, Ebenezer

Brookfield. Colonel Montagu

Hay, Hon. Claude George

Partington, Oswald

Bryce, Rt. Hon. James

Hayne, Rt. Hn. C. Seale-

Paulton, James Mellor

Burt, Thomas

Heath, James (Staffords. N. W.)

Pease, Herbert P. (Darlington)

Buxton, Sydney Charles

Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter

Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)

Caldwell, James

Higginbottom, S. W.

Percy, Earl

Campbell. Rt Hn J A. (Glasgow)

Hoare, Edw Brodie (Hampste'd

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.

Hobhouse, C. E. H. (Bristol, E.)

Plummer, Walter R.

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.

Holland, William Henry

Quilter, Sir Cuthbert

Causton, Richard Knight

Hope, J. F (Sheffield, Brightside

Rea, Russell

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Horner, Frederick William

Remnant, James Farquharson

Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh.

Horniman, Frederick John

Renshaw, Charles Bine

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Hoult, Joseph

Rentoul, James Alexander

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Howard, John (Kent, Faversh.)

Richards, Henry Charles

Chamberlain, Rt Hon. J. (Birm.

Howard, J. (Midd., Tottenham)

Ritchie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson

Chamberlain, J Austen(Worc'r

Hozier, Hn. James Henry Cecil

Rollitt, Sir Albert Kaye

Channing, Francis Allston

Hudson, George Bickersteth

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse

Round, James

Coghill, Douglas Harry

Jeffreys, Arthur Frederick

Royds, Clement Molyneau

Cohen, Benjamin Louis

Jessel, Capt Herbert Merton

Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Samuel, Harry S. (Limehouse)

Colston, Chas. Ed. H. Athole

Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex)

Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert

Corbett, T. L. (Down, N.)

Joicey, Sir James

Saunderson, Rt Hn Col. Edw. J,

Craig, Robert Hunter

Jones, David Brynmor (Swans'e

Sharpe, William Edward T.

Cranborne, Viscount

Kay-Shuttleworth, Rt Hn Sir U

Shaw, Charles Edw. (Stafford)

Cripps, Charles Alfred

Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T. (Denbigh

Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew

Crombie, John William

Kenyon, Jas. (Lancs., Bury)

Simeon, Sir Barrington

Cust, Henry John C.

Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop

Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh.)

Davies, Sir Horatio D (Chatham

Kinloch, Sir John George Smyth

Smith, H. C. (Northmb. Tyn'sde

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan

Langley, Batty

Smith, James Parker (Lanarks

Dewar, John A.(Inverness-sh.)

Law, Andrew Bonar

Smith, Hon. W. F. D.(Strand)

Digby, John K. D. Wingfield-

Lawrence, Joseph(Monmouth)

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles

Lawson, John Grant

Soares, Ernest J.

Dimsdale, Sir Joseph Cockfield

Lecky, Rt. Hon. Wm. Edw. H.

Spear, John Ward

Doughty, George

Lee, Arthur H (Hants., Fareh'm

Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R.(Nr'thnts

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers

Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)

Stanley, Edw. Jas. (Somerset)

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

Leese, Sir Joseph F(Accrington

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Dunn, Sir William

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Stevenson, Francis S.

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Stewart, Sir M. J. M'Taggart

Dyke, Rt. Hn. Sir William Hart

Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S

Stirling-Maxwell, Sir J. M.

Edwards, Frank

Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R.

Strachey, Edward

Elibank, Master of

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Elliot, Hon. A. R. Douglas

Long, Col. Charles W (Evesham

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Evans. Sir F. H. (Maidstone)

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter(Bristol, S

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Fellowes, Hn. Ailwyn Edward

Lowther, C. (Cumb., Eskdale)

Tennant, Harold John

Ferguson, R. C. M. (Leith)

Lucas, Col. Francis(Lowestoft)

Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E.

Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J.(Man.

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Thomas, David A. (Merthyr)

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Macdona, John Cumming

Thorburn, Sir Walter

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. M.

Fisher, William Hayes

Maconochie, A. W.

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond

M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)

Tritton, Charles Ernest

Fitzroy, Hn. Edward Algernon

M'Calmont Col. J. (Antrim, E.

Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward

Fletcher, Sir Henry

M'Kenna, Reginald

Ure, Alexander

Foster, Sir Michael (Lond. Univ.

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire

Valentia, Viscount

Foster, P. S. (Warwick. S. W.)

Majendie, James A. H.

Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)

Fuller, J. M. F.

Mappin, Sir Frederick Thorpe

Wallace, Robert

Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert J.

Middlemore, J. Throgmorton

Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)

Godson, Sir Augustus Fred.

Mitchell, William

Wason, Eugene(Clackmannan)

Gordon, Hn. J. E (Elgin&Nairn

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Welby, Lt-Cl. A. C. E.(Taunton

Gordon, Maj Evans-(T'rH'ml'ts

More, Robt. Jasper(Shropshire

Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts

White, Luke (York, E. R.)

Wills, Sir Frederick

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)

Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.

Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong

Whitmore, Charles Algernon

Wilson-Todd, Wm. H.(Yorks)

Yoxall, James Henry

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath

Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset)

Wortley. Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

TELLERS FOE THE AYES—

Williams, Osmond (Merioneth

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Sir William Walrond and

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Wylie, Alexander

Mr. Anstruther.

NOES.

Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.)

Harrington, Timothy

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

Boland, John

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Dowd, John

Boyle, James

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Caine, William Sproston

Labouchere, Henry

O'Malley, William

Campbell, J. (Armagh, S.)

Leamy, Edmund

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Lundon, W.

O'Shee, James John

Crean, Eugene

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Power, Patrick Joseph

Cullinan, J.

M'Govern, E.

Reddy, M.

Delany, William

M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North)

Redmond, J. E. (Waterford)

Dillon, John

Mooney, John J.

Roche, John

Doogan, P. C.

Murphy, John

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Duffy, William J.

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Sullivan, Donal

Farrell, James Patrick

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Tully, Jasper

Flavin, Michael Joseph

O'Brien, James F. X. (Cork)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Flynn, James Christopher

O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid.)

Gilhooly, James

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

Hammond, John

O'Connor, J. (Wicklow, W.)

Sir Thomas Esmonde and

Hardie, J Keir (Merthyr Tydvil

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Captain Donelan.

Certainly, Sir; but I wish to say I feel that I was justified in the remarks I made.

The hon. Member then withdrew.

Shall I be in order, Sir, in moving that the Members who voted against the suspension of the hon. Member, and thereby approved his action, should themselves be suspended?

[No answer was returned.]

Royal Messages to the Irish Parliament, 1782–1800

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he will lay upon the Table of the House a Return containing the various Addresses and Messages delivered and sent to the Irish Parliament by His late Majesty King George III. and his various Viceroys in Ireland between 1782 and 1800, both years inclusive.

There is no objection in the abstract to these documents being made public, but I should not feel disposed to grant the Return unless the hon. Member could show that it was of some public interest.

Irish Gold Ornaments

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if he will state how the case stands in the matter of the Irish gold ornaments, and what steps the Government propose to take in the matter.

The law officers have advised that the right to treasure trove still remains to the Crown. A copy of this opinion will be furnished to the authorities of the British Museum, and a request made that they should surrender the ornaments in question.

Am I to understand that all these ornaments are to be sent to Dublin, and that no specimens are to be left in London?

Has it yet been settled whether hon. Members can have the substance of the opinions of the law officers?

I do not think there would be any objection to giving the general tenour and purport of the opinions of the law officers. I will consult them on the subject.

May we have the whole of their opinions, and not a selection from them?

There are precedents hedging round the disclosure of the law officers' opinions which I think it would be dangerous to break. I must make inquiries before giving a definite answer.

Home Office Vote

* : I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if he can now fix a day for the discussion of the Home Office Vote.

I had intended to put it down as the first Order next Monday, but I understand that the late Home Secretary cannot be in his place on that day, so I am considering whether any change can be made.

Proposed Widening of Piccadilly

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, before any of the trees in the Green Park are cut down by the county council, the House of Commons will be given an opportunity of discussing the proposed widening of Piccadilly.

I hope to be able to take Votes in Class 1 on Friday or Monday, but the particular point referred to by the hon. Member is hardly one which will take much time for discussion. I believe that the scheme has been generally approved by all the authorities concerned.

Factory and Workshop Acts Consolidation Bill

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury when the Report stage of the Factory and Workshop Acts Consolidation Bill will be taken.

It certainly cannot be in the course of the present week, and I greatly doubt whether the matter can come before the House in the course of next week.

Peers' Privileges

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if the Government would ascertain, through its representatives in the other House, whether any importance is there attached to the privilege of peers and the statutory right of peeresses in respect of trial for treason or felony, with a view to legislation which would make the procedure in such cases uniform for peers and commoners.

I have no special means of informing myself as to the opinion taken in another place with regard to the privileges of peers, but I extremely doubt that, in the absence of some conclusive proof that a change was necessary, the House of Lords would welcome any change in a long-established procedure.

PURCHASE OF LAND (IRELAND) (No. 2) BILL

Reported from the Standing Committee on Law, etc., with Amendments.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 294.]

Minutes of Proceedings to be printed [No. 294.]

Bill, as amended (by the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Thursday, and to be printed [Bill 278.]

Privilege — Mr. Secretary Brodrick and the Daily Mail Newspaper

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War what action, if any, he proposes to take with reference to an article in this day's Daily Mail , entitled "A Challenge to Mr. Brodrick," in which the right hon. Gentleman is accused of making in his speeches in this House, as a member of this House, untruthful suggestions—

* : The hon. Member cannot take an opportunity at question time to read offensive newspaper observations about another Member.

I am not doing that. I am asking a question. This is a matter of privilege.

* : I must ask the hon. Member to formulate his question and to bring it up to the Table in the ordinary way.

* : I have ruled that it is not in order for the hon. Member to proceed in the way he suggests.

I defer, of course, Sir, with great respect to any ruling you make, not only because of your position in the House, but on account of yourself. My statement is that this article has imputed falsehood to the right hon. Gentleman in his capacity as a Member of Parliament. If the right hon. Gentleman does not act, I shall bring the article before you and the House as a breach of privilege, and as affecting the honour of the House and of every Member in it. I have a precise parallel and precedent on all fours in a case that occurred—

* : The question which the hon. Member is proposing to put is out of order.

Will you excuse my stating my reason for putting it. It is this. I wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman what course he intends to pursue. If he does not bring the subject before the House as a matter of privilege, I shall do so immediately, as a question of privilege affecting not so much the rights of the right hon. Gentleman as the rights of this House as a whole.

* : I understand from the hon. Member that he is going to base his case of privilege upon a newspaper article.

The ordinary course is that the hon. Member should bring up to the Table the newspaper which contains the matter in question, and that the passages on which he relies should be marked by him and read at the Table. Then the hon. Gentleman will be in order in making his motion. The paper was handed in by Mr. SWIFT MACNEILL, and the passages complained of were read, as follows—

"A Challenge to Mr. Brodrick.

"Mr. Brodrick, urged on by the 'peace at any price' party within the Cabinet (the party who are fitting out the preposterous Committee of Dames to inquire into the state of the Boer women and children in South Africa, while neglecting altogether the English women and children in that distressful land), deliberately hushed up the story of the hideous murders of the British wounded after the battle of Vlak-fontein lest the publication might irritate the Boers.

"We do not desire to harp continually on Lord Stanley's indiscretion in threatening our correspondent, but we do most strongly object to Mr. Brodrick's baseless and mean retort that this journal is in the habit of offering pecuniary temptations to War Office clerks for the purpose of obtaining early news. The suggestion is an untruthful one, and it is remarkable that it should only have been made after our exposure of the Vlakfontein suppressions, and after we had pointed out continually that the war in South Africa is in a worse position than the public is allowed to know, and that for this reason the Government is perpetually endeavouring to patch up a hasty peace. It was not until his irritation consequent upon the Vlakfontein episode that Mr. Brodrick made any insinuation as to the Daily Mail's news-getting propensities.

"The Daily Mail will have no hesitation in proceeding against Mr. Brodrick for libel if he ventures to suggest outside the privileged circle of the House of Commons that this newspaper has stolen official documents, and its editor is quite willing to undergo an investigation under the Official Secrets Act."

I wish, Sir, to bring before the House this article in the Daily Mail newspaper of Tuesday, July 30th, 1901, offering a challenge to Mr. Brodrick, and I wish to present it as a breach of the privileges of this House, more especially as the observations in that journal constitute a deliberate charge of personal falsehood against a public man in his capacity, not alone as a Minister of the Crown, but also as a member of the House of Commons. The right hon. Gentleman has not attempted to repudiate the charge, or to bring the matter before the House. Therefore I have felt it my duty to take this action. The honour of the House of Commons is at stake. It is not a question of the honour of a single Member. But when the honour of even the meanest member of this House is attacked, it is the duty of this assembly to vindicate it in its own interests. The precedent I wish to bring before the House occurred in May, 1887, when Sir Charles Lewis, the then Member for North Antrim, brought before the House a statement which imputed personal falsehood to a member of this House. On that occasion Sir Charles Lewis was not supporting a political friend; he was espousing the cause of a political opponent, and he urged that any charge of personal falsehood brought against any member of this House ought to be taken up by the House itself as the guardian of its own honour. Sir Charles Lewis, on May 3rd, 1887, in moving his motion, said—

"But while every man is the guardian of his own honour, this House ought to be the guardian of its own honour."

He then spoke likewise of the gross outrages of the accusation of personal falsehood. Then I should like to quote the dictum of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Monmouthshire, who spoke on that occasion as a Minister of the Crown, and practically, in the absence of Mr. Gladstone, as the Leader of the House, for the Leader of the House was absent. The right hon. Gentleman said—

"Do you doubt that, according to parliamentary precedent, to say that a Member of this House has either deliberately stated that which is untrue, or recklessly forbore to know whether it was untrue or not, I do not care what form the charge may take—does anyone doubt that, according to the strict form of Parliamentary precedent, that is a breach of privilege?"

Then Sir Charles Russell, in the same debate, maintained that—

"when from any quarter a serious charge against the honour and character of Members of the House has been made and publicly brought to the notice of the House by an hon. Member, it is the duty of the House and the primary duty of the Leader of the House to see that the House shall take action to elucidate the matter."

Then I come to the greatest authority of all—Mr. Gladstone, who said—

"Now, I say that, instead of being a minor matter, the charge of wilful and deliberate falsehood in the discharge of your duty in this House —"

and that is the charge now brought against the right hon. Gentleman—

"is the highest, the gravest, and the blackest charge that can be brought. I cannot distinguish, Sir, between the speeches of a man and the actions of a man in this House. In this House speech is action. The work of this House is done by speech, and to offend in the point of truth in the performance of duty in debate by wilful and deliberate falsehood is the highest of all offences that can be committed."

On those three extracts I found my motion, I admit perfectly freely, in no friendly spirit to the right hon. Gentleman, but in the most friendly spirit to the House, of which the right hon. Gentleman is a Member. When the honour and truth of the right hon. Gentleman are assailed, the honour and truth of the House are assailed; and if the right hon. Gentleman does not care to vindicate his own honour and truth, I, at least, will see how many Members of the House of Commons are prepared to vindicate the character of this assembly against such an atrocious charge. If this charge were true, and if what this paper says were true, it would be the bounden duty of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House to move for the right hon. Gentleman's public expulsion from this House. On these grounds I beg to move the motion which I will now hand to you, Sir.

I rise to second the motion in a very few sentences, and, inasmuch as I myself thirteen years ago was the last victim of this form of motion, made in that instance by a political enemy against my protest of indifference, I think I am entitled to say a few words. On the 3rd May, 1887, Sir Charles Lewis, who was then the Conservative Member for North Antrim, and one of the bitterest enemies the National party had in this House, sent me a letter directing my attention to the fact that The Times newspaper had called me a liar, and in a leading article had stated that I had in my place in the House made a false statement. I took no notice of Sir Charles Lewis's letter, and in spite of the fact that I desired not to take any notice of the newspaper article, but to treat it with what I considered to be well-merited contempt, Sir Charles Lewis came down to this House, and after announcing that he had directed my attention to the article, used this language in justification of the motion he had made—

"Every gentleman is the guardian of his own honour. It is not for me to suggest what course any Member of this House should take; but what I venture to say is this, that never in the history of this Parliament have such charges been made in any public channel of communication such as The Times newspaper, and have been passed without notice being taken of them. But while every man is the guardian of his own honour, this House ought to be the guardian of its own honour."

On that plea he persisted in moving his motion without any encouragement from me, and he consumed two whole nights of the time of this House in discussing it. Here is the statement I made when challenged by Sir Charles Lewis—

"Mr. Speaker, I have not, so far as I am concerned personally, the slightest objection to urge against this institution. As far as 1 am personally concerned, I welcome it, and I have only one objection against it, and that is that it will inevitably lead to a great deal of waste of the time of this House."

In spite of the protest, and in spite of the fact that I, being a personal opponent of the right hon. Gentleman, proclaimed my indifference to the charge and my contempt for it, he persisted, under the cloak of the pretext of protecting the honour of a personal opponent, in occupying those nights in discussing whether The Times was justified in calling me a liar. I was then an obscure and private Member of this House—as I am now, as an hon. friend reminds me—not responsible in any degree for any great department of the Government of this country, and The Times newspaper thought it its duty to charge me with making false statements in this House, as it has done a hundred and one times. If in 1887 it was a justifiable action for an hon. Member, a leading Member of the Conservative party, to take the course Sir Charles Lewis then took, what should we say when we come to the gravity of the present occasion, when a Minister of the Crown, responsible for what is at present the greatest of all Departments of Government in this country, is charged, not only with deliberate falsehood in the House, but with falsehood told for the meanest of motives? What is the motive charged by the newspaper? The charge is plain; there is no ambiguity about it. It is a disgraceful one. The charge is that, to have revenge with this newspaper for breaking up his conspiracy and silence, to hide what they are pleased to call the outrage at Vlak-fontein, but which I do not for a moment believe in—that, however, is neither here nor there—but because that conspiracy of silence was broken up and exposed by the Daily Mail , the right hon. Gentleman deliberately got up in this House and made a false charge against the editor of that paper out of motives of petty malice and contemptible spite. I have referred to my own case, so that no man will have the courage now to get up and say that we are not justified in the action we are taking to-day, because in taking that action we are following the good example set by a Member of the Tory party thirteen years ago. Then, however, a comparatively obscure Member was concerned; now we are bringing to the touchstone of public discussion a grave national scandal, for it is a grave national scandal when a Minister of the Crown is charged by a great newspaper—(cries of "Oh, oh!")—I will withdraw the word "great" and say "the most widely circulated paper in England," and indeed Members have not much cause to be proud of it— but I say it is a grave national scandal when a Minister of the Crown is charged by the most widely circulated paper in England with making false statements in his capacity as a Minister to the House of Commons, and with making those false statements from the basest conceivable of human motives. I beg to second the motion.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the passages from the Daily Mail of this day complained of constitute a breach of the privileges of this House." ( Mr. Swift MacNeill .)

Mr. Speaker, I rise not so much for the purpose of answering the challenge, for I take it to be a challenge, contained in the two speeches which have been addressed to the House, as of making a brief statement, if I am in order in doing so, in regard to further matters which have been placed before me in the course of the last few minutes on the subject-matter of the question under discussion. As regards the first part, as to what has fallen from the hon. Member who has just sat down, an attack is made upon me, as I understand, because I did not call the attention of the House to the remarks the journal in question made on me this morning, and call upon the House to declare them to be a breach of privilege. I am not less sensitive as regards my honour than any member of the House; I am perhaps less inclined than the two hon. Members who have just spoken to believe that the article, written in the terms in which it was written, would be held either to be a reflection on my honour which required vindication from me, or likely to be in any way accepted as representing anything but a strong statement of anger on the side of those whom I have impeached. I have read this charge very carefully in the last few moments, for I confess I only glanced at the paper this morning; I had it in my hand not more than two or three minutes. I see that it is stated in one place that—

"we do most strongly object to Mr. Brodrick's baseless and mean retort that this journal is in the habit of offering pecuniary temptations to War Office clerks for the purpose of obtaining early news. The suggestion is an untruthful one."

That is the only exact expression I could cull in the brief moments in which I have looked at it which charges me with want of truth. "The suggestion," it is said, "is an untruthful one." It is not said that I myself was guilty of making an untruthful statement to the House of Commons; what is stated is that the suggestion I made is repudiated by the editor of the journal as not containing truth. I do not propose to enter further into it, because it did not strike me on first reading the paragraph that the intention was to convey that I had deliberately informed the House of that which I must have known was untrue. But I would ask leave, if I may, as a matter of indulgence, to read a letter which has been handed me in the last quarter of an hour from the editor of the Daily Mail written on this day. He asks me to read the letter to the House of Commons, and I therefore read it as a matter of justice. It says:—

"Sir,—I notice that last night, in reply to a question by Mr. Reginald Lucas, you, among other statements with regard to the Daily Mail , remarked as follows:—'On two occasions in the present year this journal has published statements on impending events based on secret official documents, and it is immaterial, in my opinion, whether these were obtained by direct purchase or through the means of a correspondent.' You later on observe, 'I may add that I have already had to dismiss one official for making improper use of confidential documents…. But, while taking such steps with regard to guilty individuals as may be necessary, I cannot justify leaving men of moderate income to the temptations which may be offered them by a prominent journal.' This I take to mean, in plain English, that you inpute to those who arc responsible for the conduct of the Daily Mail that they have, either by direct or indirect means, and by the use of corrupt inducements, obtained information from persons in official employ for publication in that journal. I need scarcely point out to you that this is a very grave charge, and one that I take the earliest opportunity of repudiating. I most emphatically assert that it is absolutely without foundation of any kind, and anything that has appeared in the Daily Mail has been received in the ordinary course of newspaper routine. You have asked me to divulge the name of the Daily Mail's informant, to which I can only reply that it is the well-understood practice of journalism not to give up the names of contributors. Having regard to the observations you have made about the Daily Mail , I would ask you in fairness to that paper to read this letter to the House of Commons.—I am, Sir, your obedient servant A. G. HARMSWORTH."

Now, I have a very brief commentary to make on that letter. Two documents are alluded to in the article in the paper as having been utilised. The article says—

"The two particular items of news of the publication of which Mr. Brodrick now complains were part of his scheme of Army reform and a portion of Lord Kitchener's new plan of campaign."

Sir, the two points alluded to were both contained in secret documents, neither of them was circulated to anybody except members of the Cabinet, the Commander-in-Chief, and in the case of the first document to two or three responsible officials of the highest position. By some means, which I have yet to ascertain, both these documents, or the contents of them, came to the hands of a correspondent. In each case the information was offered to another newspaper, and in each case to a different newspaper, by whom it was refused, before it appeared in the columns of the Daily Mail . In the first case the editor of the newspaper came to me, four or five days before it appeared in the Daily Mail , and asked whether, considering the manner in which this had been acquired, it would, in my opinion, be in any way unfair to the Government or to the country that the document should appear. I said, naturally, that I thought it in the first place on principle to be highly undesirable, and that in the second place if it was published in its then form it might lead to radical misconception. Neither of these documents could have been obtained except by improper means. I cannot, of course, say, it may be a possibility, that some individual might have in conversation given the gist of such documents; but this I can say, that the details given in each case so carefully followed word for word the wording of the documents that they must have been taken down and carefully transmitted for the purpose of publication. I did not I charge the editor of and those responsible for the Daily Mail with having themselves paid money for documents improperly obtained. What I did say was that it was immaterial whether they were obtained by direct purchase or through the means of a correspondent, whether the money was paid directly or was paid to a correspondent in what the editor has called "the ordinary course of newspaper routine." Whether it was covered by payment on general grounds or whether it was payment for a particular document is immaterial; the documents were secret, they were known to be secret, they were improperly obtained, and they were published. The same thing occurred in connection with an Admiralty document within the last few weeks with the same newspaper; and I think I should have been doing less than my duty if I had not, at whatever unpleasantness to myself, taken the opportunity of showing my sense of what has been done, by withholding Government information as far as I can, and by bringing the subject before the House of Commons. It was not for me, Sir, to decide, and I will not enter into the question, whether the publication of the passages which have been read at the Table should be held to be a breach of the privileges of this House. The privileges of the House are not lightly brought to bear on individuals or on newspaper editors, but I have thought it necessary to say what I have said. But so far as my honour and position have been challenged, I may say there is no tribunal to which I would sooner commit, the custody of my honour in the matter of the statements I have made than the House of Commons.

My right hon. friend did not address himself, and probably the House did not expect him to address himself, to the immediate subject of the motion before us; he has addressed, himself to the charge against himself; and upon that I can assure him that, unless I greatly mistake the temper and feeling of the House, there is not a Member in it that less requires justification of his personal honour before the House as a tribunal. My right hon. friend's personal honour is above the reach of newspaper attack, and he need not consider this question from a personal point, of view at all. So I dismiss that, and now address myself to the course which, in my judgment, the House should take in regard to the motion which has been proposed and seconded. This is not the first time by many in the course of my experience in the House that newspaper attacks on Members have been brought forward as questions of privilege, and I have consistently, as far as it has been in my power, supported the view that the House should not enter into any contest with newspapers or the press on matters of this kind. Nothing is gained for the honour and credit of the House or for the credit of journalism by such contests as those to which I refer. Of the words read out on this occasion, I think there is no doubt whatever that they are a breach of privilege. The thing is absolutely undeniable. Charges such as that are uncontested and incontestably breaches of privilege, and if the House thinks it worth while to affirm that it is so, I do not know that there is any objection to that course; but, personally, I do not think that very much will be gained by it. We all know that it is a question of privilege. We all know also that we can summon the editor to the bar of this House, and we know the scene that may follow the censure, the apology, if such is offered, or we may send the offender to confinement in the Clock Tower. But if we adopt any of the resources at our command they really do very little to vindicate the honour of the House, and they serve no public advantage at all. I think therefore the course which has generally been pursued, and which I have always recommended the House to pursue, is the course to pursue now. I do not advise the House to affirm that this is a breach of privilege, though if that were a question brought to the vote I should vote for declaring it a case of breach of privilege. But it will be much simpler, and, I think, the incident will be closed with more dignity, if we leave out the words and simply pass to the public business of the day.

What is the date of the precedent the right hon. Gentleman refers to?

I do not base my recommendation on precedent, but on common sense. There are only three courses open to us, and the first is to vote this a breach of privilege, and require the editor to attend at the bar, with such other incidents as follow from that. Personally, I do not think anyone would seriously recommend us to take that course. The second course is to vote this a breach of privilege and to do nothing more, and I do not think much is gained by that. The only remaining course is the one I have suggested, but which I do not press with any great; strength of conviction against No. 2, for I believe that in the long run they come to very much the same thing. On the whole, I am personally disposed to adopt the third course I have mentioned;— that of declaring the incident closed by proceeding to the business of the day.

Amendment proposed—

"To leave out from the word 'That' to the end of the Question, and add the words 'this House do pass to the Public Business of the day."—( Mr. A. J. Balfour ).

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."

The House is always at a great disadvantage on these occasions, for the subject comes upon many of us quite unawares, and even after the passage from the newspaper, which was read with greater clearness than usual at the Table, it necessarily passed so rapidly before our observation that we are not in a position to grasp the full meaning of the passage quoted, much less the whole article. Now I agree with the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down that there is enough in the article to show that it is clearly a breach of the privileges of the House. A Minister in the exercise of his functions as a Minister, a Member of the House acting in that capacity, is charged with having made an untrue suggestion for a certain sinister purpose. Sir, there could be nothing, in my opinion, more obviously coming within the category of breaches of privileges of Members of this House. Of course, none of us would either place any imputation or accept any imputation placed by another. We have no hesitation at all in expressing our opinion of the right hon. Gentleman's honourable conduct in the matter, but he, after all, is not a judge on this question. He as an individual may take any course he likes, but we have to guard the honour and dignity of the House. While I agree with the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House that it has been found a useful practice to follow the course he has suggested, and to pass to the Orders for the day, because, even though there may be a clear case of breach of privilege, yet our modes of dealing with such positions are not very effective, and though we can pronounce any matter brought before us a breach of privilege without proceeding to those further motions to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred, yet even that is to be avoided when it is possible for us to avoid it. I do not know the subject-matter of the precedent referred to, though that is almost immaterial, for, as the right hon. Gentleman has said, it is rather matter for common sense than for precedent; but I think in this case we do not stand quite in the same position as we have found ourselves on previous occasions, because the Secretary for War—and I do not blame him in the least, and I do not suppose he could have avoided it—has actually read at the Table of the House an explanatory declaration made by the editor of the newspaper. He has practically already brought the newspaper to the bar of the House. The matter into which he entered, and which I do not think he could have avoided, has put the whole question much more in possession of the House than the mere reading of the article, and so affects the conclusion we may come to. This, I think, differentiates the case in a considerable degree from many of the cases of which we have had experience before, and therefore, for my part, I cannot see how we can now avoid declaring this to be a breach of the privileges of the House. If it had been a simpler case, not complicated in the way to which I have referred, the wisest and usual course would have been that which the right hon. Gentleman has suggested. I, therefore, submit—and the Leader of the House has professed an almost open mind on this matter—whether with these circumstances of aggravation, not of the original offence, but of aggravation of the complexities of the situation, it is possible to pass over so grave a matter, and whether it would not be more becoming the dignity of the House to solemnly pronounce that this publication is a breach of privilege.

If I may, by leave of the House, be allowed to speak again, I am personally very inclined to the course I proposed in my observations just now, but I think it is far more important that we should be unanimous in our decision. We have to adopt one of the alternatives between which, as I have said, I think there is little to choose, and certainly, if the right hon. Gentleman thinks we should more emphatically express our view of the calumnies to which my right hon. friend has been subjected by making a solemn declaration on the subject, I will not stand in the way. I withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn

Main Question put, and agreed to

Resolved, That the passages from the Daily Mail of this day complained of constitute a breach of the privileges of this House.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Editor and Publisher of the Daily Mail do attend at the Bar of this House on Thursday next, at Three of the clock."—( Mr. Swift MacNeill .)

The letter from the Daily Mail which the right hon. Gentleman read out was antecedent to the article which appeared this day in which the editor directly charged the right hon. Gentleman with being untruthful. The man who makes that charge and the man who publishes it ought to appear at that bar.

Question put.

The House, divided:—Ayes. 128;Noes,. 222. (Division List No. 374.)

AYES

Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.

Caldwell, James

Doogan, P. C.

Allen, Chas. P.(Glouc., Stroud)

Cameron, Robert

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)-.

Ambrose, Robert

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Duffy, William J.

Asher, Alexander

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.

Dunn, Sir William

Asquith, Rt Hon Herbert Henry

Causton, Richard Knight

Edwards, Frank

Balcarres, Lord

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Esmonde, Sir Thomas

Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Farrell, James Patrick

Beaumont, Wentworth C. B.

Channing, Francis Allston

Fenwick, Charles

Bell, Richard

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith

Boland, John

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond

Boyle, James

Craig, Robert Hunter

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Brigg. John

Crean, Eugene

Flynn, James Christopher

Broadhurst, Henry

Crombie, John William

Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.

Brown, George M.(Edinburgh)

Cullinan, J.

Fuller, J, M. F.

Bryce, Rt. Hon. James

Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)

Gilhooly, James

Burt, Thomas

Delaney, William

Gladstone. Rt Hn Herbert John

Buxton, Sydney Charles

Donelan, Captain A.

Grant, Corrie

Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick)

Mooney, John J.

Roche, John

Haldane, Richard Burden

Morton, Edw. J, C. (Devonport)

Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)

Hammond, John

Murphy, John

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Sir William

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Shipman, Dr. John G.

Harrington, Timothy

Nolan. Col. J. P. (Galway, N.

Sinclair, Capt. J. (Forfarshire)

Hayden, John Patrick

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Soares, Ernest J.

Havne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R. (N'rthnts

Horniman, Frederick John

O'Brien, James F. X. (Cork)

Stevenson, Francis S.

Jones, William (Carnarvonsh.

O'Brien, K. (Tipperary Mid)

Sullivan, Donal

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Joyce, Michael

O'Connor, James(Wicklow, W

Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, E.)

Kay-Shuttle worth, Rt Hn Sir U

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Kinloch, Sir John Geo. Smyth

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

Tully, Jasper

Kitson, Sir James

O'Dowd, John

Ure, Alexander

Langley, Batty

O'Kelly Conor (Mayo, N.)

Wallace, Robert

Layland-Barratt, Francis

O'Malley, William

Walton, John Lawson (Leeds, S

Leamy, Edmund

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Wason, E. (Clackmannan)

Leese, Sir J. F. (Accrington)

Palmer Sir Charles M (Durham

Weir, James Galloway

Lloyd-George, David

Partington, Oswald

White, George (Norfolk)

Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham

Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)

White, Luke (York, E.R.)

Lough, Thomas

Pickard, Benjamin

White, Patrick(Meath, North

Lundon, W.

Power, Patrick Joseph

Whiteley, George(York, W. R.

Mac Neill, J. Gordon Swift

Rea, Russell

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

M'Arthur, William (Cornwall

Reddy, M.

M'Dermott, Patrick

Redmond, J. E. (Waterford)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

M'Govern, T.

Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion)

Mr. Dillon and Mr. Caine.

M'Killop, W.(Sligo, North)

Robertson, Edmund (Dundee)

NOES.

Acland-Hood. Capt. Sir Alex F.

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Hay, Hon. Claude George

Aird, Sir John

Cox, Irwin Edward B.

Heath, Arthur Howard (Hanley

Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden

Cranborne, Viscount

Heath, James (Staffords. N. W.

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Cust, Henry John C.

Helder, Augustus

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Davenport, William Bromley-

Henderson, Alexander

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Davies, Sir H. D. (Chatham)

Hermon-Hodge, Robt. Trotter

Arrol, Sir William

Dewar, J. A. (Inverness-sh.)

Higginbottom, S. W.

Atherley-Jones, L.

Dickson, Charles Scott

Hoare, Edw Brodie (Hampste'd

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Dimsdale, Sir Joseph C.

Hobhouse. C. E. H. (Bristol, E.)

Bagot, Capt. Josceline Fitzroy

Doughty, George

Hope, J. F (Sheffield, Brightside

Bailey, James (Walworth)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Horner, Ferderick William

Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J.(Manch'r

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Hoult, Joseph

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey

Elibank, Master of

Howard, John (Kent, Faversh.

Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (Leeds

Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph D.

Howard, J. (Midd., Tottenham

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn E.

Hozier, Hn. James Henry Cecil

Banbury, Frederick George

Fergusson, Rt Hn. Sir J.(Manc'r

Hudson, George Bickersteth

Bartley, George C.T.

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley)

Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin

Finlay, Sir Robert B.

Jackson, Rt. Hon. W. Lawies

Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol

Fisher, William Hayes

Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Bhownaggree, Sir M. M.

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex)

Bignold, Arthur

Foster, Sir M. (Lond. Univ.)

Joicey, Sir James

Blundell, Colonel Henry

Foster, P. S. (Warwick, S.W.

Jones, David B. (Swansea)

Bond, Edward

Gibbs, Hn. A. G. H. (City of Lond.

Kennaway, Rt. Hn. Sir J. H.

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith

Godson, Sir Augustus F.

Kenyon, Hn. G. T. (Denbigh)

Boulnois, Edmund

Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin & Nairn

Kenyon, James (Lancs., Bury)

Bousfield, William Robert

Gordon, Maj Evans-(T'rH'ml'ts

Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W.(Salop

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex

Gore, Hn. G. R COrmsby-(Salop

Lambton, Hn. Frederick W.

Brassey, Albert

Gore, Hn. S. F. Ormsby-(Linc.)

Law, Andrew Bonar

Brooktield, Colonel Montagu

Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon

Lawrence, Joseph (Monmouth)

Bull, William James

Green, Walford D (Wednesbury

Lawrence, W. F. (Liverpool)

Campbell, Rt Hn J. A. (Glasgow

Greene, Henry D.(Shrewbury)

Lawson, John Grant

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.

Greene. W. Raymond-(Cambs.

Lecky, Rt. Hn. William E. H.

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Gretton, John

Lee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham)

Cavendish, V. C. W.(Derbysh.

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)

Cawley, Frederick

Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J.(Birm.

Hain, Edward

Leveson-Gower, Fred. N. S.

Chamberlain, J. A. (Worc'r)

Halsey, Thomas Frederick

Llewellyn, Evan Henry

Chapman, Edward

Hamilton, Marq of (L'nd'nderry

Lockwood, Lt.-Col. A. R.

Cohen, Benjamin Louis

Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert Wm.

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S.)

Colston, Chas. Edw. H. A.

Harwood, George

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

Corbett, A. C. (Glasgow)

Haslam, Sir Alfred S.

Lucas, Reginald J.(Portsm'uth

Macdona, John Cumming

Percy, Earl

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Maconochie, A. W.

Pierpoint, Robert

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Thomas, David Alfred (Merth'r

M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.)

Plummer, Walter R.

Thorburn, Sir Walter

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire

Pretyman, Ernest George

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Majendie, James A. H.

Remnant, James Farquharson

Tritton, Charles Ernest

Manners, Lord Cecil

Renshaw, Charles Bine

Tufnell, Lieut.-Col. Edward

Mappin, Sir Frederick Thorpe

Rentoul, James Alexander

Valentia, Viscount

Melville, Beresford Valentine

Richards, Henry Charles

Vincent, Col Sir C E H (Sheffield

Middlemore, J. Throgmorton

Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. T.

Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)

Mitchell, William

Rollit, Sir Albert Kaye

Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Welby, Lt.-Col. A C E (Taunton

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Royds, Clement Molyneux

Welby, Sir Charles G. E (Notts.)

Moon, Edward Robert Pacy

Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-

Whiteley, H.(Ashton-u-Lyne

More, Robt. J. (Shropshire)

Samuel, Harry S.(Limehouse)

Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)

Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow)

Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert

Whitmore, Charles Algernon

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Saunderson, Rt. Hn. Col. E. J.

Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset)

Morton, A. H. A. Deptford)

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone. W.)

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Muntz, Philip A.

Sharpe, William Edward T.

Wills, Sir Frederick

Murray, Rt Hn. A. G. (Bute)

Shaw, Charles Edw.(Stafford)

Wilson, A. Stanley(York, E. R.

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)

Shaw-Stewart, M. H. (Renfrew

Wilson-Todd, Wm. H. (Yorks.)

Myers, William Henry

Simeon. Sir Barrington

Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R (Bath)

Newnes, Sir George

Smith. H C (North'mb Tyneside

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Nicholson, William Graham

Smith, James Parker (Lanarks.

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Smith, Hon. W. F. D.(Strand)

Wylie, Alexander

O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens

Spear, John Ward

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay

Stanley, Edward Jas (Somerset

Palmer, Walter (Salisbury)

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

Parker, Gilbert

Stewart. Sir Mark JM 'Taggart

Sir William Walrond and

Parkes, Ebenezer

Stirling-Maxwell, Sir John M.

Mr Anstruther.

Paulton, James Mellor

Stone, Sir Benjamin

Pease, Herbert P. (Darlington)

Stroyan, John

Education (No. 2) Bill

Order for Third Beading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the third time."

I rise to move that the Third Reading of this Bill be deferred for three, months. I do not suppose any words of mine can emphasise the great importance of this question whenever it comes before the House of Commons in any form; but there is one aspect of the question which must interest everybody, which is that education throughout the country excites far more interest at the present time than it has for a long time past. It is perfectly certain that the Government cannot now make any proposal, legislative or administrative, without considerable interest being taken in it by the whole country where schools or classes affected by the Bill are established. We are finding in an increasing degree that the people of the country are desirous of taking advantage of privileges wherever offered, and are willing to make such sacrifices as are necessary to enable their children to attend these classes, and therefore it becomes of doubly serious importance to closely inquire into any Bill which we think prejudicially affects the existence of those schools and classes when it is brought before the notice of the House by a Member of a responsible Government. But there is another aspect not so bright as that to which I have just alluded, and that is the general attitude which the Government adopts towards education measures in this House. The Government have introduced seven education measures since they came into power in 1895. Of those seven measures two were withdrawn before they had proceeded very far, two were practically unopposed, and the other three have been passed through this House without a single Amendment being accepted; one of the Bills which was accepted by the House was only amended in the sense that it was restored to the position in which it stood before it went to the House of Lords. I ask why it is that, of all the proposals which have been laid before the House on the various subjects in which the responsible Departments of the Government are interested, those of the Education Department alone are to practically go through without a word of amendment? The position has been very much aggravated by the Cockerton judgment, and I have not the slightest hesitation in saying that those who promoted that case promoted it with the deliberate object of striking a blow at the education given by the school boards at their higher grade schools. That judgment having been given, it offered the Government a splendid opportunity of placing on a more satisfactory basis the education of the country, but the Government takes that judgment, not for the purpose of promoting and extending education, but for the purpose of assisting those who have opposed it. By incorporating that judgment into the present Bill, they lend the whole of their influence to those who are striking a blow against the work done by the school boards.

It is the present fashion to speak slightingly of school boards. I know it is the habit to bring against school boards many most unfounded charges. At any rate, it is to their credit that they are proud of their position, and that they do their very best to administer the work entrusted to them. It is a fashion, which I hope will pass away, to ridicule school boards, and to belittle their work, and it is a pity that expression should have been given to all this ignorant prejudice in the speech in which the Vice-President introduced the Bill. The school boards have existed for thirty years. During that time they have been the only possible means which the community had of securing higher grade schools and evening continuation schools; and the only reward that is given to them is the Cockerton judgment and the introduction of this Bill. I think, considering that the school boards were the only means the people had of securing these schools, that every credit and praise ought to be given to them for having achieved, against much adverse criticism and opposition, such splendid results. Instead of that, there is a conspiracy to bring to an end this admirable work. There is an association called the Headmasters' Association. They recently sent a deputation to the Duke of Devonshire, who very frankly told them that he did not understand their arguments. I do not wonder at it. If I wanted an expert on education, the very last man I would go to would be the headmaster of a secondary school. Of all the conservative people in matters of education, the headmasters of secondary schools are the most conservative as regards changes in the curriculum, improved methods of teaching, and improved accommodation. It may not be their own fault. It may be because their schools are largely and perhaps necessarily modelled on the requirements of our university education. Still there has been a most important demand set up for schools of a different type, to train children not solely with a possible view of going to a university, and the headmasters of the secondary schools have never shown any inclination to come to terms as regards that demand. They regard themselves and their schools as merely earning machines. I think that the Department has acted very unwisely in taking so much to heart the advice given to them by the Headmasters' Asssociation, advice which was also tendered to the House in the very able speech of the hon. Member for Cambridge University, which was little more than a reiteration of the arguments of the deputation. The headmasters and the hon. Gentleman complained of the competition which board schools offered to secondary schools, and the Vice-President told us that there were children in the higher grade school who ought to be in the grammar school. I take leave to differ from the right hon. Gentleman, and I do so with the certainty that he has mistaken the position of affairs in, for instance, certain districts in the West Biding of Yorkshire. I would remind the right hon. Gentleman that when children leave the higher grade schools it would not be to enter grammar schools. The higher grade schools teach children who attend them for a year or two in order to complete an education suitable for children of artisans, or for the purpose of preparing themselves for entering a technical school. Let the right hon. Gentleman go into one of the technical colleges in any of our big towns, and he will find that a very large percentage of the children, almost the whole of them, come from higher grade schools, and not from grammar schools. It would be impossible for grammar schools to do their own work, and train children for ordinary occupations or for entering the technical colleges. I think, therefore, that the Department has shown itself extremely unwise in accepting the cry of competition from the Headmasters' Association. I believe that the Department has been misled in the matter, and that they will be very unwise if they accept any similar advice in framing the Bill next year. I do not know to what extent the noble Lord opposite was concerned in this Bill, but as far as he was associated with it he is to be congratulated; but I venture to think the measure will not redound to the advantage of education, at any rate in our big towns in the north of England. I admit the Government were placed in the most uncomfortable position by the noble Lord and his friends. With the noble Lord's friends outside and inside the Government, the Duke of Devonshire must have been in a difficulty. But, even with all the pressure brought to bear on it, I think the Education Department should have settled the question on broader lines. It seems to be absolutely inconceivable that for the merely temporary purposes of an emergency Bill we should have all this new machinery, and that authorities which for many years have had no educational work at all, should be suddenly, and almost at a moment's notice, called upon to deal with this complicated question. That is asking too much. The right hon. Gentleman, in answer to a question the other day, stated in effect that there need be no difficulty or friction provided the school boards did their duty.

I was quoting a letter I received from the chairman of the Finance Committee of the Leeds City Council, who said there would be no friction unless it were promoted by the school board.

The right hon. Gentleman's reply did not appear fully in the paper in which I read it. What happened? The school board applied to a council for machinery to carry on their schools, and the council replied that they would give permission in general terms if the school board sub- mitted to any alterations which they might make with reference to overlapping.

I read the resolution to the House on the occasion, and it was that a general authorisation would be given to carry on the schools subject to the considerations and suggestions of the city council to prevent overlapping.

There was no question of considerations, but the school board was asked to accept suggestions as to overlapping. After the city council had passed that resolution, the school board asked them to let them know what conditions would be required in order to continue them. The city council refused, and said that the school board should accept all or none of their conditions. I think that is assuming a very intolerable attitude. Moreover, while the city council were making it difficult for the school board, they received a deputation from what is called the Church Schools Association, asking for permission to carry on evening schools and also for money. They got permission from the technical instruction committee of the city council and also a guarantee that they would receive 10s. per child for every child in the evening classes to be established by them. In my opinion that is illegal. The 10s. per child is to be paid in respect of children under fifteen, who are to be taught elementary subjects, as well as of children over fifteen who are to be taught secondary subjects. I believe that the technical instruction committee have no power to use money for the purposes of assisting denominational schools or other schools to carry on elementary education. These schools will be able to teach children under or over fifteen either elementary or secondary subjects, whereas the school board, under the Cockerton judgment, will only be able to teach children under fifteen; elementary subjects under the Code. That is an intolerable position. Here is an unrecognised association spending public money, receiving grants from the Exchequer as well as from the local rates, for schools which have no 17s. 6d. limit, no conscience clause, and which may teach children under fifteen or adults elementary or secondary education, whereas the school board only has the right to teach elementary subjects to children under fifteen. I think that is a proposition which will not hold water, and which the right hon. Gentleman ought not to be compelled to accept. I simply content myself with saying that I believe the object and aim of the Government is to hamper and if possible to bring to a hasty conclusion, the work of the school boards, to prevent them making a further progress, and at the same time to favour unauthorised associations of one kind or another. I am in favour of the support of the Government being given, mainly at any rate, to the people's schools where education is given for education's sake alone, and not in the interests of any other object or person.

* : I wish to second the motion of my hon. friend, and I will do so in a very few words, in view of the discussion on the Education Minute which is to follow. I do not intend to enter any further into the merits of this Bill. I consider it is bad both in principle and machinery, but the worst thing about it is the late period of the session at which it has been introduced, and the period of the year in which it will come into operation. Undoubtedly the machinery of the Bill, by setting up possible friction and complications between various authorities, will to a limited if not to a large extent, have the effect of decreasing educational opportunities. That, I think, is a result which all of us would wish to minimise to the greatest extent possible, and we desire that the machinery of the Bill should be amended, either by administrative means or by legislation in another place, in order that we may achieve the maximum result under it, and that education should be provided for children who, if the machinery works badly, will certainly be excluded from all educational advantages. I had intended if time permitted to move the recommital of the Bill with a view to improving its machinery. I am not able to do that now, but I would suggest to the right hon. Gentleman representing the Government that this matter of improving the machinery of the Bill should be con- sidered in another place. I have had placed in my hands a long series of replies from some of the most important school boards in the Midland counties. I will not occupy the time of the House by referring to them in detail, but the broad effect of their recommendations is that the machinery and organisation of these evening schools have been gravely imperilled by the date on which the Act will come into force. In many cases the decision whether the schools are to be continued at all, and on what terms, will have to be postponed until a time when these schools should have been thoroughly organised and ready to begin operations. Another class of representation from some of these school boards is that the decision will be greatly facilitated, will be more effectual, and will be given and taken in a more reasonable way, if the school boards have to apply to and deal with the immediate local authorities who are acquainted with the whole of the circumstances of the schools, and some of whom may be members actually serving on the school boards. I myself have served on both bodies at the same time for many years. It is perfectly obvious that that would provide a maximum of advantage as regards the rapidity and ease with which these matters could be adjusted; and I hope that an Amendment in the direction of these two points may be introduced by the Government in another place. I believe that the Bill is one which can do an immense amount of harm in the country, and, as the Government are responsible for it, they ought to consider whether it would not be to their own interest and advantage, as well as to the interest and advantage of the whole community, if they were to facilitate to the very utmost the retention of all these educational, facilities during the coming year. My main object in seconding the motion is to press on the right hon. Gentleman the desirability of Amendment with reference to the question of dealing directly with local authorities, and also the further question of the Board of Education taking power to act in the event of default either by the school board or the local authority. I hope these two suggestions will be considered, by the Government in another place.

* : I feel that there is not very much to thank the Government for in this Bill. I am sorry that is the case, because I believe that it is of paramount importance that we should very rapidly improve our educational system and our opportunities for obtaining secondary and technical and commercial instruction. At the same time, when the Government are charged with not having allowed any Amendments to the Bill, I feel bound to thank them for knowing, for once, their own minds, and for not having followed the precedent, established by themselves, of withdrawing Bill after Bill without arriving at any practical conclusion. The Bill is a little one, but after all it is only a temporary measure, and, in reaffirming the principle of a municipal local authority, I think the Government have done well to introduce it; but I would impress upon them that there is an urgent demand that this question should be dealt with at an early date next session, and in particular that the whole question of education should be dealt with in a practical way, in order to put it for the sake of all classes upon a proper and permanent basis, as most other countries have anticipated ourselves in doing In dealing with this question we have, I repeat, at any rate to be thankful for one thing. The Bill re-affirms the principle that the local authority should be distinctly municipal. That was the first proposal in 1870; it was at the basis of the Act of 1889; it was contained in the Bills of 1896, and 1900, and what I hope is that the Government will not vacillate on this subject. On the other side it has teen said frequently that great friction will arise, and that the municipal authorities are not unlikely in many cases to show a hostile feeling to education. I say that is at variance with the general practice, at any rate, of the authorities of large cities and towns, and also a great many of the smaller ones, which, though non-county boroughs, have done excellent educational work, in connection with schemes cognate to the present, whether it be public libraries or the excellent administration they have shown under the Act of 1889. I would point out that a large number of the boroughs, both county and non-county, have not only not absorbed the whisky money, and have not applied it to the saving of the rates, but have rated themselves largely and very frequently in order to carry out their educational purposes, and I believe that in committing education to the municipalities, you are not only committing it to representative bodies, but to bodies who have the most ample resources primarily at their disposal. When I say representative bodies, I mean that if they failed in their duty to a locality they would be liable to be changed, and I am thoroughly convinced that the people of this country are now thoroughly alive to the urgent importance of dealing on broad and practical principles, and dealing liberally, and as the most economic expenditure, with the subject of public instruction. I do not believe for a moment that there, will be any retrogressive policy. When it is said that remarks and reflections have been made on the work of the school boards, I am quite sure that, although there is a difference of principle involved in these discussions, the people of the large towns and cities, who in future will be educationally represented through the municipality, have approved of the work of the schools, and do approve of it. They feel that although it may be illegal, it is very well for the country that it has been done, and they are alarmed at what might have happened if numbers of those who through continuation and higher grade schools, and the technical education which has been carried on, should not have had the opportunity of doing so. I feel that I express the view of the cities and towns generally when I say that they think that these higher grade schools and continuation schools have not been costly, but that on the contrary they have been a great saving to the State. Little can be acquired in a school life, and if that had not been saved by the bridging over of the gulf between the elementary and the higher graded schools, the loss to the State would have been very great. Yorkshire has been alluded to by my hon. friend, and I say that the great difficulty in connection with technical instruction there since the passing of the Act of 1889. has been the necessity of teaching the students what ought to have been taught to them in the elementary schools. The difficulty would have been greatly aggravated but for the existence of the continuation and the higher grade schools. I have said what I have about the municipal principle because I believe that to be essential to success in dealing with this subject in the future, and I hope that there will be no disposition whatever to give way to the fancy schemes which were brought before the House in the course of the discussions in Committee, whether recommended by a municipality, discredited Royal Commission, or otherwise.

I desire to say a word on the proposal made in Committee to substitute the technical instruction committee for the council itself. I think the principle is a right one of leaving that to the local authority, who know best what are the local demands and circumstances, and what is the best mode of meeting them. I was sorry that in the Bill which has been withdrawn the word "shall" was not substituted for "may" in adding the co-opted members to the Committee. Under the Act of 1889 the boroughs have generally added such educational members and others, but I believe if you wish friction to arise in the future you will make that compulsory, instead of leaving it optional, as it was in the Act of 1889, and as it is practically under the present Bill. The Act of 1889 on that subject has worked very well. I have read with some regret the observations of the right hon. Gentleman (Sir John Gorst) in Committee, with regard to the relations between the Board of Education and the county and the non-county boroughs. It seems to me that what he then said was at variance with what he said on the First Reading of this or the late Bill, that when a borough decided to rate itself it should have as of right the control of its own schools; and yet a circular has been issued in which the right hon. Gentleman says that the Department must consult the County Council before allowing a non-county borough to act, under this Bill, in the matter of its own education. We are thus going to have delay, and we are going to work backwards and forwards instead of directly. Several authorities will have to be consulted, and this may lead to some of that friction which is prophesied, and which it is always desirable to avoid. I have to say for the committee of the municipal authorities that they are determined that they will allay all friction if they possibly can, and that they will induce, so far as they can, the cities and towns to go on continuing those schools, which I think have done so much good. I hope and expect in any future Bill that, in the case of those non-county boroughs, many of which have done most excellent work and rated themselves in the interest of education in their localities, if they desire, with the sanction of the Board of Education, to be formed into a separate local authority, so far from any impediment being offered in that direction, every facility will be given, for, after all, the locality knows in a large measure what is best for its own needs and interests. Where we find that non-county boroughs have the means and the will, and if they have shown a desire to promote education on proper lines in their midst, then the Education Department should have power to authorise them to become a separate local educational authority for themselves. That is the view taken by the boroughs as a whole, and I hope that in the measure next year we shall have proposals on the main line of the present Bill, but with some of the Amendments to which I have endeavoured to direct attention in the course of the discussions on this measure. I think we have not much, but still something, to be thankful for. There are some who think this measure will limit educational progress; on the contrary, I think it will, in the end, give a stimulus and resources, and that it will be advantageous to the education of the country.

Amendment proposed—

"To leave out the word 'now,' and at the end of the question to add the words 'upon this day three months.'"—( Mr. Alfred Hutton .)

Question proposed. "That the word 'now' stand part of the question."

I have not taken any part in this discussion as yet, but I am anxious before the Bill passes to be allowed to say a very few words. The Bill which is before us to-night is a very small one, but overhanging this discussion there is the shadow of the defunct Bill, and there is also, perhaps, even the feeling that this Bill is only, so to speak, the portico of the larger measure which is promised next year. But, from my point of view, I should say that perhaps the only advantage which has come from this Bill is that it makes it absolutely inevitable that His Majesty's Government must deal with this question next year, and that there shall be at last an end of the procrastination which there has been in regard to this question ever since the Government came into power.

The right hon. Gentleman says "And before it." I will answer on that point. I do not think that during the career of the Government that preceded the present Government—and as I was not a member of that Government I am a perfectly impartial witness—I do not think anybody will say that there was any waste of time or neglect on the part of the Education Office at the time Mr. Acland was Vice-President of the Council, and I venture to say that, had it not been for in many respects the malignant opposition which many of Mr. Acland's most useful reforms were met with by the friends of voluntary schools and by the extreme ecclesiastical party in the country, Mr. Acland's work, great as it was, would have been even greater. That is not what I rose to discuss this evening, nor would I have touched upon it had it not been for the interruption of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. I rather desire to speak for a few moments from the point of view of one who represents a large town where there is a town council and where there is also an able and efficient school board, and who also represents a considerable country district surrounding where there are several active school boards and a large number of voluntary schools. I would also venture to speak as one who for many years, when not a member of this House, was chairman of the county technical instruction committee. What has struck me as the result of such experience as I have had is that many of the fears which are expressed upon both sides of the House from the point of view of the county councils, and also from the point of view of the advocates of the school boards in regard to the conflicting claims and possibly conflicting jurisdiction of these bodies are exaggerated. I cannot help saying that I often feel that in these matters those who have spent, as I have, many years of their lives in administrative work look on these questions from a rather different point of view than those who regard them from the point of view of parliamentary debate, and that many of those difficulties, which strike what I may call the pure parliamentarian, become very much smaller when they are judged from the point of view of actual experience and practice. I venture to say that in all these matters there is the sphere of the county council and also the sphere of the school board. When I am told that in consequence of this little 2½d. measure, for it is nothing else, some great and deadly blow is going to be struck at the school boards of England, I am inclined to repeat the famous observation of Dr. Johnson and to say "Fudge!" The school boards are much too strong. Although I am a supporter of county council administration, I know the admirable work that has been done by the school boards, and when I am told that the school boards can be abolished by this Bill, or any other Bill, I know that it is perfectly impossible. Our school boards are rooted in the affections of the people of this country, and you cannot abolish them. Similarly, the work done by the town councils, and I am bound to say by the great county councils of England, is improving every year, and it is also attaining a very great hold upon the affections of the people.

But, while I say that, I do not want to be understood as accepting this Bill at all in the spirit in which it was put forward by the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House, when he said that if this Bill passed we had settled once for all whether the county council or the school board was going to be the authority for secondary education. There is a sphere for the school board as well as the county council in regard to secondary education in our large towns. I do not believe the day has yet arrived when you can possibly concentrate all the educational authority in one hand. That may come, but it is not coming today, nor to-morrow. The county council or the county borough, or possibly those larger municipal authorities to which my right hon. friend who has just addressed the House has alluded, will continue for many years longer the authority for secondary education and technical instruction, and there will be school boards dealing with elementary education and passing all the most promising pupils of the schools under their control to the higher schools. Similarly I say that in the country districts you cannot possibly put all the schools under one authority. It would be absolutely impossible to put the whole of the schools of a county under the control of the county council or the technical instruction committee. What you can do is to require that in every county in England there shall he a county authority, and you can require also a smaller authority. That authority in most places must be some body, either the existing school board, where there are school boards, or other minor authority, which in my opinion ought to be endowed by Act of Parliament with the power of the school board. I would infinitely prefer to have an ad hoc election to-morrow rather than have no authority representative of the ratepayers, which is the present position. The great need of our country districts is to have a representative authority of some kind. Personally, I hope to see the day when places which desire school boards may have them. I look forward to the day when in those places that do not desire school boards the existing localuthority shall by Act of Parliament be the educational authority. Bear in mind that many of those places are very poor, and the great use that the county authority could be to them is to strengthen the weak and come to their help with the deeper and longer purse which the county council controls. I believe, unless you have some large authority like the county council backing up the smaller school boards and, in some cases even, by the parish councils, to which you might give the authority of school boards. You will always go on suffering from the great difficulty of the country districts—namely, the difficulty of finding a proper staff and paying it properly. I venture to say that if the county council of which I have the honour to be chairman, was given by any Act of Parliament next year the controlling authority in many other matters of local administration, I will undertake that in five years I will put a new face on the education of the county, because the county council would be able, as it is regard to roads and sanitation and the housing of the working classes, to come to the rescue of these poor suffering places in remote districts where there are struggling school boards and very often struggling voluntary school managers, who are anxious to do their duty but too poor to do it. I am in the immediate neighbourhood of a small school board, and I know the struggles of school boards. I know the case of a school board which has been engaged in a parish inhabited by only 300 people, where a 1d. rate produces perhaps£2 or something of that kind. I know the efforts those poor people have been making to improve the education of their parish, and how often I have wished that it was in my power to go to the county council and ask them to give support to the efforts of that struggling parish in the way of education in the same way as regards roads and sanitation. I look forward to a state of things in all our large towns when we shall have the town council as the authority for secondary education, acting through a committee or not; and in regard to primary education we shall have a school board, while as regards the rural area we shall have a representative authority elected ad hoc . Behind these smaller, and often poor, districts we should have the county council with its greater powers, and as I believe with its greater experience and good will to support all these poor and struggling places. I could wish that in the concluding months of this year we would emulate the noble educational enthusiasm which there was as far back as the winter of 1869–70 in regard to primary education. There were enormous differences of opinion—differences quite as great as those that separate us now, and, in my opinion, far greater—but everyone was determined in 1869–70 that 1870 should not close without a great educational measure being placed on the Statute Book. There were also great struggles in that year of Mr. Foster's great measure. My two right hon. friends near me and others were very severe critics of that measure because we thought it did not go far enough; others thought it went a great deal too far. We should make up our minds that in the coming winter we should act in a similar spirit and try to form a great body of educational public opinion, as distinct from political opinion, and make up our minds that next year shall not close without a great measure for a system of secondary education being placed on the Statute-book. I wish my right hon. friend the Vice-President would gird up his loins and take the course I suggest, but I do not conceal from myself that his utterances are most discouraging, even to his most enthusiastic admirers. What could possibly be more unfortunate than that this tiny little Bill, which could have been introduced in a speech of five minutes, should have been made the occasion of a violent attack and commentary on the conduct of the school boards. I venture to say that nothing more inopportune could be imagined. What could be more unfortunate than when an important deputation waited on the Government eighteen months ago on the question of the London School Board. He should say that if they expected any legislation he could say that they were very much mistaken. He said he had listened to their arguments, and it was the old story that he would mention them to the Lord President. I suppose he has mentioned them to the Lord President, but nothing has come of them. Let us hope that the right hon. Gentleman will make up his mind to rise to the height of this great project and bring his friends up to the point, so that next year we may have a measure of which we may be as proud as we were of the measure of 1870.

I do not desire to detain the House at any length, but I should like to say a few words as this is the last opportunity we shall have of considering this Bill. I shall not follow the noble Lord the Member for the Cricklade Division over the wide field which he traversed, for it seemed to me that his speech was mainly directed not to this Bill, which we are now reading the third time, but to a future Bill, or rather a Bill which existed, in his imagination, and on the imperfections of which he grew very eloquent. I will not comment on the earlier speeches to which we listened, beyond saying that it seems to me a little hard on hon. Members on one side or the other should revile the Government for the number of Education Bills which they have failed to pass. After all, Bills do not fail to pass, of themselves. I congratulate the hon. Member for East Northamptonshire on thinking that we have reached a point of political reflection, and that we can realise how valuable a body the House of Lords is now. The discussion on this Bill has revealed the minds of what may compendiously be called educationists in an interesting way. I do not believe, in spite of all that we have heard, that enthusiasm for the school boards in every case is the main opinion, or that even on the other side it is the very general opinion. I believe there is a great deal of the desire for reform which cannot be identified with the school board. I perceive that what a considerable number of educationists who think our system of education is a disgrace to the country really wish to alter is the Vice-President's sense of humour. There is another class of educationists who have an altogether idyllic view of the functions of Governments and Parliaments with reference to education. They think that a Government with boundless time, unlimited goodwill, and the assistance of an Opposition only less devoted to education than themselves, might easily pass any Bill, however large, dealing with this thorny and delicate subject, and that all that is wanted is a little enthusiasm.

I do not agree with the criticisms of my hon. friend the Member for North West Ham with regard to University representation, but I cannot help noticing that the idyllic point of view was very prominent in the attitude of the hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford University. Two or three years ago he was angry with some of us for not accepting the assurance of the Government that we should have a comprehensive scheme of secondary education. I am unable to assent to the opinion which my hon. friend expressed that the Cockerton judgment was a great disaster. Educational reformers seem to be convinced that the Cockerton judgment was a great disaster, and that but for it educational progress would have been very much more rapid. I believe that to be a profound mistake. I deny that the Cockerton judgment was the result of a clerical conspiracy. The Cockerton judgment was the result of a protest made in the law courts by some ratepayers who appeared to the auditor. When I had the honour to join the Committee for the defence of the Cockerton judgment I did not find anyone who at all sympathised with the point of view I hold, and which I have always avowed with a candour quite inappropriate to the reputed character of a conspirator. I have never concealed my view that religious education is the much more important part of education. I confess that I do not very well understand how it comes that persons who sincerely accept the truth of religion and who are not confined in a lunatic asylum are able deliberately to prefer a secular to a religious school. It is when I consider that there are such people that I realise how wide and comprehensive the limits of sanity are. Suppose the Cockerton judgment was the result of a clerical conspiracy, are hon. Members opposite not able to see that those Churchmen who are interested in education are their natural allies? There are none who are more discontented with the present system of education than those interested in religious education. We may be sure that in future there will be sharp differences of opinion, but at this moment we are expediting reform of some kind, and in pushing the present reform the friends of religious education are the best allies we can possibly have. If it was a conspiracy, they are foolish indeed not to see that it was an event of the best kind for educational reform. Until hon. Members on both sides of the House made up their minds to frankly and loyally accept the principle that children ought to be brought up in the religious belief of their parents, there will never be progress in the educational system of the country. It will produce no sweetness and light, but hate and bitterness. It will for ever be coming up against obstacles of one kind or another until this is solved. If we could come to such an agreement things would change as by the waving of a fairy's wand, and we would not only have an educational reform next year, but one which would be a lasting settlement of the education question. The Cockerton judgment, although not the result of a clerical conspiracy, and although ministering powerfully to the success of the prospects of educational reform, is only one step. It only does a little, and if the Government had not taken the course they have done, and brought in another Bill of another character, that one step would have been taken. Next year we will be able to discuss education in an atmosphere in which we have never been able to discuss it before, because by the Cockerton judgment, left undisturbed by the present Bill, we have got rid of the opportunity for out-and-out friends of the school boards to capture secondary education. The Cockerton judgment will make it necessary to proceed to an educational settlement, and the school board chance of capturing secondary education is gone. For the first time we will discuss a Bill for an educational settlement on fair terms, and if it is wrecked by obstructive tactics the cause of education will suffer. I am glad that in every speech in this debate the strongest desire has been expressed that the Government should proceed on the path of educational progress. If they will do so, and treat the religious convictions of what are, after all, the great majority of the people with proper respect, I am satisfied that a Bill can be, and will be, passed next year which will be an honour to them and a source of utility and wealth to the country.

I can assure the noble Lord that among those who differ from him toto cœlo on almost all public questions, sacred and secular—and I must ask him to include me in that category—there is but one feeling of recognition and admiration for the manner in which he addresses the House, and not only on account of the ability he displays, but on account of the perfect and extreme frankness and candour with which he states his opinion. Someone has been calling the noble Lord a conspirator. Those who are in this House and who know him must be well aware that that is not his character, however much he may be involved with those who are conspirators. There is another propensity which makes the noble Lord perhaps the most interesting feature of all in a debate of this sort. It is a puzzle to me, watching these debates, to discover what is the cause of the sudden zeal of the Government to snub, and curb, and generally circumscribe and, if possible, to extinguish the school-board system in this country. The zeal is very sudden, because we have not seen traces of it in previous years; and we look about to see whence it arises. It cannot arise from the Vice-President, because in the course of his somewhat incomprehensible and erratic career as our Education Minister his motive, his moving power seems to be a sort of genial, sceptical cynicism, which would not lead him to be enthusiastic about anything. We naturally pass from him to the noble Lord the President of the Council. No one would associate either suddenness or zeal with him. Then there remains the First Lord of the Treasury, who may be the source of inspiration, but the First Lord is generally accepted as a philosophic person, destitute of any great fanaticism on this question or any other.

I am, therefore, driven to another hypothesis. There is often a power behind the throne. We have known in history of a great cardinal who wielded the power of a mighty monarch; but it was known that after all it was not he in his gorgeous raiment who truly wielded the power, but a soberly clad ecclesiastic in his retinue. In this case we have not far to look for son Éminence Grise . Son Éminence Grise sits below the gangway, and is Member for the borough of Greenwich. The noble Lord does not make any secret of his faith. His ideal is a clerically-controlled system of education, and he hopes, and makes a tender and pleasing appeal to this House, that, in order to get rid of all the present difficulty and facilitate the passing of a great measure, we should all accept his views. But there are a great many of us who are diametrically opposed to the fundamental ideas of the noble Lord on this matter. There are many of us who think that there is one condition in a thoroughly sound system of national education, and that is that it should be under open, local, popular control from one end to the other. My noble friend the Member for Cricklade, who made an admirable speech a short time ago, and whose knowledge of this subject is great both in theory and in practice, has pointed out that in 1870 there was a great difference of opinion; but, with all that, there had been the great possibility of a general agreement on this question. I wish there had been an agreement in favour of a universal system of direct popular control in these matters. I quite admit all that my noble friend has said, that we should make the best arrangement we can in the circumstances in which we now find ourselves. I quite admit we cannot expect a perfectly uniform system to be established; but we wish a co-ordinate and well-arranged system where at present overlapping and confusion exist, although it may not be uniform in every part of the country. Of one thing I may assure the noble Lord—that the large mass of his fellow-countrymen who are represented on this side of the House will insist that, whatever be the form or whatever the outward shape which it takes, the control of education must be directly in the hands of the people; and it is because— I speak for myself—I see in these Bills, the Bill that is deceased, and in this Bill, a tendency to depart from that principle that I give this Bill my most earnest opposition.

I do not rise to continue this debate, but to invite the House to come to a conclusion. I am the more disposed to do this because it is manifest to everyone who has listened to the last two speeches, at all events the last that they have nothing whatever to do with the Bill which we now ask to be read a third time. The speech of the right hon. Gentleman may have had some remote connection with the Bill introduced to the House earlier in the session. It has no direct connection with the Bill now before the House or relation to the Bill not yet in being. Everybody admits, I think, that that speech had only the most distant connection with the temporary measure the House is going to read a third time. I am not going to plunge into controversy with the right hon. Gentleman in respect of his observation that, while my noble friend pleaded for religious education in primary schools, the right hon. Gentleman is pleading for popular control. These are two quite different things, which are not before the House and which have nothing to do with each other. Whether the right hon. Gentleman rushes at my noble friend as if he had preached some doctrine or heresy which he represents, I do not know. The right hon. Gentleman represents a constituency and comes from a country, as I also come from a country, in which education is under popular control. It is not only religious education, but it is dogmatic education. It knows nothing of these strange compromises which are the subject of debate in the school boards in this country. Frankly, under popular control in Scotland there is taught the shorter Catechism in a great majority of the schools, the Anglican Catechism is taught in other schools, and Roman Catholic theology in still other schools. That is to say, that the teaching of dogmatic theology is not incompatible with popular control. I do not at all say that such a system can be transplanted to England. Unfortunately, almost everything in Scotland is better than everything in England, but we Scotsmen who represent constituencies in England have found it extremely difficult to induce the English people to see it and to adopt our system. [Laughter.] I am far from suggesting that there should be a bare imitation of the Scotch system in England. I will not pursue this subject further, for I find I am falling into the error of discussing schemes, and therefore I bring my observations to a close by an appeal to the House to now proceed to a vote.

1 will not detain the House five minutes, but I wish to say a few words before we divide. The constituency which I represent is entirely opposed to this Bill. They believe that it strikes a severe and fatal blow at the entire education of the working people of that constituency. All the public bodies are against, and they have no confidence in, His Majesty's Government so far as their education policy is concerned. The more the Government have interfered with education, the lower down have they gone in our opinion. The noble Lord the Member for Greenwich would go back to the monastic system and of all things subordinated to priestcraft. Our progressive educationists are not in favour of that, because they believe that it will strike a vital blow at our popular system of education. I have over and over again, by petition, letter, and resolution, been urged by all the public bodies in Leicester to oppose this Bill by speech and vote on every possible occasion, and I cannot allow the division to take place without entering my protest against the Bill on behalf of the great industrial, enterprising, and skilled community which I represent.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 200; Noes, 142. (Division List No. 375.)

AYES

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir A. F.

Bartley, George C. T.

Butcher, John George

Aird, Sir John

Beach, Rt Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol)

Campbell, Rt Hn J. A.(Glasgow

Allhusen, Augustus Henry E.

Beach, Rt. Hn. W. W. B. (Hants.

Carlile, William Walter

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Carson, Rt. Hn. Sir Edw. H.

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Bhownaggree, Sir M. M.

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Bignold, Arthur

Cavendish, VCW. (Derbyshire)

Arroll, Sir William

Bill, Charles

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Blundell, Colonel Henry

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Bailey, James (Walworth)

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. (Birm.)

Balcarres, Lord

Bousfield, William Robert

Chamberlain, J Austen (Worc'r

Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (Manch'r

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Chapman, Edward

Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W. (Leeds)

Brassey, Albert

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Banbury, Frederick George

Bull, William James

Clare, Octavius Leigh

Coghill, Douglas Harry

Hudson, George Bickersteth

Penn, John

Cohen, Benjamin Louis

Hughes, Colonel Edwin

Percy, Earl

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Jebb, Sir Richard Claverhouse

Pierpoint, Robert

Colston, Chas. E. H. Athole

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow)

Johnstone, Heywood (Sussex)

Plummer, Walter R.

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Kennaway, Rt. Hon. Sir John H

Pretyman, Ernest George

Cox, Irwin Edw. Bainbridge

Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T. (Denbigh

Remnant, James Farquharson

Cranborne, Viscount

Kenyon, James (Lancs., Bury)

Renshaw, Charles Bine

Crossley, Sir Savile

Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop

Rentoul, James Alexander

Cust, Henry John C.

Keswick, William

Richards, Henry Charles

Dalkeith, Earl of

Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.

Ritchie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson

Davenport, William Bromley-

Law, Andrew Bonar

Robertson, Herbert (Hackney

Davies, Sir Horatio D (Chath'm

Lawson, John Grant

Rolleston, Sir John F. L.

Dickson, Charles Scott

Lecky, Rt Hn. William Edw. H

Rollit, Sir Albert Kaye

Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.

Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Doughty, George

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Round, James

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Leveson-Gower, Frederick N. S

Samuel, Harry S. (Limehouse)

Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir Wm. Hart

Llewellyn, Evan Henry

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.

Elliot, Hon. A. Ralph Douglas

Lockwood, Lt. Col. A. R.

Sharpe, William Edward T.

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Sinclair, Louis (Romford)

Fergusson, Rt. Hn Sir J. (Manc'r

Long, Col. Charles W (Evesham

Smith, James P. (Lanarks.)

Fielden, Edwd. Brocklehurst

Long, Rt Hn Walter (Bristol, S.)

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)

Finlay, Sir Robt. Bannatyne

Lowe, Francis William

Spear, John Ward

Fisher, William Hayes

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Fitzroy, Hon. Edwd. Algernon

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsm'th)

Stewart, Sir M. J. M'Taggart

Flannery, Sir Fortescue

Macdona, John Cumming

Stirling-Maxwell, Sir J. M.

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Maconochie, A. W.

Stone, Sir Benjamin

Forster, Henry William

M'Arthur, Charles(Liverpool)

Stroyan, John

Garfit, William

M'Iver, Sir Lewis (Edinburgh W

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Gibbs, Hn AGH (City of Lond.

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Godson, Sir Augus. Frederick

Majendie, James A. H.

Thorburn, Sir Walter

Gordon, Hn J E (ElginandNairn

Manners, Lord Cecil

Thornton, Percy M.

Gordon, Maj Evans (T'rH'mlets

Mitchell, William

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. M.

Gore, Hn. GRCOrmsby- (Salop

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Tritton, Charles Ernest

Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Valentia, Viscount

Green, Walford D (Wednesbury

Moon, Edward Robt. Pacy

Vincent, Col Sir CEH (Sheffield)

Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury

More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire

Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)

Gretton, John

Morgan, David J. (Walthamst.

Welby, Sir C. G. E. (Notts.)

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Whiteley, H. (Ashton-u.-Lyne)

Hall, Edward Marshall

Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford

Whitmore, Charles Algernon

Hamilton, Rt Hn Ld. G. (Midd'x

Muntz, Philip A.

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset)

Hamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'nd'ry

Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute)

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Hanbury, Rt. Hon. Robert Wm.

Murray, Chas. J. (Coventry),

Wills, Sir Frederick

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)

Wilson, A. S. (York, E. R.)

Haslam, Sir Alfred S.

Myers, William Henry

Wilson-Todd, Wm. H.(Yorks.)

Heath, Arthur H. (Hanley)

Nicholson, William Graham

Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath

Helder, Augustus

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart-

Henderson, Alexander

O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Higginbottom, S. W.

Orr-Ewing, Charles Lindsay

Wylie, Alexander

Hoare, Edw. Brodie (Hampst'd

Palmer, Walter (Salisbury)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E.

Parker, Gilbert

Hope, J. F (Sheffield, Brightside

Parkes, Ebenezer

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—

Hoult, Joseph

Pease, Herbert P. (Darlington)

Sir William Walrond and

Howard, J. (Midd., Tottenham

Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt. Wellesley

Mr. Anstruther.

NOES.

Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.

Buxton, Sydney Charles

Dillon, John

Abraham, William (Rhondda

Caine, William Sproston

Donelan, Captain A

Allen, Chas. P. (Glouc., Stroud

Caldwell, James

Doogan, P. C.

Ambrose, Robert

Cameron, Robert

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

Asher, Alexander

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Duffy, William J.

Asquith, Rt Hn. Herbert Henry

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.

Dunn, Sir William

Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)

Causton, Richard Knight

Edwards, Frank

Bell, Richard

Cawley, Frederick

Esmonde, Sir Thomas

Boland, John

Channing, Francis Allston

Farrell, James Patrick

Bolton, Thomas Dolling

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Fenwick, Charles

Boyle, James

Crean, Eugene

Ferguson, R. C. Munro (Leith

Brigg, John

Crombie, John William

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmund

Broadhurst, Henry

Cullinan, J.

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Brown, George M.(Edinburgh)

Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)

Flynn, James Christopher

Bryce, Rt. Hon. James

Delany, William

Foster, Sir Walter(Derby Co.)

Burt, Thomas

Dewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.

Fuller, J. M. F.

Gilhooly, James

M'Govern, T.

Shipman, Dr. John G.

Grant, Corrie

M'Killop, W. (Sligo, North)

Sinclair, Capt. John (Forfarsh.)

Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick)

Mooney, John J.

Smith, H. C. (North'mbTynesd.

Griffith, Ellis J.

Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport)

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton

Murphy, John

Soares, Ernest J.

Hammond, John

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Spencer, Rt Hn C. R. (Northants

Hardie, J. Keir (MerthyrTydvil

Newnes, Sir George

Stevenson, Francis S.

Harrington, Timothy

Nolan, Col. John P. (Galway, N.

Strachey, Edward

Harwood, George

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Sullivan, Donal

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Brien, James F. X. (Cork)

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipp'r'ry, Mid

Tennant, Harold John

Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Thomas, A. (Glamorgan, E.)

Helme, Norval Watson

O'Connor, Jas. (Wicklow, W.)

Thomas, David A. (Merthyr)

Holland, William Henry

O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Horniman, Frederick John

O'Dowd, John

Tully, Jasper

Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley)

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Ure, Alexander

Joicey, Sir James

O'Kelly, J. (Roscommon, N.)

Wallace, Robert

Jones, William (Carnarvonsh.)

O'Malley, William

Walton, John Lawson (Leeds, S)

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Wason, E. (Clackmannan)

Joyce, Michael

Palmer, Sir C. M. (Durham)

Weir, James Galloway

Kay-Shuttleworth, Rt Hn Sir U

Partington, Oswald

White, George (Norfolk)

Kinloch, Sir John Geo. Smyth

Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)

White, Luke (York, E. R.)

Labouchere, Henry

Perks, Robert William

White, Patrick (Meath, N.)

Langley, Batty

Power, Patrick Joseph

Whiteley, George (York, W. R.)

Layland-Barratt, Francis

Price, Robert John

Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)

Leamy, Edmund

Rea, Russell

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington

Reddy, M.

Williams, Osmond (Merioneth)

Lough, Thomas

Redmond, J. E. (Waterford)

Yoxall, James Henry

Lundon, W.

Robson, William Snowdon

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

Roche, John

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.

Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)

Mr. Herbert Gladstone and

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Shaw, C. E. (Stafford)

Mr. M'Arthur.

M'Dermott, Patrick

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Main Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read the third time, and passed.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. STUART WORTLEY (Sheffield, Hallam) in the Chair.]

Civil Service Estimates, 1901–2

Class IV

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding£5,647,716, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1902, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Board of Education, and of the various Establishments connected therewith including sundry Grants-in-.Aid."

As the time for discussing the Education Estimates is very short, and there are a great many Members who would like to address the Committee, I think I shall be consulting the general convenience of the Committee if I abstain from making any lengthy statement on the general education policy of the Government, and content myself with some short observations on the Minute of 3rd July, which, I understand, will form the first and principal subject of discussion this evening. I should like to tell the Committee that the Board of Education were anxious about the evening continuation schools and other evening schools long before the Cockerton judgment, and I have several times in the Committee, and frequently out of doors, called the attention of Parliament and of the country to the great confusion which exists in regard to our evening schools. There were two departments which were giving grants on different principles and of different amounts for subjects taught in evening schools frequently overlapping each other. There were schools receiving, some a grant from the Education Department, some a grant from the Science and Art Department, and many grants from both. The schools were conducted, some by voluntary committees, some by school boards, and some by technical instruction committees, under the Technical Instruction Acts, frequently competing with each other, and lowering the fees, and also, what was worse than that, the standard of education, in order to attract scholars in the competition. The Board of Education had considerable doubts and misgivings as to the educational result which was produced by this chaotic system, and the indignation which was expressed at a speech which I made a short time ago was most surprising, because what I said was merely an echo, a feeble echo, of statements which had been made by educationists whose character was far above reproach. I will give the Committee an example.

At the time when I made my speech there appeared an article in the Monthly Review which must have been written long before my speech was delivered, in which a gentleman whose name is unknown in our political contests approached the subject from an entirely educational point of view. In a philosophical article, which I commend to the reading of Members of this House, he used the following expressions. Speaking of evening classes, he said— May I now quote the language of a, gentleman who does engage in educational contests. The hon. Member for North Camberwell, in a speech he made-on the London School Board two years, ago, said— shape of book prizes or the return of fees, and in spite of all this the numbers fell off very much after Christmas. There was, too, a disinclination to do the home-work which was necessary for any real progress. In most of those subjects, the writer urged, it would be much more satisfactory if prizes were given for genuine progress, and not simply for attendance.

That is the language which was used in regard to Rochdale. When the attention of the Lord President was called to the danger in which evening schools were placed, I took the opportunity of consulting a very large number of inspectors. The statements made to me by the inspectors of the Board of Education whom I saw and cross-examined on the subject were the foundation for the statements I made in this House some little time ago which were recevied with so much indignation and surprise. That was the attitude, that was the line of the Board of Education, before the Cockerton judgment was given. The Board therefore considered that some step ought to be taken for the improvement of these evening schools. Then came the Cockerton judgment, and that practically decided that those evening continuation schools which had been carried on under the Board of Education as public elementary schools were not really public elementary schools at all, and could not any longer be carried on as public elementary schools. It became absolutely necessary that some steps should be taken to put out from the Board of Education a Minute making our grants conformable to the law as declared, otherwise we should have been but flouting the courts of justice and inviting breaches of the law by promises of grants to these schools. The framing of this new Minute was entrusted to the permanent technical advisers of the Board of Education, who know nothing of politics, nothing of agitation in the country, and approach the question from the most pure educational point of view. The principles on which they were to act were these. First of all, instead of there being two separate grants from the Board of Education, there should be one single grant. Every school should have one single grant from the Board of Education. Then the regulations under which these grants must be given should be made as simple as possible. Thirdly, the principle under which grants should be distributed should be such as to encourage real work in these schools. They should be given for real instruction, real educational work, and every effort should be made to encourage regularity of attendance. Well now, the result of this instruction was the minute which has been laid on the table of the House.

Of course, I do not want for one single moment to minimise the responsibility either of my noble friend the Lord President or myself for this Minute. We read and considered carefully every word of every provision of this Minute, and we are in every respect responsible to the House and the country for it. But neither my noble friend nor I would like to take an undue amount of credit for the production of this Minute. Because I feel quite sure that when the passions of the present moment have passed away this Minute will be looked upon as the first step in a great educational reform, and I should be very sorry that an undue amount of this credit should be put down to the parliamentary officials, and that the House should not recognise that the real merit of such an arrangement belongs to the scientific and expert knowledge and the wisdom and experience of the Board of Education.

With regard to the grants which are given under this Minute, they are not less than heretofore. The calculations of the grants were, of course, made by experts. They had to satisfy the Treasury that we are not running into any great extravagance, and the basis upon which the grants were made was that the sum expended by the Government upon evening schools education should be as nearly as possible under the new system the same as under the old. It is quite true that the new system greatly favours schools which do real work, and greatly favours schools in which the attendance of the scholars is regular. Where there are reactionary evening schools which do little work, and where the scholars look in now and then and attend the schools in a desultory and irregular fashion, those school; will, no doubt, lose under the Minute unless they can contrive to induce their scholars to do more real work or induce them to attend more regularly. Here I really should like to defend myself—I seldom trouble the Committee by defending myself—against the charge that I am opposed to dancing. I am not opposed to dancing. I look upon dancing and other physical exercises as most excellent for the children either of town or country. There is nothing, I think, which is more important and more desirable than that the young people should be amused, and should have recreation as well as study. But why should that recreation be paid for out of the Consolidated Fund? These things do not cost anything. Dancing does not cost the managers of a school a large sum of money. All you want is a piano and a young lady to play it, and they can dance to their hearts' content. The only objection I ever made—that the Government ever made—was that these recreative pursuits, which are not costly, which the young people can really organise for themselves—[Cries of "Agreed" from the Opposition]—I have been abused up and down the country for what I have said on this matter—all these things should be carried on, and the young people and the teachers should be encouraged to organise them; but it should not be at the cost of the Consolidated Fund, which ought to be reserved for more serious work. We make this proposal, and it is received with most vehement opposition. I have had great experience in educational reform in the last six years, but every attempt which has been made to reform schools has met with opposition, because there grow up round existing systems, good or bad, vested interests which very much dislike being disturbed. When you disturb these vested interests some schools will benefit—will get more grants out of the Exchequer—and other schools will get less. But those schools which will get more do not say anything, although every school manager who gets less complains, and, as Meredith says, " They bang misfortune like a drum whereon to batter loud complaints."

It is not necessary that I should call the attention of the Committee to the method by which this opposition to the Minute has been carried on, because those who are philosophic and regard these things with experience will judge from the kind of opposition that the Minute must be a very excellent one. Those who are opposed to it have called names, very bad names, very opprobrious names; they have ascribed very bad motives; I think they have stated that the Duke of Devonshire and myself are animated by a desire to keep the people in ignorance. It is preposterous to say that of the Duke of Devonshire, whose fidelity to Liberal principles is acknowledged by every person in this country, and of my humble self, who have always postponed political advancement to my attachment to democratic principles. The third method by which this Minute has been opposed has been by an agitation which was begun before the Minute was read or understood by the teachers, and it has been carried on by a number of misrepresentations as to the facts which compel me to attribute defective perspicacity to the critics. I saw the statement made by the Association of School Boards, I think the day after the Minute appeared, that under it every single evening school would be cut in two, and that there would have to be a separate school for those above fifteen and a separate school for those below fifteen. I will just give the Committee one example of the way in which this agitation is carried on. It was stated in the early stages that ambulance and home training were stopped by the Minute. It has been found out since that that was a mistake, and we have not heard so much about it lately. But at first it was stated, and in consequence of that statement—and this shows how public opinion is manufactured—a circular was addressed by the London School Board to every one of the teachers of ambulance and home nursing whom they employed, a number of very prominent and able medical gentlemen. One of these circulars fell into my hands, and I will read it to the Committee—

I will not give the name. I dare say the hon. Member knows who sent it as well as I do.

I do not know who sent it; but I would like to ask, on behalf of the Board, who it was.

It is headed "School Board for London," and it says, as I read—

"I am writing to you on behalf of the chairman of the Evening Continuation Schools Committee"—

and the gentleman who writes it is a member of the London School Board. I quote that as a specimen to show hon. Members how little they can depend on the kind of agitation that is got up by means of circulars of this sort, although nobody will say now that under the Minute ambulance and home nursing are forbidden. It has been found out that they are not. [A RADICAL MEMBER: How?] The Minute says any other subject approved by the Board of Education.

Yes, but that is not the question. The circular says there will be no grant for them. It has been found out that there will be a grant, and they built up the agitation on this particular point. When they have once started it, it is like a snowball, you cannot stop it, and to this very day a number of members of this House come to me in the lobby and produce this circular and say, "Is it true that you stop ambulance and home nursing?" And I have to tell an immense number of hon. Members, it does not matter whether the member is Conservative or Liberal, that the statement is purely inaccurate, and that there is nothing to prevent such subjects being included in the curriculum of the evening schools. In fact I may say that there are evening schools in which these subjects have been already included.

That is exactly my point. We omitted them because we wanted to make this Minute as short and plain as possible, to indicate the kind of subjects which the classes may teach and leave to them the selection.

As I say, for brevity and clearness I will give an illustration. I believe there is another subject dropped out which is taken in country evening schools—basket-making. I venture to say there is a very large number of country schools in which basket-making is taught. By giving a long list of subjects you run the risk of misconceptions; it is much better to use general terms. But in the philosophical article which I commended to the attention of the Committee there is one other passage I should like to read, because it exactly expresses the policy the Government are going to pursue. This is written in respect of the Bill which we read a third time a few minutes ago, but it applies equally to the Minute. It is in the Monthly Review . This gentleman says—

"The Government Bill has naturally met with a bad reception from those interested in the maintenance of things as they are. The smaller local authorities and the large army of elementary science teachers are its sworn enemies, and they are organising a vigorous opposition to the measure. The school boards also feel themselves slighted by the new measure, and are angrily protesting against its provisions. It is to be hoped that the Government will not be misled by the noisiness of these sections of the general public."

I have made the few observations which I think I was entitled to make upon this Minute because so much has been said against it, and there has been no opportunity yet to say anything in its favour. I now say there is not a single argument advanced against it. Names have been called, motives have been attributed, and misstatements have been circulated, but I have not seen a single real argument against this Minute, or anything to show that it would not operate, in any sense in which it was intended to operate, as a great reform in regard to the evening schools. But if any hon. Member in the course of the discussion can raise any points which are deserving of the consideration of the Committee, I am quite prepared to answer anything that is said that is not in its favour.

* , in moving the reduction of the Vote by the sum of£200 in respect to the salary of the Vice-President, expressed his regret that this was the only mode of raising a discussion upon this education Minute. He thought it a most disagreeable method to have to move a reduction of any hon. Gentleman's salary in order to get an expression of opinion in a matter of this kind. Before he explained the position of this Minute as he viewed it, he must revert to the speech just delivered. He had hoped that for once they might have had a sober discussion of the subject, and might have had done with the flippant way of bringing forward isolated cases and condemning a whole series of schools because those isolated extremes exist. The right hon. Gentleman was claiming for himself a position from posterity. He had appealed to the House to place him upon a monument, and stated that he had sacrificed his political advancement to his principles, and even, it might be said, had sacrificed education for the pleasure of his own jokes. The House had been driven to discuss this Minute in the last three days before it would come into operation. It was due in May, it was not laid until 3rd July, and no opportunity of discussing it had been afforded until the last days of its lying on the Table of the House. When he saw this Minute, and saw what a disastrous blow it struck to the cause of the continuation schools, he believed it was an error—a huge mistake. He could not believe that, in its ordinary sense, it was possible that such a document had come from the Education Department. From that moment he set to work to do what he could to see if there was no hope of modifying this Minute in some of its most disastrous effects. He entertained great hopes that that might be done: as late as last week he submitted to the right hon. Gentleman all the knowledge he had, and he hoped some way might be shown out of the difficulty in which the schools had been placed; but he regretted to say that the answer, when it came, was hopelessly unsatisfactory. The right hon. Gentleman said the only way by which the difficulty could be get over was by doing that which could not be done, namely, competing with the municipal technical schools. The right hon. Gentleman invited them to contribute to the overlapping which he professed to deplore, and which for many years they had endeavoured to keep out of the educational system in our municipalities.

The history of evening schools in this country dated back to 1885. At that time a number of persons began to realise what an enormous amount primary education cost, and also that children were leaving the schools at the age of thirteen, twelve, or eleven who were supposed to have completed their education. Many Members of this House were deeply impressed, not only with the educational waste that went on, but the serious evil done by the early termination of the education of these children. When figures were investigated it was found that, despite the excellent work which was being done over the country, not more than 5 per cent, of the children were carrying on their education in a feasible manner, and that there had been a leakage and wastage of 95 per cent, of the work that had been done. It was to meet this terrible need that the idea of evening schools began, and they commenced their work upon an entirely new basis. Those persons who set about this problem attacked in the only way in which it could be attacked; they tried to put themselves into the place of those children they wished to gather into the schools—there was no compulsion, they realised the conditions under which these children lived and worked, in many cases ten hours a day, in the workshop and the factory, and that when their work was over the only place for them was the street; and they realised what the true method of education was, that it was not to try and cram so much knowledge into the head of a little child, but to develop the faculties and to draw out what talents might have been given to the child. They realised, therefore, that the education of the evening schools, if it was to draw out the talents of the child, must not consist so much of book work, but that it must appeal to the eye and the hand, to the senses of the child which had not yet been developed, and that in that way real education without cramming might be given.

That was the ideal which these men and women set out to realise, and for eight years they struggled, from 1885 to 1893, in the realisation of the ideal, and their success was great. Children did come in to the schools. First of all there were great difficulties, no doubt; and there were now, no doubt, great difficulties in towns starting them for the first time. But where the work had been carried on for any length of time those difficulties had disappeared, with the help of the Government inspector, who has helped and advised and made these schools, after eight years, as good as possible. Then came the happy year of 1893, when the evening schools received their charter from the predecessor of the right hon. Gentleman, Mr. Arthur Acland, who produced that splendid Evening School Code which would ever remain a monument to him of a great work. One great thing was the adoption of that book, "The Life and Duties of a Citizen," for the evening schools, and another was the teaching of history and geography, subjects much neglected in the Department of the right hon. Gentleman, but necessary subjects if we were to bring up the children of our cities to take any interest in their lives and surroundings. The succeeding years from 1893 were years of splendid progress, the school attendance from 100,000 went up to 500,000, which showed that in every sense the success was becoming greater and greater,, doing much to alleviate the conditions of life in the great busy centres of population; and now there came, eight years later, in 1901 an Education Minute from the right hon. Gentleman's Department which he could not describe as anything else but a death blow to evening schools as conceived and promoted by Mr. Arthur Acland and the Department over which he presided, and in which the right hon. Gentleman succeeded him. He did not suggest that all the evening schools would be closed under the Minute, but evening schools as distinguished from science and art classes, if they continued to exist at all, would be in a poor, maimed, and truncated condition. He hoped the Committee would bear in mind the distinction he had drawn between evening schools properly so called and science and art classes. As a matter of fact, they appealed to a different class of students. In the science and art classes they had the clever, studious child, able to take his place in the technical schools and eventually become a leader in that industrial, world in which he will work; but while they considered the leaders of the various arts and crafts, were they to neglect the private soldiers of our industrial life? Those were the people for whom he appealed—those were the persons so sorely hit by the Minute of the right hon. Gentleman, which would take away from them what had been their delight for many years past. As for the offer to change these classes into science and art classes, they declined it altogether, because not more than 20 per cent, of the children were of the mental calibre to take advantage of these science and art classes. There was an admirable system for passing, on from the board school to the municipal, continuation schools in his district. It was the practice there never to keep a child in the board school longer than was required to discover that he was able to pass on to higher education.

There were two good points in this Minute. The first was that there should, be managers appointed to each evening school. That was very valuable, and it, added to the efficiency of the school when a local committee, formed as far as possible from parents of scholars attending, managed the school. The second good point was that the right hon. Gentleman abolished the possibility of schools being farmed out for the profit of the teachers. He agreed with those two points entirely, and, further, he believed in charging fees for schools. He had never been an advocate for absolutely free schools. But having given the right hon. Gentleman those points, he came to the evil provisions of this Minute. The first one was that the course of instruction must be approved by the Board of Education. Hitherto it was the local inspectors who gave approval to this work, and he must say that those gentlemen had worked splendidly and had done work for which they were never paid; they had come out and taught in the schools in order that they might learn how these things were to be done. It had been his practice to ask the inspectors at the beginning of every school year to meet in conference the managers and teachers, to give their criticisms and suggest improvements, in order that the schools might be made more efficient than in the previous year. The whole of that system was now to be thrown overboard; the courses, instead of being subject to the approval of the local inspectors, with their knowledge of the day schools, the scholars, and their limitation, were to be sent to Whitehall or South Kensington, where it was certain the same sympathetic help and criticism would not be rendered. Another point was the increased stringency of the requirements for the minimum course of instruction in each subject. The minimum was raised from twelve to fourteen hours. He did not complain of that as a whole, but it would prevent the drawing of children into the evening schools after Christmas. ["Why?"] Because the children could not make the fourteen hours instruction in each subject if their obligation to attend day school terminated at or after Christmas. With regard to the abolition of physical exercises—

* Said that was exactly She kind of answer they were accustomed to from the right hon. Gentleman. Physical exercises were not abolished, but they were absolutely cut out for purposes of the grant. Simply because the right hon. Gentleman visited a school in London and found dancing going on under the heading of physical exercises, he had condemned a most valuable kind of instruction throughout the rest of the country.

:The hon. Member has no right to say anything of the kind. I said specially in my speech that I was strongly in favour of dancing, swimming, and other suitable exercises, and really the hon. Member should not so misrepresent me to my face in the Committee of the House of Commons as having said the exact contrary.

* id he could not quite understand the point of the right hon. Gentleman's interruption. It was clear that he had condemned physical exercises.

:In the sense that whereas they were formerly included in the course of instruction for which grants could be earned, the right hon. Gentleman had, in his new Minute, removed them, so that they could be taught practically only outside the school curriculum. That the excesses of which complaint had been made occurred was the fault of the inspectors, who should have made surprise visits. If it was not their fault, where could the responsibility be located except on the right hon. Gentleman himself? Was it fair to condemn something which had gone on satisfactorily in many schools throughout the country simply because the right hon. Gentleman or one of his subordinates had grossly neglected his duty? Would it be believed that on 5th March, in reply to a question, the Vice-President used these words—

"As to the question of physical instruction in evening schools, I can assure the House that I am as eager as any hon. Member to see that the children, both boys and girls, have proper physical instruction."

* : At that very moment the right hon. gentleman was hatching the minute to stop physical instruction altogether.

* said that the reply was given to an appeal he had made that physical exercises should be made more systematic and thorough, and placed on a scientific basis, so as to be of the utmost value in the development of the poor puny children of whom there were too many in the large towns. As an innocent new member he had on that reply built great hopes as to future advance in that direction, and the result was to be seen in the Minute under consideration. A further point in regard to which the Minute would have such evil results was the way in which "human" subjects were so grossly penalised. The grants for the teaching of history, geography, literature, and the life and duties of citizens, were cut down by no less than 28 per cent. This meant that in the schools with which he was connected the total grant would be reduced from£1,200 to£800 a year. The Minute also provided that no attendance of less than one hour could be counted for that purpose of the grant. The right hon. Gentleman had stated that two lessons of three-quarters of an hour each on the same evening could count, but that was in direct opposition to the plain reading of the Minute. It was very desirable that that point should be cleared up.

The present system, which was the result of fifteen years hard work, was to be maimed and mutilated, if not destroyed. He appealed to Members who knew the pleasures of a good education, who had been to the public schools and universities, and who knew the delights of those influences from which the industrial classes were cut off, to assist him in resisting any attempt to deprive boys and girls who started work at twelve or thirteen years of age, and worked ten hours a day, and whose homes and existence were too often of a dull drab colour, of anything which had contributed a little brightness to their lives, imparting new interests and new capacity to enjoy life in various ways. He urged Members on the other side who took an interest in education to leave no stone unturned in their endeavours to get this disastrous Minute upset, and to have restored the charter of freedom bestowed by Mr. Acland in 1893. He begged to move:—

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Item A (Salaries) be reduced by£200, in respect of the Salary of the Vice-President of the Council."—( Mr. Whitley .)

[Mr. J. W. LOWTHER (Cumberland, Penrith) in the Chair.]

said that as this Minute would reduce the amount of the grants earned from£1,200 to£700, the effect in his constituency would be the closing of several schools. About 2,000 scholars, between the ages of thirteen and eighteen years, were affected, and some 1,200 of them were mill hands. Only a very small number of these, estimated at about 20 per cent., would be able to attend the technical schools. This was not a party question, and he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would be able to meet the view which had been expressed on the matter. The point before the Committee was that, whereas up to now the education of these children had been encouraged for the purposes of carrying on the education they had received in the ordinary schools, it was now suddenly proposed by this Minute to do away with the whole system. It was very hard that those who lived in northern and manufacturing towns should suffer because in certain London districts the school board had taken a different line from that which had been adopted in the north. The right hon. Gentleman had expressed his thorough concurrence in the teaching of physical exercises. The only physical education given in his constituency was that of physical drill, and for the carrying on of that he thought there was a great deal to be said. During the last year something like 2 2,000 men had been rejected as recruits for the British Army, and their unfitness was due to a great extent to their not having had the advantages of the training which these physical exercises would give them. It had been said that in a good many schools .the classes consisted of three or four or seven pupils. That, however, was not the case in Halifax, where there was no; school with less than ninety pupils, while the largest had about 400. It was contended that by the Minute the grant had been raised from 17s. 6d. to 24s. But in order to obtain the 24s. grant the session would have to commence much earlier, and the extra expense thereby incurred would probably more than counterbalance the higher grant. The grant per scholar per hour at present was 2½d.; under the Minute it would be l ⅘d., so that it was perfectly clear that the grant would really be largely reduced. With regard to the conduct of the schools in Halifax, His Majesty's inspector had reported for the year 1900–1 that they were conducted with assiduous care, and that a general attempt was made to fit the boys for their daily occupations, and to prepare them for the higher instruction at the technical school. That he thought was the most important work of the evening continuation schools, and by doing it they were performing a very useful service to the country. The opinion of the country had for a long time been in favour of better and more efficient education, but the Minute before the Committee was of a retrograde character, and he urged the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider it.

said that the speech of the Vice-President was ostensibly to describe to the Committee the effect of the new Minute; but, as a matter of fact, nine-tenths of it had been -devoted to justifying the right hon. Gentleman's speech on the Second Reading of the Education Bill. The Vice-President seemed to imply that he had suffered because of his zeal for democratic -principles. No doubt the right hon. 'Gentleman would remember the Science and Art Directory, which provided for grants on behalf of science and art instruction to the industrial classes. One of the first things the right hon. Gentleman did on corning into office was to strike out the claim which the industrial classes particularly had on those science and art grants. He (the hon. Member) did not know whether that must be taken as an evidence of the democratic zeal which had prevented the right hon. Gentleman securing political preferment in the House of Commons or elsewhere.

The Vice-President had referred to a speech made by him at the London School Board, but the purpose for which it had been quoted was hardly straightforward. The London School Board freed its night schools, the work in connection with which had up to that time been carried on on a very narrow basis. It had not included many pupils, nor had it touched a large number of the working class young people of London. Directly the schools were freed the basis of the work was largely extended, and the number of pupils increased by 100 per cent. The whole machinery of the Board was entirely upset, and the work was for a time in a purely experimental condition. He thought that in the experimental stages of the work some machinery was wanted to secure the automatic cutting down of free night schools wherever the numbers fell below a certain minimum. It was true that he quoted the instances to which reference had been made, showing that extravagance existed. But they were the fringe, and not the main body, of the subject, as the right hon. Gentleman had rather endeavoured to suggest to the Committee. He therefore appealed to the London School Board to set up some such machinery as he had suggested in the interests of economy, and the school board agreed. That machinery was now in operation, and when the number of pupils attending a night school dwindled below a certain minimum that school was automatically closed. The fact that he took that course, and that the London School Board agreed, was an evidence of their desire to see the night school system run on sound lines without extravagance of any sort. Mr. Fred Brocklehurst, a very progressive member of the Manchester School Board, had been quoted in the same way, and the same comment applied. That this course should have been taken .by Progressive members of both the London and the Manchester School Boards showed that, at any rate, those bodies were not irresponsible spendthrifts anxious only to lavish the money of the ratepayers.

Many misrepresentations had been made in respect to the ambulance and home nursing classes. Last year they were specifically mentioned in the Night .School Code, but for some reason the Vice-President decided to strike them out of the Night School Minute. He did not know who issued the circular, but he .gathered that it was issued by a member of the London School Board.

said that the .first he heard of it was that night, and lie doubted very much whether the Tight hon. Gentleman was right in saying that it was issued by a member of the London School Board. At any rate, for some reason, home nursing and ambulance work were struck out of the Minute. When he put a question to the right hon. Gentleman on the subject, he replied that though they were not mentioned they could be included, and from that time all the difficulty was at an end. Now they understood that nursing could be taught in the night schools and grants earned. In his speech, the Vice-President failed to discuss this Night School Minute, but had dismissed it in an airy fashion, as he did every difficult question. This Minute was a four-page leaflet, substituted for the seventy-page document which Mr. Acland compiled, and it was the most cryptic document ever issued from the Board of Education, and that was saying a great deal. So far as he could understand it—and he challenged the right hon. Gentleman to contradict the statement—the political design of the Minute was to make it very hard indeed for school boards to use the school board rates in respect of night school education.

said he would endeavour to show that would be the result, whether it was the intention or not, and further contended that the Minute also made it very easy—much easier than it had ever been before— for the supporters of voluntary schools to get Exchequer grants in respect of night school instruction.

The hon. Member has challenged me to contradict him. I beg leave to contradict him absolutely and categorically.

said he would endeavour to prove these two points. Apart from the schools which would be sanctioned for twelve months under the Education Bill, there would be in future two classes of night schools. First, there would be night schools organised by school boards as public elementary schools, for which the school board rates could be used. The Vice-President was going to make it as difficult as possible for school boards, as school boards, to organise those schools. If they did organise night schools as public elementary schools they could use the rates in order to supplement the Government grant, but they could not give instruction to pupils over fifteen years of age.

That is not in consequence of the Minute; that is in consequence of the law.

denied that that was the law. The Cockerton judgment said nothing about the age of pupils in public elementary schools, day nor night. There was only the obiter dictum of Mr. Justice Wills, who said the rates should not be used for giving instruction to people over the age of sixteen and a half. But the right hon. Gentleman had reduced the age to fifteen. That might be a desirable thing to do, but the right hon. Gentleman should not say it was the law if it was not.

We say it is the law. I rely on the advice I have received from the legal advisers of the Government.

said if these night schools were organised, not only would the school boards not be able to use the rates for anybody over fifteen, but the Minute stated that grants would only be paid "for such part of the instruction specified in this Minute as may legally be given in these schools," and the right hon. Gentleman had declined to say what these subjects were. These public elementary night schools would also be subject to the Education Acts, to the conscience clause, and to the 17s. 6d. limit.

said the right hon. Gentleman was straining the law against the school boards. The animus against school boards was shown by the preferential treatment allowed to voluntary night schools. Upon the night schools organised by school boards there was the limit of fifteen years of age. Last year there were 510,000 night-school pupils, and of these 350,000 were over fifteen years of age, and upon a moderate estimate at least 200,000 of these were in board night schools. To keep these in future the organisation must be under voluntary managers. But that was an unfair manner of breaking down the preferential position arising from the use of rates. Let there be conditions under which both board and voluntary schools could have the money needed, but there should not be this dog-in-the-manger attitude— that, because voluntary schools could not use the rates, therefore board schools should not have the use of rates except under extremely difficult circumstances. Every imaginable obstacle was placed in the way of school boards using rates for night schools.

said the law had: been unduly twisted against school boards. A strange contrast to the restrictions in the Minute was the Scottish Code, under which innumerable-subjects, from commercial arithmetic to navigation and ambulance work, could be taught to pupils of any age, and assistance could be given from the rates.

said he thought the House of Commons was here to make laws. The right hon. Gentleman cited the Cockerton judgment in support of his action, but he did not raise his little finger to alter the law.

There is nothing in the Minute about that. The right hon. Gentleman says the conscience clause does not apply to these schools, but this is subject to the conscience clause.

I would remind the hon. Member that schools carried on under the first article of this Minute are not carried on under the Elementary Education Acts at all. The reason why that notice appears at the top is because the 21st article, which embodies all the other twenty, refers to the schools carried on under the Elementary Education Acts.

Are the first twenty articles in this Minute? This Minute was presented to Parliament pursuant to Clause 97 of the Act of 1870, and consequently the first twenty articles should appear in it.

They are an integral part of this Minute, and were put into it pursuant to the Section 97 of the Act of 1870.

Let me go a step further. Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that this Section 97 of the Act of 1870 really means, although he has not told the schools so, that they must get as much local support as Parliament gives them? What is this money to be spent on, this money which is given to the voluntary school people which is subject to this Minute, and not subject to the night school Minute at all? The school boards of England should receive some assistance and sympathy from a Vice-President of democratic principles. This Minute was issued pursuant to Section 97 of the Education Act of 1870, but if the Vice-President of the Council says the Exchequer grants to voluntary schools under the Minute are not subject to the Act he is party to an illegality, and the School Board Association or some other body will Cockertonise the first body of voluntary school managers that accept the grant under the Minute, and I see a vista of endless litigation which would be due to the indecent haste with which this Minute has been put together.

The only way in which that question can be raised, if at all, is by the Controller and Auditor General of Public Accounts; the voluntary school managers would not be liable to be proceeded against. If the money was improperly spent the Controller and Auditor General, who is an official of the House, would challenge the expenditure and surcharge it.

I think this has been done with great haste, but what I cannot get at is, under what authority are Exchequer grants given to voluntary school managers without reference to the Education Act, which sets forth the conditions under which they are to receive grants.

The grants are given under the authority of Parliament, which voted money to the Board of Education to be spent outside the Education Act, and the Board is justified in spending it. The Board already spends a good deal outside the Education Acts. These grants are not for elementary, but for secondary, education.

It appears to me that we are making our laws in a most curious manner. This is the first time that I have heard that Parliament votes money for elementary education outside the Elementary Education Acts.

It is not elementary education, it is secondary education. It is money given to the school boards, technical instruction committees, or whatever it may be, outside the Elementary Education Acts.

They give elementary education out of money voted by Parlia- ment outside the Elementary Education Acts.

You are offering voluntary schools grants outside the Elementary Education Acts, and that will be used for elementary education.

We shall not give them a single penny of the Vote under discussion, because these are grants which are given at the end of the financial year.

I think the right hon. Gentleman is splitting words, because these grants are for elementary instruction outside the Elementary Education Acts.

They will not get any money out of this Vote, because the money which is earned during this financial year will not be paid until next financial year. We shall take care that in the Estimates submitted next year there will be some Vote out of which this money can be paid.

Are we to understand that the present Minute will not take effect until the beginning of the next financial year?

Not at all; the Minute takes effect now. The schools will begin work under the Minute, and will earn grants, but those grants will not be paid until the next financial year—until after the 31st of March.

That is not a point of principle, that is a matter of device. Next year the right hon. Gentleman will offer these people money outside the Education Vote which they will use for elementary instruction. It will not be under the Elementary Education Acts.

Then that is absolutely illegal, and these schools will be liable to be Cockertonised for using this money for secondary education. A more unsatisfactory thing I never heard. I understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that these Votes were for secondary education.

What I said was that this money which would be so paid to these schools would not be money voted under the Elementary Education Vote. I also said that not one of the schools would receive any money out of the Vote before the House, and that no proceedings would lie against them if there was an illegality, but that in that case the matter would come before the Controller and Auditor General of Public Accounts, who would say that this money had been illegally spent, and he would surcharge the Department.

This money is to be granted to the voluntary school managers outside the Elementary Education Acts, but it will to be used for elementary education. The words secondary education are to be used as a cloak merely for elementary instruction. It is the first time that such a thing has been suggested for thirty years, and I foresee a sheaf of difficulties arising. What the Government is doing is making it hard for the school boards to use their rates, and easy for the voluntary schools to get their grants. The voluntary schools are to have Exchequer grants for elementary instruction, and are to be enabled to give education to everybody, quite irrespective of the Conscience Clause.

said that as regarded the residue grants, the conscience clause allowed scholars to withdraw, but of course in the evening schools they could not withdraw from any class, because they received no religious instruction. The money would be voted for the instruction prescribed in the Schedule of this Minute, and it was quite, true that it included the subject of elementary education.

said they would then have a lump sum of money voted by this House outside the Elementary Education Acts in behalf of instruction in evening schools managed by voluntary school managers.

said they would then get money voted by this Committee to the Board of Education outside the Elementary Education Acts to provide for instruction in reading, writing, and arithmetic. He maintained that that was illegal. They would be voting money to persons over fifteen years of age irrespective of the conscience clause, and all those important safeguards regarding the publication of accounts and. proper balance sheets would be swept away at one swoop by this stupid bull Minute. This was an exceedingly technical question, and he apologised to the Committee for having dwelt so long upon it, but he had done his little best to expose the true meaning of the Minute. At the present moment school boards had the right to organise evening schools, but they could not take in any scholar over fifteen years of age. The Vice-President said that the school boards could organise evening schools as a body of voluntary managers. That might be all right, but they would not be able to use the rates. The school board in Manchester, which under the testimony of the Vice-President had some of the most efficient evening schools in the Empire, had had to call on the ratepayers for 32s. 10d. per child last year. What was the good of telling that school board to organise as voluntary managers when they would not be able to use the rates? He supposed the right hon. Gentleman would say that they might go to the county council and ask for support.

The right hon. Gentleman said that the school board might get a contribution from the local authority; but he had always thought that the Manchester system had been a fine one, and had been held up to admiration in contradistinction to the London system.

said he did not hold up any particular town as a model; but there were in the north of England many excellent evening schools, including those in Manchester.

said that the Vice-President would say to the Manchester School Board, "You need not worry; if you only organise as a board of managers you can educate children over fifteen years of age, but in that case you cannot use the rates. " But in Manchester last year, as he had said, they had used 32s. 10d. per child out of the rates on these schools.

But I have said that the school board can claim a contribution from the local authority.

said he replied to that by the statement that the sums at the disposal of the technical education committees were already eaten up. He had received some letters that day on this point. In Bristol the school board had received out of the rates for evening schools 35s. 4d. per child, in Nottingham 22s. 5d., in Leeds 14s. 2d., and in London 26s. l0d. Now what was the good of telling those people that all they had got to do to keep the children over fifteen years of age at the evening schools, and to get over their difficulties, was to organise the school boards as voluntary school managers? The effect would be to break down the night schools altogether. Would Manchester School Board carry on their night schools if they had no claim on the rates to 32s. l0d. per scholar?

said he hoped and expected that by this time next year a secondary education authority would be established in Manchester which would have the power to make rates, and power to apply those rates to the maintenance of evening schools. He thought it highly probable that that education authority would authorise the Manchester School Board to carry on these evening schools, and would make such a contribution as would make up the sum which they were no longer able to obtain from the rates.

said the Vice-President would admit that that did not provide for the coming year.

said he repeated that the technical committees had already used all their money for other purposes. The "whisky money" was practically all gone. In the present state of local and imperial taxation, did the right hon. Gentleman think that what he suggested was practical?

asked what difference it would make if next year the school board was to receive a contribution from the secondary rate.

said that the best thing to do was to postpone this Minute until the Secondary Education Bill was passed, and the secondary education authority was established. There was another feature. Suppose that the "whisky money" was not all spent. A circular had been issued by the Board of Education which laid it down that the technical instruction committee could not spend the money at their disposal on elementary education. He could, as a practical school board member and a voluntary school manager, foresee a complete entanglement and interminable difficulties in connection with this matter. The right hon. Gentleman would not face these difficulties. This Minute meant that every conceivable difficulty would be thrown in the way of the school boards, as school boards, organising and maintaining night schools out of the rates, while every conceivable advantage was to be given to people who organised voluntary schools which would be given Exchequer grants. He had tried to lay bare the real intention of the Government and of this Minute. He would say, "Give the voluntary schools the same rights as the school board schools," but he objected to the levelling down of the school board schools to the grade of the voluntary schools. The right hon. Gentleman had left out of this Minute almost all the physical instruction which had been in the last night school code. Ambulance work and home nursing had been left out of physical instruction. The right hon. Gentleman said that that did not prevent school managers from teaching physical exercises. No, it did not, but it took away the grants from them, and made it absolutely impossible for the managers to teach them. The right hon. Gentleman said that he would not give the grants because of the abuses to which the grants for physical exercises had been put. That was in reference particularly to London. That was five years ago, when the right hon. Gentleman was himself a participant in the abused physical exercises. In fact the right hon. Gentleman himself had danced away part of the Consolidated Fund.

said that Mr. Bruce had taken the right hon. Gentleman to night schools where dancing was going on; but he wished to call the attention of the Committee to the other abuses of physical exercises which were now to be refused grants. Last year they had 226 schools with 12,717 pupils engaged in learning swimming and lifesaving. That was the first abuse. He knew a boy who had been the means of saving eight lives because of the instruction that boy had received under this abuse!

asked if the hon. Member would candidly tell the Committee whether that was an abuse.

said that the Vice-President of the Council had struck out swimming and life-saving from the suitable physical exercises. He came to the next abuse. There were 223 schools in which 17,256 pupils were learning gymnastics, and 138 schools in which 13, 472 pupils were learning either British military or Swedish drill. All that had gone by the board. [AN HON MEMBER: No.] Yes, they had all gone by the board under this Minute. He wished hon. Members would read the Minute for themselves. He would come to the real abuse. There were 226 schools in which swimming had been taught, 223 schools gymnastics, and 138 drill; but only twenty schools, with not more than 400 pupils, had dancing, which, be it remembered, had been taught under the special sanction of the inspectors and the Vice-President. Because of that one abuse all the rest had to go by the board.

said that these had been taken out of the physical exercises recognised by the Minute, and if the right hon. Gentleman would put them in again he would not have another word to say. The right hon. Gentleman's own inspectors had reported that the work in the physical classes last session had been very beneficial, and in some cases quite beyond expectation. Both the lung and chest and the forearm measurement of the pupils had been greatly increased, and there had been great improvement in conduct and moral tone. All he asked was that these physical exercises should be reinstated in the Minute. For all these reasons, and for the fact that the Minute itself was obscure, that it meant, instead of a truce of God, more squabbling, he appealed to the right hon. Gentleman, who claimed to be a democrat in matters of education, who said that he preferred his democratic principles to political preferment, to act on his own ideals, and let them have, as an alternative to the present stupid and hastily-conceived Minute—it would not hurt his dignity or that of his Department—the Night School Code of last year—Mr. Acland's Code, which that gentleman built up with so much loving care and devotion in the interests of these poor people.

said he quite recognised the enthusiasm of the hon. Gentleman in the cause of education, but that enthusiasm was marred by his attitude of suspicion towards the voluntary schools, which, after all, must conduct a very large portion of the education of the country. He could assure the hon. Gentleman that they on that side of the House attached quite as much, he might almost say more, importance than he did to physical exercises and to the building up of the grit and muscle of our youth. From what the Vice-President had said he gathered that there had been some latitude for abuses in this respect, but that some physical exercises would still be left as legitimate subjects of instruction. This Minute gave to voluntary schools some little advantages which they had not enjoyed before in the matter of night-school instruction. Why did the hon. Member's enthusiasm stop short of one place in the country dealt with by the Minute? The hon. Gentleman said that preferential treatment was given to the voluntary schools; but that was not true. Everything that the Minute did for voluntary schools it did equally for the board schools. The hon. Gentleman had stated that the way in which education was necessarily divided under this Minute was secondary and primary; but the true division between the two classes of education under the Minute was not one of subjects, but of ages. The hon. Gentleman had said that they could not do this or that under the Minute. There were three classes of agencies covering the ground—voluntary schools, dealing with primary education; technical schools, dealing with higher elementary education; and technical night schools, which, in a certain sense, dealt with both elementary and secondary education. Unfortunately, in the Education Acts, as had been recently decided by the Cockerton judgment, there was an age limit—whether it was fifteen or sixteen did not affect his argument—and beyond that certain age the school boards were disabled altogether from dealing with education out of the rates. There were two classes of schools—one containing pupils under fifteen, which might be aided out of the rates; and another, with no limit of age, but a limit of subjects, as defined in the Minute. Where the Conscience Clause or the religious question came in he failed to see, because in all these night schools they had specific subjects dealt with in specific classes, and he doubted whether any religious subject was taught at all. That being so, he defied the hon. Member to prove that any preferential treatment was given to the voluntary schools over the school-board schools. He looked upon the Minute, like the Bill, as being a temporary expedient. There were some things which he should be very sorry to see perpetuated; for instance, it was provided with reference to public elementary schools that such a school must not be held in the same building as an evening school under the Board, which was not conducted under the elementary Education Act, without the express sanction of the Board, but in a separate building. That was likely to lead to difficulty. He ventured to suggest that, after all, many of the points they had been discussing did not really arise on the Minute, but would arise after the Bill, which had been read a third time that day, expired twelve months hence. The Minute, however, as well as the Bill, rendered it more and more imperative that the Government should deal next year with this question of education in the most effective way. Although the discussion had been useful, it had not been of very much practical importance, as it had turned mostly on hypothetical cases. He could only hope that the Education Bill next year would solve all these difficulties, and put the question of the education authorities and the division of the different kinds of education on a sound footing.

said the speech made by the hon. Member for North Hackney was in itself a sufficient justification for the speeches which had been made from that side of the House, more especially the speech of his hon. friend the Member for North Camberwell, who had such a mastery of this question. The hon. Member for North Hackney said they were holding a discussion in the air, because it affected what was to be done next year. It was not apparent why the Government had not reserved those proposals till next year instead of bringing in a Minute which had to be paid for out of supplies not voted this year; but to be voted next year. There had been a long legal discussion between his hon. friend the Member for North Camberwell and the Vice-President. Far be it from him to say that the Vice-President, fortified as he was with the opinion of his legal advisers, might not be right on the question discussed; but he ventured to say that nobody could possibly complain of his hon. friend for having brought the matter forward, or blame him for being wrong, if wrong he was. Until the answer had been given across the Table of the House to his hon. friend by the Vice-President no one appreciated exactly how they stood in regard to this Minute. Suppose the House of Commons, on account of another foreign war or any other cause, refused the supplies next year, all the continuation schools called into existence under the Minute would be left in the air. Who had ever heard of such an extraordinary arrangement being proposed to this House in the dying days of a late session? It was perfectly true that the evening continuation schools were paid for by supplies voted the following year, but that was a very different thing from paying for a head of expenditure which was altogether new. When he came down to the House he had understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that these grants were going to be charged on the Department, which might be called the equivalent of the old Science and Art Department. Naturally the Committee would judge favourably or otherwise of this departure according as they thought the Vice-President was justified or not in coming forward in this matter and anticipating the decision of Parliament next year. All this, however, rendered it absolutely necessary for the Government next year to redeem the pledges which they had given, and that next year there must be a large measure of organised secondary education placed on the Statute-book. A circular had been issued to the organisers of local schools stating that it was the intention of the Department to take advantage of the non-elementary schools to establish through the medium of the county councils a system of secondary schools for the working classes. But if that was the intention of the Government, why did not they state it in plain language long ago? It was this air of mystery, he would not call it subterfuge, which naturally excited suspicion in the minds of hon. Members on that side of the House. In former days, when a great educational reform was to be introduced, his right hon. friend the Member for Dartford had explained all about it in plain and unambiguous language.

That was a course which might well be followed by the right hon. the Vice-President. There was another point in regard to which he had placed a separate notice on the paper, but which time would not permit being brought forward. There was a strong feeling of injustice amongst the representatives of Nonconformist bodies as to the training colleges. He hoped when the right hon. Gentlemen spoke in reply he might be able to tell the Committee that it was the intention of the Government to increase the facilities in day training colleges, by means of which most of the injustice complained of would be removed. The right hon. Gentleman must be aware that a large number of pupils who passed very high could find no room in the training colleges, and they were placed behind persons who took a lower pass in the Queen's Scholarship Examinations. He earnestly hoped that a serious effort would be made to remove an injustice which was felt especially by the great Nonconformist bodies.

* said the conversation between the Vice-President and the hon. Member for North Camberwell was an object-lesson to the Committee to urge on the Government the propriety of withdrawing this Minute and allowing the school boards to work in the ensuing year under the Code which they all understood, and which they had worked with marked success. If the legalisation of certain matters now declared illegal by the Cockerton judgment depended upon the permission of the House, and the money required could only be granted by Parliament next year, they might as well now agree to allow the status quo ante to remain. The evening continuation code had worked successfully and well, particularly in the north of England. Thousands and thousands of youths and those of adult age had received a valuable education under it; but now the Minute said that no one was to be allowed in the rate-aided school board schools over fifteen years of age. It was argued that the school boards might go to the county councils for permission to be allowed to go on as in the past before the Cockerton judgment. Under the Technical Instruction Acts the technical education committees were not allowed to teach anything but technical subjects. As he understood the Minute, the county councils might decide that the teaching of the three R's should now be given in the technical committees' schools. If that were so, why should not the same right be given to the board schools to teach something beyond the three R's? The Minute said that a school would not be placed on the list of recognised schools except on an application made to the Board of Education before the 31st August next by the managers. He held that it would now be absolutely impossible to comply with the letter of the Minute, and therefore he took it that there must be considerable elasticity given to its interpretation. He would like to know under Article 4, "under what circumstances would a school, be regarded as unnecessary. "Again, he should like to ask what was meant by the fifth article, which said that the schools must have "adequate local support." Did it mean subscriptions, and what sort of subscriptions? Then Article 8 said that the course of instruction and the scale of fees should be suitable to the circumstances of the locality. What did that mean? Was it possible that the school fees, in order that they may be approved by the Board, should be so altered as to adversely affect the finances of the school? He emphasised the fact that under this new Minute such education as had been mentioned by the hon. Member for Halifax would be ruined, and urged that it was not in the interests of education such work should be stopped. In these educational matters the Committee should as far as possible avoid political questions. The hon. Member for Oxford University made a very wise suggestion when he referred to the possibility of getting ten men from each side of the House to advise the Government during the recess, so that early next session a Bill might be introduced which should recommend itself to all parties. In calling attention to the difficulties raised by the substitution of the new Minute, he claimed that Members of the Opposition were actuated not by party motives, but by an intelli- gent interest in the great subject of education, and he earnestly appealed to the Government to relieve the country by removing the uncertainty at present existing by at once issuing a statement of the subjects which they would allow to be taught. It ought not to be necessary in a great country such as England for each place to send up a private request to the Department that this or that subject might be taught. There should be a national system controlling the evening continuation classes throughout the land. He suggested that the Government should issue a supplement to the Minute, plainly setting forth the things the authorities were able to do without being liable to the consequences of pursuing an illegal course of action as the result of a mistaken appreciation of their duty.

pressed on the Vice-President the desirability of putting into the Code, instead of leaving it in its present vague and indeterminate position, the subject of ambulance and home nursing. For more than twenty years he had been connected with the National Metropolitan Association for nursing the sick poor in their own homes. When that association commenced its work the most hopeless ignorance prevailed in the homes of the poor with regard to even the simplest elements of nursing, but of recent years the reports had been very different. Young women, and especially young married women, had a knowledge of the various matters affecting nursing and the general welfare of invalids in their own homes such as they had never before possessed, and every intelligent district nurse would tell the right hon. Gentleman that it was largely due to the instruction given at the evening classes during the last few years. There was no subject in the Code which had such a wide-spread beneficial effect on the social condition of the poor, and he sincerely hoped the right hon. Gentleman would make further inquiries and put this subject into the Code, so that there would be no need to obtain permission for its instruction

, who was almost inaudible in the Press Gallery, in referring to the higher branches of education, called attention to the manner in which the industrial side was neglected in this country. England was falling far behind other countries in the matter of industrial scientific education. Electricity was very imperfectly taught in England, while abroad a very extensive work of education in that direction was carried on. Foreigners by means of their chemical research had been enabled to develop industries which originally belonged to this country. The Estimates were very misleading in this matter, because, although Votes appeared from which one would gather work was done in this direction, except to a very slight extent no original research was carried on, and but little was spent on scientific investigation. It was extremely important that, while every attention was paid to elementary education, the higher form of education should not be neglected, for upon it the prosperity of the country largely depended.

* said the Committee had before it the whole educational Vote for the year, and by far the larger portion of the money there provided was for the purposes of elementary education. Nearly all members who took an interest in the subject, whatever might be the standpoint from which they approached the matter, would agree that at present elementary education was not in a satisfactory condition. It would also be agreed that it should be the object of any man who really valued the education of the country to see that the first step of the educational ladder should be placed on a firm, sound, and durable basis. There were many difficulties in the way, some connected with finance, and others with local government, but the greatest of all was that known as the religious difficulty. Many people would put this difficulty out of sight and ignore it. It was a real and living difficulty, but if it was met face to face it could be solved. If, however, it was evaded and ignored, it would come up again, sooner or later, on the one side of the House or on the other, and break up the most promising eirenicon that the good will of educationists might devise. What was the religious difficulty? There were many views of it, and he, of course, could state only his own. From his point of view the difficulty was that there were in this country great bodies of men who held with an intensity of conviction to which too many politicians were strangers that children ought to be brought up not only to an immediate career, but to an ultimate destiny, and that success in the latter was essential and must be attained, even if need be to the detriment of immediate prospects in the former. They further held that it was not for any State authority or any local majority to settle the kind of education that should be given, but that the parents alone should decide the religious teaching a child should receive. That being so, it was a force to be reckoned with. He did not believe that anyone would say, "Very well; those are your convictions, but we cannot afford to take them into account; if you want your convictions you must pay for them. '' The supporters of voluntary schools were often charged with obscurantism; with wishing to lower the standard of education, and with desiring to keep the children of the poor in ignorance for sinister ends, and those charges were often made by the very men who would be the first to deny the means by which alone a true standard of education could be attained. The taunt was as unfair as it would have been if the Jewish community under a former Egyptian Government had been taunted with desiring to resist the enlightened progressive policy of the Public Works Office of that day when bricks were required of them and straw was denied. That there were other sides to the question he did not deny. There were hon. Members opposite who had on these matters convictions as strong as his own, who would admit many of the premisses he was advancing, but reject his conclusions. They, too, had grievances, especially in the country districts, and it was quite true that no final and complete settlement of the educational question could be arrived at until their grievances, as well as the grievances of those who held the same views as himself, were redressed. But it was essential, if this question was to be settled, that a man's conscience should be treated as a force to be respected, and not as a luxury to be taxed. Much was heard of the unequal incidence of taxation, but it was not generally realised how terribly unequal and unjust was the incidence of the educational burden on the people of the country. Some people escaped contributing because others paid twice over; some paid their proper share; others paid twice for conscience sake. Just as we taxed cigars and champagne and, in India, opium, so, consciously or unconsciously, the result of our educational system was that we taxed conscience as a revenue-producing and budget-saving luxury. The burden was not on any one class or section of those counected with denominational schools. The burden was on the teachers, because they were under-paid; on the children, because they were under-taught; and on the managers, because they were over-harassed. There was also a burden on the parents, who, in many cases, were also the subscribers, because, after having paid their rates, they could hardly spare the pence they contributed for the education of their children according to their conscience and their lights. If once the principle was accepted that no school or person should be the worse treated because of conscientious belief, all other difficulties would, he believed, v nish. With regard to teachers' tenure, he was convinced that nobody holding his views on the question of education would say that teachers should not be secured against capricious or unjust dismissal. The question of extraneous duties also would be solved. As regarded inspection, if denominational schools were to receive money from local funds, the managers would not shirk anything in the way of inspection or of representation on their bodies that was necessary to ensure that the money obtained from local authorities was not abused, but properly used for the purposes for which it was voted. As to separate religious teaching, very few would refuse to admit it in denominational schools, provided the rights asked for in this respect were reciprocally granted in other schools. Permanence and unity in our educational system were wanted, but when many spoke of unity they really meant uniformity according to a pattern of their own devising. If our education was to be sound, permanent, and truly national, it must be comprised of all the elements in the nation. If it was to be strong in unity, it must also be rich in diversity. The nation could not afford to estrange or banish any form of enthusiasm, whether religious or civic, which could be made use of to do its part in the greatest of all national works. If those responsible neglected this aspect of the question, they would certainly fail in their efforts, and most of all would they fail if they ignored, trampled on, or penalised the inalienable right of every man to bring up his children according to his lights and his conscience, not less to the love and service of his country because also in the fear of God.

If I do not follow the hon. Member for the Brightside Division of Sheffield into the very difficult and intricate question which he has discussed with such evident sincerity and conviction, it is not because I undervalue its importance. It is a question which thoroughly deserves to be discussed at the proper time, but I am anxious before we pass from the subject of this Minute to say what is the impression produced upon my mind by this debate, and particularly by what has fallen from the Vice-President of the Board of Education. Like many other Members, I came into the House to-night in a state of complete darkness with regard to this Minute. These questions are always very obscure; they are so much mixed up with tedious technicalities. But I do not remember any question being so obscure as the present one, and the cloud did not lift until the real meaning and nature of the Minute were practically dragged out of the right hon. Gentleman by questions of the hon. Member for North Camberwell. It is a pity the right hon. Gentleman did not begin by giving an exposition of the Minute, because we really did not understand what the Minute was intended to effect. If there had been issued with the Minute in the first instance an explanatory memorandum it would, I think, have obviated a great deal of the discussion which has taken place; at any rate, the question would have been much more intelligible.

After listening to the Vice-President, I cannot quite understand why the Minute should have been issued now. I should have thought it might perfectly well have been issued next year, concurrently with the legislation which the Government propose then to initiate. It is really not necessary that this Minute should come in as a parallel measure with the Cockerton judgment and the Bill which has just been read a third time. It is clear that after the Cockerton judgment the school board cannot go on paying out of the rates for anything that is not elementary education without some legal authorisation. But that is not the case with regard to the moneys voted by Parliament. There is no reason why Parliament should not go on voting this money and the money be spent by the school boards or other authorities as before.

I should like to say how the Minute strikes me. I would not go so far as the hon. Member for North Camberwell in thinking that it is necessarily illegal. That is a question on which I should like to reserve my judgment. The right hon. Gentleman is generally careful to be on the right side of the hedge in these matters, and he has very likely obtained a legal opinion which satisfies him that the course is a legal one. I am not prepared to say that his explanation of why the Minute as headed under the Act of 1870 is not a sound explanation. I am inclined to think that it is. I understand that a part of his Minute must be presented under the Act of 1870, so that he is obliged to head it in that way, although the rest of the Minute has nothing to do with that Act. But even if the Minute is not illegal, it does seem to me to be a subterfuge or an artful contrivance for getting round the Act of 1870, and for taking a new departure by a side-wind. Hitherto evening continuation schools have been, if not universally, at any rate generally, public elementary schools. Now, except to a very small extent, they are not to be public elementary schools at all, but schools of a different class. "Secondary schools" is probably rather too large a description, but they are to be schools of a technical and, speaking broadly, of a secondary type. Why should school boards be put at this disadvantage? Why should the conditions which the previous Code held to be necessary—such as those with regard to audit, the publication of accounts, and against the application of money to any but purely educational purposes—be dispensed with in the present Minute? That is a matter on which we should have some explanation. Surely it is entirely a new thing to take the money for these new schools under another Vote altogether. Hitherto the money has been voted as parliamentary grants within the meaning of the Cockerton judgment, which goes carefully into the question of what are parliamentary grants. The money has been voted under the Education Act of 1870, but now it is to be voted outside that Act altogether. It is to be voted, I suppose, under the category of what we call South Kensington grants'—Science and Art grants, as opposed to Whitehall grants.

As the right hon. Gentleman knows, this distinction is practically maintained as regards the two departments of the Board of Education. To a large extent they work independently. We have been accustomed to speak of Science and Art grants as one thing and of Whitehall grants as another, and the right hon. Gentleman is perpetuating that distinction, because this is a grant, not under the Act of 1870, but of a type represented by what we formerly called the Science and Art grant. This is quite a new thing, and I think that if it were to be done at all it should have been done directly and explicitly; it should have been stated and explained; and I should have preferred to see it done rather by legislation than by a process of this kind. The right hon. Gentleman is curing one defect by creating another. What the Cockerton judgment said was that secondary education was not to be paid for out of elementary grants. What the right hon. Gentleman is going to do is to give elementary education out of secondary grants, because a part of this education will be elementary, but the grants will be secondary. He is, therefore, going as far over the boundary in one direction as the school board went in another.

Another question is this: If we are going to turn the corner of the Act of 1870 in this way for evening schools, why not for day schools? I hardly suppose the right hon. Gentleman intends to get rid of the restrictions of the Education Act of 1870. I do not charge him with endeavouring to do so; he has explained quite candidly what, he intends to do as regards this particular grant. But if we are to get round the provisions of the Act of 1870 by putting money down under different heads, why may not that be done with regard to other schools also? It is well known that this Minute hascreated a great deal of disquiet. Only to-day there was put into my hand a memorial from the Lancashire and Cheshire Union of Mechanics Institutes, in the different schools connected with which there are about 140,000 pupils, expressing great alarm and disquiet with regard to this Minute. It is a pity the Board of Education did not at an earlier stage take steps to allay this anxiety. Although we now know pretty well what the right hon. Gentleman intends, I think this debate has been quite necessary in order to clear up matters which previously were doubtful.

If the hon. Member goes to a division on this question I shall support him on three grounds. I shall support him. in the first place, on the ground that this Minute will withdraw a sum of money from certain excellent schools which are doing good work; secondly, because it seems to me to be too previous to be introduced, before the occasion for it had arisen, and to be in anticipation of legislation which will not be proposed until next session; and, thirdly, because it appears to me to be a device for obtaining in a round-about way that which, if desirable, it would have been better to secure by a direct method.

Before this debate concludes, it will be only respectful to the Committee if I make a few observations in reply to the speeches which have been made. The right hon. Gentleman opposite has submitted a very extraordinary view of political morality. He said that, although the rates might not be spent in carrying on a certain kind of school because such expenditure was illegal, yet it might be perfectly justifiable for the Board of Education to spend the Vote of Parliament upon the maintenance of schools which the courts of law have pronounced to be illegal.

They had said that the rates are not to be applied to them, which is quite a different thing.

They have asserted that they are not public elementary schools. Therefore, if the Board of Education had gone on preserving these evening continuation schools, and had paid grants under the Evening Continuation Schools Code, it would have been paying grants to the schools which the Courts have pronounced to be illegal.

You are going to allow the local authorities to authorise the school board to do this for another year. If you are going to allow the local authority to authorise it, why should not Parliament authorise it?

The right hon. Gentleman is speaking as though there were no evening schools except those under the school board, whereas there are evening schools conducted by other bodies. Then the right hon. Gentleman has fallen into another fallacy which seems to be prevalent in the minds of hon. Members on that side of the House—namely, that there are two kinds of grants—South Kensington and Whitehall grants. There is no such thing. They are all grants of the Board of Education, and the Board of Education makes those grants under the terms in which the money is voted by this Committee. This Committee votes some sums of money which the Board of Education are bound by the terms of the vote to spend in a particular way. Other sums are voted in the spending of which the Board are under no restrictions, except that of obtaining Treasury sanc- tion; and they may be devoted to the promotion of education in almost any way they choose. I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that there will be no grants paid out of any sum voted by this Committee for public elementary education to schools which have been pronounced to be illegal.

After the very exhaustive explanations which I gave the Committee in the course of the speech of the hon. Member for North Camber well, I have really nothing more to say on the points then raised. I dare say some hon. Members were not satisfied with my answers, but I have stated fully and clearly the view of the Board of Education upon these matters, and I will not trouble the Committee by repeating my statements. There are two matters outside this Minute, however, which have been referred to. The noble Lord the Member for the Cricklade Division asked me about the training colleges. If I had had an opportunity earlier in the session of making a statement to the House, I should have had a good deal to say on this subject. I can only assure the noble Lord that the Board of Education are fully alive to the extreme importance of this matter, and they recognise as fully as he does the necessity of additional accommodation. I can promise that every effort shall be made to extend both the residential and the day training colleges as opportunity arises, and I hope when the new authority for secondary education is created great progress will be made in the important matter of the training of teachers through the instrumentality of that authority. The hon. Member for the Keighley Division spoke on the question of higher education. There, again, I should like to have spoken at greater length on what has been done by the Board of Education in reference to that subject. While I agree that the importance of elementary education vastly outweighs that of any other kind of education in the interest of the people of the country, yet higher education ought to engage and has engaged our attention. I can assure the hon. Member that no effort will be omitted on the part of the Board of Education to improve such schools as exist, and to spread the schools and colleges which give this higher technical and scientific instruction. I have only one more word to say, and that is with regard to the subject of physical instruction. There never has been any grant made out of the Exchequer for physical instruction as such.

Never. What has happened is this. There has been a fixed grant made for the hours during which a school is open, and during those hours physical instruction was allowed to be given, so that indirectly, but not directly, physical instruction did obtain a grant.

No; we have abolished altogether the fixed grant, because of the abuses to which it gave rise. I will tell the hon. Member what those abuses were. Schools were allowed to reckon for the fixed grant every single hour that a scholar attended. If a scholar attended only one hour in the whole year, that one hour was reckoned in the attendance, and obtained the fixed grant. That was a very great abuse, because it led to extremely irregular attendance. It was to the interest of school managers to scoop into the school half a dozen children, even if they were there only for an hour, without any real regard to the interest of the school or to the reality of the instruction given. A great number of scholars were brought into the school in this irregular manner, for the purpose of earning the fixed grant. When the Board of Education were endeavouring to improve these evening continuation schools, one of the first things necessary was to secure earnestness and regularity of attendance, and to deliver the schools from the practice of bringing in stray pupils simply for the purpose of earning the fixed grant. We therefore determined to abolish the fixed grant altogether, and in its place to give an augmented variable grant—that is, an augmented grant varying according to the time actually spent by the teachers in giving and the scholars in receiving real substantial education. The hon. Member for Halifax said that some of the schools with which he is connected would lose money under this Minute. My answer to that is that if they do lose it will be because either the instruction given is of a very low order, or the attendance in the schools is very irregular. Under the Minute, even if only the most rudimentary subjects are taken, a scholar who attends regularly during the session can earn a grant of as much as 24s. I think a system of grants under which a scholar learning nothing but elementary subjects can earn as much as that cannot be said to be one of which the managers of schools have any great reason to complain. Moreover, I think that amount is as much as it is the interest of the nation to pay out of the Consolidated Fund. The Board of Education have to look at this matter from a national point of view. To get young people into the schools for any purpose whatever—to amuse themselves, to see magic lantern entertainments, to dance, or to go through physical exercises—is a most admirable thing. I have the greatest respect and admiration for those philanthropic gentlemen who, like the hon. Member opposite, devote themselves to that work. The Board of Education, however, have to look at this matter from a very much colder point of view. They have to consider the interests of the State. They are spending, not their own money, but that of the taxpayers, and the question they have to put to themselves is—Is it to the interest of the taxpayer that money should be given for the purposes of that which is taught and practised in these evening schools? The conclusion to which the Board have come is that it does promote the interest of the State, and that it is to the interest of the taxpayer that the money provided by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for evening schools should be spent in the promotion of real serious instruction, and that it ought not to be frittered away in providing mere amusements, however innocent or desirable, but that all the funds which are entrusted to us by Parliament should be reserved for the purpose of promoting in these schools that real, solid, and sound instruction which is so much wanted.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 102; Noes, 173. (Division List No. 376.)

AYES.

Abraham, William(Cork, N. E.)

Gilhooly, James

O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.

Allen, C. P. (Glouc., Stroud)

Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herb. John

O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)

Ambrose, Robert

Grey, Sir Edward (Berwick)

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

Asher, Alexander

Griffith, Ellis J.

O'Dowd, John

Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)

Haldane, Richard Burdon

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Beaumont, Wentworth C. B.

Hammond, John.

O'Mara, James

Boland, John

Harrington, Timothy

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Brigg, John

Hayden, John Patrick

Partington, Oswald

Broadhurst, Henry

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)

Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)

Horniman, Frederick John

Power, Patrick Joseph

Bryce, Rt. Hon. James

Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley)

Reddy, M.

Burns, John

Jones, William (Carnarvonsh.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Caine, William Sproston

Jordan, Jeremiah

Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion)

Caldwell, James

Joyce, Michael

Roche, John

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Kenyon-Slaney, Col. W. (Salop.)

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.

Layland-Barratt, Francis

Shipman, Dr. John G.

Causton, Richard Knight

Leamy, Edmund

Sinclair, CaptJohn(Forfarshire

Channing, Francis Allston

Leigh, Sir Joseph

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Colville, John

Levy, Maurice

Soares, Ernest J.

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Lough, Thomas

Spencer, Rt. Hn. C. R (Northants

Crean, Eugene

Lundon, W.

Sullivan, Donal

Cullinan, J.

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan)

Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.

Tennant, Harold John

Dillon, John

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Thomas, Alfred (Glamorgan, E.)

Donelan, Captain A.

M'Arthur, William (Cornwall)

Thomas, David Alfred (Merthyr

Doogan, P. C.

M'Dermott, Patrick

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

M'Govern, T.

Tully, Jasper

Duffy, William J.

Mooney, John J.

Ure, Alexander

Edwards, Frank

Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport)

Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.

Esmonde, Sir Thomas

Murphy, John

White, Luke (York, E. R.)

Farrell, James Patrick

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Williams, Osmond (Merioneth)

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Flynn, James Christopher

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary, Mid

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—

Fuller, J. M. F.

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Mr. Whitley and Mr. Helme

NOES.

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir A F.

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Fisher, William Hayes

Allhusen, Augustus Henry E.

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm.

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r

Forster, Henry William

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Chapman, Edward

Foster, Sir Michael (Lond. Univ.

Arrol, Sir William

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W.

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.

Gardner, Ernest

Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy

Collings, Rt. Hon Jesse

Godson, Sir Augustus Fred.

Bailey, James (Walworth)

Compton, Lord Alwyne

Gordon, Hn J. E. (Elgin & Nairn)

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manc'r)

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow)

Gordon, Maj. Evans (T'rH'mlets

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey)

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Gore, HnG. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop

Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W. (Leeds)

Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge

Gorst, Rt. Hn. Sir John Eldon

Balfour, Kenneth R (Christch.

Cranborne, Viscount

Gray, Ernest (West Ham)

Bathurst, Hon. A. Benjamin

Cust, Henry John C.

Green, Walford D (Wednesbury

Beach, Rt. Hn. SirM. H. (Bristol)

Dalkeith, Earl of

Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury)

Beckett, Ernest William

Davenport, William Bromley-

Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Davies, Sir Horatio D(Chatham

Gretton, John

Bignold, Arthur

Delany, William

Groves, James Grimble

Blundell, Colonel Henry

Dickson, Charles Scott

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Bond, Edward

Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.

Hamilton, RtHnLord G (Midd'x

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph

Hamilton, Marq of (L'nd'nderry

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Doughty, George

Hanbury, Rt. Hon Robert Wm.

Brassey, Albert

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Bull, William James

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Hay, Hon. Claude George

Butcher John George

Dyke, Rt. Hon. SirWilliam Hart

Heath, Arthur Howard (Hanley

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edw.

Heath, James (Staffords, N. W.

Carlile, William Walter

Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J (Manc'r

Heaton, John Henniker

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Hermon-Hodge, Robert T.

Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbyshire

Finch, George H.

Higginbottom, S. W.

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Hobhouse, Henry (Somerset, E

Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)

Hoult, Joseph

Morton, Arthur H. A. (Deptford

Spear, John Ward

Howard John (KentFaversham

Mount, William Arthur

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Muntz, Philip A.

Stewart, Sir M. J. M'Taggart

Keswick, William

Murray, Rt. Hn. A. G. (Bute)

Stroyan, John

Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Law, Andrew Bonar

Murray, Col. Wyndham(Bath)

Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier

Lawson, John Grant

Nicholson, William Graham

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Thornton, Percy M.

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens

Tollemache, Henry James

Lockwood, Lt. -Col. A. R.

Palmer, Walter (Salisbury)

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Parkes, Ebenezer

Valentia, Viscount

Long, Col. CharlesW. (Evesham)

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlingt'n

Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S.

Peel, Hn. Wm. Robert Wellesley

Webb, Colonel William George

Lowther, C. (Cumb., Eskdale)

Penn, John

Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts.

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset)

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Plummer, Walter R.

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Macdona, John Cumming

Pretyman, Ernest George

Wills, Sir Frederick

MacIver, David (Liverpool)

Pym, C. Guy

Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)

Maconochie, A. W.

Rentoul, James Alexander

Wodehouse, Rt. Hn. E. R. (Bath)

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)

Renwick, George

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Malcolm, Ian

Ridley, S. Forde (BethnalGreen

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Manners, Lord Cecil

Ritchie, Rt. HonChas. Thomson

Wylie, Alexander

Maxwell, Rt. Hn. Sir H E (Wigt'n

Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Rolleston, Sir John F. L.

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Ropner, Colonel Robert

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

Moon, Edward Robert Pacy

Round, James

Sir William Walrond and

More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire)

Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert

Mr. Anstruther.

Morgan, David J. (Walthamst'w

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Morrell, George Herbert

Smith, James Parker (Lanarks.)

Original Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported to-morrow.

Committee to sit again to-morrow.

East India Loan (Great Indian Peninsula Railway Debentures)

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. J. W. LOWTHER (Cumberland, Penrith) in the Chair.]

This is a proposal to give effect to a decision arrived at last session, with the unanimous assent of the House, that the Indian Government should acquire possession of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway, subject to certain conditions, one of which was that they should pay off the particular debeneures attaching to the railway. Certain of

those debentures become due in the first half of next year, and all that this proposal enables the Indian Government to do is to make the necessary preparations for paying off those debentures as they become due. The arrangement is a beneficial one to the Indian Government, as they will be able to raise the money at a lower rate of interest than that now charged on the debentures.

Motion made, and Question put, "That it is expedient to authorise the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise in the United Kingdom any sum or sums of money, not exceeding £3,220,900, for paying off or redeeming debentures of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway Company on the security of the Revenues of India, and to make provision for the purposes relating thereto. "—( Secretary Lord George Hamilton .)

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 188; Noes, 43. (Division List No. 377.)

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F.

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Arrol, Sir William

Allen, Chas. P. (Glouc., Stroud)

Arkwright, John Stanhope.

Asher, Alexander

Allhusen, Augustus Henry E.

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy

Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W.

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Balfour, Rt Hn A. J. (Manch'r

Fuller, J. M. F.

Morton, E. J. C. (Devonport)

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey)

Gardner, Ernest

Mount, William Arthur

Balfour, RtHn. GeraldW. (Leeds

Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert J.

Muntz, Philip A.

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.

Godson, Sir Augustus Frederick

Murray, Rt. Hn A Graham (Bute

Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin

Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin& Nairn

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry)

Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol)

Gordon. MajEvans-(T'rH'mlets

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)

Beckett, Ernest William

Gore, Hn G. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop

Nicholson, William Graham

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Bignold, Arthur

Gray, Ernest (West Ham)

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Blundell, Colonel Henry

Green, Walford D. (Wednesbury

Parkes, Ebenezer

Bond, Edward

Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)

Partington, Oswald

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Gretton, John

Pease, Herb. Pike (Darlington

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex

Groves, James Grimble

Penn, John

Brigg, John

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Plummer, Walter R.

Bryce, Rt. Hon. James

Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G (Midd'x

Pretyman, Ernest George

Butcher, John George

Hamilton, Marq. Of (L'donderry

Pym, C. Guy

Caldwell, James

Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert W.

Rentoul, James Alexander

Carlille, William Walter

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Renwick, George

Causton, Richard Knight

Hay, Hon. Claude George

Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green)

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

Ritchie, Rt. Hn. C. Thomson

Cavendish. V. C. W. (Derbyshire

Heath, Arthur H. (Hanley)

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Heath, James. (Staffords, N. W.)

Round, James

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Helme, Norval Watson

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Hermon-Hodge, R. Trotter

Shipman, Dr. John G.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm.

Higginbottom, S. W.

Smith, James Parker (Lanarks.

Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r

Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand

Channing, Francis Allston

Hoult, Joseph

Soares, Ernest J.

Chapman, Edward

Howard, J. (Kent, Faversh'm

Spear, John Ward

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Hutton, Alfred E. (Morley)

Spencer, Rt Hn C. R. (Northants

Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Stanley Lord (Lancs.)

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Jones, Win. (Carnarvonshire)

Stewart, Sir M. J. M'Taggart

Colville, John

Keswick, William

Stroyan, John

Compton, Lord Alwyne

Lambton, Hn. Frederick Wm.

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow

Law, Andrew Bonar

Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Lawson, John Grant

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Cox, Irwin Edward Bainbridge

Layland-Barratt, Francis

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Cranborne, Viscount

Legge, Col. Hn. Heneage

Tennant, Harold John

Crossley, Sir Savile

Leigh, Sir Joseph

Thomas, David A. (Merthyr)

Dalkeith, Earl of

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Thornton, Percy M.

Davies, Sir H. D. (Chatham)

Levy, Maurice

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Valentia, Viscount

Dickson, Charles Scott

Long, Col. CharlesW. (Evesham)

Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.

Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol. S.

Webb, Colonel William George

Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph

Lough, Thomas

Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.

Doughty, George

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

White, Luke (Yorks, E. R.)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

Macdona, John Cumming

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Mac Iver, David (Liverpool)

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset)

Dyke, Rt. Hn. Sir Wm. Hart

M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Edwards, Frank

M'Killop, J. (Stirlingshire)

Wills, Sir Frederick

Fellowes, Hon. AilwynEdward

Majendie, James A. H.

Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.

Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J (Manc'r

Malcolm, Ian

Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart-

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Manners, Lord Cecil

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Finch, George H.

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Wylie, Alexander

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Fisher, William Hayes

Moon, Edw. Robert Pacy

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon

More, Robt. J. (Shropshire)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow

Sir William Walrond and

Forster, Henry William

Morrell, George Herbert

Mr. Anstruther

NOES.

Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.)

Cullinan, J.

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Boland, John

Dillon, John

Flynn, James Christopher

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Doogan, P. C.

Gilhooly, James

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Duffy, William J.

Hammond, John

Crean, Eugene

Farrell, James Patrick

Harrington, Timothy

Hayden, John Patrick

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Reddy, M.

Jordan, Jeremiah

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Joyce, Michael

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary Mid

Roche, John

Leamy, Edmund

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Lundon, W.

O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.

Sullivan, Donal

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

O'Donnell, J. (Mayo, S.)

Tully, Jasper

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

M'Dermott, Patrick

O'Dowd, John

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

M'Govern, T.

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Sir Thomas Esmonde and

Mooney, John T.

O'Mara, James

Captain Donelan

Murphy, John

Power, Patrick Joseph

Resolved, That it is expedient to authorise the Secretary of State in Council of India to raise in the United Kingdom any sum or sums of money, not exceeding £3,220,900, for paying off or redeeming debentures of the Great Indian Peninsula Railway Company on the security of the Revenues of India, and to make provision for the purposes relating thereto.

Resolution to be reported to-morrow.

Pacific Cable (Money)

Considered in Committee:—

(In the Committee.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That it is expedient to make provision for the construction and working of a Pacific Cable and to authorise the issue, out of the Consolidated Fund, of such sums not exceeding £2,000,000; as may be required for such purpose, and for the repayment of any temporary loan raised for the same purpose; to authorise the Treasury to borrow money for the issue and repayment of such sums by means of terminable annuities the principal and interest of which shall be charged on the Consolidated Fund; and to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of the annual expenses of the Pacific Cable."—( Mr. Austen Chamberlain .)

protested against the Committee being asked to consider such enormous money resolutions at that hour of the morning. Members were asked, without a word of explanation, to pass a resolution saddling this country with a charge of £2,000,000. It was a striking illustration of the gravity of the progressive demoralisation that was setting in in the British Parliament. Ministers had reached such a condition of mind that they apparently thought it a matter of no concern what they asked the House to do in the way of imposing fresh responsibilities on the country. To emphasise his opinion he moved to report progress.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Chairman do report progress, and ask leave to sit again."—( Mr. Dillon .)

said the Secretary to the Treasury could not explain the Bill on the motion to report progress. His hon. friend would have risen to introduce the resolution had it not been for the fact that he himself had given the House an outline of the scheme recently when making his statement as to the remaining work of the session. This was merely a preliminary resolution to enable the Government to bring in the Bill.

was quite prepared to withdraw his motion so that an explanation could be made.

Motion, by leave, withdrawn.

Original Question again proposed.

As my right hon friend has already explained, this is merely an enabling resolution upon which we may found a Bill, which, of course, the House will have the usual opportunities of discussing. The object of the Bill is to provide for the construction and working and management of an all-British cable between Vancouver and Australia. It has arisen out of ap- proaches made to this country by some of our great self-governing colonies, and it is of special interest and importance because it is the first occasion, I think, on which this country has been invited by these colonies to unite with them in a great undertaking of this kind. It has been agreed between His Majesty's Government and the Governments of these colonies—that is to say, of the Dominion of Canada, New South Wales, Queensland, Victoria, and New Zealand—that this country should advance a capital sum amounting to £2,000,000 for the construction of the cable from Vancouver to New Zealand and Queensland, touching only at British possessions, and that the charges incurred in respect of the capital and of the working of the cable in excess of the receipts from that working should be borne as to five-eighteenths by His Majesty's Government, and as to the remaining thirteen-eighteenths by the colonies concerned. The Bill provides for the raising of this money, and for the establishment of a board which is to supervise the construction of the cable and to have the management of it after it is constructed. That board is to consist of three representatives of His Majesty's Government, two representatives of the Dominion of Canada, two representatives of the Governments of Australia, and a representative of the Government of New Zealand. All the colonial Legislatures have already passed the necessary legislation undertaking their respective shares of the obligation, and I have now to ask this Committee to assent to the resolution which has been put from the Chair, in order that His Majesty's Government may fulfil their share of the obligation.

asked why the money was to be raised by terminable annuities.

In order that it may be paid off in a reasonable time. This is the usual and the only preceeding which ensures that course being followed.

contended that this was a new policy, involving a great departure from the long-established practice of the country. Why in this, as in so many other matters concerning the development of the Empire, of which they heard so much, were the unfortunate taxpayers of this country to bear the risk of the burden? If this policy was to be launched it should be a matter of joint responsibility between this country and the colonies concerned.

I suppose it is my fault, and that I did not make it clear. We have undertaken to raise the capital, but we are responsible only for five-eighteenths of it. As regards the whole of the remainder, the different colonies concerned undertake to bear all the charges—the interest, sinking fund, and so on—and, in that porportion, any excess of expenditure over receipts which may occur in the early working of the cable.

said the reply of the hon. Member only showed the absolute absurdity of asking the Committee to pass such resolutions without their having been put on the Paper. Under the resolution as put from the Chair, this country undertook the entire obligation. It was said that the resolution was only a preliminary matter. The same thing was said with regard to the Loan Bill resolution, and yet before that Bill was passed the whole of the £60,000,000 Consols had been issued and taken up by the market. The preliminary stage was really the binding stage, and he should resist any attempt to rush such proposal through after midnight without a pretext or adequate discussion. He moved to report progress.

Motion made, and Question put, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again."—( Mr. Dillon .)

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 64; Noes, 151. (Division List No. 378.)

AYES.

Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.

Boland, John

Channing, Francis Allston

Allen, Charles P. (Glouc., Stroud

Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)

Colville, John

Asher, Alexander

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Crean, Eugene

Leigh, Sir Joseph

Partington, Oswald

Cullinan, J.

Levy, Maurice

Power, Patrick Joseph

Dillon, John

Lough, Thomas

Reddy, M.

Doogan, P. C.

Lundon, W.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Douglas, Chas. M. (Lanark)

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

Roche, John

Duffy, William J.

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Edwards, Frank

M'Dermott, Patrick

Soares, Ernest J.

Farrell, James Patrick

M'Govern, T.

Sullivan, Donal

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Mooney, John J.

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Flynn, James Christopher

Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport)

Tennant, Harold John

Gilhooly, James

Murphy, John

Thomas, David Alfred (Merthyr

Hammond, John

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Tully, Jasper

Harrington, Timothy

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

White, Luke (York, E. R.)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary Mid

Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Chas. Seale-

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire)

O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—

Joyce, Michael

O'Dowd, John

Sir Thomas Esmonde and

Layland-Barratt, Francis

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.

Captain Donelan.

Leamy, Edmund

O'Mara, James

NOES.

Acland-Hood, CaptSir. Alex. F.

Dyke. Rt. Hon. SirWiiliam Hart

MacIver, David (Liverpool)

Allhusen, Augustus Hy. Eden

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward

M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim, E.)

Anson, Sir William Reynell

Fergusson, Rt Hon Sir J (Manc'r

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Majendie, James A. H.

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Finch, George H.

Malcolm, Ian

Arrol, Sir William

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Manners, Lord Cecil

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Fisher, William Hayes

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy

FitzRoy, Hon Edward Algernon

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manch'r

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Moon, Edward Robert Pacy

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey)

Forster, Henry William

More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire)

Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W. (Leeds

Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W.

Morgan, David J (Walthamstow

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.

Fuller, J. M. F.

Morrell, George Herbert

Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin

Gardner, Ernest

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M.H. (Bristol)

Godson, Sir Augustus Frederick

Mount, William Arthur

Beckett, Ernest William

Gordon, Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn

Muntz, Philip A.

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Gordon, Maj. Evans (T'rHaml's

Murray, RtHnA. Graham(Bute

Bignold, Arthur

Gore, HnG. R. C. Ormsby-(Salop

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry

Bond, Edward

Green, Walford D. (Wednesbury

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs)

Nicholson, William Graham

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Gretton, John

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Brigg, John

Groves, James Grimble

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Caldwell, James

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Pease, Herb. Pike (Darlington)

Carlile, William Walter

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Penn, John

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G (Midd'x

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbyshire

Hamilton, Marq of (L'nd'nderry

Plummer, Walter R.

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Han bury, Rt. Hon. Robert Wm.

Pretyman, Ernest George

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Pym, C. Guy

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Hay, Hon. Claude George

Rentoul, James Alexander

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm.

Heath, Arthur Howard (Hanley

Renwick George

Chamberlain, J. Austen (Worc'r

Heath, James (Staff ords. N. W.

Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green

Chapman, Edward

Helme, Norval Watson

Ritehie, Rt. Hn. Chas. Thomson

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Higginbottom, S. W.

Ropner Colonel Robert

Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.

Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Hoult, Joseph

Scott Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Compton, Lord Alwyne

Howard, John(KentFaversh'm

Smith, Jas. Parker (Lanarks)

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow)

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Smith, Hn. W. F. D. (Strand)

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Keswick, William

Spear, John Ward

Cranborne, Viscount

Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Crossley, Sir Savile

Law, Andrew Bonar

Stewart. Sir Mark J. M'Taggart

Dalkeith, Earl of

Lawson, John Grant

Stroyan, John

Davies, Sir Horatio D(Chatham

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Strutt, Hon Chas. Hedley

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan)

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Sturt, Hon Humphry Napier

Dickson, Charles Scott

Loder, Gerald Walter Erskine

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.

Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham

Thornton, Percy M.

Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S.

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Doughty, George

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

Valentia, Viscount

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Warner, Thos. Courtenay T.

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Macdona, John Cumming

Webb, Col. Wm. George

Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.

Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart-

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

William walrond and Mr.

Wills, Sir Frederick

Wylie, Alexander

Anstruther.

Wilson, A. Stanley (York. E. R.

Wyndham, Rt. Hn. George

Original Question again proposed.

opposed the resolution on the ground that it would add to the rapidly mounting bill towards which Ireland would have to contribute more than her share, although she would receive neither directly nor indirectly any benefit from the proposal. Notwithstanding the fact that the major part of the advantages accruing from the cable would go to the colonies, the colonies were taking on themselves only a small fraction of the responsibility. Why was this proposal brought forward at this particular time, when the country was so overburdened? It was surely not a matter of such urgency that it could not wait another session. He hoped the debate would be kept on until six o'clock as a protest against the scandalous manner in which the taxpayers were being overburdened and the finances of the country ruined by the mismanagement of the present Government.

complained that the details of the proposal were absolutely new to the House. This cable was to go from one colony to another, and one would have thought a paper would have been presented showing the advantages to be derived from the cable, and the relative benefits to the colonies and Great Britain.

thought the Government would be well advised in postponing the Vote until the Committee had the Bill before them.

The Bill cannot be printed and brought to the notice of the House until the Committee have passed this preliminary resolution. This is not a Vote in Committee of Supply, and it commits the House to no expenditure whatever. Hon. Members will be in a much better position to appreciate and, if they wish, to object to the policy of the Government when they have allowed us to bring forward the Bill.

said the policy to be embodied in the Bill contained a principle to which the House had never yet been committed. Public money was about to be used to interfere with private enterprise. Many interests in the country would be touched, and doubtless the scheme would be hotly criticised. Some particulars ought surely to be given. Was there to be a special tariff? Was the enormous amount of money which British citizens had already sunk in private cable undertakings to be jeopardised merely to satisfy the sentiment of a few faddists in the colonies? He could understand the Government proposing to have a cable to be used only for Governmental or public purposes, but this was to be a competing commercial cable, to interfere with the existing commercial cable. It was not to be worked, however, on ordinary commercial lines, but by nominees of the Governments concerned, doubtless with large salaries attaching to their positions.

said that that made the matter worse, as the companies would be placed under yet greater disabilities. The whole scheme was monstrous and absurd.

thought the criticisms of the Irish members were proper criticisms on the proposal, but the matter really could not be discussed until the Bill had been brought in. It was a rule of the House that was never broken that such a resolution must be passed before they could see the Bill. The Committee had been told that Bills had already passed the various colonial parliaments, and therefore he thought the preliminary stage might very well be allowed to be taken without further discussion, although he fully agreed that the policy of the Government must be very closely watched when they had the Bill with full particulars before them.

contended that the Government had no claim at all to have the resolution passed that night. He suggested that they should withdraw the resolution and abandon the idea of dealing with the matter this session. This was admittedly a very important subject raising large questions of policy. If in the view of the Government it was an urgent matter, why was it not brought forward at an earlier period of the session? It was most improper that such a scheme should be produced at the fag end of a session which had been a fairly long one, and one in which many subjects that ought to have been discussed had been shelved. Not only had sufficient time not been given to the consideration of ordinary Irish Supply to permit of adequate discussion of the methods of government in Ireland, but Irish Bills, which the Government themselves said were necessary, dealing with admitted grievances, had been put on one side. Notwithstanding these facts, a scheme raising large questions of policy was brought forward at the last moment. Even conceding there was any urgency in the matter, it was monstrous that the Committee should be asked at half-past one in the morning to take the initial step which undoubtedly committed them to a large extent to the scheme.

* : The suggestion of the hon. Member that this matter should be postponed for another session is impracticable.

* : For the simple reason that, acting in concert with the colonies, an order has been given and the contract made.

* : And it is necessary for Parliament to supply the means for carrying out the contract. The hon. Member opposite, in his usual manner, suggests that Parliament has been treated with contempt.

* : That is not so at all. It has been known for months past that an arrangement has been made with the colonies that this cable should be constructed. Questions were asked in the House last session, and I believe they have been asked this session, as to the arrangements made with the colonies. It has been perfectly well known throughout the country that we have agreed with the colonial governments with regard to the construction of the cable and the general principle upon which the work is to be done. The details have been partly stated by the Secretary to the Treasury, and they will be further stated on the Second Reading of the Bill. I will undertake that until the House has pronounced an opinion on the Bill, and until the Bill has become law, no money shall be raised by the terminable annuities proposed in the resolution. The hon. Member for East Mayo referred to my action in raising money for the war loan before the Bill actually became law. It has been the practice in former years for the Chancellor of the Exchequer to raise money for such loans before getting the assent of the House of Commons in any way. I did not do that, however; I obtained the assent of the House to the resolution before taking any steps to raise the money. But this is not the same case. This money is to be raised by terminable annuities, but no steps shall be taken for that purpose until the Bill has become law. It is, however, necessary that the Bill should become law in order that we may raise the money necessary for carrying out the contract into which we have entered, and which was known to Parliament and the country some months ago.

said the statement of the right hon. Gentleman invested the matter with greater im- portance than it before possessed, because a pistol was now presented to the House of Commons. They were now told they must pass this resolution, not because the policy was a right one, but because the Government, behind the back of Parliament, without the knowledge of the House of Commons, and without the matter having been discussed, had entered into a contract which must be satisfied. Such proceedings reduced the functions of the House of Commons to an absolute farce, and every Member who desired to reserve to the House the right to control the public expenditure and to decide upon the public policy of the country was bound to make a firm protest against the action of the Government.

said the country had been embarked on a policy which might lead to the spending of many more millions of money without the Government having had the common decency to allow the House of Commons an opportunity of expressing an opinion on the matter. In the case of the Loan

Bill the Committee were told that the resolution bound the House to nothing, but in this matter they were pledged even before the resolution was proposed, because the contract was already made. He had heard of Ministers making contracts in pursuance of a well-accepted policy, but this was the first time it had ever been done without the assent of Parliament when it involved a great new departure. The Government were steadily assuming an authority over the finances of the country that was absolutely inconsistent with the functions of the House of Commons.

rose to continue the debate, when Mr. A. J. BALFOUR rose in his place and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 141; Noes, 66. (Division List No. 379.)

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F.

Cranborne, Viscount

Heath, James (Staffords, N. W.

Allhusen, Augustus Henry Eden

Crossley, Sir Savile

Higginbottom, S. W.

Arkwight, John Stanhope

Dalkeith, Earl of

Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Davies, Sir Horatio D. (Chatham

Hoult, Joseph

Arrol, Sir William

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan

Howard, John(Kent Faversh'm

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Dickson, Charles Scott

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy

Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph

Keswick, William

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manch'r

Doughty, George

Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Law, Andrew Bonar

Balfour, Rt Hon Gerald W (Leeds

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Lawson, John Grant

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.)

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward

Legge, Col. Hn. Heneage

Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin

Fergusson, Rt Hon. Sir J (Manc'r

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Beach, Rt. Hon Sir M H. (Bristol)

Fielden, Edw. Brocklehurst

Loder, G. Walter Erskine

Beckett, Ernest William

Finch, George H.

Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S.

Bignold, Arthur

Fisher, William Hayes

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft)

Bond, Edward

Fitzroy, Hon. Edw. Algernon

Lueas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Macdona, John Cumming

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Forster, Henry William

Mac Iver, David (Liverpool)

Caldwell, James

Foster, Philip S. (Warwick, S. W.

M'Calmont, Col. J. (Antrim. E.

Carlile, William Walter

Garner, Ernest

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk.

Majendie, James A. H.

Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbyshire

Gordon Hn. J. E. (Elgin&Nairn

Malcolm, Ian

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Gordon, MajEvans-(T'rH'ml'ts

Manners, Lord Cecil

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Gore, Hn. G R. C. Ormsby-(Salop

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Greenwich)

Green, Walford D. (Wednesbury

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. (Birm

Greene, W. Raymond (Cambs.)

Moon, Edward Robert Pacy

Chamberlain, J. Austen (Wor'c

Gretton, John

More, Robt. Jasp. (Shropshire)

Chapman, Edward

Groves, James Grimble

Morgan, David J (Walthamst'w

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Morrell, George Herbert

Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.

Hamilton, Rt Hn. Lord G. (Mid'x

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robt. Wm.

Mount, William Arthur

Compton, Lord Alwyne

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Muntz, Philip A.

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow)

Hay, Hn. Claude George

Murray, Rt Hn A Graham (Bute)

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Heath, Arthur Howard (Hanley

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry)

Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath,

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Welby, Sir Charles G. E. (Notts)

Nicholson, William Graham

Smith, Jas. Parker (Lanarks.)

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Nicol, Donald Ninian

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)

Wills, Sir Frederick

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington

Spear, John Ward

Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)

Penn, John

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Plummer, Walter R.

Stroyan, John

Wyhe, Alexander

Pretyman, Ernest George

Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Pym, C. Guy

Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier

Rentoul, James Alexander

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—

Renwick, George

Thornton, Percy M,

Sir William Walrond and

Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Mr Anstruther.

Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas Thomson

Valentia, Viscount

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Webb, Colonel William George

NOES.

Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.)

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

Allen, Chas. P (Glouc., Stroud)

Helme, Norval Watson

O'Dowd, John

Asher, Alexander

Jones, Wm. (Carnarvonshire)

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N)

Boland, John

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Mara, James

Brigg, John

Joyce, Michael

Partington, Oswald

Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)

Layland-Barratt, Francis

Power, Patrick Joseph

Campbell, John (Armagh, S.)

Leamy, Edmund

Reddy, M.

Channing, Francis Allston

Leigh, Sir Joseph

Redmond John E. (Waterford)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Levy, Maurice

Roche, John

Crean. Eugene

Lough, Thomas

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Cullinan, J.

Lundon, W.

Soares, Ernest J.

Dillon, John

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

Sullivan, Donal

Doogan, P. C.

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

M'Dermott, Patrick

Thomas, David Alfred (Merthyr

Duffy, William J.

M'Govern, T.

Tully, Jasper

Edwards, Frank

Mooney, John J.

Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.

Farrell, James Patrick

Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport

White, Luke (York, E. R.)

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Murphy, John

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Flynn, James Christopher

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Fuller, J. M. F.

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—

Gilhooly, James

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Sir Thomas Esmonde and

Hammond, John

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary, Mid

Captain Donelan.

Harrington, Timothy

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)

Question put accordingly.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 158; Noes, 44. (Division List No. 380.)

AYES

Acland-Hood, Capt. Sir Alex. F.

Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)

Davies, M. Vaughan-(Cardigan

Allen, Charles P (Glouc., Stroud)

Caldwell, James

Dickson, Charles Scott

Arkwright, John Stanhope

Carlile, William Walter

Disraeli, Coningsby Ralph

Arnold-Forster, Hugh O.

Cavendish, R. F. (N. Lancs.)

Doughty, George

Arrol, Sir William

Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh.)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Asher, Alexander

Cayzer, Sir Charles William

Douglas, Charles M. (Lanark)

Atkinson, Rt. Hon. John

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Durning-Lawrence, Sir Edwin

Bagot, Capt. Josceline FitzRoy

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Green wich)

Edwards, Frank

Balfour, Rt Hon A. J. (Manch'r)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon J. (Birm.

Fellowes, Hon. Ailwyn Edward

Balfour, Capt. C. B. (Hornsey)

Chamberlain, J. A. (Worc'r)

Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J (Manc'r

Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W. (Leeds

Chapman, Edward

Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst

Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.)

Churchill, Winston Spencer

Finch, George H.

Bathurst, Hon. Allen Benjamin

Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.

Finlay, Sir Robert Bannatyne

Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir M. H. (Bristol)

Collings, Rt. Hon. Jesse

Fisher, William Hayes

Beckett, Ernest William

Compton, Lord Alwyne

Fitzroy. Hon. Edward Algernon

Bentinck, Lord Henry C.

Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow)

Fletcher, Sir Henry

Bignold, Arthur

Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)

Forster, Henry William

Bond, Edward

Cranborne, Viscount

Foster, P. S. (Warwick, S. W.)

Boscawen, Arthur Griffith-

Crossley, Sir Savile

Fuller, J. M. F.

Bowles, Capt. H. F. (Middlesex)

Dalkeith, Earl of

Gardner, Ernest

Brigg, John

Davies, Sir Horatio D. (Chatham

Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk.

Gordon, Hn J. E. (Elgin&Nairn)

Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth

Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas Thomson

Gore, Hn G. R. COrmsby-(Salop

Macdona, John Cumming

Ropner, Colonel Robert

Green, Walford D. (Wednesbury

Mac Iver, David (Liverpool)

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)

M'Calmont. Col. J. (Antrim, E.)

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)

Gretton, John

M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire

Soares, Ernest J.

Groves, James Grimble

Majendie, James A. H.

Spear, John Ward

Guthrie, Walter Murray

Malcolm, Ian

Stanley, Lord (Lancs.)

Hamilton, Rt Hn Lord G. (Mid'x

Manners, Lord Cecil

Stewart, Sir Mark J. M'Taggart

Hanbury, Rt. Hn. Robert Wm.

Molesworth, Sir Lewis

Stroyan, John.

Harris, Frederick Leverton

Montagu, G. (Huntingdon)

Strutt, Hon. Charlea Hedley

Hayne, Rt. Hon. Charles Seale-

Moon, Edward Robert Pacy

Sturt, Hon. Humphry Napier

Heath, Arthur Howard (Hanley

More, Robt. Jasper (Shropshire)

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Heath, James (Staffords., N. W.)

Morgan, David J (Walthamstow

Taylor, Theodore Cooke

Helme, Norval Watson

Morrell, George Herbert

Thornton, Percy M.

Higginbottom, S. W.

Morris, Hon. Martin Henry F.

Tomlinson, Wm. Edw. Murray

Hope, J. F. (Sheffield, Brightside

Morton, Edw. J. C. (Devonport)

Valentia, Viscount

Hoult, Joseph

Mount, William Arthur

Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.

Howard, John (Kent, Favers'm)

Muntz, Phillip A.

Webb, Colonel William George

Johnston, William (Belfast)

Murray, Rt Hn A. Graham (Bute

Welby, Sir Charles G. E (Notts.)

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire

Murray, Charles J. (Coventry)

White, Luke (Yorks, E. R.)

Keswick, William

Murray. Col, Wyndham (Bath)

Whittaker, Thomas Palmer

Lambton, Hn. Fredk. Wm.

Nicholson, William Graham

Willox, Sir John Archibald

Law, Andrew Bonar

Nichol, Donald Ninian

Wills, Sir Frederick

Lawson, John Grant

Nussey, Thomas Willans

Wilson, A. Stanley, (York, E. R.)

Legge, Col. Hon. Heneage

Partington, Oswald

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Leigh, Sir Joseph

Pease, Herbert P. (Darlington

Wrightson, Sir Thomas

Leigh-Bennett, Henry Currie

Penn, John

Wylie, Alexander

Levy, Maurice

Platt-Higgins, Frederick

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Loder, Gerald W. Erskine

Plummer, Walter R.

Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham)

Pretyman, Ernest George

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—

Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Bristol, S.

Pym, C. Guy

Sir William Walrond and

Lough, Thomas

Renwick, George

Mr. Anstruther.

Lucas, Col. Francis (Lowestoft

Ridley, S. Forde (Bethnal Green)

NOES.

Abraham, William (Cork. N. E.)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)

Boland, John

Jordan, Jeremiah

O'Dowd, John

Campcell, John (Armagh, S.)

Joyce, Michael

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Channing, Francis Allston

Leamy, Edmund

O'Mara, James

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Lundon, W.

Power, Patrick Joseph

Crean, Eugene

MacDonnell, Dr. Mark A.

Reddy, M.

Cullinan, J.

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Redmond, John E. (Waterford

Dillon, John

M'Dermott, Patrick

Roche, John

Doogan, P. C.

M'Govern, T.

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Duffy, William J.

Mooney, John J.

Sullivan, Donal

Farrell, James Patrick

Murphy, John

Thomas, David Alfred (Merthyr

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Tully, Jasper

Flynn, James Christopher

Nolan, Joseph (Louth, South)

Gilhooly, James

O'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary, Mid

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir

Hammond, John

O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

Thomas Esmonde and Capt.

Harrington, Timothy

O'Donnell, John (Mayo, S.)

Donelan

Resolved, That it is expedient to make provision for the construction and working of a Pacific Cable and to authorise the issue out of the Consolidated Fund of such sums not exceeding £2,000,000 as may be required for such purpose and for the repayment of any temporary loan raised for the same purpose; to authorise the Treasury to borrow money for the issue and repayment of such sums by means of terminable annuities the principal and interest of which shall be charged on the Consolidated Fund; and to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of the annual expenses of the Pacific Cable.

Resolution to be reported to-morrow.

In pursuance of the Order of the House of the 22nd day of this instant July, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without question put.

Adjourned at five minutes after Two of the clock.