Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 151: debated on Monday 7 August 1905

The text on this page has been created from Hansard archive content, it may contain typographical errors.

House Of Commons

Monday, 7th August, 1905.

The House met at Two of the Clock.

Private Bill Business

Earl of Stamford's Cheshire Estate Bill [Lords]. Read the third time, and passed, without Amendment.

Metropolitan Electric Supply Company (Various Powers) Bill [Lords]. As amended, considered; a clause added; an Amendment made.

Ordered, That Standing Orders 223 and 243 be suspended, and that the Bill be now read the third time.—( The Chairman of Ways and Means.)

Bill accordingly read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Standing Orders (Private Busi-Ness)

Standing Order 33 read, and amended, in paragraph 11, by leaving out from the word "of," in line 2, to the end of the paragraph, and inserting the words "Woods, and, if the property is in England or Scotland, at the Office of the Commissioners of Works, or, if the property is in Ireland, at the Office of the Commissioners of Public Works in Ireland."

Standing Order 43 read, and amended, by adding, at the end, the words "and, if it be intended to divert any public footpath, the course of such diversion shall be marked upon the plan."

Standing Order 84 read, and amended, in line 5, by inserting, after the word "Treasury," the words "at the Local Government Board."

Standing Order 98 read, and amended, in line 3, by leaving out the words "who shall be ex-officio Chairman thereof."—( The Chairman of Ways and Means.)

Standing Order 157a read.

Amendment proposed—

"In lines 1 and 2, to leave out the words 'generation of electricity for supply,' and in- sert the words 'supply of electricity.'"—(The Chairman of Ways and Means.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Standing Order."

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Standing Orders

Ordered, That the Standing Orders, as amended, be printed. [No. 305.]

Wemyss Tramways Order Confirmation Bill [Lords]. Read the third time, and passed, without Amendment.

Fraserburgh Harbour Order Confirmation Bill [Lords]. Considered; to be read the third time To-morrow.

Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 9) Bill [Lords]. Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

Tramways Orders Confirmation (No. 1) Bill [Lords]. Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

Tramways Orders Confirmation (No. 2) Bill [Lords]. Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

South Barracas (Buenos Ayres) Gas and Coke Company Bill [Lords]. Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time.

Message From The Lords

That they have agreed to—London Government Scheme (Hackney and Edmonton Unions) Bill; London Government Scheme (London and Middlesex) Bill; Thames Conservancy Bill, without Amendment.

Trade Marks Bill; Heckmondwike Improvement Bill; Bristol Corporation Bill; Wigan Corporation Bill, with Amendments.

Amendment to—Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill [Lords].

Amendments to—Bangor (County Down) Water and Improvement Bill [Lords]; Preston Corporation (Ribble Navigation) Bill [Lords], without Amendment.

Petitions

Juvenile Smoking Bill

Petition from South Shields, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Liquor Traffic

Petition from South Shields, for legislation; to lie upon the Table.

St Kilda Island

Petition from St. Kilda Island, for improved communication with the mainland; to lie upon the Table.

Returns, Reports, Etc

Local Authorities (Liabilities)

Return presented, relative thereto [Address February 21st; Mr. Gibson Bowles]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 306.]

Contracts Of Local Authorities (Wages)

Return presented, relative thereto [Address February 22nd; Sir Charles Dilke]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 307.]

Polling Districts (County Borough Of Brighton)

Copy presented, of Order made by the Council of the County Borough of Brighton, altering certain Polling Dis- tricts in the Borough [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Army (Militia)

Copy presented, of furthur Regulations relating to the Militia [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Army Reserve

Copy presented, of further Regulations relating to the Army Reserve [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Prisons (Ireland)

Copy presented, of Twenty-seventh Report of the General Prisons Board (Ireland) for 1904–5, with an Appendix [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Pawnbrokers' Returns (Ireland)

Copy presented, of Returns from the City Marshal of Dublin for the year ended December 31st, 1904 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Census Of The British Empire, 1901

Copy presented, of Summary Tables and Detailed Tables for the several Colonies, etc.; Area, Houses, and Population; also Population classified by Ages, condition as to Marriage, Occupations, Birthplaces, Religions, Degrees of Education, and Infirmities [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Local Government Board

Copy presented, of Thirty-fourth Annual Report of the Local Government Board, 1904–5 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

East India (Reconstitution Of The Provinces Of Bengal And Assam)

Copy presented, of Papers relating to the Reconstitution of the Provinces of Bengal and Assam [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Board Of Agriculture And Fisheries

Copy presented, of Report of the Proceedings at the Fifteenth Annual Meeting of Representatives of Authorities under The Sea Fisheries Regulation Act, 1888, June 22nd, 1905 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Irish Land Commission (Purchase Of Land (Ireland) Act, 1891)

Copy presented, of Return of Advances under the Act during the year ended March 31st, 1905 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 308.]

Clergy (West Indies)

Copy presented, of Return of the Amount payable on January 5th, 1905, out of the Consolidated Fund for Ecclesiastical purposes in the West Indies [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Papers Laid Upon The Table By The Clerk Of The House

Charitable Endowments (London). Further Return relative thereto [ordered August 2nd, 1894; Mr. Francis Stevenson]; to be printed. [No. 309.]

Inquiry into Charities (County of Lancaster). Further Return relative thereto [ordered August 8th, 1898; Mr. Grant Lawson]; to be printed. [No. 310.]

Inquiry into Charities (County of Lancaster). Further Return relative thereto [ordered August 8th, 1898; Mr. Grant Lawson]; to be printed. [No. 311.]

Inquiry into Charities (County of Lancaster) and Inquiry into Charities (County Borough of Preston). Further Return and Return relative thereto [ordered August 8th, 1898, and July 26th, 1905; Mr. Grant Lawson and Mr. Griffith Boscawen]; to be printed. [No. 312.]

Inquiry into Charities (County Borough of St. Helens). Return relative thereto [ordered July 26th; Mr. Griffith Boscawen]; to be printed. [No. 313.]

Questions And Answers Circulated With The Votes

Purchase Of Farm For N Dunlop At Mullaghslin, County Tyrone

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the Estates Commissioners purchased for a Donegal evicted tenant, named N. Dunlop, a holding at Mullaghslin, Six-mile-cross, county Tyrone; that Dunlop, on signing the agreement, informed the Commissioners that he had not yet seen the farm, and asked that the money should not be paid till he satisfied himself the farm was as described; and that Dunlop, on getting possession, complained that the arable acreage was less than stated by the vendor, and asked the Commissioners to send an inspector to report on the matter; and will he say if the inspector's report bore out Dunlop's contention that the arable acreage, instead of being fifty-seven, was only twenty-seven, the other thirty acres incapable of cultivation; and, if Dunlop did not get the opportunity asked for, and if the farm is incapable of earning the annual instalments, will the Commissioners take the matter into consideration with the view of reducing the instalments to a reasonable figure. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) I stated the facts of this case, which was one of direct sale by the landlord to the tenant, in reply to the hon. Member's. Question of 15th May. † Mr. Dunlop did not inform the Commissioners, before the holding was vested in him, that he had not seen the lands before signing the purchase agreement, nor did he ask them, prior to the advance of the purchase money, that the advance should not be made until he had satisfied himself of the vendor's description to him of the lands. Before sanctioning; the advance, the Commissioners satisfied themselves as to the security. They have no power either to reduce the advance which has been made, or to vary the purchase annuity which Dunlop contracted to pay.

Instructional Pay For Engine - Room Artificers While Teaching Boys In The Navy

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he is aware that since the opening of the engine room to boys the Navy engine-room artificers have been called upon to give instruction to such boys without

† See (4) Debates, cxlvi., 270.
receiving, as is the custom in other branches of the service, instructional pay for such teaching; and what steps, if any, he proposes to take to remedy this alleged grievance. (Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) The question of granting extra pay to men employed on instructional duty in the service generally is under consideration, and in the meanwhile it has been decided to suspend the grant of fresh instructional allowances.

Naval Lieutenants On The Supplementary List

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether lieutenants on the supplementary list are to be pensioned in the near future; and, if so, when; whether officers on the supplementary list are eligible for coastguard employment; and, if not, whether the Admiralty intend to offer those who are now thirty-five years of age, or thereabouts, any employment, such as in dockyards, surveying branch, or harbour service vessels. (Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) No decision has been arrived at as regards the pensioning of these officers in the near future. Supplementary lieutenants are eligible for employment in the coastguard, for which they can be selected in the same manner as other lieutenants of the Royal Navy. Certain of these officers are employed in some of the posts mentioned.

Wearing Of Trade Union Badges By Postal Officials At Manchester

To ask the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the superintending engineer at Manchester Post Office is prohibiting his staff from wearing their union badge as a chain pendant, or displaying it on non-official clothing; and whether this action has been authorised or sanctioned. (Answered by Lord Stanley.) A rule prohibiting the wearing of private badges on uniform has for long been in force, and I am of opinion that it is desirable to apply the same rule in the case of officers who do not wear uniform, so far as regards the wearing of badges when they are on duty. I have, of course, no objection to any Post Office employee wearing his badge off duty provided he is not in uniform.

Enforcing Of The Mürzsteg Programme

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what steps have been taken to enforce the Article of the Mürzsteg programme providing for the discontinuance of the formation of bands of Bashi-bazouks. (Answered by Earl Percy.) A proclamation has been issued and communicated to the headmen of the Moslem villages stating that any Bashi-bazouks found with arms in their hands during disturbances will be tried by Court-martial, and, if found guilty, shot. In the Reports received from His Majesty's Consuls of recent encounters between the troops and the Bulgarian bands there is no mention of Bashi-bazouks, and in several cases attention is drawn to the fact that none were present.

Condition Of Returned Refugees At Adrianople

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what information has been received from the newly-established Consulate at Adrianople, with regard to the condition of the refugees returned to that province since 1903. (Answered by Earl Percy.) Captain Townshend's Reports give a fairly favourable account of the condition of the returned refugees. They will be included, with the other Papers which are being prepared for Parliament.

Police As Gamekeepers, Etc, At Portarlington

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the police at Portarlington have been acting as caretakers and gamekeepers for the local gentry, and that Constable Guinlivan has stock grazing on the lands of a local magistrate and also engages in poaching practices; and whether he will say, as there are two police barracks and twelve constables in Portarlington, having a population of a little over 2,000, he proposes to reduce the force in that town. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) There is no foundation whatever for the statements in the first part of the Question. The police district of Portarlington comprises a large extent of country, and it is not intended at present to reduce the force there.

Restoration Of Evicted Tenants—Case Of Patrick Mccarthy

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the farm at Carrigfaddeen, Castle Freke, on the Carbery Estate, formerly held by Patrick McCarthy, and at present in the occupation of Arthur Deane, J.P., has been excluded from the general sale of the estate with a view of restoring the evicted tenant, who is at present a burthen on the local rates as an inmate of the Clonakilty Workhouse; whether the landlord at the time of sale offered to Deane compensation which was in excess of the value of the land; and whether the Estates Commissioners will co-operate with the landlord in endeavouring to restore the evicted tenant. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The farm occupied by Mr. Deane is not included in the proceedings for sale. The Commissioners have no information whether the remaining facts are as stated, but they will inquire into the matter when the estate comes to be dealt with.

Mayberry Estate, County Kerry

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether any application has yet been made to the Estates Commissioners for the sale of the Mayberry Estate, county Kerry; and, if so, or in any case, have the Commissioners taken any steps to deal with the case of Mrs. John Sullivan, whose application as an evicted tenant has now been before them for some time. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) No, Sir. The evicted tenants' applications will be considered if the estate should come before the Commissioners or if they should acquire untenanted land in the neighbourhood.

Application Of Thomas Oates, Of Toberory For Portion Of The French Estate

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been directed to the case of a man named Thomas Oates, of Toberory, Castlerea, who has applied for and been refused a portion of the French Estate recently acquired by the Congested Districts Board; whether, though Thomas Oates, as the son of a tenant on the estate referred to, is a person to whom an advance for the purchase of a parcel of land may be made, he has nevertheless been told by the Estates Commissioners that his application could not be entertained unless he already held land; and what is the explanation of the action of the Estates Commissioners in this case. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The French Estate was purchased with the object of relieving congestion in congested districts. Thomas Oates is neither a landholder nor a resident in a congested district, and the Board are therefore unable to entertain his application.

The Irish Land Act

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if, in order to facilitate the rapid sale of land in Ireland under the Land Act of 1903, he will authorise an arrangement by which the Estates Commissioners, on the completion of such sale, will convey to the landlord or his representatives a stamped certificate bearing a face value of the amount which the Government owes the owner, which could be used by him or his representatives as security to raise at a low rate of interest from banks or other financial establishments the cash required to pay off mortgages and other encumbrances. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) Arrangements can, I should hope, be made whereby a certificate stating the amount of the purchase money may be issued; but it must be remembered that under the 24th Section the claims upon the purchase money and the net residue coming to the vendor cannot be definitely and conclusively ascertained till after the purchase money is available for distribution and the land vested in the purchaser. In some cases it might be possible, during the process of investigating the title of the vendor, to ascertain many of those claims and to estimate the residue approximately, but under the most favourable circumstances it could only be an approximation. If certificates in this form can be of any use for the purpose suggested, I shall endeavour to arrange to have them issued. It must, however, be clearly understood that the Government can give no guarantee that the approximate estimate of the vendor's residue is accurate.

Police Protection To Military While Mowing Hay On Mullingar Rifle Range

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether it has been necessary to employ police for protection purposes while the military were engaged in mowing hay on the rifle range at Mullingar; and, if so, can he explain the reason for this proceeding. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) Yes, Sir; on the application of the military authorities police patrols were sent to preserve the peace, as there was reason to apprehend that some interference with the cutting of the meadows might take place.

Division Of Grazing Farm Of Gortumloe

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how many complaints have been made during the last six months of offences in connection with the division of the grazing farm of Gortumloe, near Mullingar, by the Estates Commissioners; and have any prosecutions been instituted, and with what result, and for what offences. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) In one case only, namely, that of firing into a house on the 20th April last. As I informed the hon. Member on Monday†

† See (4) Debates, cl., 946.
last, the offenders in that case have not been discovered.

Alleged Shooting Affray At Drumdoe, Boyle

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state at what hour was the first complaint made to the police as to the alleged shooting incident on the premises of Mr. Edward Cole Magenis, Drumdoe, Boyle; at what hour did the police first visit the place after the alleged occurrence; was it from the newspapers or from Mr. Magenis and his servants that the police first heard of the occurrence; did Mr. Magenis forward any written report to Sir Neville Chamberlain; and, if so, will he state its nature. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The case was reported to the police by one of Mr. Magenis's servants at four o'clock on the morning of July 12th. The police at once proceeded to the house, arriving there at 4.30. On July 20th Mr. Magenis forwarded a written report to the Inspector-General to the same effect as his subsequent letter to the Press.

Settlement Of Land Disputes In The New Hebrides

To ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government are aware of the dissatisfaction in Australia at the delay in the appointment of the Joint Commission for the settlement of land disputes in the New Hebrides; whether His Majesty's Government will represent the matter to the French Government with a view to an early agreement on the basis of the convention entered into between the two Governments in April, 1904; and whether, in view of the interests held by Australia in the New Hebrides, His Majesty's Government will give the Commonwealth Government a voice in the constitution of such Commission. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Lyttelton.) His Majesty's Government are aware that the Commonwealth Government are anxious for the early appointment of a Commission for the settlement of land claims in the New Hebrides. They have for some time past been in communication with the French Government on the subject, and are doing their utmost to expedite the negotiations. The Commonwealth Government have already been informed that their wishes in regard to the constitution of the Commission will be borne in mind.

Publication Of Mss Of Irish Franciscans

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury what is the nature of the MSS. in the collection of the Irish Franciscans which does not appear to come within the scope of the operations of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, and by whom was it examined; how many Celtic documents are being printed in the Report now being printed; and whether, in view of the circumstance that the calendaring of these MSS. has not been completed, the calendaring will be proceeded with. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) Amongst the MSS. there exist Latin verses, legal decisions (printed), printed tracts, etc., winch do not come within the scope of the operations of the Historical Manuscripts Commission. There are also nineteen volumes of correspondence of the nineteenth century which will not be included in the volume now in the Press. The documents noticed in the present volume are in general either Latin, Italian, Spanish, or English. A few Irish documents are also included, but the exact number cannot be stated as yet.

Finances Of Paymaster-General In Dublin

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury if he will state the amount of the turnover of the account of the Paymaster-General in Dublin for the year ending March 31st, 1905; also the amounts invested on the same date by the Irish Land Commission, the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, and the Congested Districts Board, respectively, and the annual amount of interest resulting from the investments of these three Departments respectively; and the nature of the investments, whether in trustee securities or otherwise, made by these Departments; also the rate of deposit interest and the amount of it obtained for the previous twelve months up to March 31st, 1905, by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction on its current balances; and whether these investments are subject to audit; and, if so, by whom; and what statement of those accounts is made, and by whom. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) The payments out of the accounts of the Paymaster-General in Dublin in the year ended March 31st, 1905, amounted to £5,243,004 3s. 8d. The investments held by the three Departments named on March 31st, 1905, were: Irish Land Commission (Church Temporalities Fund)—£1,284 4s. 9d. Guaranteed Land Stock; £35,000 Deposit Receipt in Bank of Ireland; total, £36,284 4s. 9d. The annual interest on these investments would amount to about £560; but the sum placed on deposit is constantly varying. The foregoing figures do not include the purchase moneys of estates awaiting distribution under the Land Purchase Acts, which are invested in trustee securities pending distribution. Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction:—£20,000 Consols; £70,837 15s. 11d. Guaranteed Land Stock; £250,000 Local Loans Stock; £70,000 Exchequer Bonds; total, £410,837 15s. 11d. These investments bear interest at the rate of £12,048 0s. 8d. a year. Congested Districts Board:—£14,225 Guaranteed Land Stock. This amount includes £5,000 permanently invested and yielding £137 10s. a year interest. The balance was temporarily invested. The dividends received on such temporary investments in 1904–5 amounted to £205 19s. 3d., besides which the Board received £40 as interest on moneys temporarily placed on deposit in the Bank of Ireland. All the investments mentioned above are in trustee securities. The Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction, obtains interest on the amounts lodged on deposit in the Bank of Ireland at the bank deposit rate for the time being. The amount so received by the Department in the year ended March 31st, 1905, was £2,040 10s. 4d. The accounts and investments are all subject to audit by the Comptroller and Auditor-General. Statements are furnished in the annual Reports of the respective Departments, and also in the accounts annually presented to Parliament with the Comptroller and Auditor - General's Reports thereon.

Economies Effected By Removing Law Printing To London

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury what economies, if any, are expected by removing the law printing now executed in the provinces to London; whether the Treasury has obtained the opinion of local law authorities and public bodies before taking action in the matter, or otherwise consulted local convenience. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) I would refer my hon. friend to my reply on the 3rd instant † to a Question upon this subject by the hon. Member for Mansfield.

Discussion Of Customs Vote—Grievances Of Customs Officers

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether, having regard to the fact that during the last three sessions no opportunity has arisen for discussing the Customs Vote, he would consent to the appointment of a Committee, Departmental or otherwise, to consider the complaints which are put forward by a number of Customs officers, complaints which would have been submitted to the House had opportunity offered. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) The Treasury has been engaged in investigating the representations of various classes of Customs officers, and in these circumstances I see no reason for adopting the suggestion of my hon. friend.

Promotion And Salaries Of Assistant Clerks (New Class)

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that there are assistant clerks (new class) with an average of nine years established service, and in some cases fourteen years service, who have less than £85 per annum, while there are tradesmen after seven years in

† See page 63.
the service of the Government and outside of it with salaries ranging from £91 to £100 per annum; and whether he is prepared to remove this cause of grievance. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) The subject of the pay and position of assistant clerks has lately been most carefully considered, and I am unable to reopen the question.

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether the heads of Departments have been instructed to make no further recommendations for promotion of assistant clerks (new class) to the second division, although empowered to do so by the Treasury circular; and, if so, whether this accounts for the small number of such recommendations recently made for promotion. (Answered by Mr. Victor Cavendish.) The Answer to the hon. Member's Question is in the negative.

Postmen Performing Night Station And Mail Apparatus Duties At Darlington

To ask the Postmaster-General whether the allowances mentioned in his Report will be made to postmen performing night station and mail apparatus duties at Darlington. (Answered by Lord Stanley.) Inquiry is being made whether the duties to which the hon. Member refers are such as to warrant the payment of special allowances.

Postal Arrangements At Bundoran

To ask the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the scheduled time for the arrival of mails from Bundoran Junction to Bundoran is 8.45 a.m.; that it is impossible for the replies to catch the outgoing morning mail, entailing a delay of two days in replies to England and Scotland; that letters arrive at Bundoran from Sligo at 9.45 a.m. and Grange, Manorhamilton, at 10.45 a.m., but are not sent out for delivery till after the arrival of the 2.45 p.m. train, while letters from Ballyshannon, Donegal, and Balinton, which arrive at Bundoran at 4 p.m., are not delivered till the following morning; and that a letter posted at Ballyshannon, the market and banking town of, and three miles distant from, Bundoran, is not delivered till twenty-four hours after it has been posted; and whether, having regard to the inconvenience and dislocation of business transactions, and to the negotiations which have been on several occasions entered into between the postal authorities and the Great Northern Railway for an effective rail-posted service between Bundoran and Bundoran Junction and Omagh in lieu of the present horse-cars, steps will be taken to secure the amelioration of the deficiency in the postal service in those localities. (Answered by Lord Stanley.) As I informed the hon. Member on Monday last†, a recent inquiry into the postal services in this district showed that it was not practicable to effect an improvement in them. I am, however, making further inquiry, and will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as I am in a position to do so.

Protection Of Scottish Fisheries

To ask the Lord-Advocate, in view of the fact that in the early part of the year the Admiralty gunboat "Harrier" and the cruiser "Barham" were detailed for fisheries duties in Scottish waters, will he state whether either of these vessels has succeeded in detecting cases of illegal trawling; and, if so, will he state the names of the trawlers and in what waters they were detected. (Answered by Mr. Scott Dickson.) H.M.S. "Harrier" replaced H.M.S. "Jackal" at the end of January last. No convictions have been obtained in consequence of the action of the "Harrier." It is not the fact that H.M.S. "Barham" has been detailed for Scottish fishery duty.

Defaulters On The Syre Estate, Sutherlandshire

To ask the Lord-Advocate if he will state how many tenants have been settled by the Congested Districts

† See (4) Debates, cl., 907.
Board on the Syre Estate, Sutherlandshire; and what number have failed in their obligations to the Board, owing to the holdings not being sufficiently productive to admit of payment of the rentals exacted. (Answered by Mr. Scott Dickson.) The hon. Member seems to be under a misapprehension as to the Syre Estate. The settlers, who are twenty-three in number, are not tenants but purchasers of their holdings; the only payment exacted is interest at Treasury rate on money actually advanced. There have been three cases of default, of which one has led to a removal of the purchaser. The hon. Member's assumption in the last part of his Question cannot be admitted.

To ask the Lord-Advocate whether he is aware that much of the land acquired by the Congested Districts Board at Syre, Sutherlandshire, was purchased by the Board at a price far exceeding its productive value, with the result that some of the tenants to whom holdings on the estate have been allocated are unable to obtain a sufficient return from the land to enable them to pay the rentals exacted by the Board; and whether, in view of the sums spent by these tenants in stocking their holdings, he will consider the expediency of having the value of the holdings reviewed in order that more equitable rentals may be fixed. (Answered by Mr. Scott Dickson.) I am not aware of the facts as stated by the hon. Member, and I can only refer him to the Answer given to his previous Question.

Fuel, Light, And Cleaning Allowances Of Schools In The Parish Of Lochs, Island Of Lewis

To ask the Lord-Advocate it he will call the attention of the inspector of schools for the parish of Lochs to the inadequate sum of £1 10s. allowed for one year's fuel, light, and cleaning of Lemreway and other public schools in the parish of Lochs, Island of Lewis; and will he ascertain why the inspector failed to refer to this matter in his annual report. (Answered by Mr. Scott Dickson.) His Majesty's inspector in his annual reports has from time to time drawn attention to defects as regards cleaning, etc., in the various schools of the parish of Lochs, and it is inferred that when he has not done so, the provision made was, in his opinion, sufficiently satisfactory, having regard to the circumstances of the schools. The Department believe that their inspector is fully alive to his duty in the matter. No complaint has been addressed to the Department on the subject, and they do not consider it necessary to make further reference to the inspector till reasonable evidence is put before them, tending to show that in point of fact one or more of these schools are insufficiently heated, lighted, or cleaned.

Sustar—Current Price Compared With Price Previous To The Brussels Con-Vention

To ask the Secretary to the Board of Trade how much the wholesale price of sugar has fallen in the last three months; and how to-day's prices for prompt and for future delivery compare with the average price paid previous to the Brussels Convention. (Answered by Mr. Bonar Law.) The fall in the market price of 88 per cent. beet sugar, f.o.b. Hamburg, since the beginning of May has amounted to 2s. 5¼d. per cwt. The present quotation (3rd August) for prompt delivery is 10s. 1½d. per cwt., and the latest quotations for future delivery are 9s. 3d. per cwt. for delivery in October and 9s. 1¼d. for delivery in November—December. The average price for prompt delivery for the ten years, 1892–1901, before the signature of the Brussels Convention was about 10s. 9d. per cwt.

Conduct Of Mr M Vos While Acting As Agent For Training Ships

To ask the Secretary to the Board of Trade whether there has been any complaint from any quarter of the manner in which Mr. M. Vos has discharged his duties as agent for certain training ships in finding employment at sea for their pupils and, if not, why has his licence been revoked, and that without notice, whereby his living is prejudiced. (Answered by Mr. Bonar Law.) Yes, Sir. Many complaints reached the Board of Trade with regard to the manner in which Mr. Vos conducted his business under Board of Trade licences to supply boys as seamen, and, after making inquiries, the Department came to the conclusion that it was not desirable that he should continue to act as licensee, and the licences were accordingly withdrawn.

To ask the Secretary to the Board of Trade whether his attention has been drawn to the withdrawal of the licence by the Board of Trade from Mr. Maurice Vos, shipping superintendent of the Father Berry's Homes and other Liverpool institutions; whether, seeing that Mr. Vos has been instrumental in placing hundreds of poor orphan boys in a way of earning an honest living as sailor apprentices on various merchant ships, he will state the reason which called for the withdrawal of the licence from that gentleman. (Answered by Mr. Bonar Law.) Yes, Sir. Many complaints reached the Board of Trade with regard to the manner in which Mr. Vos conducted his business under Board of Trade licences to supply boys as seamen, and, after making inquiries, the Department came to the conclusion that it was not desirable that he should continue to act as a licensee, and the licences were accordingly withdrawn.

Additional Land For Tenants Of Labourers' Cottages In The Granard Urban District

To ask Mr. Attorney-General for Ireland whether he can indicate any section of the Labourers Acts by which tenants of labourers' cottages in Granard urban district can secure the additional half-acre of land to which they would be entitled if the tenants were still living in a rural district. (Answered by Mr. Atkinson.) None of the sections of the Labourers Acts apply to urban districts or houses situate within them.

Royal Commission On Working Of Motor-Car Acts

To ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he can yet state the terms of reference to the Royal Commission on Motor-Cars, and the names of the Commissioners. (Answered by Mr. Gerald Balfour.) The Royal Commission will be appointed to inquire and report as to—(1) The working of the Motor-Car Acts, 1896 and 1903, and of the regulations under them; (2) The law and practice in relation to motor-cars in the principal foreign countries; (3) What Amendments, if any, should be made in the Motor-Car Acts, and the regulations under them; (4) The injury to the roads alleged to be caused by motor-cars; and (5) Whether any and, if so, what additional charges should be imposed in respect of motor-cars, and how any money thus raised should be applied; with power to issue an ad interim Report on the first three heads, if that course should appear desirable. The King has been pleased to approve of the following as Commissioners:—Viscount Selby, Chairman; the Marquess of Winchester (Chairman of the County Council for Hants); Sir William Bower Forwood (late Lord Mayor of Liverpool and Chairman of the Lancashire Quarter Sessions); Mr. H. C. Monro, C.B. (one of the Assistant Secretaries of the Local Government Board); Mr. E. R. Henry, C.B. (Chief Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police); and Mr. W. J. Mure, C.B. (formerly Legal Secretary to the Lord-Advocate). It is proposed to add to these a seventh Commissioner, whose name I hope shortly to be able to announce.

Nursing Of Sick Poor In Workhouses

To ask the President of the Local Government Board whether the Order which he has announced to be in preparation with regard to the nursing of the sick poor in workhouses may be expected to be issued before the end of the current year. (Answered by Mr. Gerald Balfour.) I hope that this may be done.

Fatal Accident To Member Of Crew Of Hms "Melampus" At Athlone—Compensation For Relatives

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether the attention of the Admiralty has been directed to the case of a man named Gilleran, of H.M.S. "Melampus," who was killed at Athlone Railway Station in January, 1903, in an effort to save the life, of a fellow sailor belonging to the same ship; whether the deceased had spent three years five months in the service of the Navy, and had always borne a good character; and, if so, whether his father will receive any compensation for his loss. (Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) The Question probably refers to the case of Private T. Gillarian, R.M.L.I., who was killed at Athlone Railway Station on the 13th January, 1904, while on his way to rejoin the "Melampus" from his Christmas leave. The facts of the case do not appear to have been accurately represented to the hon. Member. From the official report it appears that Gillarian and a stoker from the same ship, both under the influence of drink, caught hold of each other and fell off the platform together just as an incoming train was within a few yards of them. The engine passed over Gillarian's neck, but the other man escaped with a slight cut on the face. In the circumstances of the man's death I regret that no compensation can be granted by the Admiralty.

Promotion Of Gunner Warrant Officers In The Navy

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, in view of the fact that many gunner warrant officers with over twenty years service as such are still awaiting their step in promotion to chief gunner, the Admiralty will consider the advisability of quickening the flow of promotion by at once filling the ten unappropriated positions of lieutenant remaining of the total of 100 established in 1903. (Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) There are only thirteen gunner warrant officers with twenty years service as such and satisfactory records who are awaiting promotion to the rank of chief gunner, the senior of them having only twenty and one-third years service. Owing to the increase in the gunners' list, a longer period of service will in future be necessary before promotion, and the time does not seem to be ripe for filling the ten posts in question, especially as there are no appointments which the additional lieutenants, if made, could fill.

Promotion Of Warrant Officers In The Navy

1903.1905.
Percentage of Lieutenants to Chief Gunners43·77
Percentage of Lieutenants to Gunners
Percentage of Lieutenants to Chief Boatswains3·924·1
Percentage of Lieutenants to Boatswains
Percentage of Lieutenants to Chief Signal Boatswains5·664·47
Percentage of Lieutenants to Signal Boatswains
Percentage of Carpenter Lieutenants to Chief Carpenters3·933·46
Percentage of Carpenter Lieutenants of Carpenters

The number allotted to each class in 1903 was based on the combined number in commissioned warrant and warrant rank, and not on the former only. It was desired that the percentage in each class should be as near four as possible, and this is still kept in view. To explain the high percentage allotted to the signal branch it must be pointed out that, as only three lieutenants are allowed, a reduction of one would bring the percentage below three.

Sale Of Obsolete War Vessels

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty if he will state the number of war vessels which were recently condemned by the Admiralty as useless or obsolete; and how many of them have been disposed of, and the total amount which has been realised by their sale.

lieutenants promoted from the chief gunners', chief boatswains', and chief carpenters' lists stands in the same proportion to each of these classes as when the promotion took place in 1903; and whether the percentage proportion then established is being and will continue to be maintained.

( Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) The percentages are as follows:—

( Answered by Mr. Pretyman.) With regard to the first part of the hon. Member's Question, I must refer him to the Return of Vessels Struck Off the Effective List, issued in March last, No. 74 (1). The number of ships sold up to the present time is fifty-eight, and the total amount realised £250,812.

Sugar Beet Cultivation Experiments In England

To ask the President of the Board of Agriculture what progress has been made with the inquiry into the practical value of growing sugar beet in this country as a commercial product for manufacture into sugar; what number of factories, and where situated, are producing sugar from English-grown beet, and with what success; and what price does sugar so turned out realise. (Answered by Mr. Ailwyn Fellowes.) So far as I am aware, no factories in Great Britain have as yet been established for the extraction of sugar from English-grown beet, but I am informed that the subject is under consideration in more than one quarter, from which the capital required for the purpose may possibly be forthcoming. I do not think that we can carry our own inquiries any further until the feasibility of the proposal has been tested on a commercial basis.

Conference On Morocco—Prison Reform

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the proposed conference on Morocco will be held in the near future; and, if so, whether the question of prison reform will be brought under consideration. (Answered by Earl Percy.) The date of the conference is not yet fixed, and the programme of the subjects to be discussed is still under consideration.

Inadequate Fines For Breaches Of The Factory Act

To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the observations of several of His Majesty's inspectors of factories, including the chief inspector, upon the inadequate nature of the fines imposed by many benches of magistrates in respect of offences under the Factory Acts; and whether he can see his way to take any action in the matter. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Akers-Douglas.) I am aware of the observations of the inspectors on this subject which appear in the annual Report that has recently been submitted to me by the Chief Inspector of Factories and has been laid before Parliament. I agree that in some cases the penalties imposed appear to be inadequate, but the amount of the penalty, subject in certain instances to a statutory minimum, is left by the Factory Act to the discretion of the justices, and I do not think that there is any action I can usefully take in the matter. I may add that there has been a gradual rise in recent years in the average amount of the penalties imposed under the Factory Act; the average fine in the year 1903 having been 19s. 6d., as against 12s. 1d. in 1896.

Suggested Appointment Of Two Irish-Women As Factory Inspectors For Ireland

To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is now prepared favourably to consider the appointment of two women inspectors of factories and workshops who shall be Irishwomen and reside permanently in Ireland. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Akers-Douglas.) I have recently appointed an additional lady inspector who is to reside in Ireland and to give most of her time to inspection there. It is not proposed to appoint more than one lady inspector for this purpose.

Committee To Consider The Allowances Of The Subordinate Services Of The Government Of India

To ask the Secretary of State for India whether, in regard to the Committee recently appointed under the chairmanship of Mr. R. M. Dane, to consider the question of revising the allowances of the subordinate services of the Government of India, he will state the terms of reference; and whether Papers can be laid with reference to the subject-matter and scope of this inquiry. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Brodrick.) I have no information as to the terms of reference to the Committee mentioned in the hon. Member's Question, which appears to have been appointed to consider the allowances of the employees in the secretariats of the Government of India. It was within the competence of the Governor - General to enter upon such an inquiry, without reference to me, as an ordinary measure of administration, and I do not think it necessary to ask for the Papers for submission to Parliament.

Interest On Credit Balances Of Irish Development Grant

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he has yet come to any decision regarding the obtaining of interest on the credit balances of the Irish Development Grant and on the credit balances of any other public Departments in Ireland. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The residue of the Development Grant in any financial year, after payment of the statutory charges, forms part of the cash portion of the Guarantee Fund, and it is not practicable to ascertain until the end of the year whether any portion of the residue will be required to satisfy claims against the Guarantee Fund. During that period the residue is not available for deposit in an interest-bearing account. The Treasury Regulations, under Section 1 of the Development Grant Act, 1903, provide for the temporary investment in approved securities of such portion of the unexpended balances of the Grant from previous years as the Lord-Lieutenant, with the approval of the Treasury, may determine. I am communicating with the Treasury in the matter. With regard to the concluding inquiry, I have nothing to add to the reply given to the hon. Gentleman's Question of Tuesday † last by my hon. friend the Secretary to the Treasury.

Application For Sale Of Farm Of Toney-More, Granard, County Longford

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether any application has yet been received from either the tenant or the landlord of the farm of Toneymore, barony of Granard, county Longford, for sale under the Land Purchase Act of 1903, the landlord of which, Mr. Shirley Ball, is understood to be willing to sell to the Estates Commissioners for sub-division amongst the tenants. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The Answer is in the negative.

† See (4) Debates, cl., 1176.

Purchase Of Holdings On The Netterville Estate, County Galway

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can say how many tenants on the Netterville Estate, county Galway, who have purchased their holdings are in possession of uneconomic farms; in how many cases did the gross purchase money not exceed £150; and whether, seeing that these holdings practically surround the Woodbrook Farm, recently purchased by the Congested Districts Board, the Board, in striping these lands, will take into consideration the claims of the Netterville tenants to increased holdings. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The purchase money of the nine holdings on the Netterville Estate which have been sold to tenants by the Board averages £271 for each holding. In every case the purchase money exceeded £150. These holdings do not surround the Woodbrook Farm; and no proceedings for the sale of the remainder of the Netterville Estate have been instituted before the Estates Commissioners.

Catholic Clerks In The Irish Board Of Agriculture (Veterinary Branch)

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether, since it has been represented that the Irish Agricultural Department is competent to deal with matters affecting its internal discipline, he will state what steps he proposes taking to prevent the chief clerk from repeating his attempt to induce one of the Catholic clerks engaged in the veterinary branch to withdraw his signature to the joint representations addressed to the Secretary in May, 1904, by certain clerks serving in that branch. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) This incident was fully dealt with in the reply to the hon. Member's Question of 1st March last.‡

‡ See (4) Debates, cxlii., 27.

Suggested Extension Of Irish Marine Works Act To Districts Outside The Con-Gested Areas

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he has received a number of resolutions within the last few days from county councils, harbour boards, and public meetings in Ireland, requesting the Government to pass the Bill now before the House to extend the Marine Works (Ireland) Act to districts outside the congested districts; and if, in view of the fact that nobody opposes this Bill, the Government will take it up and pass it before the House rises. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) I am afraid that the hon. Baronet is hardly correct in suggesting that this Bill, which proposes fresh demands on the Exchequer, is unopposed. But even if no such objection applied, the Government at the present period of the session could not undertake to give facilities for the passage of the Bill.

Payment Of Fees For Teaching Irish In National Schools

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state when the fees for teaching Irish in national schools, examined in June, will be paid. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) The payments will be completed next week.

Delay In Forwarding Minute Of The Inspector's Report To Irish National School Managers

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the cause of the delay of four months in forwarding to the managers of national schools the minute of the inspector's report on the annual inspection. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) It is only in very exceptional circumstances that any such delay would occur. If the hon. Member will furnish me with information which will identify the case to which he refers inquiry will be made.

Promotion Of Irish National School Teachers

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how many of the 1,500 intergrade teachers under the National Board remain to be promoted in each grade; when the next promotion will take place; and whether the promotion will date from 1st April, 1903. (Answered by Mr. Walter Long.) It is impossible to say how many teachers are eligible for promotion. Eligible teachers are promoted annually. The Answer to the last inquiry is in the negative.

Convicted Chinese Coolies Employed On Penal Labour In Transvaal Mines

To ask the Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will state whether Chinese coolies in the Transvaal convicted of offences are employed on penal labour in the mines, as is the case with Kaffir convicts. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Lyttelton.): I have no information on this point.

Position Of Pensioned Officers Recalled To Service During The South African War

To ask the Secretary of State for War if he can take steps with a view to ensuring that pensioned officers who were recalled to service during the South African War shall be placed on the same footing financially as those officers who had accepted a gratuity in lieu of pension. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Arnold-Forster.) This question was thoroughly considered two years ago, and I am not prepared to reopen it.

Volunteer Long-Service Medal—Claim Of Mr J Gibbs, Of Cable Street, St George's East

To ask the Secretary of State for War, having regard to the fact that Mr. J. Gibbs, of Cable Street, St. George's East, served upwards of twenty years in the 2nd Tower Hamlets Rifle Volunteers before he was transferred to the 1st City Imperial Yeomanry, would an application for the Volunteer long - service medal receive favourable consideration if supported by the commanding officer of Mr. Gibbs' regiment. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Arnold-Forster.) I cannot undertake to give a reply to the Question until the application has been forwarded to the War Office through the proper channels.

Episcopal Patronage

To ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether his attention has been called to the fact of the unequal episcopal patronage accruing to new dioceses formed under the Bishoprics Act, 1878; whether he is aware that the Liverpool Diocese with 410 clergy when created had assigned it only eight livings, while that of Chester with 407 clergy was left with sixty-four, in addition to fourteen belonging to the chapter of Chester Cathedral; whether the powers of the Act 6 and 7 Will. 4, c. 77, which arranged episcopal patronage according to the magnitude of the diocese, are long since exhausted; whether he will permit of a Return being issued showing the present state of episcopal and capitular patronage in each diocese; and whether, having regard to the desirability of giving fairly equal chances of promotion to the clergy generally, he will consider the propriety of legislation following on the lines of 6 and 7 Will. 4, c. 77. (Answered by Mr. A. J. Balfour.) My attention has been called to the fact referred to, and while I have very inadequate means of verifying the figures quoted by my hon. friend, I believe them to be substantially correct. It is also the case that the powers conferred by the Act 6 and 7 Will. 4, c. 77, are long since exhausted. There appears to be no objection to the issue of the Return suggested by my hon. friend, if he desires to move for it; but it may be observed that the information is already available in unofficial publications. Although the subject is worthy of consideration, I can hardly promise legislation.

False Electioneering Statements

To ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he will consider the advisability of proposing legislation which would make the publication or utterance of false statements at election times with regard to the actions or alleged intentions of any political Party, and with the object of deceiving the electors, a penal offence. (Answered by Mr. A. J. Balfour.) The Act of 1895 (The Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Act, 1895) makes it an illegal practice to publish false statements of fact in relation to the personal character or conduct of a candidate. It is evidently not easy to go further, if only because of the difficulty of distinguishing between the mis-statements which are due to malice and those which are due to mere stupidity.

Questions In The House

Vote For Naval Guns, Projectiles, And Ammunition

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he can explain to the House the reduction of the Vote for naval guns, projectiles, and ammunition, and the extent to which it is disconnected from the reduction of new shipbuilding; and whether, in spite of the reduction of the Vote, it is intended to increase practice with full charges.

Under Sub-head F (Guns), the Estimates for 1904–5 included an abnormal expenditure for payments for guns purchased with the "Swiftsure" and "Triumph." The sum available for normal services in that year was, therefore, approximately the same as the amount voted for 1905–6, there being a reduction on normal services of only £9,000, which is due to the amount required for rearmaments in 1905–6 being less than in 1904–5. The decrease under Sub-head C (Ammunition) is due to surrenders of ammunition by ships removed from the Effective List, which becomes available for practice of the Fleet, etc. The Answer to the concluding paragraph of the Question is in the affirmative, and the money taken provides for the increased practice with full charges (battle practice).

Corporal Punishment In The Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he will, by the institution of a Departmental Committee, or in some other way, take steps to present to Parliament and the country the actual facts relating to the imposition and infliction of corporal punishment in the Royal Navy.

No. The facts are well known, and have been repeatedly stated in this House.

asked how it was that if there was the slightest suspicion of illegal flogging of the Chinese, that the Colonial Secretary at once set to work to find out if there was any truth in it, whilst the Secretary to the Admiralty would do nothing to make sure that British boys under eighteen years of age did not suffer from ill-treatment.

Seeing that the number of birchings is given, why cannot we have the number of canings returned? Is it not the fact that they are computed at 10,000 a year?

Boys Recruited In Ireland For The Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty if he can state the number of boys recruited for the Royal Navy from Ireland during the years 1903 and 1904.

The boys recruited for the Royal Navy in Ireland in the financial years 1903–4 and 1904–5 numbered 232 and 139, respectively.

How many did the "Calliope" get? Not half-a-dozen. [No Answer was returned.]

Effect Of Flogging On Recruiting For The Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether he has any official reports showing that the use of corporal punishment in the Royal Navy has had a deterrent effect upon the enlisting of boys in the service.

Corporal Punishment In The Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty on what ground is the provision in No. 759 of the King's Naval Regulations, entitled Birching and Caning of Boys, whereby drummers under the age of eighteen may be caned but not birched, founded; and why is this exemption from birching thus conferred on drummers not extended to all the boys rated as such in the Royal Navy.

The rule is one of long standing, and was confirmed by the Board as long ago as in 1878.

Why are drummer boys exempted and A.B.'s, and men in the Engineering Branch not?

The Marines, I believe, come under the Army Act, and the others are under the Naval Discipline Act.

Cannot the hon. Gentleman take steps to put a stop to the brutal practice of flogging in the Navy?

I absolutely deny, as I have done many times before, that there is any brutal practice. The hon. Member, in making that statement, is throwing an undeserved slur on the officers of the Navy. I ask him and his friends to produce any single case where there has been brutal treatment, and it will be investigated.

Until the hon. Gentleman and his friends are able to produce such a case I think they have no right to make these statements.

I should like to ask the hon. Gentleman if he did not himself say that a boy who had corporal punishment inflicted upon him had to be put under surveillance for fear that in an outbreak of temper he might commit suicide?

No, Sir; that is a specimen of the way in which statements made in this House are perverted; and I dare say very often outside this House, where it cannot be contradicted. What I said was, that the boy was examined by the doctor both before and after punishment as a precautionary measure; and that it was thought better while he was smarting under the irritation of punishment that he should be kept to himself so that he should not commit himself.

Nature Of The Birching In The Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether there has been any change or modification of No. 759 of the King's Naval Regulations which provides that the birching of boys in the Royal Navy is to be inflicted with birches supplied from the dockyards, is to be given over the bare breech, is limited to twenty-four cuts or blows, and is to be inflicted by the ship's police in the presence of all the boys; and whether, if this regulation is still unchanged, what are the steps which, if taken, would secure its change or modification.

No change has been made in the regulations. I should say, from my own observation, that the hon. Member is a better authority than I am as to the last part of the Question.

Thank God I am not. But what steps can I take to procure a change. I am entitled to an Answer to that.

No Flogging In The French Navy

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, seeing that boys who are drafted on board French ships of war between sixteen and eighteen are technically rated as men, and are not subject to flogging, he can explain why in the British Navy youths of sixteen to eighteen, who are rated as boys, are liable to flogging and caning.

Sales Of Obsolete War Vessels

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty how many obsolete warships have been sold to foreigners and been taken abroad to be broken up; and whether he will arrange to have such ships broken up at home in future, so as to help in providing work for those who are being dismissed from His Majesty's dockyards.

Out of fifty-six ships recently sold, twenty-two are being, or will be, broken up in the United Kingdom. Ten, which were sold to London merchants, are being, or probably will be, broken up abroad. To impose the condition suggested in the last part of the hon. Member's Question would greatly limit the competition, and, where so many ships have to be disposed of, would have a prejudicial effect on the prices realised. It was recently decided to grant special terms to secure certain ships being broken up in England.

Volunteers And Service Abroad

I beg to ask Mr. Attorney-General what statutory authority is vested in the Government to order Volunteers enlisted for home defence to be medically examined for service abroad.

, who replied, said: So far as I am aware there is no such statutory provision. But as no such order has been issued the question does not arise.

Has the right hon. Gentleman not ordered that the Volunteers should be examined for service abroad?

No order, but a circular has been issued. The circular was to this effect:—"Medical officers are to report on the general physical standard of the men under their charge, with a view to ascertaining their fitness for active service abroad."

No, Sir. It is not an order, and there was no order to carry out this medical examination. There may possibly be units of the individuals who do not desire to submit to it. The circular still remains, and if the medical officers do not get these facilities they will report as completely as they can, upon the best information obtainable.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether commanding officers of Volunteer battalions have power to expel, reduce in rank, or otherwise punish any Volunteer who refuses to submit to the medical inspection as to fitness for foreign service prescribed by the War Office circular letter of the 11th July, 1905.

I beg also to ask the Secretary of State for War whether the commanding officer of a Volunteer battalion which is in brigade camp with Regular troops, and thus subject to military law, will, have power to arrest or imprison, or disgrace or punish any Volunteer who refuses to submit to the medical examination prescribed by the War Office circular letter of the 11th July, 1905.

I have already replied to the hon. Member's first Question in my Answer to the hon. Member for the South Molton Division. In reply to the second Question, I do not desire to put a limit to what might be the powers of an officer commanding troops under military law; but no such order as that suggested by the hon. Member has been given to Volunteers under military law, nor will it be given.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state as a fact that any Volunteers have been ordered to be examined under the order?

Many Volunteer corps have, under the orders of commanding officers, submitted to this examination, to the great advantage of the public service. As I have already stated, this is not an order issued by the War Office, but it has been found by commanding officers a most convenient method of obtaining this information.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state what Las been the result of the examinations referred to?

I have not as yet any official report, but the examination has been very satisfactory in the case of those corps which have carried it out.

Royal Army Medical Corps

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War what steps have been taken to form a reserve of officers to the Royal Army Medical Corps.

The question, of whether it may be possible to form a reserve has been under consideration, but no decision has yet been arrived at.

Yes, Sir. There is general agreement as to the desirability of forming a reserve, but both at the Admiralty and the War Office difficulties have been found from a professional point of view in carrying out the suggestion.

The Shortage Of Officers

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War what is, in the event of war, the present shortage o officers in the Regular Army, Militia, and Volunteers; whether candidates for commissions have decreased recently; and if so, what steps are being taken by the Government to remedy such shortage.

The number of officers which would be required in the event of a war must depend upon the magnitude of the war in which it is supposed that we are engaged; under these circumstances, only hypothetical figures could be given and these would be liable to misconstruction. The number of candidates for commissions in the Regular Army has not diminished, except as regards those desiring commissions in the Guards and the cavalry. A temporary arrangement has been made to fill the Guards vacancies, and the question of supplying officers for the cavalry is now receiving the attention of the Army Council. The Army Council is desirous of increasing; the number of candidates who enter the Army, but this has hitherto been found impossible, owing to the want of accommodation at the Royal Military College, Sandhurst; when funds are available for adding to the capacity of the college it is hoped that this difficulty may be surmounted. I may add that we have made special arrangements for obtaining additional candidates from the University.

Soldiers' Convalescent Home At Skelton

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the convalescent home for soldiers at Skelton, near Saltburn-on-Sea, provided and kept up entirely by Mr. W. H. H. Wharton, is likely to be given up because the War Office authorities are unwilling to pay the railway fares of soldiers going to and from the home; and whether he proposes to take any, and, if any, what steps in the matter.

The hon. Member appears to have been misinformed. War Office authority was granted on the 29th June to the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, York, to issue railway warrants at the public expense to soldiers who are convalescent and require change, on proceeding to Colonel Wharton's home at Saltburn, provided that the total expenditure of £25 previously sanctioned for sending convalescent soldiers to Tynemouth and Scarborough is not exceeded. Nothing is known as regards the suggestion that the home is to be given up.

Guards On Sentry Duty

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will explain why the Guards stationed at Windsor are not provided with the same protection to their tunics when on sentry as are the Line regiments, with the result that the tunics of the Guards get soiled and that they have to buy new ones out of their own money.

It is not clear to what my hon. friend refers in the word "protection." The shoulder pad was abolished throughout the service in 1903. I may add that the Guards receive a tunic annually and Line regiments every eighteen months.

Attendance At Afternoon Parades Of Non - Commissioned Officers In The Guards Stationed At Windsor

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will explain why double the number of non-commissioned officers in the Guards regiments stationed at Windsor have to attend afternoon parades as can have practice in drilling the men; and whether, seeing that such regulation deters good soldiers from desiring to become non-commissioned officers, and that trained private soldiers do not have to attend afternoon parades, he will consider the advisability of withdrawing this regulation.

These matters rest within the discretion of the officer commanding the battalion, with which I do not propose to interfere.

Guards' Summer Uniform

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if he will explain why the Guards regiments are obliged to wear in summer heavy cloth tunics, with crossbelts and pouches, a knapsack across the back of the shoulders, with a rolled cape lower down, and a heavy bearskin cap; if he will consider the possibility of substituting a lighter material for the dress tunic and do away with the other appendages, and change the bearskin cap for a white Kitchener helmet; and if he has received any complaints of the inconvenience and discomfort caused by the use of this uniform in hot weather.

It is not considered necessary to make any alterations in the existing uniform of the Guards; which has been worn by them for many years during the summer months without complaint. No knapsack is carried by the Guards, and the valise was abolished in July, 1904. On guard duty the men composing the firs relief carry great-coat, cape, two pouches, One pouch only is worn after the first relief.

Army Medical Establishment

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether there is a properly-trained medical establishment for the balance of any Army exceeding 55,000 men taking the field abroad.

The war establishments of the Army provide for a considerable portion of the medical staff being civilians. As the numbers of the latter available on mobilisation have not been determined on, it would not be practicable to give the hon. Member any precise figures on the subject. I may add that the Army Council is aware that the strength of the Royal Army Medical Corps is not yet adequate, and are making every endeavour to increase it.

Is it not the fact that j if an Army exceeding 55,000 men went abroad, there would be no properly-trained medical service for them?

That is not so. Experience in the last war showed that we could rely on a large number of very highly-trained medical officers.

Very highly - trained and highly - competent civilian officers.

Conscription

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he has received any recommendation from the late Commander-in-Chief in favour of conscription.

British Control In The Administration Of Egypt

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether His Majesty's present advisers share the views of Earl Granville and the Earl of Rosebery, as expressed in their despatches of 1884 and 1893, respectively, that, so long as the British occupation of Egypt continues, His Majesty's Government is responsible for the maintenance of law, order, and good government in that country; and whether it is by reason of such responsibility, or upon any other ground, Egyptian affairs are being administered by Lord Cromer under the direction of His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs.

The Answer to the first paragraph is in the affirmative. The administration of the country is conducted by the Khedive and his Ministers with the advice and under the supervision of Lord Cromer as the responsible representative of His Majesty's Government.

Arising out of that Answer, I beg to ask whether Egyptian Ministers are bound to accept; such advice on pain of dismissal from their offices. I specially allude to Lord Cromer's advice to remit the salt tax.

The Egyptian Government are under an obligation to follow the advice of Lord Cromer.

Shoreditch Inquest—Case Of Annie Higgs

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been called to an inquest, held at Shoreditch on the 25th of July, on the body of Annie Higgs, a middle-aged widow, and to the fact that her husband had died in November last, leaving her with three children (girls) to maintain; that at first out-relief was given her, but was stopped on her eldest child attaining the age of fourteen; that the coroner's officer stated that he found the room in which the woman and her children lived very clean, but there was neither food nor money there, and very little furniture; and that the medical officer deposed that death was due to heart failure, resulting from general bodily weakness from want of food and heart disease, and that she had had no food recently, the stomach and bowels being empty; and whether he will inquire who is responsible for this widow being thus left to starve to death.

. My attention has been drawn to the circumstances of the Case referred to, and I am making inquiry on the subject.

Epizootic Lymphangitis

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture if he will state the several places in which South African horse disease has been and is at present in Great Britain; the precautions taken to prevent the disease spreading, including the number of military and private establishments quarantined, and shows and race meetings stopped because of its prevalence.

*THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF AGRICULTURE
(Mr. AILWYN FELLOWES, Huntingdonshire, Ramsey)

Seventeen outbreaks of epizootic lymphangitis have been reported from the following places—namely, London (3), Hampshire (3), Hertfordshire (2), Essex (2), Kent, Nottingham, Stafford, Suffolk, Surrey, Wilts, and Lanark (1) each. All animals returned as affected have been disposed of, either by slaughter or otherwise, and no case of the disease is now known to exist amongst civilian horses. The precautions to be taken to prevent the spread of the disease are set out in the Epizootic Lymphangitis Order of 1904, a copy of which I shall be glad to send to the hon. Member. It has not been necessary for us to interfere in any way with the holding of horse shows or race meetings. Any question as to the existence of this disease in military establishments should be addressed to my right hon. friend the Secretary of State for War.

Cotton Goods Sold As Linen

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the remarks made by the stipendiary at Salford, on the hearing of a prosecution instituted by the Flax Spinners' Association of Belfast for the sale of cotton collars as linen; and whether, having regard to the judgment of the Court in the case of Coppen v. Moore, he proposes to take any, and, if any, what steps to prevent the custom now prevalent of selling cotton goods as linen.

THE PARLIAMENTARY SECRETARY TO THE BOARD OF TRADE
(Mr. BONAE LAW, Glasgow, Blackfriars)

I have seen a newspaper report of the case referred to. The Board of Trade are prepared to consider, with a view to prosecution, any specific case of infringement of the Merchandise Marks Act, 1887, which is submitted under the regulations which govern prosecutions.

Printing And Stationery For County Courts

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware that for many years County Courts have been able to get their forms printed locally; and, having regard to the competition to which master printers and compositors throughout the provinces are now subjected from foreign countries, if he will cause the recent circular of the Stationery Office to registrars withdrawing the local custom in favour of a central issue in London to be reconsidered.

Under the new system local firms will have opportunities for tendering for the supply of stationery and printing for County Courts.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department has his attention been drawn to a circular addressed by the Treasury to the registrars of County Courts, informing them that all printed forms will henceforth be printed and supplied by the Controller of the Stationery Office; and will he state what grounds exist justifying, in his opinion, a change in the present system which deprives the printing trade in the different County Court districts of a substantial portion of work.

I would refer the hon. and learned Member to my reply on the 3rd instant † to the Question of the hon. Member for Mansfield upon this subject.

Moy Murder Case

On behalf of the hon. Member for North Donegal, I beg to ask Mr. Attorney-General for Ireland whether he has had his attention called to the case of Rex v. McMullen, in which the accused was charged with the murder of one Daniel Mallon, near Moy, county Tyrone, in November last, and in which the justices refused informations, although the resident magistrate dissented from their determination; and whether, seeing that it has been represented to him that there is further evidence in existence affecting the accused, and having regard to all the facts of the case, he will exercise his power to have the facts considered by a jury.

I have examined into this case most carefully. There is no evidence in the possession of the Crown other than that already given, nor have the police been able to obtain any clue which might lead to the discovery of further evidence. The case was one in which men might justly and reasonably come to the conclusion arrived at by the magistrates. I have no reason whatever to think there was any miscarriage of justice, or that there is anything justifying further action in the direction suggested.

Irish Trade Returns

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, having regard to the announcement of the Board of Trade that they have no objection to separate Returns of Irish commerce being issued, he can now see his way to annul the Treasury

† See page 63.
Minute of 1823 which provides that Irish commerce shall be treated as coasting trade, and require the Customs to furnish separate particulars of imports and exports to and from Ireland, as is done in the case of the Channel Islands, the Isle of Man, and all other parts of the Empire.

My hon. friend the Secretary to the Board of Trade stated in reply to a Question of the hon. Member on July 20th † that the Irish Board of Agriculture had under consideration the question of compiling statistics of the trade between Great Britain and Ireland, but that referred only to information which would be obtainable under the existing system. I cannot agree to the proposal of the hon. Member, as in my opinion no sufficient advantage would be gained to counterbalance the increased expenditure and the interference with trade which such a change would involve.

I decline respectfully to annul the Treasury Minute of 1823, but if a further Question is put down I will consider whether it is possible to afford any more statistical information without a further interference with trade or an additional expenditure of public money.

Do you not admit that Ireland would derive some advantage if the exact imports and exports were known?

I have had a good many discussions with the hon. Gentleman both in and out the House with regard to interference by the Government with trade. He always urged that we should interfere as little as possible, and he has not infrequently denounced us for interfering. Now he asks us to do a thing which would

† See (4) Debates, cxlix., 1401.
involve a considerable interference with trade.

Richard Kellet's Meath Estate

On behalf of the hon. Member for South Meath, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the tenants on the estate of Richard T. Kellet, in the county of Meath, signed agreements to purchase their holdings in April, 1904; and that the landlord's brother, Vernon Kellet, also applied to purchase about 136 acres of untenanted land on the property; if so, will he say when was he made tenant; and whether, seeing that a number of tenants on the estate, having uneconomic holdings, have sent a memorial to the Estates Commissioners, praying that the land, nominally in Vernon Kellet's possession, be purchased by the Commissioners with a view to rendering their holdings economic, he will say what is the decision of the Commissioners regarding the prayer of the memorialists.

The tenancy in the holding for which Mr. J. Vernon Kellett has signed a purchase agreement was created in 1904. The memorial of the tenants will be considered before advances are made,

Irish Land Purchase Payments

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will consider the advisability, in those cases of land purchase under the Act of 1903 in which the purchase money cannot be immediately paid, of paying interest on the same until the transaction can be completed, and so avoiding any necessity for delay in the operation of the Act.

Interest in lieu of rent is now payable by the tenant purchaser pending the completion of the purchase, and such interest has been collected in nearly all cases up to the last gale day, viz., May 1st, 1905, and paid over to the parties entitled. I have carefully considered the hon. Member's suggestion, but am afraid it is impracticable to give effect to it.

Captain Taylor's Bective Estate

On behalf of the hon. Member for South Meath, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Estates Commissioners have received an application for the sale of Captain E. R. Taylor's Bective Estate, county Meath; whether Mrs. O'Reily, an evicted tenant of the estate, has made an application to be reinstated; whether the lands from which she was evicted are untenanted and let on the eleven months system; and, if so, whether the sale can go forward without having regard to Mrs. O'Reily's case.

The reply to the first and second inquiries is in the affirmative. The evicted tenant's holdings, however, are not included in the estate which is being sold, but her application will be considered when the estate is being dealt with.

Reenard And Valentia Ferry

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is in a position to make any announcement as to the improvement of the ferry facilities between Reenard and Valentia, under the Marine Works Act; and whether, in the event of further inquiries being made by him daring the recess, he will give an opportunity to those locally interested of placing their views before him.

I am not yet in a position to make any statement in this matter. Any representations that may be made to me by persons locally interested will, of course, be carefully considered.

Belfast Constabulary—Proposed Band

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he can now state the decision of the Inspector-General regarding the recommendation of the Belfast Corporation that a Royal Irish Constabulary band should be established in Belfast.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this matter has been under consideration for eighteen months?

It has only lately been brought under my notice. I hops it will be decided almost immediately.

Waveney Street National School, Ballymena

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether, in view of the fact that the committee of Waveney Street National School, Ballymena, contemplate closing their school, he will consider the advisability of granting temporary aid until such time as sufficient accommodation is provided for infants in other schools; and, if not, where is it proposed to put the infants attending the Waveney School, should it be closed.

For the reasons stated in reply to former Questions, the Commissioners cannot grant even temporary aid to this school. There is ample accommodation in existing schools for the infants attending this school.

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman appreciate the fact that if this school is closed for want of aid the children will have no other school to go to?

On the contrary, I am told there would be no difficulty in providing for them in existing schools. If the hon. Member has any information to the contrary I shall be glad to consider it.

Your own Answers state there is not sufficient accommodation in the other schools.

Inquiry Into Working Of Labourers Acts In County Antrim

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland on what date the Local Government Board inquiry into the general working of the Labourers Acts in the county Antrim was held; what was the result of that inquiry; and can copies of the Report, if any, of the person or persons who held the inquiry be obtained from the Local Government Board.

In 1902 inquiries were made as to the working of the Labourers Acts in counties Antrim and Down, and the result went to show that owing to disinclination on the part of the farmers and to the apathy of the labourers, the Acts were rarely applied up to 1899, but that since that date many schemes had been formed and others were being prepared. These inquiries were made for the general information of the Government, and the Reports made are not available for public use.

Trinity College Estates

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state when he proposes to give effect to the Report of the Trinity College Commission; whether he is aware that middlemen who hold under Trinity College for a period less than sixty years cannot sell to the tenants, although they are willing to do so; and what action the Government intend to take.

This Report, as I have already stated, raises a number of very difficult and complicated questions, including the case of middlemen who hold under leases for an unexpired period of less than sixty years. These are receiving the careful consideration of the Government. I am not yet in a position to state the indentions of the Government in the matter.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the middlemen are willing to sell and the tenants to buy? Cannot something be done to enable the agreement to be carried out? [No Answer was returned.]

Sub-Tenants And Cottiers And The Irish Land Act Of 1903

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state whether the Irish Government or the Estates Commissioners have issued any instructions whereby cottiers or sub-tenants occupying agricultural holdings are debarred from negotiating or purchasing their holdings under the Land Purchase Act of 1903; and, if not, can he say whether a sub-tenant or a cottier have the right to purchase their holdings when an estate is being sold of which their holdings form a part.

The only tenants who can purchase under the Purchase Acts are tenants in occupation. Under the 15th Section of the Act the Estates Commissioners have power to declare that a sub-tenant, to whom the tenant has let portion of the holding, shall be deemed to be the tenant of that portion so as to enable the sub-tenant to purchase. Paragraphs 15 and 19, Part 1, of the instructions of the 9th February last deal with this matter.

Irish Education Grant

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will state the amount per head of the population voted by the State in the year 1905–6 in England, Ireland, and Scotland for the purposes of primary education; what would be Ireland's share according to the English or Scotch scale; and how much less does Ireland receive annually than she would be entitled to were grants for education made on this bash.

Owing to the different systems of elementary education in the three countries an accurate comparison on the basis suggested cannot be drawn. It would appear, however, that the amount per head of population, according to the latest Census Returns, is, approximately:

In Ireland6s.5d.
In Scotland7s.7d.
In England and Wales7s.4d.

On this basis, Ireland would be entitled, on the Scotch and English scales, to about £259,000 and £201,000, respectively, more than she is receiving. But a calculation on the basis of population is obviously misleading, because an important element in the grant is the capitation allowance, common to the three countries, of 10s. per pupil in average attendance; and taking the average school attendance as the basis of calculation, the amount voted per head is:

For Ireland£32s.7d.
For Scotland£28s.2d.
For England and Wales£23s.11d.

Why is it, when we have money to receive, the calculation on the basis of population is misleading, but when it is to be paid it is the reverse?

Seeing it is admitted that Ireland is not getting her fair share, will the Chancellor of the Exchequer consider the desirability of making a further grant?

You have admitted that on the only satisfactory basis of population Ireland is not getting anything like she deserves.

Clifden Harbour

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state whether the actual sum allotted under the Marine Works Act for the construction of a pier at Clifden Harbour has yet been fixed; and, if so, what is the sum, and when is the work likely to commence.

No, Sir; the matter is still engaging consideration. I will give it my personal attention during the recess.

Epizootic Lymphangitis In Ireland

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if, considering that the South African horse disease was introduced into Ireland by Army horses, and considering the loss that has already occurred by the stoppage of shows, sales, and race meetings, he is now able to state that the entire cost of animals slaughtered with the view of stamping out the disease will be paid, without calling upon the ratepayers of the county where the disease has broken out to pay half the estimated value of the animals so destroyed.

I am not yet in a position to make any statement on this subject, which will be fully considered on an early date at a joint conference between representatives of the English and Irish Departments of Agriculture.

Irish National School Teachers' Examination

On behalf of the hon. Member for East Mayo, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will explain why not a single question relating to Ireland appeared in the history papers set by the Board of National Education to the teachers who completed their course of training at the various training colleges, and who were examined in the first week of July this year for certificates of competency to teach Irish children.

The programme in history for this examination was "European history from 1815 to 1871." The Commissioners do not interfere with the discretion of the examiners in setting questions.

Teaching Of The Irish Language In Irish Schools

On behalf of the hon. Member for East Mayo, I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will lay upon the Table of the House any correspondence which has passed between the Treasury and the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland on the proposed withdrawal of the grant for the Irish language as an extra subject; and whether he will also lay upon the Table the Minutes of any meetings of the Board at which the subject was considered.

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he wall give the Minutes of the meeting or meetings of the National Board at which it was agreed to withdraw payment for Irish as an extra subject in Irish national schools; whether, in coming to this decision, the Board made any, and, if so, what arrangements for the teaching of Irish within ordinary school hours; to what purpose it is intended to devote the money which formerly was spent in paying for Irish; and whether any steps are being taken by the Board for training teachers for the teaching of this subject.

For the reason already stated by me I am unable to lay these Minutes on the Table of the House. The rules in the Code relating to the teaching of Irish as an ordinary subject within school hours are as follows:—No. 121. A bi-lingual programme (Irish and English) may be sanctioned in Irish-speaking districts or in localities where Irish and English are spoken. No. 123 (b). All the extra branches may be taught during the time constituting in "attendance," provided the adequacy of the course of instruction in the ordinary school subjects is not impaired or hampered thereby. The Board agreed, by resolution passed unanimously, to the withdrawal of fees for all extra subjects, provided the savings thereby effected should not be applied in reduction of the Vote, but should be devoted to the purposes of Irish national education. That decision does not in any way affect the

† See (4) Debates, cl., 1344.
existing facilities for the teaching of Irish or other extra subjects within ordinary school hours. The Government have at present under consideration, in correspondence with the Treasury, a proposal to provide an increased staff in small schools by means of the appointment of manual instructresses. The expenditure on fees for all extra subjects amounted in the year 1904 to £14,368, which included a sum of £12,069 paid for Irish. Irish is taught in all the training colleges, with the exception of the Church of Ireland Training College in Kildare Place. The Board examine for certificates in Irish, and the number of teachers holding Irish certificates is 1,045. In reply to further Questions, Mr. WALTER LONG denied that the teaching of Irish language had been excluded. It was merely no longer treated as an extra subject.

Enniskillen Lake

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury if any decision has yet been arrived at between Lord Enniskillen and the Commissioner of Works, Dublin Office, in reference to the ownership of the bed and soil of the lake surrounding the town of Enniskillen; and, if so, what is it.

Communications are still pending between the Commissioners of Woods and Lord Enniskillen. A decision will be come to as speedily as possible.

Irish School Plans—Kerry Schools

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is now in a position to state when the new plans for building schools in Ireland will be issued; and can he say whether, in the case of necessitous districts, such as Curraheen, Glenbeigh, county Kerry, a contribution of more than the usual two-thirds will be contributed by the Board when a new school is required.

I am disappointed that this matter has not yet been settled. A decision on the main points has been arrived at, but some questions of detail have unfortunately arisen which require settlement before I shall be in a position to announce the Government's proposals.

Lord Roberts' Speech

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he can say if the statements made by Lord Roberts at the Mansion House on the condition of the Army were laid before the Army Council; and whether they represent the views of His Majesty's Government on the subject.

THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY
(Mr. A. J. BALFOUR, Manchester, E.)

Lord Roberts' speech was not laid before the Army Council or before His Majesty's Government. Lord Roberts alone is responsible for it. It is hardly possible to do what my hon. and gallant friend desires, namely, to express either assent or dissent from a speech which in the nature of the case contains a great many propositions, each of which would have to be separately formulated and separately dealt with.

Recruiting

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, having regard to Lord Roberts' opinion that the Cardwell system of enlistment of seven years with the colours and five with the reserve should be reverted to for the Army, he will direct that no progress shall be made with the proposed dual system of enlistment for two years and nine years.

The Colonial Conference

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury when he proposes to issue invitations for the Colonial Conference of 1906; and whether these invitations will be so framed as to meet the case of the colonial delegates being called upon to meet delegates from this country representing a Government pledged to the electorate to oppose the preferential taxation of wheat or flour or raw material in this country.

No invitations have as yet been sent. It would be premature to discuss the terms in which they would be sent.

Is the House or the country to have no say in this conference? The right hon. Gentleman has not answered my Question as to when the invitations will be sent.

Standing Committees

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether his attention has been directed to the Special Report of the Chairman's Panel relating to the working of Standing Committees; and whether he proposes, by amendment of the Standing Orders, to make such provision as will remedy the inconveniences incident to the working of the Standing Order now in force.

I have read the Report to which my hon. friend calls attention, and I must say that, so far as I am able to judge, the existing system of Grand Committees will require modification in the very near future. I do not think anybody can read that Report, drawn up as it is by those best qualified to judge, of the working of the present system and regard the system as satisfactory. It would, however, be premature for me to suggest what course ought to be taken in the contingency to which my hon. friend refers.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider whether a Government Bill ought not to have precedence over Bills of private Members?

I will not discuss the question of precedence; but it is the fact that when a Government Bill is sent by the House to a Grand Committee it ought to be able to find a Grand Committee which could immediately deal with it.

Is it not a fact that many Bills before the Grand Committee have been mauled by members of the Government themselves?

Redistribution

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether a Redistribution Bill for next session has been drafted, and whether a Boundary Commission is to be set up before Parliament meets again, or whether the inquiries will be made by a Departmental Committee; whether the Bill as drafted contains clauses dealing with the ancient right, ownership, and other voters whose status is different in county and borough constituencies respectively, and, as regards Great Britain, with the starring of voters; or whether it is intended that the provisions dealing with franchise and registration necessitated by any merger of boroughs in counties, division of boroughs, or alteration of county and borough boundaries, are to be placed in a separate Bill.

I think that the best course in the first instance would be to appoint a Committee to obtain information for the guidance of the Government. The appointment of the Commission would follow in due course. Whether it should be set up after or before Parliament meets again is a matter for consideration. It would be impossible to give any details at this stage of the clauses of the Redistribution Bill, but I see no reason why any provisions that are actually consequential on Redistribution should not be contained in the same Bill as the Redistribution proposals.

If there is a separate Commission for Ireland, will there also be a separate Committee?

I do not think I have stated whether there ought or ought not to be a separate Committee for Ireland. There was a separate Commission before for Ireland, but whether there will be a separate Committee I think it better not to commit myself. But the previous precedent will probably be followed in the present case.

Will the names of the Committee be announced when they are appointed?

I do not imagine that the matter will be kept secret, but if the hon. Member means a formal announcement of the names for the purposes of discussion I do not think they will be.

In Ireland, at all events, there was a separate Report obtained from the Ordnance Survey Department before the Commission took action.

Is there any precedent for establishing a Boundary Commission without previous Parliamentary sanction?

Oh, yes, in 1885. [Cries of "No."] Well, to be accurate, at the end of 1884.

Deal Castle

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if he will state the conditions under which the present occupier enjoys the privileges of Deal Castle as a seaside residence.

The nomination to this appointment does not rest with the Government, but with the Lord Warden for the time being. I have not been able to make any investigations into the conditions, but if the hon. Member wishes I will endeavour to ascertain the exact historical position held by the occupant of the Castle.

Highland Deer Forests

I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he is aware that the deer forest area in five Highland crofting counties, viz., Argyll, Inverness, Ross and Cromarty, Sutherland, and Caithness, increased between the years 1898 and 1904 by 424,957 acres; and will he state whether he proposes to take any steps to prevent further extensions of the area.

No, Sir, I do not propose to recommend any legislation on this subject.

Does the right hon. Gentleman intend that the Highlands shall become one vast deer forest?

No, Sir, what I intend to do is to abstain from proposing any legislation.

Business Of The House

The Government propose to day to begin business with the Unemployed Bill, as amended, the Committee stage of the Naval Works Bill, the Committee stage of the East India Loans (Railways) Bill, and the Third Reading of the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill. After these will come the Provisional Order (Marriages) Bill in Committee, and the Public Works Loans Bill. The Government will be grateful if the House allow a stage to be taken of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports Bill. It raises no question that can possibly induce much controversy, and it would be of the utmost convenience to have the question settled. To-morrow the Third Reading of the Isle of Man (Customs) Bill and the Second Reading of the Appropriation Bill will be taken, the Committee stage of the last named being taken on Wednesday. On Wednesday we hope to find time, among other things, for the discussion on the Telephone Agreement, and probably other business which ought to be transacted. If I am sufficiently fortunate in realising expectations as to this programme of business I shall take the Third Reading of the Appropriation Bill on Thursday.

Trade Marks Bill

Lords Amendments to be considered To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 307.]

New Bills

Auxiliary Forces Bill

"To provide for the more effectual officering of the Auxiliary Forces, and to ensure a sufficiency of trained officers in the event of mobilisation," presented by Sir Howard Vincent; supported by Sir Came Rasch, Captain Norton, Genenal Laurie, Captain Pirie, and Mr. Ridley; to be read a second time upon Friday, and to be printed. [Bill 308.]

Bankruptcy Law (Amendment) Bill

"To Amend the Law of Bankruptcy," presented by Sir Albert Rollit; to be read a second time To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 309.]

Unemployed Workmen Bill

As amended, considered.

Clause (Application to Scotland).

"In the application of this Act to Scotland—(1) 'The Local Government Board for Scotland' shall be substituted for 'the Local Government Board'; (2) 'Royal, Parliamentary, or police burgh' shall he substituted for 'municipal borough and urban district,' and for 'borough or district'; (3) 'Parish council' shall be substituted for 'board of guardians,' and 'town council' shall be substituted for 'council of the borough or district' and for 'borough or district council'; (4) 'Royal, Parliamentary, or police burgh with a population according to the last census for the time being of less than fifty thousand, but not less than twenty thousand,' shall he substituted for 'county borough'; (5) References to special county purposes shall not apply; (6) 'Burgh general assessment' or 'assessment for police purposes,' as the case may be, shall be substituted for 'borough fund or borough rate'; (7) 'Inspector' shall include general superintendent and visiting officer; (8) Sections 47, 52, and 53 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1894, shall be substituted for Sections 85, 86, and 88 of the Local Government Act, 1894; (9) 'Municipal elector' shall be substituted for 'burgess'; (10) Sub-sections 2 and 3 of Section 2 of this Act shall not apply to any county or part of a county, or to any burgh, except with the consent of the Local Government Board for Scotland expressed by Order made on the application of the county council, or town council, as the case may be."—(Mr. Scott Dickson.)

Brought up, and read the first time.

Motion made, and Question proposed. "That the clause be now read a second time."

drew the Speaker's attention to the fact that there was a question of rating involved, and raised a point of order as to whether on that account the Bill would not be required to be recommitted in order that the question should be considered in Committee. He fully appreciated the necessity of sending the Bill up to the House of Lords that day, but he wanted to make sure that the Amendment he had given notice of would be discussed.

said the Amendment of the hon. Member was the only one down, and he was prepared to accept it.

asked whether, as the clause involved a question of rating, the Bill ought not to be recommitted.

agreed that the question of rating was raised, but he pointed out that the whole clause was the result of the Committee's desire on Friday that Scotland should be included in the Bill.

repeated that he was prepared to meet the hon. Member, and, in that case, he questioned the necessity of recommitting the Bill.

urged that, as the clause did involve a question of rating, the Bill must be recommitted.

finally said he thought it would be dangerous to deal with a question of rating in the House, and that it would be the better plan to recommit the Bill in respect of the Lord-Advocate's new clause, dealing with the other Amendments first.

Motion and clause, by leave of the House, withdrawn.

Clause (Application to Ireland).

"In the application of this Act to Ireland the Local Government Board for Ireland shall be substituted for the Local Government Board, and as respects population ten thousand shall be substituted for fifty thousand, and five thousand for ten thousand, and the provisions of this Act relating to the inclusion of a county borough in a county shall not apply."—(Mr. Attorney-General for Ireland.)

Brought up, and read the first time.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the clause be now read a second time."

inquired if the acceptance of relief under the Bill would have any effect upon the franchise.

replied in the negative.

Question put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"In line 6, at the end, to add the words 'Sub-section 3, Section 2, of this Act shall not apply to any county in Ireland except by order of the Local Government Board for Ireland made on the application of the council of the county."—(Mr. Attorney-General for Ireland.)

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"After the last Amendment to add the words, 'That Sections 43 and 45 of the Local Government Act, 1894, shall be substituted for Sections 84, 86, and 88 of the Local Government Act, 1894."—(Mr. Attorney-General for Ireland.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there added."

pressed upon the Government to include words which would place it beyond all doubt that relief under the Bill would not interfere with the franchise. If some such words were not included, he ventured to prophecy that people would be disenfranchised.

said he did not consider it necessary to specifically guard against disenfranchisement.

could not see why the right hon. Gentleman should not accede to what he termed the most moderate proposal of his hon. and learned friend.

urged that if words were included to say that the franchise should not be affected in Ireland, the effect would be to weaken and not strengthen the Bill, because it might read that in the case of England it should be affected.

pointed out that in England the Bill applied direct, but in Ireland it only applied by secondary order. He was quite sure that the Government was absolutely bona fide in the matter, and he threw no imputation on the right hon. and learned Gentleman, but he did venture to say that in view of the excitement with which these things were discussed in Ireland there should be something definite inserted. He should, however, be content if the Government would consider the matter in another place.

THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY
(Mr. A. J. ]]]]HS_COL-400]]]] BALFOUR, Manchester, E.)

said that surely if the hon. Member for Louth was right the words should be introduced in Sub-section 4, in order that they might be applicable to all three countries.

Question put, and agreed to.

Clause, as amended, added to the Bill.

Drafting Amendments agreed to.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 1, line 10, after the word 'distress,' to insert the words 'such persons to be nominated by the borough council and board of guardians respectively."—(Mr. Lloyd-George.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

moved to exclude the words "emigration or," in Sub-section 5 of Clause 1 which gave the central body power to aid a person referred to them by the local distress committee in emigrating or removing to another area, and so place him in a position to obtain employment. He declared that Ireland had already suffered too much from emigration, and objected to its promotion. In the case of a rural district in Ireland the organisation concerned would be the creation of the Government, and the retention of the word "emigration" would give the Government of the day power to carry out the emigration of the whole of the Irish people.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 2, line 20, to leave out the words 'emigration or'."—(Mr. Clancy.)

Question proposed, "That the words 'emigration or' stand part of the Bill."

said he did not think they ought to exclude the word "emigration." They had to remember that all the organisation contemplated in the Bill would be under the control of members directly or indirectly popularly-elected. If the authorities in Ireland did not wish to use those powers, there was no reason why they should.

said he thought the matter deserved a little more consideration from the Government. There was a constant stream of emigration from Ireland going on, and he believed a society had been formed to suggest how it could be checked. There was only one thing which stopped the whole people emigrating, and that was the want of means. They were now passing a Bill which would allow popularly-elected bodies to furnish funds at the expense of the ratepayers to pay the cost of emigration in any case they liked to do so. Here in Great Britain the word might be left in without serious disadvantage, but it would run contrary to the stream of popular feeling in Ireland. Words could easily be introduced making an exception in the case of Ireland. If an Amendment could be put in somewhere else, everybody would be satisfied. It raised a grave point with regard to Ireland, and it should receive more attention from the Government.

asked if he understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that he would consider the question. It seemed to him that the Local Government Board were not only able to extend provisions to every part of the United

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteBrodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnDickson, Charles Scott
Agnew, Sir Andrew NoelBrymer, William ErnestDimsdale, Rt.Hon.Sir Joseph C.
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenBuchanan, Thomas RyburnDoughty, Sir George
Anson, Sir William ReynellBull, William JamesDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-
Arkwright, John StanhopeBurdett-Coutts, W.Duke, Henry Edward
Arnold-Forster, Rt.Hn. Hugh O.Buxton, Sydney Charles(PoplarDyke, Rt.Hon.Sir William Hart
Arrol, Sir WilliamCampbell, Rt.Hn.J.A.(GlasgowFaber, George Denison (York)
Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryCampbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Fellowes, RtHn.Ailwyn Edward
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnCarson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Fergusson, Rt.Hn.Sir J.(Manc'r
Baird, John George AlexanderCavendish, V.C.W.(Derbyshire)Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst
Balcarres, LordCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.
Balfour, Rt.Hon.A.J.(Manch'rChamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Finlay,RtHnSirR.B(.Inv'rn'ss)
Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W (LeedsChamberlayne, T. (S'thamptonFirbank, Sir Joseph Thomas
Balfour, Kenneth R.(Christch.)Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryFisher, William Hayes
Banner, John S. Harmood-Chapman, EdwardFitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Flower, Sir Ernest
Beach, Rt.Hn.Sir Michael HicksCoghill, Douglas HarryForster, Henry William
Bigwood, JamesCohen, Benjamin LouisFoster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)
Bill, CharlesCollings, Rt. Hon. JesseGardner, Ernest
Bingham, LordColomb, Rt.Hon.Sir John C. R.Gladstone, Rt.Hn. Herbert John
Black, Alexander WilliamCremer, William RandalGodson, Sir Augustus Frederick
Blundell, Colonel HenryCrossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileGordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)
Bond, EdwardDavenport, William Bromley-Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-
Brassey, AlbertDavies, Sir Horatio D. (ChathamGorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon
Broadhurst, HenryDowar, Sir T.R.(Tower Hamlets)Greene, Henry D.(Shrewsbury

Kingdom, but in the case of a rural district in a county actually to constitute the distress committee. Under those circumstances it seemed to him that it would be absolutely giving to the Government of the day power to emigrate the whole of the Irish people, when what they wanted was to remain at home.

said there was no compulsion in the matter. They might form the distress committees, and the central bodies, but they could not compel the central bodies to carry out their powers with regard to emigration.

said that the right hon. Gentleman had said that the bodies would be popularly-elected, but in the case of a rural district the committee would be the creation of the Government.

said the hon. Gentleman was wrong. The Local Government Board might require that the organisation should be formed, but the appointment of the particular members would be left to the local bodies.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 203; Noes, 71. (Division List No. 341.)

Greene, YV. Raymond.(Cambs.)Maconochie, A. W.Sadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Grenfell, William HenryM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Samuel, Herbert L.(Cleveland)
Hall, Edward MarshallMajendie, James A. H.Sandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos.Myles
Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Marks, Harry HananelSassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Hamilton, Marq.of (L'nd'nderryMartin, Richard BiddulphSaunderson, Rt.Hn.Col.Edw.J.
Hardy, Laurence(Kent, AshfordMaxwell, W.J.H.(Dumfriessh.)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Harris, F. Leverton(Tynem'th)Middlemore, John ThrogmortonSeely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln)
Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.Milvain, ThomasSharpe, William Edward T.
Heath, Sir James(Staffords, NWMitchell, William (Burnley)Sinclair, Louis (Romford)
Heaton, John HennikerMolesworth, Sir LewisSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Helder, Sir AugustusMorgan, David J(WalthamstowSloan, Thomas Henry
Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Morrell, George HerbertSmith, AbelH.(Hertford, East)
Hope J.F.(Sheffield, BrightsideMorrison, James ArchibaldSmith, HC.(North'mb. Tyneside
Hornby, Sir William HenryMorton, Arthur H. AylmerSmith, RtHnJ.Parker(Lanarks
Horner, Frederick WilliamMount, William ArthurSmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Howard, John (Kent FavershamMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Stanley, Hon. Arthur(Ormskirk
Howard, J. (Midd., Tottenham)Myers, William HenryStanley, Edward Jas.(Somerset
Hozier, Hon. James Henry CecilNicholson, William GrahamStanley, Rt.Hon.Lord (Lancs.)
Hunt, RowlandO'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensStone, Sir Benjamin
Jeffreys, Rt.Hon. Arthur Fred.Palmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Stroyan, John
Jones, William (CarnarvonshrePartington, OswaldStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Kennaway, Rt.Hon.Sir John H.Peel, Hn.Wm.Robert WellesleyTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Kenyon, Hon.Geo. T.(DenbighPercy, EarlTalbot, Rt.Hn.J.G.(Oxf'd Univ
Keswick, WilliamPierpoint, RobertTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Kimber, Sir HenryPilkington, Colonel RichardThornton, Percy M.
Knowles, Sir LeesPlatt-Higgins, FrederickTomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Lamont, NormanPowell, Sir Francis SharpTuff, Charles
Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralPretyman, Ernest GeorgeVincent, Col.SirC.E. H(Sheffield
Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. EdwardVincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Purvis, RobertWalrond, Rt.Hn.Sir William H
Lawson, Hn.H.L.W. (Mile End)Pym, C. GuyWarde, Colonel C. E.
Lee, Arthur H.(Hants. FarehamRandles, John S.Welby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Rankin, Sir JamesWelby, SirCharlesG.E. (Notts.)
Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageRasch, Sir Frederic CarneWhitmore, Charles Algernon
Liddell, HenryReid, James (Greenock)Wills, SirFrederick(Bristol,N.)
Long, Col. Charles W.(EveshamRickett, J. ComptonWodehouse, Rt.Hn.E.R.(Bath)
Long, Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.Ridley, S. FordeWrightson, Sir Thomas
Lonsdale, John BrownleeRitchie, Rt.Hon.Chas.ThomsonWylie, Alexander
Lowe, Francis WilliamRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Loyd, Archie KirkmanRollit, Sir Albert KayeYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Lucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthRound, Rt. Hon. James
Lyttelton, Rt.Hon. AlfredRoyds, Clement MolyneuxTELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Macdona, John CummingRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Sir Alexander Acland-Hood
MacIver, David (Liverpool)Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-and Viscount Valentia.

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Hayden, John PatrickO'Brien, Kendal(Tipperary Mid)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Healy, Timothy MichaelO'Connor, James(Wicklow, W.)
Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)Hemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles H.O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Bright, Allan HeywoodHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Parrott, William
Burke, E. Haviland-Higham, John SharpPower, Patrick Joseph
Buxton, NE(York,NR,WhitbyHutchinson, Dr. CharlesFredk.Rea, Russell
Caldwell, JamesJones, David Brynmor(SwanseaRedmond, John E.(Waterford)
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, Leif (Appleby)Robson, William Snowdon
Crean, EugeneJordan, JeremiahRunciman, Walter
Crooks, WilliamKennedy, P.J.(Westmeath,N.)Seely, Maj, J.E.B. (Isle of Wight
Cullinan, J.Lambert, GeorgeShipman, Dr. John G.
Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Lawson, Sir Wilfrid(Cornwall)Slack, John Bamford
Delany, WilliamLeese, Sir Joseph F.(Accrington)Sullivan, Donal
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesLevy, MauriceThompson, DrEC(Monagh'n,N
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidTully, Jasper
Doogan, P. C.Lough, ThomasWallace, Robert
Dunn, Sir WilliamLundon, W.Weir, James Galloway
Emmott, AlfredMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftWhiteley, George (York, W.R.
Flavin, Michael JosephMacVeagh, JeremiahWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Flynn, James ChristopherM'Fadden, EdwardWilson, Henry J. (York, W. R.)
Hammond, JohnM'Kenna, ReginaldWoodhouse, SirJ.T(Huddersf'd
Hardie, J. Keir(Merthyr TydvilMurnaghan, George
Harrington, TimothyMurphy, JohnTELLERS FOR THE NOES—
Harwood, GeorgeNannetti, Joseph P.Mr. Patrick O'Brien and
Hatch, Ernest Frederick Geo.Nolan, Col.JolinP.(Galway,N.)Mr. Clancy.

moved to insert in Clause 1 the words "and the provision of temporary work therein." His object in raising this question again was to give the Government an opportunity of reconsidering its position in regard to this most important principle. The whole aim of the Bill was to enable the unemployed to tide over a period of temporary distress, and for that purpose the new authorities were enabled to acquire land. The object of his Amendment was to secure that when land had been acquired the authorities should have power to employ labour temporarily upon it, and thereby be able to carry out the real object of the Bill. Objection was taken to a similar proposal the other day on the ground that it might interfere with the independence of the workmen, but that was just what the Bill would do as it now stood. Instead of the workmen being dependent upon private charity they wished to make the rates available for that purpose. If hon. Members would withdraw their objection to this principle they would be carrying out the original intention of the Bill and at the same time be saving themselves from being made ridiculous by passing a Bill

AYES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Hatch, Ernest Frederick Geo.O'Donnoll, T. (Kerry, W.)
Barry, E. (CorkS.)Hayden, John PatrickParrott, William
Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)Hayter, Rt.Hon.Sir Arthur D.Partington, Oswald
Boll, RichardHealy, Timothy MichaelPearson, Sir Weetman D.
Black, Alexander WilliamHemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles HPower, Patrick Joseph
Bright, Allan HeywoodHigham, John SharpRea, Russell
Burke E. HavilandHutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Redmond, John E. (Waterford)
Buxton, N.E.(York NR WhitbyJones, David Brynmor(SwanseaRickett, J. Compton
Buxton Sydney Charles(PoplarJones, Leif (Appleby)Robson, William Snowdon
Caldwell, JamesJones, William(CarnarvonshireRollit, Sir Albert Kaye
Cheetham, John FrederickJordan, JeremiahRunciman, Walter
Clancy, John JosephKennedy, P. J. (Westmeath.N.)Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Crean, EugeneLambert, GeorgeSeely, Maj.J.E.B.(Isle of Wight
Cremer, William RandalLamont, NormanShipman, Dr. John G.
Crooks, WilliamLeese,Sir Joseph F.(AccringtonSlack, John Bamford
Cullinan, J.Levy, MauriceSloan, Thomas Henry
Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Lloyd-George, DavidSullivan, Donal
Dolany, WilliamLough, ThomasThompson, Dr EC(Monagh'n, N)
Dilke, Rt. Hon. CharlesLundon, W.Tully, Jasper
Dobbie, JosephMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftUre, Alexander
Doogan, P. C.MacVeagh, JeremiahWallace, Robert
Dunn, Sir WilliamM'Fadden, EdwardWeir, James Galloway
Emmott, AlfredM'Kenna, ReginaldWhiteley, George (York, W. R.)
Flavin, Michael JosephMurnaghan, GeorgeWhirley, J. H. (Halifax)
Flynn, James ChristopherMurphy, JohnWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)Nannetti, Joseph P.Woodhouse, SirJT.(Huddersf'd
Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert JohnNolan, Col.John P.(Galway,N
Hammond, JohnO'Brien, Kendal(Tipperary MidTELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Harrington, TimothyO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Mr. Keir Hardie and Mr
Harwood, GeorgeO'Connor, James (Wicklow,W. Henderson.

to do a certain thing without providing the means by which it could be done. When the winter came on and the people were clamouring for employment, if they were told that there was no power to give them work because the Bill did not allow the rates to be used, the situation would be a very awkward and difficult one. Therefore, he hoped hon. Members on both sides of the House would waive their academic objections to this principle, and enable the Government to carry out its deliberate intention, which was only abandoned when coercion was applied by those hon. Members opposite who were opposed to the Bill altogether. He hoped the right hon. Gentlemen would accept the spirit if not the wording of the Amendment he now begged to move.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 3, line 10, after the word "Act" to insert the words "and the provision of temporary work thereon."—(Mr. Keir Hurdie.)

Question put, "That those words be there inserted."

The House divided:—Ayes, 86; Noes, 186. (Division List No. 342.)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteGore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-Peel, Hn. Wm. Robert Wellesley
Agnew, Sir Andrew NoelGreene, Henry D.(Shrewsbury)Percy, Earl
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenGreene, W. Raymond-(Cambs)Pierpoint, Robert
Anson, Sir William ReynellGrenfell, William HenryPilkington, Colonel Richard
Arkwright, John StanhopeHall, Edward MarshallPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Arnold-Forster, Rt. Hn. HughOHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Powell, Sir Francis Sharp
Arrol, Sir WilliamHamilton, Marq. of(L'nd'nderryPretyman, Ernest George
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnHardy, Laurence(Kent, Ashford)Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Baird, John George AlexanderHarris, F. Leverton (Tynem'th)Purvis, Robert
Balcarres, LordHeath, Sir James(Staffords,NWPym, C. Guy
Balfour, Rt. Hon. A.J. (Manch'rHeaton, John HonnikerRandles, John S.
Balfour, RtHnGeraldW.(LeedsHelder, Sir AugustusRankin, Sir James
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Rasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Banner, John S. Harmood-Hornby, Sir William HenryReid, James (Greenock)
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminHorner, Frederick WilliamRemnant, James Farquharson
Beach, Rt. Hn. Sir Michael HicksHoward, J.(Midd.,Tottenham)Ridley, S. Forde
Bigwood, JamesHoward, John (Kent, FavershamRitchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. Thomson
Bill, CharlesHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Bingham, LordHunt, RowlandRolleston, Sir John F. L.
Blundell, Colonel HenryJeffreys, Rt Hon. Arthur Fred.Round, Rt. Hon. James
Bond, EdwardKennaway, Rt. Hon. Sir JohnH.Royds, Clement Molyneux
Brassey, AlbertKenyon, Hon.Geo.T.(Denbigh)Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnKeswick, WilliamSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Brymer, William ErnestKimber, Sir HenrySadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Bull, William JamesKnowles, Sir LeesSandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Myles
Burdett-Coutts, W.Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralSassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Campbell, Rt. Hn. J.A.(GlasgowLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Saunderson, Rt.Hn. Col.Edw.J
Campbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Lawson, Hn.H.L.W- (Mile EndSeely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln)
Cavendish, V.C.W. (DerbyshireLawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Lee, Arthur H.(Hants. FarehamSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Chamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageSmith, Abel H. (Hertford, East)
Chamberlayne, T. (S'thamptonLiddell, HenrySmith, HC(North'mb.Tyneside
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLong, Col.Charles W.(EveshamSmith, Rt Hn J.Parker(Lanarks
Chapman, EdwardLong, Rt.Hn.Walter (Bristol,S)SDith, Hon. W. F.D. (Strand.)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Lonsdale, John BrownleeStanley, Hon.Arthur(Ormskirk
Coghill, Douglas HarryLowe, Francis WilliamStanley, Edward Jas.(Somerset
Cohen, Benjamin LouisLoyd, Archie KirkmanStanley, Rt.Hon.Lord (Lancs.)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthStone, Sir BenjaDin
Colomb, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredStroyan, John
Davenport, William Bromley-Macdona, John CummingStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Davies, Sir Horatia D.(ChathamMacIver, David (Liverpool)Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Dewar, Sir T.R.(Tower HamletsMaconochie, A. W.Talbot.Rt Hn.J.G.(Oxf'd Univ.
Dickson, Charles ScottM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Dimsdale, Rt.Hon.Sir Joseph C.Majendie, James A. H.Thornton, Percy M.
Doughty, Sir GeorgeMarks, Harry HananelTomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Martin, Richard BiddulphTuff, Charles
Duke, Henry EdwardMaxwell, W. J. H. (Dumfriessh.Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
Dyke, Rt.Hon.Sir William HartMiddlemore, John ThrogmortonWalrond, Rt. Hn. Sir William
Faber, George Denison (York)Milvain, ThomasWarde, Colonel C. E.
Fellowes, Rt Hn.(Ailwyn Edw.)Mitchell, William, (Burnley)Welby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Fergusson, Rt.Hn.Sir J.(Manc'rMolesworth, Sir LewisWelby, Sir Charles G.E.(Not(s.)
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMorgan, David J(WalthamstowWhitmore, Charles Algernon
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Morpeth, ViscountWills, Sir Frederick (Bristol,N.)
Finlay, RtHnSirRB.(Inv'rn'ssMorrell, George HerbertWodehouse, Rt.Hn.E. R. (Bath)
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMorrison, James ArchibaldWrightson, Sir Thomas
Fisher, William HayesMorton, Arthur H. AlymerWylie, Alexander
Fitrzoy, Hon. Edward AlgernonMount, William ArthurWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Flower, Sir ErnestMurray, Col. WyndhamYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Forster, Henry WilliamMyers, William Henry
Gardner, ErnestNicholson, William GrahamTELLERS FOR THE NOES—
Godson, Sir Augustus FrederickO'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensSir Alexander Acland-Hood
Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Palmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)and Viscount Valentia.

The effect of the Amendment handed in by the hon. Member for Merthyr would be to enable the Local Government Board to impose a rate on the outside districts without their consent. That is a rating question which cannot be considered on the Report stage.

, in moving to reduce the minimum population limit imposed by Clause 2 to 10,000, said there was frequently a great deal of distress in these small towns and while the farmers in the county generally could not be induced to rate themselves for the relief of that distress, the small towns themselves might be disposed to impose a penny rate, or to make even greater sacrifices for the purpose. He thought the power ought to be given to such towns to levy a rate to tide over the winter months. There could be no objection on principle, as the power would be subject to the consent of the Local Government Board, who were very cautious in such matters, and would not give their consent unless very acute distress existed. In Wales while there were a number of small towns, there were only two or three of considerable size, and the Bill would be practically worthless to the Principality unless this Amendment were made. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 4, line 9, to leave out the word 'twenty' and insert the word 'ten'"—(Mr. Lloyd-George.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'twenty' stand part of the Bill."

hoped the right hon. Gentleman would accept the Amendment. It was intended to apply to cases in which a particular borough might, in view of peculiar circumstances, wish to institute a committee, although the county council did not see its way to do so for the county generally. There was no question of compulsion, and the Local Government Board would not give its consent if the county council or any other body made out a good case against it. The Amendment could not possibly do harm, and it might result in considerable good.

said that from his knowledge of borough feeling he was sure the desire would be in favour of reducing the population limit. There was a distinct difference, especially on economic and industrial questions, between boroughs and counties, and he fully agreed that a county might well refuse to rate itself as a whole, whereas boroughs within the county would consider it absolutely necessary to do so. Many of the smaller boroughs were dependent upon one staple trade, and times of depression inevitably came when it was extremely desirable that they should have the means provided by this Bill of reducing the distress. The larger boroughs, on the other hand, were going in for a variety of industries, and were not subject to periodic distress to the same extent; consequently the smaller boroughs were just the places that required the advantages of the Act. The precedent of the Education Act with regard to elementary education afforded another reason for maintaining autonomy in the smaller boroughs.

Question put, and negatived.

Word inserted.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 5, line 40, after the word 'may,' to insert, the words 'aid emigration or removal or.'"—(Mr. Gerald Balfour.)

Amendment agreed to.

moved an Amendment the object of which, he explained, was to enable such works as land reclamation to be undertaken under the Bill if the local authority concerned could obtain the funds for the purpose. He understood that the President of the Local Government Board accepted the principle of the Amendment, but desired it in a different form. He would therefore move the Amendment formally, in order that the right hon. Gentleman might make an explanation.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 6, line 6, after the word 'colonies,' to insert the words 'or such other works upon the land as may be approved by the Local Government Board.'"—(Mr. Herbert Samuel.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said there appeared to be some confusion in the discussion of this subject between "works" and "work." There was nothing to prevent the central body from providing work of any kind for the unemployed, but without particular provisions in the Bill they could not erect dwellings for the workmen. All that was required to give effect to his intention was that the central body should, with the leave of the Local Government Board, be entitled to supply temporary accommodation for work carried on upon the land Take such work as the reclamation of the foreshore. That work could not be undertaken without accommodation being provided for the persons engaged. Take another scheme suggested more than once by eminent philanthropists like Mr. Charles Booth, to level roads in different parts of the country where the gradients were too steep. If labourers were sent long distances to do such work it would be necessary to provide accommodation for them. He thought such provision ought to be made, and he should propose later on to insert after the word "Act" in line 7 the words "and the provision, with like consent of such body, of temporary accommodation for persons for whom work upon the land is provided."

said those words did not meet the Amendment of the hon. Member for Cleveland, which distinctly proposed that, having acquired land for the purpose, work might be done upon it. He understood his right hon. friend to say that he had no objection to temporary accommodation for those who were working being provided, but that did not quite meet the case. The proposal of his hon. friend opposite was to be allowed to undertake reclamation work. If there was one thing which would justify the House in proceeding with this Bill it was the experience of the Mansion House Committee in respect of farm colonies, which had been a great success. It seemed to him that one of the chief advantages of this Bill would be to allow local experience to make itself felt in the direction of being able to carry out something in the nature of an experiment with the sanction of the Local Government Board. This was a class of work which was both useful and dignified, which would be the means of maintaining the men without sacrificing either decency or dignity; and to simply say that there should be accommodation provided for those who did the work was not sufficient. The whole thing was temporary and limited to a certain period; therefore, if the Amendment proposed by the hon. Member for Cleveland to enable other classes of work to be undertaken with the sanction of the Local Government Board were adopted, they would be following the exact lines adopted by the Mansion House Committee.

said he did not think he had made his meaning quite clear. There would be no objection tinder the Bill to putting unemployed persons to work on reclamation work.

asked, in case it was necessary in land reclamation to lay down plant, such as pipes, etc, could that be done under this Bill?

said he understood that if land reclamation was undertaken the money would have to be provided out of voluntary subscriptions. If the wages were to be paid out of the rates he should object.

It is quite clear that no wages can be paid to the unemployed except out of voluntary subscriptions.

said the words suggested merely created temporary residences for the workmen employed. He understood that there was no objection to giving the fullest power with regard to all these experiments. He should have thought the right hon. Gentleman might have accepted his hon. friend's Amendment without enlarging the scope of the Bill. He was sorry the words now proposed to be inserted were limited specifically to farm colonies.

asked if some philanthropist was willing to put down £40,000 for labour for the reclamation of land, would the words suggested by the right hon. Gentleman allow them to provide shelter and accommodation for the men employed out of the rates?

No, Sir. The provision of temporary accommodation would itself have to coma out of voluntary subscriptions.

Did the right hon. Gentleman mean that they wanted an Act of Parliament to allow people to spend voluntary subscriptions? Surely he did not mean that. There were plenty of wealthy men who were ready to employ labour when trade was bad, but they had not the means of offering them accommodation. If the rates could be used for this purpose it would be a distinct advantage.

said the point raised by the hon. Member had already been decided by the Committee.

pointed out that if they specified temporary accommodation it might be taken to mean the exclusion of other purposes. The general words suggested in his hon. friend's Amendment would decide the question definitely.

AYES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Hatch, Ernest Frederick Geo.O'Brien,Kendal(Tipperary,Mid
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Hayden, John PatrickO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Bayley, Thomas (Derbyshire)Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.O'Connor, James(Wicklow,W.
Bell, RichardHealy, Timothy MichaelO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Black, Alexander WilliamHemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles H.Partington, Oswald
Bright, Allan HeywoodHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Pearson, Sir Weetman D.
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnHigham, John SharpPower, Patrick Joseph
Burke, E. Haviland-Hope,J.F.(Sheffield, Brightside)Redmond, John E.(Waterford)
Buxton, N.E.(York, NR, WhitbyHutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Rickett, J. Compton
Buxton,Sydney Charles(Poplar)Jacoby, James AlfredRobertson, Edmund (Dundee)
Caldwell, JamesJones, David Brymnor(Swansea)Robson, William Snowdon
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, Leif (Appleby)Runciman, Walter
Clancy, John JosephJones, William(Carnarvonshire)Seely, Maj. J.E.B.(Me of Wight
Crean, EugeneJordan, JeremiahShipman, Dr. John G.
Cremer, William RandalKennedy, P. J.(Westmeath,N.)Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Crooks, WilliamLambert, GeorgeSlack, John Bamford
Cullinan, J.Lamont, NormanSloan, Thomas Henry
Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Sullivan, Donal
Delany, WilliamLeese, Sir Joseph F.(AccringtonThompson, Dr. EC(Monagh'n,N.
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesLevy, MauriceTully, Jasper
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidUre, Alexander
Doogan, P. C.Lough, ThomasWallace, Robert
Emmott, AlfredLundon, W.Weir, James Galloway
Flavin, Michael JosephMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftWhiteley, George (York, W.R.
Flynn, James ChristopherMacVeagh, JeremiahWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.M'Fadden, EdwardWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Gladstone, Rt.Hn Herbert JohnM'Kenna, ReginaldWilson, Henry J.(York, W.R.)
Griffith, Ellis J.Moss, SamuelWood house, SirJT(Huddersf'd
Hammond, JohnMurnaghan, George
Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tytdvil)Murphy, JohnTELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Harrington, TimothyNannetti, Joseph P.Mr. Herbert Samuel and
Harwood, GeorgeNolan, Col.JohnP.(Galway,N.Mr. Russell Rea.

said he agreed with what the hon. Member had said, and it would be better to keep the Bill as it stood.

said the point was already clearly defined in the Bill. The words he had suggested would enable the central committee to provide temporary accommodation.

said this sub - section specifically limited the authorisation of the Local Government Board to work on farm colonies. He did not see why the right hon. Gentleman could not accept the Amendment; he thought the form of words met all objections.

said he very much doubted whether the words proposed by the hon. Gentleman really would cover the case.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 92; Noes, 192. (Division List No. 343.)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteGodson, Sir Augustus FredericPercy, Earl
Agnew, Sir Andrew NoelGordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Pierpoint, Robert
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenGore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-Pilkington, Colonel Richard
Anson, Sir William ReynellGorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John EldonPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Arkwright, John StanhopeGreene, Henry D.(ShrewsburyPowell, Sir Francis Sharp
Arnold-Forster, Rt.Hn.HughOGreene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.Pretyman, Ernest George
Arrol, Sir WilliamGrenfell, William HenryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnHall, Edward MarshallPurvis, Robert
Bagot.Capt.Josceline FitzRoyHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Pym, C. Guy
Baird, John George AlexanderHamilton, Marq.of(L'nd'nderryRandles, John S.
Balcarres, LordHardy, Laurence(Kent, AshfordRankin, Sir James
Balfour. Rt.Hon.A.J.(Manch'rHarris, F. Leverton(Tynem'thRasch, Sir Frederic Came
Balfour, RtHnGeraldW.(LeedsHeath, Sir James (Stafford.NWReid, James (Greenock)
Balfour, Kenneth R. (ChristenHeaton, John HennikerRemnant, James Farquharson
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeHermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Ridley, S. Forde
Banner. John S. Harmood-Horner, Frederick WilliamRitchie,Rt.Hon.Chas. Thomson
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminHoward, John(Kent,FavershamRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Beach, Rt.Hn.SirMichaelHicksHoward, J. (Midd., TottenhamRolleston, Sir John F. L.
Bigwood, JamesHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRollit, Sir Albert Kaye
Bill, CharlesHunt, RowlandRound, Rt. Hon. James
Bingham, LordJeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur FredRoyds, Clement Molyneux
Blundell, Colonel HenryKennaway, Rt Hon. Sir John H.Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Bond, EdwardKenyon, Hon. Geo.T. (Denbigh)Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Brassey, AlbertKeswick, WilliamSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Broadhurst, HenryKimber, Sir HenrySandys, Lieut.-Col.Thos.Myles
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnKnowles, Sir LeesSassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Brymer, William ErnestLaurie, Lieut.-GeneralSaunderson, Rt. Hn. Col. Edw. J.
Bull, William JamesLaw, Andrew Bonar (GlasgowScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Burdett-Coutts, W.Lawrence, Win. F. (LiverpoolSeely, Charles Hilton (Lincoln)
Butcher, John GeorgeLawson, Hn.H.L.W. (Mile End)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Campbell. Rt.Hn.J.A.(GlasgowLawson, John Grant(Yorks.NRSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Campbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Lee, ArthurH.(Hants,FarehamSmith, Abel H.(Hertford,East)
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Smith.H.C(North'mb.Tyneside
Cavendish, V.C.W.(DerbyshireLegge, Col. Hon. HeneageSmith, RtHnJ. Parker(Lanarks
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Liddell, HenrySmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Chamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Long, Col.CharlesWr.(EveshamStanley, Hon.Arthur(Ormskirk
Chamberlayne, T. (S'thamptonLong, Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.Stanley, EdwardJas.(Somerset)
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLonsdale, John BrownleeStanley, Rt.Hon.Lord (Lancs.)
Chapman, EdwardLowe, Francis WilliamStone, Sir Benjamin
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Loyd, Archie KirkmanStroyan, John
Coghill, Douglas HarryLucas, Reginald J. (PortsmouthStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Cohen, Benjamin LouisLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseMacdona, John CummingTalbot, Rt.Hn.J.G.(Oxf'd Univ
Colomb, Rt.Hon.SirJohn C.R.MacIver, David (Liverpool)Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileMaconochie, A. W.Thornton, Percy M.
Davenport, William BromleyM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Davies, Sir Horatio D.(ChathamMajendie, James A. H.Tuff, Charles
Dewar, Sir T.R.(Tower HamletsMarks, Harry HananelVincent, Col.Sir C. E. H. (Sheffield
Dickson, Charles ScottMartin, Richard BiddulphVincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
Dimsdale, Rt.Hon.SirJosephC.Maxwell,W.J.H.(DumfriesshireWalrond, Rt.Hn.SirWilliamH.
Doughty, Sir GeorgeMiddlemore, JohnThrogmortonWarde, Col. C. E.
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Milvain, ThomasWelby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Duke, Henry EdwardMitchell, William (Burnley)Welby, Sir Charles G. E.(Notts.
Dyke, Rt. Hon. SirWilliamHartMolesworth, Sir LewisWhitmore, Charles Algernon
Faber, George Denison (York)Morgan, David J(WalthamstowWills, Sir Frederick(Bristol,N.),
Fellowes, Rt.Hn.Ailwyn EdwardMorpeth, ViscountWodehouse, Rt.Hn.E.R.(Bath)
Fergusson, Rt.Hn.SirJ.(Manc'rMorrell, George HerbertWrightson, Sir Thomas
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMorrison, James ArchibaldWylie, Alexander
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Morton, Arthur H. AylmerWndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Finlay, RtHnSirR.B. (Inv'rn'ssMount, William ArthurYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)
Fisher, William HayesMyers, William HenryTELLERS FOR THE NOES—
Fitzroy, Hon.Edward AlgernonNicholson, William GrahamSir Alexander Acland-Hood
Flower, Sir ErnestO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrensand Viscount Valentia.
Forster, Henry WilliamPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)
Gardner, ErnestPeel, Hn. Win. Robert Wellesley

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 6, line 7, after the word "Act" to insert the words "and the provision, with the like consent, by such body, of temporary accommodation for persons for whom work upon the same land is provided."—(Mr. Gerald Balfour.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

I understand that the right hon. Gentleman is satisfied that these words will not have a limiting effect on the sub-section.

May I ask whether the expense of providing accommodation will be charged on the rates?

No; that will be charged on the fund raised by voluntary contributions.

Question put, and agreed to.

moved an Amendment providing that the audit of the accounts should be "by a professional accountant." A new departure was being made by this Bill, and he thought a new departure should also be made in the manner of audit. By the Bill as it now stood the accounts of these bodies would be audited in the same manner as the accounts of the county council, which meant that the audit would be by a Government auditor. The accounts would involve matters demanding some knowledge of accountancy, for there would be voluntary subscriptions mixed up with rate contributions. These would have to be kept very distinct, and in addition there should be the best security for the administration of the funds and the accuracy of the accounts in order to induce voluntary subscriptions. The working of the Bill as it stood would depend very largely indeed on voluntary contributions, and unless the accounts were kept in such a manner as to give confidence to those contributing, one of the chief sources of doing anything under the Bill would be lost. He wanted it to be clearly understood that this was not to be an audit according to the borough mode, which was by two members of the borough council, and which excluded what he thought was a very great improvement, adopted especially by certain of the larger municipalities, viz., the right to have their accounts audited by a professional auditor. The Municipal Trading Committee had issued an interim Report as to the finances of municipalities and local authorities which stated that although all the county councils, London borough councils, and urban district councils were subject to the Local Government Board in respect to audit, that audit was carried out by district auditors who, as a rule, were not professional accountants or professional auditors. He thought that as the accounts of those new bodies would be very mixed there should be an adequate audit by trained accountants or professional auditors and not by what he would call "machine accountants." Besides, it would save expense and ensure confidence in the locality in the administration of the funds, and so secure larger public subscriptions to the unemployed fund. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 6, line 26, to leave out from the word 'Act,' to the end of the sub-section, and insert 'by a professional accountant.'"—(Sir Albert Rollit.)

As there was no seconder to the Amendment, Mr. SPEAKER announced that the Amendment fell to the ground.

Amendment proposed to the Bill—

"In page 7, after line 9, to insert as a new sub-paragraph the words 'That all regulations made under this Act shall be laid as soon as may be before Parliament'."—(Mr. Gerald Balfour.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said he had no objection to the Amendment, but he would point out that these regulations could not possibly be discussed this session.

said that the Government were engaged in drawing up the regulations, but he could not promise to have them laid on the Table of the House before the session closed.

Question put, and agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be recommitted in respect

of a new clause (Application to Scotland.")—( Mr. A. J. Balfour.)

Question put, and agreed to.

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. GRANT LAWSON (Yorkshire, N.R., Thirsk) in the Chair.]

Clause (Application to Scotland).

"In the application of this Act to Scotland—(1) 'The Local Government Board for Scotland' shall be substituted for 'the Local Government Board'; (2) 'Royal, Parliamentary, or police burgh' shall be substituted for 'municipal borough and urban district,' and for 'borough or district'; (3) 'Parish council' shall be substituted for 'board of guardians,' and 'town council' shall be substituted for 'council of the borough or district' and for 'borough or district council'; (4) 'Royal, Parliamentary, or police burgh with a population according to the last census for the time being of less than fifty thousand, but not less than twenty thousand,' shall be substituted for 'county borough'; (5) References to special county purposes shall not apply; (6) 'Burgh general assessment' or 'assessment for police purposes,' as the case may be, shall be sub-stituted for 'borough fund or borough rate'; (7) 'Inspector' shall include general superintendent and visiting officer; (8) Sections 47, 52, and 53 of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1894, shall be substituted for Sections 85, 86, and 88 of The Local Government Act, 1894; (9) 'Municipal elector' shall be substituted for 'burgess'; (10) Sub-sections 2 and 3 of Section 2 of this Act shall not apply to any county or part of a county, or to any burgh, except with the consent of the Local Government Board for Scotland expressed by Order made on the application of the county council, or town council, as the case may be."—(The Lord-Advocate.)

Brought up, and read the first time.

in moving the new clause, said that there were one or two verbal alterations to be made to it, as printed on the White Paper, in consequence of the Amendment made on the Report stage. It would be necessary under the third head that "parish council" should be substituted for "Poor Law union." That was a verbal Amendment. The hon. Member for Mid.-Lanark proposed certain Amendments to the sixth head which he was willing to accept. As the clause stood now the rate would fall to be paid by assessment wholly by occupiers. The hon. Member for Mid.-Lanark proposed to alter it so as to make it fall half upon owners and half upon occupiers. In Section 6 of the clause the word "improvement" would be inserted after "general," and the words "or assessment for police purposes, as the case may be," would be deleted, and there be substituted for them the words "any other assessment leviable in equal proportions upon owners and occupiers." The effect of that was to make the rate fall equally upon owners and occupiers. The only other alteration he proposed to make was on head 10, which would be made to read so as to agree with what had been carried for Ireland—"Sub-sections 2 and 3 of this Act shall not apply to any county or burgh," leaving out the words "two and" in line 24, and the words "or part of a county" in line 25. Subject to these alterations he begged to move.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the clause, as amended, be now read a second time.

said that the Scottish Members had been put in a very invidious position by the action of the Government with regard to this Bill. There was no Amendment on the Paper on Friday that this Bill should be applied to Scotland, and it was not within the knowledge of the Scottish Members that any such intention was in the mind of the Government. The Bill had never been circulated in Scotland, and no views had been ascertained in regard to it on the part of any of the local authorities in the country. He had left the House on Friday afternoon without anticipating that this substantial change would be made without notice. It was quite impossible for them to judge on the merits of the clauses and the Amendments proposed by the Lord-Advocate. He thought the Government should accept the full responsibility of this large change which they were introducing into the Scottish Poor Law system—admitting into the category of those who were entitled to Poor Law relief people who were not before so entitled, and doing this without notice to the people of Scotland and without their having been consulted on the subject.

said that the hon. Gentleman had stated that the Government should accept full responsibility for this amendment in the law of Scotland. That was so; they did act on their own responsibility but he did not think that that responsibility was so heavy as the hon. Gentleman seemed to believe it to be, because it did not really, as the hon. Gentleman supposed, make a fundamental alteration in the Scottish Poor Law system, and because this change was of an experimental character and would last for three years only, unless the House should otherwise determine. He agreed with the hon. Gentleman that it would have been desirable to have had a longer opportunity for consulting Scottish opinion on the matter. But they had the alternative of including or excluding Scotland in the scope of the Bill at the last moment; and of the two courses he was quite confident that they had adopted the one most in consonance with the feelings of the people of Scotland. The hon. Gentleman wag acquainted with the opinion in Aberdeen. Aberdeen was strongly in favour of the Bill, and Glasgow had unanimously expressed its desire that the Bill should be extended to Scotland. Although he did not deny that there was some force in the hon Gentleman's remarks, he hoped that the House would not feel that the Government had taken a wrong course in this matter. The Amendments on this clause were purely technical. The terms of the Scottish law in the existing system of rating were different from those of England, and they required a great many sub-sections in order to translate the English law into Scottish law. Otherwise there was no substantial difference between the Bill as applied to Scotland and the Bill as applied to England.

said the passage of the Bill at this late period of the session was really the result of a compromise, and he was satisfied that Scotland would give the Government the credit which it deserved for having at the last moment, in response to appeals from both sides of the House, applied the Bill to Scotland. He would like to suggest, in the interests of the time of the House, that the Lord - Advocate should explain briefly what direct effect the clause he had put down would have. The Amendments put down by the Attorney-General for Ireland differed radically from the Amendments suggested by the Lord-Advocate.

said he joined in the protest against applying the Bill to Scotland without any warning whereby hon. Members could have ascertained the views of their constituents in the matter. This was, of course, a necessary incidence of the hurried system of legislation at the end of the session; and, if it were a question whether Scotland should be included or excluded, he confessed that he was not prepared to take the responsibility of saying that she ought to be excluded. He thought, however, it was most unsatisfactory that they should have had the Bill under discussion the whole of the session without any previous suggestion as to the inclusion of Scotland and as to how it would affect the different circumstances of their constituencies. He confessed he was astonished when he found on Friday that an Amendment had been put down without a word of consultation with the Scotch Members.

said that if there was any fault at all it rested with the Scotch Members. The Irish Members put an Amendment down and came to an arrangement with the Government that Ireland should be included. The Scotch Members, despite the appeal made to them by the organised trades unions of Scotland, allowed their opportunity to pass.

said he would like to explain that his hon. friend beside him put down an Amendment which might have clashed with one he would have put down, and he therefore refrained.

said the usual practice of Scotch Members, with regard to Bills relating to education, licensing, and the Poor Law, was to allow England to go first and then to have similar measures for Scotland in accordance with Scotch opinion. That was the view he took upon the matter at first; but he looked into it again and found that it did not affect the Poor Law at all. It was a new system being introduced into the United Kingdom as a whole to enable local authorities to find work for the unemployed. He expressed no opinion whether that made for good or for evil, but it seemed to him that it should apply to Scotland as it was to apply to Ireland.

said he wished to say a word as to the universal approval of the inclusion of Scotland in the Bill, but, as he would have something to say on the Third Reading of the Bill, he would not now say anything further.

Question put, and agreed to.

Motion made, Question proposed, "That the clause be now added to the Bill."

moved an Amendment to add at the end—

"As respects population 10,000 shall be substituted for 50,000, and 5,000 for 20,000."
He said the object of the Amendment was to assimilate the Scotch laws with what had already been done by the House in regard to the Irish laws. It would make the application of this Bill extend to burghs of 10,000 population instead of 50,000. As the Bill at present stood, every burgh of a lesser population than 50,000 would be thrown into the county as the administrative area under the Bill. If they looked into the position of Scotland they would find that only five or six burghs throughout Scotland would have the right to administer their own unemployed system, and all other burghs, however large which were under 50,000 population, would be thrown into the county areas. Anyone acquainted with Scottish life was aware that burghs and their inhabitants had become accustomed to deal with measures of economy in a particular manner. It was the custom in the burghs to convene a meeting of the people and consult them upon the general affairs. It would be very largely resented by those self-governing communities if, with regard to the unemplyed, they were to be thrown into the county administrative, area with which, up to the present time, they had had very little to do. It was quite true that with regard to certain county council purposes these burghs sent representatives to the counties, but, with regard to internal administration, they had had nothing to do with the counties. The result of the Bill, as it stood at present, would be to throw the main part of the administration of the Bill into the hands of the landlord and his factor, and of those persons who usually occupied themselves with county administration, and to take it out of the hands of those who knew intimately the affairs of the burgh. They might, for instance, see a Primrose dame administering this measure in a burgh, with the net effect that the coal and blanket fund of the county gentry would be thrown on the burgh rates. The Government should also consider whether what had been done for the good of Ireland would not also be for the good of Scotland. On the Motion of the Government, the Irish boroughs of 10,000 population and over were to have the administration of their own affairs. In this respect Scotland and Ireland were nearly of similar relative population, and it was very hard to see why the Irish boroughs of 10,000 were to be given their own administration and Scottish burghs were to be excluded from a similar privilege. He begged to move the Amendment.

Amendment proposed—

"In new clause, at the end to add the words 'as respects population ten thousand shall be substituted for fifty thousand, and five thousand for ten thousand.'" (Mr. Black.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there added."

said he hoped his hon. friend would not press the Amendment. The effect of bringing the number down to 10,000 in the Scotch burghs would be to include all the burghs that would be largely affected by the proposal. In view of that fact he hoped the hon. Gentleman would be content with having al the burghs up to 10,000 included. The only result would be that the small burghs would not be brought in, and he asked that the Amendment should not be persisted in.

asked whether burghs above 10,000 and under 50,000 required the sanction of the Local Government Board.

replied that they were to be in exactly the same position as English boroughs. He did not think they could claim more than that.

said that in a small town in his neighbourhood, which, now was happily thriving, they found that when the state of trade became stagnant the county gentlemen were obliged to take large numbers of the workmen and give them Temporary employment, but it struck him that it would be much more convenient that the local authorities should put the Act in force, and provide temporary aid. He could not help saying that in this proposed grant the Amendments of the Member for Banff would meet the circumstances.

Question put, and negatived.

Clause added to the Bill.

Bill, as amended, on recommittal in respect of new clause (Application to Scotland), considered.

Drafting Amendments agreed to.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read the third time."—( Mr. Gerald Balfour.)

said he thought he was justified in protesting as a Member of the House against the extraordinary manner in which the Bill had been passed through the House. Looking over the range of the twenty years that he had been in Parliament, he felt himself entitled to say that the conduct of the Government in relation to the passage of the Bill had been absolutely unprecedented. It was without excuse; for the Government at the commencement of the session announced their intention to introduce an Unemployed Bill, yet they waited till the 10th July before they brought it forward. It was clear to the House that the absolute intention of the Government was that it should not pass to law.

retorted that all he could say was that the conduct of the Government gave an absolutely contrary impression as to their intention. In fact, but for the act of the Member for Woolwich moving the closure on the Second Reading of the Bill the debate would have gone over. It was to the Member for Woolwich alone that they owed the fact that the Bill was not extinguished on the Motion for the Second Reading. Then coming to the Committee stage, they were told by the Prime Minister that if they did not pass it sub silentio the Government would withdraw the Bill and the Opposition must take the consequences in the country. In other words, they would be represented as being unfriendly to the cause of labour. Therefore the character, the dignity, and every attribute of the House of Commons which they regarded with pride and satisfaction must go to the winds so long as this precious Bill was passed. Then he was startled to hear from the Prime Minister that this Bill was a mere experiment and was framed for only three years, at the end of which period it might be abrogated Were they going to the expense of establishing central and local authorities throughout the length and breadth of England, Ireland, and Scotland, and erect costly machinery which was to be broken up at the end of three years because the Bill was only an experiment? A greater outrage in the way of legislation had never previously been perpetrated by Parliament. The Bill was an imposture, and not only was it an imposture, but it was antidemocratic in its character. It proposed, in the first place, to establish throughout the country various distress committees, which were to have absolutely no power. They were to be merely a police and detective agency used for purposes of investigation, which, when made, was to be repotted to the central authority. The latter, if it pleased, could make further investigation and then proceed to spend the fund at its disposal. In the Metropolis it would be able to spend £160,000 or £170,000 from the poor rate. How ludicrous, how insulting to common sense, it was to suggest that £160,000 or £170,000 would be of any use to deal with the immense amount of distress that had to be dealt with in the winter months in the Metropolis. The small borough of St. George's, Hanover Square, spent £150,000 in relief of the poor, and the Metropolitan boroughs spent £30,000 or £40,000 in distress expenditure in a few months; yet they were told that £170,000 was going to deal with the immense amount of misery found in London every winter. But the right hon. Gentleman said beyond that there were voluntary contributions. Had he made the slightest inquiry as to what was to be derived from voluntary contributions? The best way to kill voluntary contributions was to set up State machinery. More than that, there was in existence a rough-and-ready way of dealing with distress—a method which was not efficient but effective so far as it went—for the Metropolitan boroughs. In the winter months shoals of people besieged their doors for employment; they gave them work which was not remunerative to the boroughs, but it was work which did not carry with it the taint of pauperism, and the Metropolitan boroughs spent £30,000 in that kind of work. He had inquired of some of the officials whether they would continue to do that when this Bill became law, and they replied, "Certainly not. We shall say you must go to the distress committee." Let them be honest in this matter if they intended to do anything in the way of finding employment for the unemployed. At present the Government were trying to delude the House, and he could not help saying that when the winter came and the people realised how utterly inadequate this Bill was to meet the needs of the suffering millions, those who were responsible for the passing of this Bill would have to pay the penalty of having cheated and deluded the working classes. In this Bill there were provisions that the State should find the money to emigrate people. It had always been a tradition of the democratic Party of this country that they should not provide money to expatriate the people of this country, and the provision of this Bill was simply an old device of the middle class, the plutocracy, to get rid of the discontented and the turbulent by a system of State emigration. Those on the Liberal side of the House did not dare to vote against this Bill because it would go forth that those who voted against it were antagonistic to the interests of labour. His friendship for labour took the form that he would never be a party to deluding the working classes, and this Bill was a deliberate attempt to delude them. He should vote for it through coertion and intimidation. He could, however, see one gleam of light. If the Bill were extended on honest lines it would afford a germ of some future hope, and to that extent his honest friends were justified in supporting the Bill. But he wished to avail himself of this opportunity of protesting against the manner in which the Bill had been carried through, and of making it clear that, in his opinion, the measure would not be any immediate benefit to the working classes, but was merely an electioneering device for the benefit of the Party opposite.

said the extraordinary speech just delivered raised many questions, but he hoped the statement of the hon. Member for North-West Durham that he would not vote against the Bill because he had not the courage to take the consequences did not apply to Members generally. His own opinions on the matter were well known. It did not rest with any hon. Member on the Opposition side to cavil at the meagre Bill now before the House. Ten years ago the unemployed question was more acute than at present, the Liberals were then in office, but the hon. Member for North-West Durham was silent concerning the claims of the unemployed, and voted against every proposal to assist them. It was true that the present Bill was a mere trifling with the greatest social problem of the day. The question of the unemployed was not a new one, and he dissented altogether from the view that the present Bill introduced a new principle into English law. By quotations from Acts of Parliament, extending from Queen Elizabeth to William IV., he could show conclusively that under the English law, as it stood, Englishmen had a right to demand from the Poor Law authorities an opportunity of working, and that the authorities were empowered to spend whatever rates were necessary to provide that opportunity. He altogether dissented from the view of the Local Government Board that people so enabled to work were thereby made paupers and disfranchised. But he would not dwell on the point. The House must not suppose that by passing this Bill they were solving the unemployed problem. The fact that there was no work did not relieve the rates of the responsibility of maintaining the unemployed. During the six months ending June of this year the able-bodied poor in receipt of relief, for the whole of England and Wales increased by 17 per cent., but in certain parts of the country, notably in Essex—which included East and West Ham—the increase in twelve months was 142 per cent. The able-bodied poor did not want Poor Law relief or charity; they simply wished an opportunity of working for their living. If they were denied that light—as they were under this Bill—they were forced on to the rates, degraded, and demoralised, and there happened just that which hon. Members often professed an anxiety to avoid. That being so, he was against the Bill as it stood, and would divide against the Third Reading were it not that some of his colleagues did not agree with his view. The hon. Member for Woolwich, whose practical experience of the working and administration of the Poor Law entitled his judgment to carry weight, believed the Bill would be helpful, and in deference to that opinion he was prepared to yield his own judgment. During the coming winter, despite this Bill, the unemployed difficulty would recur, and next year, whichever Party was in power, it would have to be dealt with drastically. The present Bill, however, made a beginning for which he was grateful, and it would afford a foundation upon which a proper superstructure might subsequently be erected.

said that if the hon. Member for North-West Durham claimed to be a friend of the working classes his proper course, after declaring the Bill not to be in their true interests, was to have the courage of his conviction and vote against the Third Reading. Personally, he was not in favour of the Bill, and if the hon. and learned Member would "tell" with him he would divide the House against it.

said his point of view was diametrically opposed to that of the hon. Baronet. What he said was that the Bill had a germ of good in it and that if the Government had the courage to allow the rates to be used for the purpose of helping the poor it would be a good Bill. But at present there was simply the machinery provided with no means of putting the machinery into operation.

said that if that was the view of the hon. Member he could not understand the object of his letter in that day's Times. His proper course was to have moved in Committee that power should be given for the rates to be so used. As to his own position, he felt very strongly against the Bill, believing as he did that for the first time it introduced into English law the principle that work must be found for anybody who chose to demand it. That principle, instead of tending to the relief of distress, would increase and aggravate it, and the Bill as it stood would do nothing to ameliorate the unemployed difficulty. It was likely to stop voluntary contributions, and, as the rates could not be used, it would do nothing more than encourage a principle which he believed would be ruinous to the future of the country.

said that from its introduction he had done his utmost both privately and publicly to make the Bill as good as possible. He believed that when it was introduced it did not meet the necessities of the case, and he said so. That view was held by many persons in his constituency who had had very long experience of the unemployed, and they desired a stronger measure. He also wished to have a stronger Bill, but having regard to the fact that in the coming winter there was every indication that great difficulties would have to be faced, and having regard also to the fact that the corporation of Leicester desired the borough representatives to do their utmost to secure as much as they could, he supported it as it was. He would rather have this Bill than no Bill, for if they once established a principle which would do a great public service and great good to a portion of the community it would never be repealed. They would then try to strengthen it, enlarge it, and broaden it. With regard to voluntary contributions, he did not join in the harrowing description of the effect of the appeals to the rich to help the distress committees. It was not the rich only who made voluntary subscriptions. If he lived until next November he should have made his contribution to hospitals and convalescent homes for twenty-eight years as part of his trade union subscription. Charity was not measured by thousands but by the sacrifice made by the giver. He was not so sure that in this matter the channels of voluntary subscriptions would dry up. The money would be administered by a statutory committee instead of by a voluntary committee with many busy-bodies and goody-goody people, and that fact would induce people to give and to feel sure that their aid was put to the best advantage. As to the question generally, he believed they would never get to the root of it until public policy, aided by law, kept the people in the villages, giving them opportunity to engage in useful and profitable employment near their own homes such as was being done in Lincolnshire, Norfolk, and Suffolk. He was pleased to support the Bill, small as it was; but it was a beginning, and he hoped some good might be got out of it.

made an appeal to the House to bring the debate to a conclusion in order that the Bill might be introduced into the House of Lords in sufficient time to be passed. He pointed out that when he undertook to give the first day possible to this Bill he counted on the House to assist him by not taking up time unnecessarily. Time was getting on, and though he recognised that everybody had been anxious to expedite matters as far as they could, he made this appeal because he thought it would be desirable to bring the debate to a conclusion.

said he trusted the Bill would be through the House in a short time, but there were just one or two points he would like to put to the President of the Local Government Board before the Bill left the House. The hon. Member for Woolwich seemed somewhat alarmed that some of the Amendments passed precluded the admission of women on the central boards. He did not believe that to be the case, but he certainly thought there should be some indication in the Bill that it was desirable that women should be on these central boards. One other word he would like to say with regard to the Bill generally; he should like to say that he agreed with the hon. Member for Durham that this Bill would raise very false hopes. It was said that the House had been deluded, but his experience was that the House was never deluded except with its own connivance. He objected not so much to the House being deluded as to the public being deluded. The very high hopes that had been excited would never be realised. Having gone through the Bill he was amazed that so much fuss had been made about a Bill which would do very little good, except that it recognised a very important principle—a principle he should have thought the Government supporters would have been the last to recognise. Did they realise what they were giving statutory recognition to? The hon. Baronet the Member for Peckham, with his customary astuteness, had recognised that the Bill itself without considerable amending was not of great importance, but he recognised that the Bill contained the germs of a revolution; and whichever Party might be in power in the future could not stop there. It recognised the right of a man to call upon the State to provide him with work. The State replied by recognising the right but would not provide the work. The Bill was like a motor-car without petrol or only such petrol as it could beg on the road—an elaborate machine without motive power. Personally he was not afraid: he wished that its object had been enlarged. He remembered a Motion which was made by his hon. friend the Member for Merthyr on the subject of afforestation. Was there anything with regard to that in this Bill? because that scheme of employing labour had been utilised in Wales with unqualified success.

said that might be, but was there anything to encourage its coming in? This Bill engendered false hopes, and, therefore, must be a danger in that respect. The Government regarded this as a revolutionary measure and had carried it—he would not say gladly, but with melancholy alacrity—to avoid prolonging the session, rather than fly from ills they knew to others that they wot not of. But a dissolution would have been much better for them than many things which were in this measure.

said it was quite true there was nothing in the Amendments accepted in any way to make it less likely that women Would be appointed upon those bodies. There was nothing to weaken the provisions of the Bill in that matter, but he did not know that it would be advisable to go beyond that, and to say that there should be more women on those bodies. It was suggested that this Bill would cause great disappointment in its operation, and he thought that was possible. But nothing that he himself had said would justify any hopes that might have been raised. He had from first to last been careful to say exactly what the Bill could do and what it was intended to do. He had always said that the Bill was not intended to deal with the whole of the vast problem known as the question of the unemployed, but only with a comparatively small part of that problem—namely, the case of thoroughly deserving workmen who were ordinarily in regular employment, but who, in consequence of fluctuations in our industrial system, were from time to time thrown out of work through no fault of their own. He would remind the House that at the present moment local authorities were doing what they had been doing for years past—undertaking works for the very purpose of relieving the class of workers whose relief was contemplated in this Bill. They had done that in accordance with methods which he thought in most cases had been thoroughly faulty, and one of the great objects of this Bill was to substitute better methods. If nothing else than that were to follow as the result of the Bill, he thought it was capable of doing a great amount of good. If it were true that the Bill would cause disappointment, the fault lay with those who had exaggerated what it was possible or desirable to do. What was called the principle of giving work to all deserving persons in the State who applied for it was not the principle of the Bill, and, in his opinion, any attempt of that kind would be fraught with the greatest possible danger. He did not believe it to be true that in this country when legislation entered upon a particular path this House and the country would never be satisfied until the principle in germ had been carried out to what was called its logical conclusion. That was not our way in this country.

said he did not think it was a practical conclusion, but he did not wish to dispute with the hon. Member on that point. His conviction was that, although there was a good deal that was novel in this Bill, it would not take them along the path suggested by hon. Members opposite.

said that he and some of his friends on his side of the House voted against the Bill on the Second Reading. He was strongly tempted to repeat the protest now. But, apart from other modifications in the Bill, his mind was affected by two material considerations, but he found that the measure had been considerably altered since it was introduced. In the first place, the Bill since the Second Reading had been limited in its operation to a period of three years. In the second place, it had been announced that a Royal Commission was to be appointed to make an inquiry of a large scope. He hoped the Commission would report before the termination of three years. He still considered the central principle of the Bill mischievous and fraught with possible evil to the whole community, but under the circumstances he thought he was justified in regarding the Bill in its present shape as an experiment from which the Royal Commission might be enabled to draw some useful lessons. He wished to reserve to himself absolute freedom of action in future whenever Parliament was called upon again to review this important question. Whatever might be the opinion of hon. Gentlemen opposite as to the binding character of the Bill, whatever they might think as to its being bound to be followed by legislation of a more drastic or more logical kind, or, if they liked, a more practical kind, he would, for his part, regard the Bill as merely an experiment. He declined to be governed by its passage in his action in the future.

said he voted against the Second Reading of the Bill because he thought it contained a most mischievous principle, and its operation would be to manufacture unemployed rather than to decrease their numbers. The only difference in the Bill now before the House as compared with the measure originally presented was that the present Bill merely setup machinery. If there was a division on the Third Reading he should vote against the Bill again, because he believed it involved the principle that the working people of this country had some right to claim employment, and that was the most demoralising idea that could possibly be introduced into the minds of the working classes. People appeared to think that either the State or the ratepayers should provide employment for any number of the unemployed in this country. He joined issue on that matter altogether. It was absolutely impossible for the State or local authorities to provide any quantity of employment for which there might be a demand. It was an inconceivable and impossible position. Therefore, they were raising hopes which were absolutely incapable of being fulfilled, and that, in his opinion, was the worst thing they could possibly do as regarded the working classes. He thoroughly agreed with what was adumbrated by an hon. Member opposite, namely, that this was not the way to approach the unemployed question at all. They might deal with it from the point of view of reafforestation, or by creating a large number of additional holders of small plots of land—a method of which he had always been in favour—or they might deal with it by different systems in connection with industrial organisations. They needed to prevent the constant recurrence of unemployment and not to encourage it, as this Bill might do. Although the Bill was not so obnoxious to himself and those who thought as he did as it was when first introduced, he believed they were sanctioning a great departure in a wrong direction. The Bill contained the germ of a great revolutionary idea, and when they had once planted that germ to try to sweep it away would be like Mrs. Partington trying to sweep back the Atlantic with a mop. Undoubtedly the Bill would lead to the most bitter disappointment. Supposing that in Manchester, or any other large town, there was a serious difficulty as regarded unemployment during the coming winter, what would the unemployed find if they turned to this Bill? They would, as, he understood it, find an organisatioa and secretaries, but nothing else. He differed from the President of the Local Government Board in that he thought the Bill would have a great effect on charitable contributions. It would be inconsistent to suppose that people would contribute to the rates, even to a small extent, and at the same time give charitable contributions. Before they introduced such a revolutionary method of dealing with the question there ought to have been a thorough inquiry and a full consideration of what were the true lines on which they should advance. The hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil had referred to the Poor Law. The difference was this, that if a man got relief under the Poor Law, not only must he be destitute, but there were deterrent influences in connection with the social status disenfranchisement, and other disagreeable elements connected with pauperism.

said it did, but it was only given to the destitute. The difference was this, that they were giving here a semi-fictitious and artificial assistance under conditions which were no test as to whether it was wanted or not. They were introducing artificial conditions which, in his opinion, could lead to nothing except further industrial disorganisation, further distress, and increased want of employment. Why should the landowner, the small shopkeeper, and even the artisan himself provide for the unfortunate derelicts of our too competitive industrial system? If money had to be provided for the purpose it ought to come either from the industrial organisations themselves or from the National Exchequer. The last person whom they ought to expect to bear a burden of that kind was the man who was most heavily burdened at the present time—the borough or the county ratepayer. He protested, as he had done on other occasions, against the system of introducing measures of that kind and not boldly facing the expense, but throwing it on the ratepayer.

said that doubts had been expressed in his constituency as to whether a Bill of this kind was desirable or not. He should like briefly to explain his reasons for his constant and consistent support of it. As the senior Member for Leicester had said, it was in response to the urgently expressed desire of the mayor and? corporation of Leicester, made known to them by means of deputations in that House, that the Members for the borough and of the surrounding country had pledged themselves to support the original Bill; and it was only last Thursday that a deputation, headed by the mayor of Leicester, urged on the President of the Local Government Board to persevere and carry the Bill through, even as proposed to be altered and amended. Now, the Corporation represented all classes, all sections, and all parties, and might be assumed to express, with accuracy, the desires of the people as a whole. At the same time it was fair to say that not even when the original Bill was introduced, and not even now, was there complete unanimity on the subject at Leicester. In the first place, the leaders of the Labour Party were not very enthusiastic about it; and one of them, in the public Press, said that it did not matter whether the Bill was passed or not, What his Labour friends might think of the Bill now before the House they would have to wait to find out.

said that, again, there was another section of the community, that section which provided the rates, many of whom were very poor people and in a condition of indigency themselves. They were fearful of any increased demands on the part of the rate-collector, which they had already difficulty enough in meeting, and they, naturally, regarded with dislike the introduction of a Bill which might add to the weight of the burdens which they had to bear. This was not numerically a very large class, he wished it was a larger class, but it was a class whose interests no Party now, or in the future, could afford to disregard. It was a matter of some difficulty to know what line should be taken in regard to this Bill. But the representation of the corporation prevailed, and were accepted as possessing such authority as the Members for the Borough could not disregard; and if, therefore, any considerable section of the people were inclined to find fault with them in his part of the country for having, throughout, pressed forward this Bill on all occasions, they must find fault with the corporation and not with them. He acknowledged that the position of the Government was very difficult. The Bill was announced in the King's Speech, and the Ministers responsible expressed their determination to persevere with it; but when Gentlemen opposite were found to be lukewarm, and Members on the Government side bitterly opposed, there did not seem to be much encouragement to proceed with the Bill. But, for his part, he was glad that it had been proceeded with, and was grateful to the Government for their perseverance. He had no fear of Socialistic tendencies. It seemed to him that all measures of social reform had a Socialistic tendency. [MINISTERIAL cries of "No, No!"] He had heard the same Gentlemen, both outside and inside the House, who were so afraid of that Socialistic tendency, say the only way we could have an effective Army was by means of conscription. That seemed to him to be a measure of domestic reform having the most extreme Socialistic tendency. In any case, he could say that never before in his constituency had the need for an organisation capable of dealing with temporary distress been so forcibly demonstrated as during the last six months. The Bill would certainly lay the foundations of such an organisation upon which, should it unhappily be required, a more complete scheme could be based in the future. He believed, with the senior Member for Leicester, that if such a organisation were established, the officers of which would conduct a close scrutiny into all claims made upon it, and the funds of which would doubtless be properly administered under the authority of an Act of Parliament, if that were done he believed that wealthy and well-to-do men would come forward and aid liberally those who were thrown out of employment, whether by work inside the towns or outside upon the land. He did not think the fears of those who thought there would not be money enough, nor the fears of those who thought they would be called upon to pay rates were either of them justified; and he believed the distress, although it was real and acute, was only temporary. Some of the causes of bad trade were already passing away, and even supposing our commerce were in a condition of decline he had no doubt that the wisdom of our statesmen would devise, and the good sense of the people would support, some means for arresting that downward tendency. The town which he represented had no fear of any permanent condition of decline. Preparations were being made, and money was being freely spent, to receive a much larger population than it now had; and in the meantime those who conducted its local government desired that some means might be devised by which a scandal might be removed from their doors by which numbers of their citizens were walking about idle and asking for charity in the streets. The Bill would forward that desire without doing any injustice to any section of the inhabitants, and he was glad to have the opportunity of helping forward its accomplishment by recording his vote in its favour.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read the third time, and passed.

Naval Works Bill

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. GRANT LAWSON (Yorkshire, N.R., Thirsk) in the Chair].

Clause 1:—

moved to reduce the amount authorised to be borrowed under the Bill by £2,000,000, which would leave the amount to be raised £3,835,000. He pointed out that his proposal would not affect any works which were intended to be carried out in the current financial year. Out of the £5,000,000 it was proposed to borrow, only £1,250,000 would be spent in the current financial year, leaving the balance to be spent in the year 1906–7. The effect of his Amendment would be that in next year's Naval Estimates it would be necessary to include an additional £2,000,000 on Vote 10 in order to make up the money required for the works authorised by Parliament. The Amendment did not touch the works themselves, but only the way in which the money was to be provided. Not a single man would be thrown out of employment, and not a single one of the works would be stopped. Prior to 1895 the whole cost of these and similar works was placed upon the Estimates, but during the last ten years it had been found necessary to resort to large borrowings, and that at the very time the revenue was going up by leaps and bounds, so much so that to day our revenue was very nearly double what it was ten years ago. In 1895 there was a reasonable case for raising money on loan for the purpose of naval works. The very fact that they had been in the habit of putting all the cost of naval works on revenue had rendered successive Chancellors somewhat unwilling to find the necessary money, and consequently permanent works had fallen into arrears. The Bill then introduced authorised the expenditure of £8,500,000, and it was quite reasonable that these arrears should not be thrown upon the Estimates of one year, but should be spread over a long period. But it was no longer a total expenditure of £8,500,000; they were now dealing with a total capital expenditure of no less than £32,000,000, and he would ask the Civil Lord whether that in any proper sense represented arrears. He thought he would agree with, him that it represented not only arrears, but practically the whole of the present and future permanent works that might be necessary for the proper provision of the Navy. Was it reasonable that they should borrow in the way they were doing in order to provide for these works? That part of his case was very easy to establish, because both the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Secretary to the Treasury had in turn declared that the policy ought to be abandoned. There was no quarrel on either side of the House on that point. They were all agreed that the borrowings must come to an end; the only point on which they were not agreed was when they should come to an end. They on that said of the House said they ought to take that step now and that they ought at once to make provision out of the revenue for so much of the capital expenditure as they could reasonably meet. Anyone who took the trouble to go through the schedule would find that it contained a great number and variety of works. Twelve years ago, similar works, or such of them as were then undertaken, would, as a matter of course have been included under Vote 10. Would anyone suggest that they ought not properly to be included under Vote 10 now? He had turned to the Estimates for 1893–4, and he found a list exactly similar to that in the schedule of this Bill. He found Gibraltar, Portsmouth, Chatham, and Bermuda all provided for under Vote 10 then. Why were they not under that Vote now? That Vote had not in any way increased in the same proportion as the general expenditure on the Navy. He knew it was to-day very much larger than in 1893–4 and 1894–5, but that was because they had had to bear under Vote 10 such a very large charge in respect of annuities in order to repay their borrowings. Vote 10 in 1903–4 amounted to £1,000,000, in respect of works, and £502,000 in respect of annuities, in 1904–5 it likewise amounted to £1,000,000 in respect of works and to £634,000 in respect of annuities. But in 1905–6 the works had fallen to £900,000 and the annuities had risen to £1,015,000, whilst next year the charge on annuities would be larger, and in the course of the next six years he understood they would amount to no less than £1,500,000. It might be asked if it was reasonable, while Vote 10 was so swollen by the charge for annuities, to increase it in the next year by throwing upon it, as he proposed, an extra £2,000,000. Sooner or later they would have to pay for their extravagance, and, if they did not begin next year, or the year after, or the year after that, the result would be that in 1910 they would have to pay £1,500.000 under Vote 10 for annuities, in addition to the whole cost of any works undertaken in the year. It was true his proposal would increase Vote 10 next year by £2,000,000, but the effect would be to decrease the Vote in the year after. He would ask the hon. Gentleman to tell the Committee whether, if they did what he asked them to do, it would have any effect upon the carrying out of the works, whether it would not leave him perfectly free to carry on the works already undertaken without the least hindrance, and he would ask him whether it would do anything but entail an additional charge of £2,000,000 next year on Vote 10. If on those points they were agreed, he would ask him further whether the additional charge on Vote 10 would not be compensated for by an economy on the Vote in subsequent years, when they would otherwise have to pay interest and sinking fund in respect of the £2,000,000 which he now proposed to borrow, and which as he (Mr. McKenna) proposed should be paid out of the revenue. Under the authorised borrowing Acts in connection with military, naval, and public works they proposed this year to raise a sum of no less than £9,000,000. At the same time the Chancellor of the Exchequer was paying off out of annuities on those works about £1,500,000, and he would also be repaying by means of the Sinking Fund something like £8,000,000. The net result, therefore, would be that, so far as borrowing and repayments were concerned, at the end of the year their debt would practically remain where it now stood. They would have paid off a few hundred thousands, but no more. Was it reasonable, when the national credit stood so low as it did, when Consols were at 90, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer with great difficulty was going to the market to borrow, that they should go on borrowing for these works and not make an effort to pay as they went along and so restore the British credit? It would be a great economy in the long run. Quite apart from naval works, the Chancellor of the Exchequer would have to be a borrower in the market for years for the Irish Land Act, and it was therefore essential that he should borrow as cheaply as possible. With Consols at £90 the right hon. Gentleman was borrowing at 3 per cent., but put Consols up to £100 and he Would be able to borrow at 2½ per cent. It was in the interests of the strictest economy that he asked the right hon. Gentleman to accept his Motion to cut down the borrowing by £2,000,000. Let the House remember that the Admiralty was not infallible, and that so long as the House placed in the hands of that Department an abundant supply of borrowed money, so long would it find it necessary to go on spending. If the First Lord of the Admiralty found it difficult to extract money from the Chancellor of the Exchequer he would be much more likely to cut down his Estimates. He did not question that all these works were good works. He was quite prepared to admit that every one of them could be shown to be a good work in itself, but it might not be so easy to show that it was a necessary work at the present time or a work out of which they would get full value for the money expended. He had not the slightest doubt that if the Admiralty were given £100,000,000 at this moment they would know how to spend that money in putting up docks and piers at every seaport in the country, but whether it would be a wise expenditure was another matter. So far as the proposed works were essential let them be paid for out of revenue, but it was far more necessary to restore British credit than to spend borrowed money on them, and that being so, he begged to move to reduce the Vote by £2,000,000.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, to leave out the word 'five' and insert the word 'three.'"—(Mr. McKenna.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'five' stand part of the clause."

said he did not know how long the hon. Member was speaking before he came in, but he (Sir John) had heard enough to convince him that the hon. Member's arguments were not based on sound principles. All he had heard was that it was better not to do what was necessary for the Navy either in armaments or works—that it was very much more important to restore the credit of the country. That was a doctrine, which no sane man would advocate. He saw no danger to our credit either by a Naval or any other Works Bill. The point of view from which he regarded these Bills was, were they essentially necessary, and had they been thoroughly well thought out? Were they based on a policy fully explained to the House? If so, let the House deliberately give its judgment, and having done so let the House and country be bound by it. He must again remark upon the impropriety of introducing Naval Works Bills at the end of the session. One Party was just as bad as the other in this matter; but it was an absolutely wrong practice. A Naval Works Bill ought to be founded on a well-thought-out and deliberately considered policy, and the House should have an opportunity of discussing what that policy was and why it was necessary. In such a way only was it possible to come to a reasonable and sound conclusion. Turning to the Bill itself, he must say that the explanation of the Civil Lord had for the first time alarmed him in regard to a change in Admiralty policy.

said that the hon. and gallant Member would not be entitled to go into the whole question of naval policy on this Amendment.

said that he would resume his remarks on the policy of the Bill when the whole clause came up for discussion.

said he usually found him self in agreement with the hon. and gallant Member opposite, but on this occasion he thought the hon. and gallant Member had done some injustice to his hon. friend below the gangway, whose contention was that it was more important to restore the national credit than to proceed with Naval Works Bills under this system. He quite agreed that these Bills were brought in too late in the session, but he did not agree that both sides of the House were to blame in the matter. The present Government had been in power ten years and had had the management of all these Bills except the first, for which he was responsible, and which he succeeded in passing through Committee before the Government were defeated in the middle of June. The Amendment proposed to reduce the sum asked for in the Bill by £2,000,000, but as the Government had an unused balance and borrowing powers amounting to nearly that sum, its effect would be simpiy to limit the borrowing power to the amount named in the Bill. The Amendment might be taken in several ways. It might be a proposal to limit the time during which the Admiralty could go on without coming to Parliament, to limit the works they were to go on with, or, without impugning any of the works mentioned, to say that some of them ought to be taken out of the schedule and placed on the Esti- mates, or to declare that the proposed expenditure during the two years should be reduced and the works retarded. The Amendment might be taken in any one of those senses, so peculiar were these Bills, the only limit being one, not of time, but of money. The original Act was based on the principle that the expenditure should be assimilated as far as possible to expenditure under the Estimates: the intention as to have annual Bills, so that Parliament would have the same opportunity of discussing the works as would be provided under the Estimates. All that was changed directly the Party opposite came into power. His hon. friend had made the most serious attack upon the whole system that had been delivered since its introduction. At various times, notably during the South African War, there had fallen to his lot the individual task of objecting to new works on the ground that they were not urgent, and he had received little support even from his own side. He was glad, therefore, to recognise that at last there was a disposition to criticise severely the whole scheme of these Acts. He should vote for the Amendment on the broad and general ground that it was a protest against the continuance of the policy of borrowing, not only for naval, but also for military and other works. There had been some mystification about the policy of the Government. He and many others held they were justified by a statement of the Civil Lord in believing that the Government intended to drop entirely the system of Naval Works Bills. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had dissipated that belief, and had announced that the system was to come to an end only when all the items in the present schedule were completed; in other words, there were to be no new items. But if the system was condemned by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and by both sides of the House, as it had been, why should not the change be made here and now. The amount would not necessarily have the effect of putting the £2,000,000 on the next year's Estimates; if the present Government were in charge of the finances of the country he was confident it would not be so charged. One reason why he supported this Amendment was the enormous extension which had been given to this system of borrowing during recent years. Unquestionably a former Liberal Government committed themselves to this same principle years ago, but it was in relation to a much smaller scheme, and was comparatively small when placed side by side with the scheme which the House was now considering. Not only had there been a great extension of this principle in regard to naval works, but the same principle had been extended to other works. The system which a former Government began in order to remedy the unsafe state of the Navy had now been spread over six or seven other matters, and the magnitude which these loans had now reached made the problem a very difficult one, and quite justified him in giving his support to his hon. friend's Amendment. What never seemed to have been properly avowed by the Admiralty was that these vast works at home and abroad ought to be taken into account in estimating the strength of our Navy. These works gave them an advantage over all their competitors which could hardly be estimated by the Power-standard. He objected to continuing this system because it had grown so greatly in regard to naval works and because it had grown greater still in regard to its extension to other works. In spite of this vast expenditure by loan upon naval works, Vote 10 had grown to a sum which was twice as large as it was before this system of naval works loans was adopted. He thought it was time to call a halt. Since they began this system of borrowing for naval works their national credit had fallen, and Consols, which then stood at 110, had fallen to the present low figure. He thought it was a great mistake to issue loans at a time when their national credit was low. They were supposed to have a Sinking Fund, but, as a matter of fact, in the current year the actual reduction of the National Debt would be a very small sum indeed. In spite of the co-operation of the so-called Sinking Fund he had calculated that our national liabilities this year would be £2,500,000 more than they were the year before. He did not see why the Government should not have proceeded upon the; same principle as was adopted in the earlier years of the Naval Works Act, when the old Sinking Fund was suspended and applied to naval and other works. In the words of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bristol, what was the use of paying off debt with one hand and increasing it with the other. He was afraid that the public had been led to believe that a large sum of money was being applied every year to paying off debt, when, as a matter of fact, last year nothing at all was paid off. For these reasons he intended to vote for the Amendment.

said he sympathised with the hon. Member for Dundee in the position in which he found himself when attacking the principle of these Bills, inasmuch as he was the original culprit in these matters.

said the hon. Member repudiated the word "culprit." He agreed with him and did not think there was any reason why the hon. Member's Government or the present Government should be ashamed of the principle which underlaid these Bills. The hon. Member who moved the Amendment half admitted that the necessity for these loans arose originally through the neglect of the essential business of providing proper works for the Navy by their predecessors. He did not mean their immediate political predecessors, but their predecessors during the last generation. The Amendment was one which he did not think the hon. Member for North, Monmouthshire would expect the Government to accept, because it struck at the principle of the Bill—a principle which the hon. Member stated that he took exception to. But he would remind the Committee that there were no new items in this Bill at all, and that what the Government was asking the Committee to do was merely to provide for the continuance of the policy which the House had already sanctioned with reference to the items contained in the schedule. These items had all been approved by the House in previous years, and all the Government asked the Committee to do was to continue the provision necessary to carry on these works for the next two years. They all admitted that it was desirable to bring this system of borrowing to an end as soon as it could conveniently be done. A beginning had been made in that direction this year. It was a modest beginning, but from the point of view of the Committee he hoped it showed signs of grace. The Government had carried the beginning of the new system as far as they thought it would be safe or convenient to carry it with justice to the present generation of taxpayers. The hon. Gentleman opposite said they ought to begin the end of this system "here and now." They had begun here and now in this Bill. They considered that it would not be fair to the taxpayers of this generation to pay out of the revenues of the year the whole of the large sums required to be raised, but that, following the contention put forward by Sir William Harcourt when Chancellor of the Exchequer, the expenditure ought to be equalised as far as possible over a number of years in view of the fact that these were permanent works for the benefit not only of this generation but of the next as well. The hon. Member said that in the old days we used to pay our way out of revenue. We certainly paid for what works were constructed, but all the time we were letting the estate run down and letting arrears accumulate. That was not paying out of revenue. It was the falsest kind of economy. The hon. Member for North Monmouthshire admitted that there had been arrears to a certain extent, and he endeavoured to contend that the late Liberal Government provided in 1895 for the whole of the arrears amounting to £8,500,000. He did not propose to contest the point with the hon. Member as to what was the exact amount of arrears at that date, beyond saying that it was very much more than that. But the hon. Member must remember that the Navy had greatly increased since those days, and that there must also be an increase in the works and dock accommodation which were absolutely necessary to keep it in an efficient condition. In the case of works which were not seriously advanced they proposed to transfer the expenditure on them to the Navy Esti- mates. They had made a beginning, which they thought was substantial, in transferring certain items to the Estimates of next and subsequent years. They had gone as far as they had thought it wise or fair to go in that direction, and it was therefore impossible for the Government to accept the Amendment.

, said that in supporting the Amendment the only doubt he had was whether the amount of the reduction was large enough. As a matter of fact, hon. Gentlemen on the other side were not now in a fit condition to sign a cheque for £5,835,000. When they remembered the circumstances of terrorism under which the Government came there he doubted whether any Court would hold that their signature was valid. Imagine their reading what was said by the Daily Telegraph and considering that hey were in a fit condition to sign the cheque! Surely his hon. friend was a little too modest in only asking a reduction of £2,000,000. He noticed that a Cabinet Minister was ordered peremptorily to be in his place on this occasion. Were members of the Committee aware that his system of expenditure meant that for every £1,000,000 worth of work done the nation had to pay £1,500,000 before getting finished with it? By paying in this way, as compared with putting these sums on the annual Estimates, it meant that they were actually paying 50 per cent. more than value received. If they took the thirty years sinking fund and reckoned the interest at 3 per cent. they would readily see that this system of loans meant a large extra cost, quite apart from the question of the necessity, or otherwise, of the particular items which appeared in the schedule. Of course, it was a well-known fact that if they were put on the annual Estimates there was certain to be more care in the spending of the money. The very terms of the Bill enabled the Admiralty to levy a demand on the Treasury, and the Treasury parted with almost its whole control. The Bill said that the Treasury "shall issue" the money required by the Admiralty under the Act; and he hoped that that would be altered in the future. He was sorry that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not favoured the Committee with his presence at all during these proceedings, and that even the Financial Secretary to the Treasury had been present for only a few moments. He thought his hon. friend's Amendment demanding the reduction of £2,000,000 was an extremely modest one.

said he supported the Amendment for a reason which had not yet been given, and that was that the present Government, in his opinion, should not be granted any more borrowing powers in regard to naval works until they had settled the policy which they meant to pursue. They had not a continuity of policy in regard to either the Army or naval works, and he thought the Civil Lord of the Admiralty had made a very perfunctory reply to the speech of his hon. friend. In 1903, in one of these Naval Works Acts, the Government got power to spend £4,500,000 at Chatham, and the other day they were told that these Chatham extensions were not to be proceeded with.

Order, order! The question of the Chatham extensions is not at present before the Committee.

said that, with all due deference to the Chairman, he was using an argument why the amount of money authorised in the Bill to be borrowed should be reduced by £2,000,000. He was going to show that this money was not required because the Government had already power to borrow £4,500,000 for the Chatham extensions, which they were not going to exercise. Apart from the question of the expense of the system of borrowing, it had a bad effect on national finance, and he maintained that this Government could not be trusted with those borrowing powers until they had definitely made up their minds what they were going to do. He hoped that before the Amendment was put, some more definite reply would be obtained from he Civil Lord as to why he should come to the House in the closing days of the session and ask for such a large sum of money as was in this Bill—money which was not actually required. Moreover, the expenditure authorised by the schedule was revenue and not capital expenditure. The responsibility for that expenditure would fall on those who would follow the hon. Gentlemen opposite in office, while they would not be responsible for the methods by which the money was to be raised.

said it seemed to him that the £5,835,000 to be borrowed under this Bill ought to be charged to Vote 10 of the Estimates. To put this money down to capital account was bad finance. Expenditure on docks, moles, etc., should be debited every year to revenue, and not to capital account. They might as well borrow £1,000,000 to build a battleship, and then charge £100,000 every year for repayment. Municipal borrowing had been quoted in defence of this system of borrowing for naval works; but there was all the difference in the world between the two. Municipal works, like electric lighting, gas, and waterworks, were productive, and gave an interest on the capital invested. There was nothing productive about these naval works. Again, even in the case of municipal expenditure on public parks, it was, if not directly, indirectly productive, because these parks promoted the health and comfort of the community. The expenditure on these naval works had been compared to fire insurance, but whoever heard of any business man charging fire insurance to capital instead of against revenue? Then it was said that there were assets for this expenditure; but could those assets be realised? Besides, these borrowings led to a bad system. There was now a Funded Debt, an Unfunded Debt, and a semi-secret or side-track debt; and all that system was hindering the prosperity of the community at the present moment. What had been the result of this system on finance? In 1897, Consols stood at 114, they were now at 90¼, and local loans, which stood at 115, were now only 100¼. And, it being half-past Seven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House. Committee report Progress; to sit again this evening.

Evening Fitting

Ocean Accident And Guarantee Corporation Bill Lords (By Order)

Order for consideration, as amended, read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill, as amended, be now considered."

said that, in moving that the Bill be considered this day three months, he was actuated by no hostility towards the company promoting it, but the character of the Bill was such that, with regard to the powers it was sought to give, it ought not to be considered at so late a period of the session. It was a commentary on the procedure of the House that at the very time when every moment was required in order to get through public business a Bill of this character should be brought up to be considered. He had no knowledge that there was such a Bill in existence until by the courtesy of a member of the Private Bill Committee he learned the character of the Bill, and he moved this Resolution in order to give the House an opportunity to consider whether such powers should be given to a private company for its own ends, whether such powers ought to be granted to any private corporation, and, if granted, whether they ought not to be given by public Bill. He had always taken a keen interest in trust matters, and was fully alive to the enormous importance of something being done which would prevent the terrible misappropriations of trust funds which had taken place from time to time in recent years. It would be well within the knowledge of the House that a Bill having that purpose in view had passed all its stages. This was not a matter which came before Parliament for the first time. A company entitled "The Executors and Trustees Insurance Corporation" promoted a Bill, which was rejected, and before very long the company got into financial difficulties. Then there was an Edinburgh company, called the "Public Trustees, Ltd.," which promoted a Bill in the House of Lords, which was thrown out on the ground that powers such as these should be given by a public Bill giving all companies interested in this class of work equal opportunities. He would not enter into the legal technicalities of the matter, but would leave them to the hon. and learned Member for Shrewsbury, who took a great interest in these matters, but he trusted the House would press for an authoritative opinion from the President of the Board of Trade and the law officers of the Crown before they agreed to grant these powers to a private corporation. They were not without expert opinion on these matters. The present Lord Chancellor gave cogent reasons why such powers should not be granted to a private corporation in his evidence before the Royal Commission presided over by the hon. and learned Member for Dumfries in 1894, and he trusted that the House would reflect very carefully before granting these large powers, because they must remember that once given they could not be revoked and if any misfortune arose in the future they themselves would have to bear the responsibility for having granted the powers. The statements made in regard to this company in a circular issued recently were somewhat misleading. The company was a respectable company, and its directors were highly honourable men. One of them whom he now saw before him he would gladly trust with any property he had if he knew that he had the time to attend to it, but he knew that that hon. Gentleman gave all his time to the State, and would have no time to look into such matters. The memorandum said that this company had been established thirty-five years, which was in itself not a very long time, but as it at present existed it had only been established fifteen years, owing to its amalgamation with other companies. With regard to its financial condition, he had turned to the Stock Exchange Yearbook, the only authority he could turn to, which showed the state of affairs to be—revenue account £50,000 odd, investment and reserve account £40,000 odd, and the loan from the bank £30,000, and he could not understand how that tallied with the statement in the memorandum that their invested assests amounted to £1,250,000. No doubt that could be ascertained. He found that the company took such very wide powers in its articles of association that it was impossible to take wider powers, and that this company should now be entrusted with the very wide powers taken by this Bill was a matter for the very serious consideration of the House. He asked the House to say whether in a matter of this kind, having regard to the facts he had laid before them, it was not desirable that these powers should not be given by private Bill, and to say that it was not right or proper that Parliament at this late period of the session should convey to one private company these wide powers, which would be a valuable asset to the company itself, but of no benefit whatever to the public.

said he opposed the Bill as being utterly subversive of all the principles on which private Bills were allowed to pass the House. It had never been considered right that a particular company should obtain a concession, as it were, to abrogate the general law of the land in its favour to the exclusion of every other individual. It might be suggested that it would be a hardship to the company if this Bill was stopped at the present stage, but there was no weight in such an argument because it came before this House as an unopposed Bill and was sent to the Unopposed Bill Committee, which had not the advantage of having any discussion whatever, and which only had to see that the preamble was proved as far as matters of fact were concerned. They had nothing to do with matters of principle, and could therefore only pass it. It was therefore no hardship to the company that opposition should be taken to he Bill when it was realised that that opposition was raised upon the earliest opportunity, namely, the consideration stage. The reason for the company coming to Parliament was because without an Act of Parliament they could not do two things. No executor could under the law of the land obtain authority to act from the Court of Probate, unless he made an oath to execute the office justly and properly, and an oath that he would return to the Court of Probate a true and proper inventory and account of the deceased's estate. And under an Act of George III., an executor had to make an oath that he would declare the true audit of the estate that came into his hands. By well-established law a corporation had never been able or been allowed to act as executors, and what they had been obliged to do was to appoint a syndic or manager to act on their behalf, because the manager could take the oaths required which a corporation could not take. What this company was now asking was that it should be allowed to act as executors without having to take the oaths required of executors that the office should be executed justly, that a true account should be rendered, and that the value of the estate should be truly declared; and also to act as administrators on giving their own bond for proper administration without finding two sureties for the bond, as was required under the present law in the case of administrators. These were very extraordinary proposals to make, and it would be still more extraordinary for the House to accept them simply because the Bill was being opposed, as it was said, at the eleventh hour. Turning to the principle involved, he did not say that a company should not be allowed, to act as executors or administrators, and he hoped hon. Members would not be misled by any argument from the otherside as toits being a question whether any company should or should not be allowed to act in this way. That was not the point. The point was whether this company should be allowed to have all these advantages, which no one else in this country, company or individual, possessed, for the purposes of their own gain. In 1890 the late Lord Herschell introduced a Bill in the House of Lords to enable companies to act as executors and administrators. A carefully drawn-up Bill was introduced and amended in various clauses and was passed through the House of Lords; but, although it was formally introduced in the House of Commons, it never came on for Second Reading, In that Bill a sort of code was drawn up which would have been applicable to any trust company which desired to engage in business of this kind. That was a reasonable and proper proposal if the terms and clause had been suitable. The idea was that there should be a model law applicable to all companies. What a different thing that was to the present Bill! Here they were asked to sanction one company and one company alone. They had heard from the hon. Member who proposed the Motion that the Executors and Trustees Corporation had tried, and tried in vain, to get such a Bill through private legislation. It was felt to be a sine qua non that there should be a general Act regulating the manner in which companies should be absolved from the requirements of the Probate Law. That being so, he felt there was a very strong case against the Bill. It would be said that in the other House precautions were taken and the company was required to find £50,000 and pay it into Court so that it might stand as security; but that sum was not earmarked for that particular purpose; it was only put aside out of the general assets, and would stand to the good of the company and for any of its creditors. There was £1 paid up on £5 shares, and, supposing they called up the remaining £4, what would be left if somebody made away with the trust securities, and what would become of the creditors? To talk of the £50,000 being a security was idle and childish. The Board of Trade was introduced and they would be told that the Board of Trade was allowed under the Bill to fix the amount of remuneration and, if necessary, to name the amount of costs that might be charged. He objected in toto to allowing the Board of Trade ægis to be thrown over any company. It seemed to him it ought not to be put in the power of any company to advertise that they were protected and supported by the Board of Trade and that they had got an asset of that kind in their power. Without discoursing upon the general principle, it seemed to him absolutely contrary to the interest of anyone that their affairs should be thrown into the hands of a company. A company desired, for its shareholders, to carry on a trust as long as possible so that the remuneration should endure as long as possible; but his view was that a trust should be brought to a conclusion as soon as possible. Therefore, a public or a private trustee was much the better. That, however, was not of the question that night. What they had to consider was whether exceptional and peculiar privilege should be given to this company, whether they could show a case for singular and exceptional treatment.

Amendment proposed—

"To leave out the word 'now,' and at the end of the Question to add the words 'upon this day three mouths.'"—(Sir Howard Vincent.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

said that, like the hon. Member who had just sat down, he had no concern or interest in the company. He knew nothing about it except what he had gathered from the Bill and the statements circulated. Unlike him, however, he rose to appeal to the House to give the Bill its Third Reading, and he agreed with the hon. Member for Shrewsbury that the question was not to be decided on any technical ground. It was not enough that the Bill had come too late, that it had passed both Houses, and that the promoters had had all the trouble of getting it to this stage. It had to be considered on its merits, and it was just because he had considered it upon its merits that he made his appeal to the House. For twenty years he had been more or less indirectly concerned with questions affecting trusteeship, and more and more, as year succeeded year, he had observed the extraordinary and increasing difficulty of getting proper and efficient people to act as trustees. The hon. Member for Sheffield had got a Bill of his own very much in his mind—the Public Trustees Bill. He was strongly in favour of that Bill, and he voted for it. He thought it would be a most useful Bill, but it would not serve the purpose of the Bill which was now before the House. The Public Trustees Bill was a Bill which would serve the purposes of the Court when, in an emergency, it was a moot point that somebody should take the place of a trustee. It would serve the purpose of small estates and poor people, but it would not serve the purpose of the ordinary testator who wanted somebody to take charge of his affairs free from the red tape which was essentially associated with every Government Department. The case which had been made against the Bill was in the main, not that no company ought to act as a trustee, but that the conditions under which the company ought to act should be regulated by general legislation. He was also of that opinion, but what chance was there of obtaining anything of the kind? The present Government had been in office for a considerable time, but what steps had it taken to give effect to the propositions which came before the House in the Bill of 1890? What chance was there of stops being taken which would make available to the general public conditions under which the trust companies were to act? There was one chance by which they could make progress, and it was for some enterprising company, such as the present company, to succeed in getting a private Bill through, and for them then to lay the foundations on which other companies could come in. If this Bill passed, it was inevitable that Parliament must legislate at an early date and lay down conditions applicable to all companies. There was no sacredness about this Bill. He shonld be in favour of subjecting the present company to the usual stringent regulations; but, unless the House took some such opportunity as the present of making a start, what chance was there of this most useful and necessary piece of legislation being carried by which efficiency in private trusteeship should be supplemented? They were not dealing with a Bill that had passed Parliament. Aa the hon. Member for Sheffield had pointed out, the Lord Chancellor made some remarks upon the Bill when it came before the other House, and the Bill was amended by the insertion of the £50,000 and other clauses to put it on a level with, and make it subject to, the conditions of the General Trust Company Bill of 1890, with which the names of Lord Herschell and Lord Davey would always be associated. He could not help thinking that the House did not realise the consensus of opinion in favour of companies undertaking the business of a trustee. They had the sanction of some of the most eminent lawyers of the day —Lord Herschell, Lord Davey, and, he thought he might add, the Lord Chancellor himself.

said he had heard what the hon. Member had said. The Bill, as it came before them, was one which had received very careful consideration and had been amended at the hands of those responsible in the other House, He was not arguing that as conclusive, but that they had got a real public difficulty to deal with. There was not the smallest prospect of the House being induced to take up the general subject, pressed as it was with other business, either now or immediately hereafter, unless a start was made. He desired to see some promise made to those unfortunate testators who could not find trustees to carry out their affairs. They would not do that with the Public Trustee Bill. They would not provide for the class with which this Bill sought to deal. Those who were in favour of private companies acting under proper restrictions and conditions thought it was no longer desirable that people should be driven to hunt about for trustees. The hon. Gentleman who had just sat down talked about this company as though a private company was something vastly inferior to the ordinary private trustee. Who was the ordinary private trustee? Generally somebody too busy to look after the affairs of the trust, or, if he was not too busy, who was not competent to look after it. He left the matter to the solicitor. He had a great appreciation for that honourable profession, which had rendered the public a great service, but it was not desirable that the trusteeship should rest with the solicitor entirely. Therefore, this Bill, to his mind, afforded a choice between leaving it to a very large extent under the control of the solicitor and putting it in the hands of somebody who would attend to the matter according to fixed rules and in a business fashion. The hon. and learned Member opposite did not mean to convey that a company could not act as a trustee under the law. Of course it could; as far as their difficulties in acting were concerned, that was a mere matter of technicality. The oath could just as well be made by the manager of a corporation as by anyone else. The deposit of £50,000 at any rate raised the wealth of the corporation, and he would ask whether a company of the kind and standing of the present was not less likely to embark in speculation than the ordinary trustee, who might be a man of business, a man of no fortune at all, and a man who wa asppointed with the risk that, if his own private fortune went and the temptation came to him, he might meddle with the securities just as much as any trade corporation. The duty of the corporation was to administer this as a matter of business, and in the vast majority of cases the corporation had to act on a businesslike footing and had to submit to audit, which no private trustee had to submit to.

They have to submit to audit. That is the point, and if the Board of Trade is dissatisfied—

There is no power on the part of the Board of Trade with regard to the audit.

said under Section 22 the Board of Trade might make rules as to the audit of any trust company.

asked what the London and Globe had to do with the Bill. There was a special provision giving the Board of Trade power to insist upon a private audit of the trust administration of the company. That was a provision they did not have in the case of a private trustee. He was not speaking for the corporation. It was a Bill which embodied the general conditions of the Bill of 1890, and these conditions were laid down as being essential to the security of the public. He desired to press the point as one worthy of the serious consideration of the House, that if they rejected this Bill they rejected at least that which would make it necessary for the House to proceed to the consideration of the whole of the subject on the lines of broad legislation such as would lay down conditions to which all trust companies must conform. They had reached a state at which it was impossible to find trustees to do the business as it ought to be done, in an efficient and satisfactory fashion. They had reached the state at which, unless they took up a measure of this kind, they would find more and more difficulty of getting trustees who could attend to the business entrusted to them; and, speaking for himself, he should regard it as an opportunity lost if, by rejecting the Bill upon the Third Reading, they were unable to deliver themselves from the haphazard condition of things to which they were subjected at the present time. There was not the smallest comparison between the Public Trustee Bill and the present Bill. They aimed at different classes of administration. It would not help the class of administration he desired to help and which must be helped if business was to be put on a satisfactory footing. He was anxious to see the Third Reading of the Bill assented to, believing that it would lead to general legislation which would put the whole law of trust administration on a better footing.

said the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down had given a vague reason why they should pass the Bill. He asked that they should pass the Third Reading of the Bill and so enforce legislation and see what was the proper line on which to allow what was asked for. That, he thought, was a dangerous principle. If they carried out what the hon. Gentleman had recommended they would give special privileges, which the House had always hitherto refused, to a private company for private gain, and they would then, having created that vested interest, proceed to legislate upon the general law of the subject. There was only one way in which the subject could be dealt with properly, and that was, if the House or the country thought it was necessary, to change the general law of the land, making proper restrictions under which public companies might be allowed to administer the estate of a testator. The first restriction ought to be, and would be, that the House must be satisfied, either through a Committee or some other inquiry, as to the stability of the company they were going to entrust with these powers. He did not say a word against the present company. He knew nothing about it; but up to the present there had been no inquiry whatever as regarded its position. They were asked, without any inquiry, to allow a company, which undoubtedly engaged in a business of a special nature, to associate with its business, without any restrictions whatever, the business ox acting as trustee and executor under wills in this country, and to allow the company in so acting to make a profit, even though the testator had not authorised any such action either by will or by settlement. What would be the result if the House allowed such a proposition? They would have company after company—and there were companies and companies—coming to the House with Bills framed exactly like the present one, and they would point to the present case as a precedent to show why the House should give them the same privilege without inquiry. What the result of that would be it would be difficult to say. The moment they proceeded to abrogate the requirements of the ordinary law of the land they ought to proceed, not by private Bill, but by public Bill. They ought to give the privileges they granted, not to one company but to all companies, always subject to the necessary restrictions. The hon. Gentleman had said very properly that there was no comparison between the present Bill and the Bill for the creation of a public trustee, in which he (Sir E. Carson) was extremely interested, believing it was a necessary reform which ought to be made; but how had the House dealt with that Bill? After sending it to the Grand Committee on Law, and alter two days examination in that House, the House still thought it had not sufficient time to consider the necessary change. Yet they were now asked to change the law after a few moments consideration and without all the examination thought necessary in the case of the public Bill. He knew a great deal could be said on behalf of the promoters, that it was hard that at the last moment the Bill should be opposed, but the question of unopposed Bills stood in a very unsatisfactory condition. It was all very well in cases where there were rival interests and where some one was sure to take care that the Bill was properly discussed; but in a Bill like the present one, where the interests of the public were concerned, who would go to the expanse of opposing and in that way bringing the matter fully before the Unopposed Bill Committee or Select Committee? He was informed that there was no precedent for the Unopposed Bill Committee throwing out a Bill. He was, therefore, taking no extraordinary course, because it was not the case of a Bill coming back to them after thorough sifting, after evidence had been taken, and after a Committee had reported. It was actually a case of a Bill coming back to them almost in the same condition, as far as the result of any inquiry was concerned, as when it left the House. He was not at all sure, from what he knew of the Unopposed Committee, whether, if it had known the Bill made serious changes in the ordinary law of the land, that it would for one moment have allowed it to pass. But, as it was without precedent for throwing out such a Bill, they were confronted with the fact that serious changes in the ordinary law of the land might be made without any investigation and inquiry in consequence of the procedure of the House. The House ought not to allow a company for its own private gain to take up the position of trustee and have the privileges asked for without thoroughly inspecting every clause and every line in the Bill. The principle required the minutest examination. Of course, it was absolutely impossible at that time of the session that any such examination should take place, and he, therefore, recommended the House to agree to the Motion of his hon. friend.

said that as a member of the Unopposed Bill Committee which reported this Bill he desired to make one or two observations. Upon the whole he agreed with the arguments of the hon. and learned Gentleman who seconded the Motion now before the House, but he desired the House to know the difficulty in which the Unopposed Bill Committee was placed with regard to Bills of this character. The practice in his experience of several years was for some gentleman to be asked to prove the preamble. He was asked if it was true and he simply said, "Yes, it is." They then proceeded to consider the clauses and the reports made from the various public departments, but it was really impossible for them to examine whether the allegations of the preamble were or were not true. In this case the position of the Committee was one of especial difficulty, because there could be no doubt that every allegation in the preamble was true, as it could be vouched for by public documents. The only possible question about the preamble was the question of policy. Though he did not like the Bill, when he found on the authority of the Speaker's counsel that there was no case in which a Bill had been thrown out by an Unopposed Bill Committee, he felt he could do nothing except join in the Report to the House. The Committee proceeded to consider the various clauses, and the Bill was reported in due course-He thought the House ought to understand that they were not committed in any way by anything in the Report of the Unopposed Bill Committee.

did not think the Unopposed Bill Committee really needed the apology which had just been addressed to the House. There had been raised an alarmist cry that the funds of trust estates were going to be put in danger of being fraudulently employed or embezzled. But that danger existed to a great extent at present, and there were people who seemed to regard themselves as having vested interests in that respect. The great hindrance to providing against fraud and embezzlement with regard to trust funds was the impossibility of establishing a public trustee. At the same time very great difficulty was experienced by settlers in finding anybody who would take the risk and trouble to manage their affairs as if hey were his own. There was really no foundation for the suggestion that the trust funds were proposed to be given to a trust company to speculate with or to mix with their own funds. The Bill provided that which had never been provided for before on the part of a trust company, namely, a cash deposit of £50,000, which could be increased by the Board of Trade if the business in which the company desired to embark was a successful one. It would be an immense benefit to private persons. [Cries of "No."] He had heard the same outcry against the public trustee, and out of doors people professed to understand what that outcry meant. There was in the Bill the further security that there was to be regular audit, and the provision that the Board of Trade might make rules as to the audit of the trust securities held by the company. The Bill followed the general provisions of Lord Herschell's Bill which was carried in the Lords in 1890, with the exception that there had been introduced into it safeguards which did not exist in that measure. He was aware that that was a public Bill, but what was cried out for was that people who desired to do this business should conform to the requirements of a public standard. That standard had been set by one of the greatest lawyers this country had ever known, and acquiesced in by great masters of equity, and the present Bill offered even greater safeguards. He understood that clauses had been introduced which met all the objections raised in the House of Lords and which satisfied the Board of Trade. No one disputed that such a Bill was necessary, and the present measure tested the sincerity of the expressed desire that an existing need should be met.

said the speech of the Solicitor-General would have left on the minds of persons who had not lead the Bill the impression that its purpose was to compel everybody who died hereafter to leave his estate in trust to be administered by the Ocean Accident and Guarantee Corporation All the House was asked to do was to permit a person of sound mind to leave his property to be administered by this corporation if he desired so to do. Why should that liberty be refused? What public interest would be served by refusing it? The corporation had had the enterprise to come to Parliament and ask for the removal of certain technical disabilities which stood in the way of its acting as trustee, and by passing the Bill the House would simply enable testators to do with their property what they desired to do with it, and enable an honest company to act in the way in which they desired to act. There was far more security given for proper administration by this company than there was by the ordinary private trustee, and he trusted the House would not be misled by the speech of the Solicitor-General.

thought the question whether they should give a private company those rights and privileges was entirely different from the question whether the clauses of the Bill might be made into a general Act of Parliament. The extraordinary theory that had been advanced that because a general Act was desirable therefore this particular company ought to be allowed special privileges and other companies left to follow, illustrated the risks attaching to our present system of dealing with unopposed private Bills. Private opposition was relied upon to prevent the passage of undesirable provisions, but in the case of unopposed Bills that security did not come into operation. The House of Commons ought to place a more effective check upon these Bills. More care was certainly taken now by the Unopposed Bill Committee than used to be the case, but yet more was required. At present it was a chance whether Members looked into a matter adequately, and he thought there ought to be a permanent official whose duty it should be to raise all the points that could be raised against unopposed Bills when they came before the Committee.

said he desired to look at this matter from the point of view of the testator.

moved that the Question be now put, but the Motion was not accepted.

expressed his surprise that no reference had been made to the Royal Exchange Company, established 200 years ago, with a capital of £2,000,000, which had been carrying on this kind of business for many years, he believed, in a perfectly satisfactory manner. He had not a penny interest in any assurance company, but he objected strongly to matters of this description being rushed through in the last hours of the session. He had a fair amount of caution, and in arranging for the few bawbees he would have to deal with, he would certainly not like to leave his affairs to be managed by any company such as the one under consideration. As to the argument that sane men ought to be allowed to do as they liked, the greater part of the speculation on the Stock Exchange was carried on by sane men, and it was necessary to protect even sane men lest they should fall into any of the traps set for the unwary. He agreed that general legislation was required; it was a pity the right hon. Gentleman the Solicitor-General and his friends had not realised that fact before, and dealt with the matter during the ten years they had been in office. He did not agree with his right hon. friend the Member for Haddingtonshire that the present Bill was better than nothing. It was preferable that the matter should be left alone. He had not much faith in the so-called safeguards. £50,000 would not be much good against the operations of speculators, while, as for the Board of Trade, the scheming artful dodgers of the city of London would be too quick for them, and the Department would endeavour to make arrangements when it was too late to do any good. He was not saying a word against the particular company concerned in this Bill, but he strongly objected to measures of this kind being, rushed through at the end of the session, and he should vote against the Bill.

said there were various companies carrying on business of the description referred to in the Bill, and he thought it would be a hardship on this particular company if, after having gone through the usual forms and offered to furnish security, they were deprived of their Bill at this stage of the proceedings.

AYES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.Morpeth, Viscount
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Harrington, TimothyMurnaghan, George
Benn, John WilliamsHarris, F. Leverton (Tynem'thMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Harwood, GeorgeNannetti, Joseph P.
Bill, CharlesHayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.Nolan, Col. John P.(Galway,N.
Bond, EdwardHealy, Timothy MichaelO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Brown, George M.(Edinburgh)Heaton, John HennikerPaulton, James Mellor
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesHelder, Sir AugustusPeel, Hn. Wm. Robert Wellesley
Burns, JohnHemphill, Rt. Hon. Charles H.Power, Patrick Joseph
Butcher, John GeorgeHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Randles, John S.
Buxton, Sydney Charles(PoplarHigham, John SharpRankin, Sir James
Caldwell, JamesHope, J. F.(Sheffield, BrightsideRemnant, James Farquharson
Carvill, Patrick Geo. HamiltonHutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Rickett, J. Compton
Causton, Richard KnightJacoby, James AlfredRitchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. Thomson
Coddington, Sir WilliamJoicey, Sir JamesRobson, William Snowdon
Coghill, Douglas HarryJones, Leif (Appleby)Rolleston, Sir John F. L.
Crean, EugeneJones, William(CarnarvonshireRoyds, Clement Molyneux
Cremer, William RandalJordan, JeremiahRunciman, Walter
Cullinan, J.Kennaway, Rt.Hon.SirJohnH.Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopfond-
Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Kennedy, P. J. (Westmeath,N.Sadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesKitson, Sir JamesShipman, Dr. John G.
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphLamont, NormanSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Dorington, Rt. Hon. Sir John E.Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Sullivan, Donal
Edwards, FrankLiddell, HenryThomas, David Alfred(Merthyr)
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)Lloyd-George, DavidThompson, Dr. E. C (Monagh'nN
Fergusson, Rt. Hn. Sir J. (Manc' rLong, Col.Charles W.(Evesham)Tully, Jasper
Findlay, Alexander(Lanark,N.ELough, ThomasUre, Alexander
Flynn, James ChristopherMacdona, John CummingVincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)MacIver, David (Liverpool)Wallace, Robert
Gladstone, Rt.Hn. Herbert JohnMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Gorst, Rt.Hon.Sir John EldonMacVeagh, JeremiahWoodhouse, SirJT.(Huddersf'd
Goulding, Edward AlfredM'Crae, George
Grant, CorrieM'Kenna, ReginaldTELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Mr. Duke and Mr. Slack.
Griffith, Ellis, J.Martin, Richard Biddulph

NOES.

Acland-Hood, Capt.SirAlex.F.Burke, E. Haviland-Dewar, SirT.R.(Tower Hamlets
Agg-Gardner, James TynteCampbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Dickson, Charles Scott
Agnew, Sir Andrew NoelCarson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Dixon-Hartland,SirFred. Dixon
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenCautley, Henry StrotherDobbie, Joseph
Anson, Sir William ReynellCavendish, V.C. W.(DerbyshireDoogan, P. C.
Arkwright, John StanhopeCawley, FrederickDoughty, Sir George
Arrol, Sir WilliamCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnChamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Doxford, Sir William Theodore
Baird, John George AlexanderChamberlayne, T. (S'thampton)Dunn, Sir William
Balcarres, LordChaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryEllis, John Edward (Notts.)
Balfour, RtHnGeraldW.(LeedsCheetham, John FrederickEsmonde, Sir Thomas
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Clancy, John JosephFaber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.)
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeClare, Octavius LeighFabor, George Derison (York)
Banner, John S. Harmood-Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Fellowes, RtHn.Ailwyn Edward
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminCohen, Benjamin LouisFielden, Edward Brocklehurst
Bigwood, JamesColomb, Rt.Hon.SirJohn C. R.Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.
Bingham, LordCompton, Lord AlwyneFinlay, RtHnSirR.B.(In'vrn'ss
Blundell, Colonel HenryCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Firbank, Sir Joseph Thomas
Brassey, AlbertCripps, Charles AlfredFisher, William Hayes
Bright, Allan HeywoodCrooks, WilliamFitzroy, Hon. Edward Algernon
Broadhurst, HenryCrossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileFlannery, Sir Fortescue
Brymer, William ErnestDavenport, William BromleyFlavin, Michael Joseph
Bull, William JamesDavies,SirHoratioD.(Chatham)Flower, Sir Ernest
Burdett-Coutts, W.Delany, WilliamForster, Henry William

Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided:—Ayes, 101; Noes, 189. (Division List No. 344.)

Gardner, ErnestM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Rutherford, John (Lancashire)
Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Majendie, James A. H.Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Gore, Hon. S. F. Ormsby-Marks, Harry HananelSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Grenfell, William HenryMassey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F.Sandys, Lieut.-Col.Thos.Myles
Gretton, JohnMaxwell, W.J.H.(Dumfriessh.)Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Groves, James GrimbleMiddlemore, John ThrogmortonScott, Sir S. (Marylebone. W.)
Guest, Hon. Ivor ChurchillMilvain, ThomasSeely, Maj.J.E.B.(IsleofWight)
Hamilton, Marq.of(L'nd'nderryMolesworth, Sir LewisSharpe, William Edward T.
Hammond, JohnMoon, Edward Robert PacySmith, Abel H. (Hertford, East)
Hayden, John PatrickMorgan, David J. (WalthamstowSmith, RtHnJ.Parker(Lanarks
Heath, Sir James(Staffords,NWMorrell, George HerbertStanley, Hon.Arthur(Ormskirk
Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Morrison, James ArchibaldStanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Lancs.
Holland, Sir William HenryMorton, Arthur H. AylmerStone, Sir Benjamin
Horner, Frederick WilliamMount, William ArthurStroyan, John
Howard,John(Kent, FavershamMurphy, JohnTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Howard, J. (Midd., TottenhamMyers, William HenryTalbot, Rt.Hn.J.G.(Oxf'd Univ
Hozier, Hon.James Henry CecilNicholson, William GrahamTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Hunt, RowlandO'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary Mid.Thornton, Percy M.
Jeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Tollemache, Henry James
Jones, David Brynmor SwanseaO'Connor, James(Wicklow, W.)Tomlin on, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T.(Denbigh)O'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensTuff, Charles
Keswick, WilliamPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Turnour, Viscount
Knowles, Sir LeesParrott, WilliamValentia, Viscount
Langley, BattyPartington, OswaldVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralPierpoint, RobertWalrond, Rt.Hn.SirWilliamH.
Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Pilkington, Colonel RichardWarde, Colonel C. E.
Lawrence, W. F. (Liverpool)Platt-Higgins, FrederickWeir, James Galloway
Lawson, Hn.H.L.W. (Mile EndPowell, Sir Francis SharpWelby, Lt.Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Lawson, John Grant(Yorks.N.RPretyman, Ernest GeorgeWhiteley, H.(Ashton und.Lyne
Lee, Arthur H.(Hants, FarehamPryce-Jones. Lt.-Col. EdwardWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Lees, Sir Elliott (BirkenheadPurvis, RobertWhitmore Charles Algernon
Leese, Sir JosephF(AccringtonPym. C. GuyWodehouse, Rt.Hn.E.R. (Bath)
Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageRanch, Sir Frederic CarneWrightson, Sir Thomas
Llewellyn, Evan HenryRedmond, John E.(Waterford)Wylie, Alexander
Long. Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.)Reed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Lonsdale, John BrownleeReid, James (Greenock)
Lowe, Francis WilliamRidley, S. FordeTELLERS FOR THE NOES—
Loyd, Archie KirkmanRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)Sir Howard Vincent and Mr.
Lucas, Reignald J. (PortsmouthRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)H. D. Greene.
Lundon, W.Rollit, Sir Albert Kaye
Maconochie, A. W.Round, Rt. Hon. James

Main Question, as amended, put, and agreed to.

Consideration of Bill, as amended, put off for three months.

Naval Works Bill

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. GRANT LAWSON (Yorkshire, N.R., Thirsk) in the Chair.]

Clause 1.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, to leave out the word 'five,' and insert the word 'three.'"—(Mr. McKenna.)

Question again proposed, "That the word 'five' stand part of the clause."

, continuing his speech, said the present unsatisfactory state of their national credit was largely due to this system of borrowing money for expenditure which ought to be met out of the revenue of the year. Local loans, which in 1897 stood at 115, were now 100¼. The credit of this country had dropped from 10 to 15 per cent. in regard to all our securities, whilst those of other countries had appreciated. Argentine securities during the same period had appreciated 4½ per cent. and Brazilian securities 17¼ per cent. He protested against a system of backstairs borrowing, which had resulted in the decadence of the credit of the country. Last year £6,000,000 of Exchequer bonds were issued which did not appear in the Unfunded Debt, and he supposed if this Bill passed they would have another issue of Exchequer bonds for which the market would have to provide.

said there would be no issue of Exchequer bonds.

said he was glad to have that assurance. Sound finance was the keynote of good government, and the proposal in this Bill was not sound finance. By this system of borrowing the Government were setting a bad example to municipal authorities. The principle of this Bill was simply part and parcel of the romantic finance of the Birmingham school of economics, which laid down that things were not what they were, but what they wished them to be.

said it the Amendment were carried at this late pariod of the session it would interfere with the Estimates and with the provision for the Navy for the year which Parliament had sanctioned. But he hoped that if the Bill passed the Chancellor of the Exchequer would not conclude that the House was not determined to stop this annual borrowing for annual expenditure. On all sides there had been a unanimous expression of opinion against the system of borrowing for military and naval works. Although the hon. Member for Dundee was the original sinner in regard to this matter his successors had been the principal offenders. Although he did not think these loans were altogether responsible for the low state of the national credit, they had undoubtedly delayed the automatic recovery of securities. In future he thought those persons who sanctioned work of this kind should pay for them, and the Government had no right to leave posterity to pay for works of the kind contained in this Bill.

said the Amendment emphasised the fact that there was no support to this system of raising money for naval works. It would not affect the programme for the year; it would merely compel the Admiralty next year to put their works programme on the Estimates, and the Government, having surrendered the policy, it was difficult to see why the Amendment should be resisted. In his somewhat perfunctory reply the Civil Lord said the system was required to make up for the past neglect, but, though that might have been said for the first Naval Works Act, it had now become the normal method of meeting the extra expenditure for the upkeep of an increasing Navy. It was not kept in view when large increases were made in the Navy that this involved further expenditure on dockyards, harbours, and coaling stations, There was something which appeared to him not quite straightforward in failing to recognise the incidental obligations which an increase in the Fleet involved, and he regarded this failure with considerable apprehension. It might be a delightful thing to live upon borrowed money, but it was a very bad habit for a country to get into. This system of borrowing had extended to other Departments, and our total liabilities extended to £60,000,000, the growth of recent years. It was a delusion to consider these naval and military works as of a permanent character. The world was littered with such works that had nothing but a slight archæological interest, and it was unfair to impose upon future generations the cost of works that might be considered useless, just as we considered much of the expenditure of our forefathers useless. Nothing could be more temporary than military or naval works, and it was extremely impolitic and unfair to throw upon a future generation the obligation of paying for defensive or offensive works which would probably in a few years cease to be of any practical value either for military or naval purposes. Their descendants in the near future might come to the conclusion that the whole system of their naval stategy required revision.

It will not be in order for the hon. Member to enter upon a debate on general naval policy.

said all he was trying to do was to illustrate how impossible it was to defend the permanency of any of the works which they were now creating. He thought it was wrong for them to pledge posterity for thirty years. It bad been pointed out how these loans affected national credit and threw an additional burden on the taxpayers. He meant to fight this Bill at every stage, believing that it was wrong in principle, and that if his policy was pursued it would land the country in a more disastrous position than the Civil Lord could well imagine. His hon. friend who moved the Amendment had made a very reasonable proposition. He had not attempted to destroy the Bill or to curtail any of the works which the Admiralty wished to overtake in the next twelve months. His hon. friend was calling upon the Government to fulfil, if not a pledge, what almost amounted to a pledge, so strong was the expression of opinion on their part as to the desirability of ending this course of borrowing. Let the Admiralty begin at once. They had received every penny they asked for on the Estimates, and he was quite certain that if they put the cost of naval works on the Estimates next year and the year after they would get their money. He appealed to the Civil Lord to reconsider his position even at the eleventh hour and to give an assur-

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteChamberlayne, T. (S'thamptonFisher, William Hayes
Agnew, Sir Andrew NoelChaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryFitzroy,Hon,Edward Algernon
Allhusen,Augustus Henry EdenChapman, EdwardFlannery, Sir Fortescue
Anson, Sir William ReynellClare, Octavius LeighFlower, Sir Ernest
Arkwright, John Stan hopeCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Forster, Henry William
Arnold-Forster,Rt, Hn.Hugh OCoddington, Sir WilliamGardner, Ernest
Arrol, Sir WilliamCoghill, Douglas HarryGodson,Sir Augustus Frederick
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnCohen, Benjamin LouisGordon, J. (Londonderry, S
Baird, John George AlexanderCollings, Rt. Hon. JesseGorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John Eldon
Balcarres, LordColomb, Rt.Hon.Sir John C.R.Goulding, Edward Alfred
Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manc'rCompton, Lord AlwyneGreene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury
Balfour, Rt. Hn Gerald W(Leeds)Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs)
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Cripps, Charles AlfredGrenfell, William Henry
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCrossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileGretton, John
Banner, John S. Harmood-Davenport, William BromleyGroves, James Grimble
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminDavies,Sir Horatio D. (ChathamHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Dewar, Sir T. R. (Tower HamletsHamilton,Marq.of (L'nd'nderry
Bigwood, JamesDickson, Charles ScottHardy, Laurence (Kent,Ashford
Bill, CharlesDisraeli, Coningsby RalphHarris, F. Leverton (Tynem'th
Bingham, LordDixon-Hartland, Sir Fred DixonHeath,Sir James(Staffords.NW
Blundell, Colonel HenryDorington,Rt.Hon.Sir John EHeaton, John Henniker
Bond, EdwardDoughty, Sir GeorgeHelder, Sir Augustus
Brassey, AlbertDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnDoxford,Sir William TheodoreHope, J.F (Sheffield, Brightside
Brymer, William ErnestDuke, Henry EdwardHornby, Sir William Henry
Bull, William JamesDyko,Rt.Hon.Sir William HartHoward, Jn. (Kent, Faversham
Burdett-Coutts, W.Faber, Edmund B. (Hants,W.)Howard, J. (Midd., Tottenham
Butcher, John GeorgeFaber, George Denison (YorkHozier,Hon. James Henry Cecil
Campbell,J.H.M(Dublin Univ.Fellowes,RtHn.AilwynEdwardHunt, Rowland
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. HFcrgusson,Rt.Hn.SirJ. (Manc'rJeffreys, Rt.Hon. Arthur Fred.
Cautley, Henry StrotherFielden, Edward BrocklehurstKennaway,Rt.Hon.Sir John H
Cavendish, V.C.W.(DerbyshireFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.Kenyon,Hon.Geo.T. (Denbigh)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Finlay.Rt HnSirR.B.(Inv'rn'ssKeswick, William
Chamberlain,Rt Hn.J.A(Worc.Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasKimber, Sir Henry

ance that this system of borrowing which all Members of the House joined in condemning would not be continued beyond the next twelve months.

said that Consols not very long ago were at 114 and now they were at 90. He was amazed that the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who knew the effect of this system of borrowing on the national finance, did not support the modest Amendment of his hon. friend. Why did not the Government bring forward the measure at an earlier stage of the session so that an opportunity might be given for full discussion? He objected to business being rushed through in this way in the closing hours of the session. There was no opposition to naval expenditure when it was wisely controlled. This money should be raised on the Estimates next year.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 209; Noes, 103. (Division List No. 345.)

Knowles, Sir LeesMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralMyers, William HenrySkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Nicholson, William GrahamSloan, Thomas Henry
Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)O'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensSmith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Lawson,Hn.H.L.W.(Mile End)Palmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Smith, Rt Hn J. Parker(Lanark*
Lee, Arthur H. (Hants., FarehamPoel, Hn. Wm. Robert WellesleySmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhcad)Percy, EarlStanley, Hon.Arthur (Ormskirk
Legge, Col. Hon. HeneagePierpoint, RobertStanley.Rt.Hon. Lord (Lancs.)
Liddell, HenryPilkington, Colonel RichardStone, Sir Benjamin
Llewellyn, Evan HenryPlatt-Higgins, FrederickStroyan John
Long, Col.Charles W.(EveshamPlummer, Sir Walter R.Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Long,Rt.Hn. Walter (Bristol,S.Powell, Sir Francis SharpTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Lonsdale, John BrownleePretyman, Ernest GeorgeTalbot. Rt. Hn. J.G (Oxf'd Univ.
Lowe, Francis WilliamPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. EdwardTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Loyd, Archie KirkmanPurvis, RobertThornton, Percy M.
Lucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthPym, C. Guy.Tollemache, Henry James
Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredRandles, John S.Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Macdona, John CummingRankin, Sir JamesTuff, Charles
MacIver, David (Liverpool)Rasch, Sir Frederic CarneTurnmour, Viscount
Maconochie, A. W.Reed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)Vincent,Col.Sir CEH(Sheffield)
M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Reid, James (Greenock)Vincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
M'Killop, James (StirlingshireRemnant, James FarquharsonWalker, Col. William Hall
Majendie, James A. H.Ridley, S. FordeWalrond,Rt.Hn.Sir William H.
Marks, Harry HananelRitchie,Rt.Hon.Chas. ThomsonWarde, Colonel C. E.
Martin, Richard BiddulphRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)Welby,Lt.-Col,A.C.E. (Taunton
Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W. F.Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)Welby, Sir Charles G.E. (Notts.)
Maxwell,W.J.H (DumfriesshireRolleston, Sir John F. L.Whiteley,H.(Ashton und.Lyn
Middlemore, John ThrogmortonRollit, Sir Albert KayeWhitmore, Charles Algernon
Milvain, ThomasRound, Rt. Hon. JamesWodehouse, Rt. Hn. E.R. (Bath)
Molesworth, Sir LewisRoyds, Clement MolyneuxWortley, Rt. Hon C. B.Stuart-
Moon, Edward Robert PacyRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Wylie, Alexander
Morgan, David J. (WalthamstowSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Morpoth, ViscountSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Morrell, George HerbertSandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos.Myles
Morrison, James ArchibaldSassoon, Sir Edward AlbertTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Morton, Arthur H. AylmerSaunderson, Rt. Hon. Col. Edw. JAlexander Acland-Hood and
Mount, William ArthurScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)Viscount Valentia.

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Findlay, Alex. (Lanark, N.E.)M'Crae, George
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Flavin, Michael JosephMurnaghan, George
Bell, RichardFlynn, James ChristopherMurphy, John
Benn, John WilliamsFoster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)Nannetti, Joseph P.
Bright, Allan HeywoodGladstone,Rt.Hn. HerbertJohnNolan.Col.John P.(Galway,N.)
Broadhurst, HenryGrant, CorrieO'Brien,Kendal (Tipperary Mid
Brown, George M. (EdinburghGriffith, Ellis J.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesGuest, Hon. Ivor ChurchillO'Connor,James (Wicklow,W)
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnHammond, JohnO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Burke, E. Haviland-Harrington, TimothyParrott, William
Buxton,Sydney Charles(PoplarHarwood, GeorgeParlington, Oswald
Caldwell, JamesHayden, John PatrickPaulton, James Mellor
Causton, Richard KnightHayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.Pearson, Sir Weetman D.
Cawley, FrederickHealy, Timothy MichaelPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Cheetham, John FrederickHemphill, Rt.Hon. Charles H.Power, Patrick Joseph
Clancy, John JosephHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Priestley, Arthur
Crean, EugeneHigham, John SharpRedmond, John E. (Waterford)
Cremer, William RandalHolland, Sir William HenryRickett, J. Compton
Crooks, WilliamHutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion)
Cullinan, J.Jacoby, James AlfredRobson, William Snowdon
Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Joicey, Sir JamesRose, Charles Day
Delany, WilliamJones, David Brynmor(SwanseaRunciman, Walter
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesJones, William (CarnarvonshireSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Dobbie, JosephJordan, JeremiahSeely.Maj.J.E.B (Isle of Wight)
Doogan, P. C.Kennedy, P. J. (Westmeath,N.Shipman, Dr. John G.
Dunn, Sir WilliamLawson, Sir Wilfred (Cornwall)Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Edwards, FrankLeese,Sir Joseph F.(AccringtonSlack, John Bamford
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)Lloyd-George, DavidSullivan, Donal
Emmott, AlfredLundon, W.Thomas, David Alfred(Merthyr
Esmonde, Sir ThomasMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftThompson,Dr.EC(Monagh'n,N
Evans,Sir FrancisH.(MaidstoneMacVeagh, JeremiahTully, Jasper
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Arthur, William (Cornwall)

Ure, AlexanderWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Villiers, Ernest AmherstWhittaker, Thomas PalmerM'Kenna and Mr. Leif Jones.
Wallace, RobertWilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Weir, James GallowayWoodhouse,SirJT.(Huddersf'd

moved an Amendment for the purpose of providing that the control of the Treasury over the expenditure authorised by the Bill should be more effective than it would be under the clause as drafted. Under the clause as it stood it would be possible for the Admiralty to call for any amount up to the total of £5,835,000. He thought it was very undesirable that this large amount should be taken out of the control of the Treasury. All he asked for was that it should be within the power of the Treasury to issue the various sums of money from time to time as they were required. That was to say that if the Admiralty required money for these works, it should have to prove the case to the Treasury. Treasury control had been a decreasing quantity during recent years. Some very larmist statements had been made on this subject. Even the Secretary of State for War the other day said he thought the Comptroller and Auditor-General was an inquisitive gentleman who ought not to draw attention to certain things in the way he had done during the past few years with such advantage to the public service. If that opinion was spreading in Government offices it was high time that this House took the matter into consideration. The Comptroller and Auditor-General had a right to inquire into anything which he thought it was necessary to inquire into in connection with the expenditure of public money. The acceptance of this Amendment would restore to the Treasury the control they ought never to have parted with, namely, the power in the first place to see before issuing any of these large sums from the Consolidated Fund that the authority of the House to spend the money had been obtained and, secondly, that the amount of money applied for was actually required for works in progress. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 9, to leave out the words 'required by the Admiralty,' and insert the words 'from time to time approved by them.'"—(Mr. Whitley.)

Question proposed, "That the words 'required by the Admiralty' stand part of the clause."

said the effect of this Amendment, if carried, would be to take away from the Admiralty the power which was vested in it to decide whit expenditure was necessary on works already approved by Parliament. The Amendment was also unnecessary, because in all cases there was a previous conference between the Admiralty and the Treasury in regard, not only to the amount to be raised, but also to the necessity of the works themselves, and the Bill represented the joint decision of both Departments. In all cases the money was only asked for when it became due. Although the House might give authority, no sums were raised until they were actually wanted, and there was no case of sums being borrowed and the money being allowed to remain idle.

said the explanation given by the hon. Gentleman did not cover the ground. One of the items in the schedule was "Chatham Dockyard Extension," and that was now abandoned. Now it was quite conceivable that, if the Chatham extension was abandoned, nevertheless the Admiralty, having taken the power to borrow the whole of the £4,500,000, would use the money for some other works. The Civil Lord shook his head, but they had been told, on the Second Reading of the Bill, that the excess cost of other works had been met out of this Vote. It was perfectly obvious that the Admiralty having got the money in hand would use it for expenditure on other items mentioned in the schedule, and he asked whether it was wise for the Treasury to abandon its control over this money. When a Department had got at its disposal a large amount of borrowed money, running to millions, it would be more than human if it did not spend the money in some direction. Therefore, he thought that the Amendment proposed by his hon. friend, though drastic in form, was necessary, and he did not think that the explanation given by the Civil Lord was satisfactory.

said that the Treasury only issued the money which the Admiralty reasonably required for the works embodied in the schedule. If there was any variation necessary, either in the work to be done or the amount of money required, the Admiralty had to go to the Treasury for a special sanction.

said that now that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was in his place he would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether what he had just said would apply to the items between the first year and the second year to which this schedule related. Did the Treasury control the extra expenditure within the first year covered by the schedule as well as that of the second year?

said that then all he had to remark was that his Amendment would do no harm and might do a great deal of good.

Question, put, and agreed to.

said that the Amendment which stood in his name was to leave out from the word 'Act' to the end of the section. The Amendment raised the question of the duration of the annuities by which the money borrowed under this Bill was to be paid off. Under the Act of 1895 the money was to be paid off in thirty years after the passing of the Act. Presumably that was the period for which the contemplated works were expected to endure. In the subsequent Acts of 1896, 1897, 1899 and 1901—which were treated as a continuing series of Acts dealing with the same works—the whole annual expenditure was to be paid off in thirty years from 1895. But in 1903 a new departure was made and for the first time words were inserted in the Act which he now proposed to leave out in the Act of 1905. The effect of these words was to make the annuities run for thirty years from the period of borrowing instead of thirty years from the fixed period of 1895. The result was that instead of a definite date being fixed for paying off loans there would be an indefinite period, and in any case the period would be greatly lengthened. He thought that if the Government would not except this Amendment, they ought at least to state some definite period during which the annuities should run, and a date at which all these borrowings in regard to naval works should come to an end.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 15, to leave out from the word 'Act' to the end of the clause."—(Mr. Leif Jones.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'thirty' in line 17, stand part of the clause."

said he did not attach the special importance which the hon. Gentleman did to having a particular date at which these loans should be paid off. It was the intention of Parliament, when these borrowings were first sanctioned, that there should be a currency of thirty years from the date when the money was borrowed. It was afterwards contemplated that there should be an annual Act in similar form, and instead of the clause being repealed, it was incorporated by reference, with the provision that each annuity should run for a period of thirty years from the date when it was sat up. In his opinion thirty years was a more reasonable and a more sensible proposal than that the currency of the annuities should be from 1895. If all annuities dated from 1895, the system of the Bill would be reduced almost to a nullity, and to vote for the Amendment would be equivalent to voting against the Second Reading of the Bill. He hoped the Committee would affirm the practice in the present case that thirty years was a reasonable time for the annuities to run.

said he thought that the speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer was really in favour of the Amendment instead of against it. It was evidently the intention of Parliament when the first Act was passed that the cost of these particular naval works should be repaid in thirty years; but the Government appeared now to be turning over a new leaf, and desired to alter the system and throw as much as they could on to the current year. That seemed to him to be an overwhelming argument in favour of the Amendment of the hon. Gentleman

asked whether the thirty years would date from the passing of the Act authorising the expenditure, or from the date when the money was raised.

said that the thirty years would be from the date of borrowing.

said that the money raised under these Acts—he was not discussing the responsibility of the right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer in that regard—was, until four years ago, repayable in twenty-four years; but by the admission of the right hon. Gentleman the present Bill made it repayable in thirty years. In these circumstances he appealed to the right hon. Member for Croydon, the late Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had condemned the system of borrowing so far ahead, to vote for this Amendment, and to show that his plea for economy was not merely lip service. He also appealed to the hon. Member for Islington, who had described these Acts as pernicious to vote for the Amendment. It had bean said that if the Amendment were adopted it would upset the whole arrangement of the naval programme; but this particular Amendment had the peculiar merit that it would not upset any naval programme nor upset any arrangement voted for by the hon. Gentleman for Islington and by the late Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Amendment would make a pernicious practice less pernicious, and would make the money repayable in a shorter period, without a breach in the continuity of the policy.

said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had told the Committee that anyone who voted for this Amendment would be practically giving a vote against the Second Reading of the Bill. But they had often heard from the bench opposite, as a defence of these Acts, that they were brought forward to carry out certain specific schemes. Now they were informed that the Government were going to abandon the old practice, and that the schemes for naval works were practically at an end. Down to 1901 it was always provided that the annuities were to run from the starting of a scheme and that they would all come to an end in the year 1925; but under the amended words of this Bill the time when the country would get rid of its liability for these works had been indefinitely extended. A good part of the debt would not be extinguished before 1942–3, and they would have the burden of this scheme of loan expenditure for naval works extending over a period not of thirty years but of fifty years. He thought the words his hon. friend desired to omit from the section constituted a grave departure from the original plan of the works. They made the system more lax than before, and they extended the time in which they would get rid of the liability. He should support his hon. friend.

said that under the Act of 1901 the money was borrowed for a period of thirty years from the Act of 1895, and the sum which was then estimated to be the total cost of the works was £27,500,000. The total amount authorised, with the addition of the £5,000,000 now proposed, made £32,500,000. The proposal in 1901 was for an individual scheme which was to be brought to a conclusion and paid for within thirty years from 1895. They were still dealing with the same scheme and yet they were now asking that the repayment should be spread over a longer period, although no reason had been given why that should be done.

said there was one argument even stronger than that just addressed to the Committee. It was that in 1901, when they were content to borrow for twenty-four years, they were in the middle of a great war, the national finances were in a serious condition, and the Sinking Fund was suspended. Yet now, when the war had been over for three years, in a time of peace, when taxation had, to a small extent, been reduced, and when the Sinking Fund had been restored, they were asked to go back to a longer period of borrowing and borrow for thirty years, not from the time of the Act, but from the time of borrowing. There had been two alterations made since the original Act. Firstly, there had been the alteration of the period, so as to make it from the passing of the Act, and not from the origination of the policy, and secondly, there was the alteration from the date of the passing of the Act to the date of borrowing. That was an extension of laxity and not an increase of rigidity in the control of finance, and he hoped his hon. friend would obtain large support.

said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had adduced no reason whatever connected with the nature of the works for adhering to the thirty years period from the date of the loan. It was proposed to extend the period of repayment in respect of some of the most important items. For instance, under the Naval Works Act of 1895 a large part of the Keyham scheme was provided for, and it was intended that the scheme should be entirely wiped off in thirty years, but they would probably find that it would take forty years, and if they took Portsmouth and Dover exactly the same thing held good; in fact, in nearly every one of the items which were in the Act of 1895 it was proposed to extend the period of

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteBalfour,Rt.Hon.A.J. (Manch'r)Bingham, Lord
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenBalfour,RtHn GeraldW.(LeedsBlundell, Colonel Henry
Anson, Sir William ReynellBalfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Bond, Edward
Arkwright, John StanhopeBanbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeBrassey, Albert
Arnold-Forster,Rt.Hn.Hugh OBanner, John S. Harmood-Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. John
Arrol, Sir WilliamBathurst, Hon.Allen BenjaminBrymer, William Ernest
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnBentinck, Lord Henry C.Bull, William James
Baird, John George AlexanderBigwood, JamesBurdett-Coutts, W.
Balcarres, LordBill, CharlesButcher, John George

repayment of thirty years to something like forty years. If they looked at the items they would see coaling facilities and fuel stores. Did anybody suppose that they would remain at their full value for forty years. Anybody knew that fifteen years was the limit of life they could grant to properties of that nature. There was, too a large item down for torpedo ranges. Could anyone say that forty years was a reasonable period of life for torpedo ranges? It was perfect nonsense. When the Chancellor of the Exchequer got up and made a death-bed repentance, he thought he might do something to reduce his own vice.

said that in 1903 the House authorised an expenditure of £4,500,000 in the case of Chatham, but in the Loan Bill of that year the amount was a very small one. Did the Chancellor of the Exchequer maintain that that expenditure of £4,500,000, if it had been made, would have been paid off in thirty years from 1903?

said that was the very point, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer had not met the argument addressed by his hon. friend and himself. This system rather encouraged Departments getting sanction for small expenditure one year and then coming forward the next year, when the House had forgotten the expenditure it had sanctioned, with a new scheme. That was how they were misled, and hence the condition in which they were at present.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 199; Noes, 92. (Division List No. 346.)

Campbell,J.H.M(Dublin Univ.Hope.J.F. (Sheffield, BrightsidePryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Hornby Sir William HenryPurvis Robert
Cautley, Henry StrotherHorner, Frederick WilliamPym, C. Guy
Cavendish,V.C.W. (DerbyshireHoward, Jn. (Kent,FavershamRandles, John S.
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Hozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRankin, Sir James
Chamberlain,Rt Hn.J.A(Worc.Hunt, RowlandRasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryJeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur FredReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)
Chapman, EdwardKennaway,Rt.Hon.Sir JohnH.Reid, James (Greenock)
Clare, Octavius LeighKenyon, Hon. Geo. T.(DenbighRemnant, James Farquharson
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Keswick, WilliamRidley, S. Forde
Coddington, Sir WilliamKimber, Sir HenryRitchie Rt.Hon.Chas. Thomson
Cohen, Benjamin LouisKnowles, Sir LeesRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLaurie, Lieut.-GeneralRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Colomb.Rt.Hon.Sir John C.R.Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Rolleston, Sir John F. L.
Compton, Lord AlwyneLawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Round, Rt. Hon. James
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Lawson.Hn.H.L.W. (Mile End)Royds, Clement Molyneux
Cripps, Charles AlfredLee, Arthur H.(Hants., FarehamRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileLees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Davenport, William Bromley-Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Davies,Sir Horatio D. (ChathamLiddell, HenrySandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Myles
Dewar, Sir T. R(Tower HamletsLlewellyn, Evan HenrySassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Dickson, Charles ScottLong,Col.Charles W. (EveshamSaunderson,Rt.Hn.Col. Edw.J.
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphLong.Rt.Hn.Walter (Bristol,SScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Dixon-Hartland,Sir Fred DixonLowe, Francis WilliamSharpe, William Edward T.
Dorington, Rt.HonSir John E.Loyd, Archie KirkmanSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Doughty, Sir GeorgeLucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthSloan, Thomas Henry
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredSmith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreMaedona, John CummingSmith, Rt Hn J. Parker(Lanarks
Duke, Henry EdwardMacIver, David (Liverpool)Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Dyke.Rt.Hon.SirWilliam HartMaconochie, A W.Stanley,Hon.Arthur (Ormskirk
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.)M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Stanley,Rt.Hon. Lord (Lancs.)
Fellowes,RtHn. Ailwyn EdwardM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Stone, Sir Benjamin
Fergusson,Rt.Hn.Sir J.(Manc'rMajendie, James A. H.Stroyan, John
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMarks, Harry HananelStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Martin, Richard BiddulphTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Finlay.RtHn SirR.B(Inv'rn'ss)Massey-Mainwaring, Hn. W.F.Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMaxwell,W.J.H (DumfriesshireThornton, Percy M.
Fisher, William HayesMiddlomore, John ThrogmortonTollemache, Henry James
Fitzroy, Hon.Edward AlgernonMilvain, ThomasTomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Flannery, Sir FortescueMolesworth, Sir LewisTuff, Charles
Flower, Sir ErnestMoon, Edward Robert PacyTurnour, Viscount
Forster, Henry WilliamMorgan, David J(WalthamstowVincent, Sir Edgar (Exeter)
Gardner, ErnestMorpeth, ViscountWalker, Col. William Hall
Godson,Sir Augustus FrederickMorrell, George HerbertWalrond,Rt.Hn.Sir William H
Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Morrison, James ArchibaldWarde, Colonel C. E.
Gorst, Rt. Hon. Sir John EldonMorton, Arthur H. AylmerWelby.Lt.-ColA.C.E (Taunton
Goulding, Edward AlfredMount, William ArthurWelby,Sir Charles G.E.(Notts.
Greene, Henry D.(Shrewsbury)Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Whiteley,H.(Ashton und.Lyne
Greene, W. Raymond (Cambs.)Nicholson, William GrahamWhitmore, Charles Algernon
Grenfell, William HenryO'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensWodehouse,Rt.Hn.E.R (Bath)
Gretton, JohnPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B.Stuart-
Groves, James GrimblePeel.Hn.Wm. Robert WellesleyWylie, Alexander
Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Percy, EarlWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Hamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'nderryPierpoint, RobertYerburgh Robert Armstrong
Hardy, Laurence (Kent, AshfordPilkington, Colonel Richard
Harris, F. Leverton (Tynem'th)Platt-Higgins, FrederickTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Heath,SirJames(Staffords.NWPlumer, Sir Walter R.Alexander Acland Hood and
Helder, Sir AugustusPowell, Sir Francis SharpViscount Valentia.
Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Pretyman, Ernest George

NOES

Asquith,Rt.Hn. Herbert HenryCaldwell, JamesDobbie, Joseph
Atherley-Jones, L.Causton, Richard KnightDoogan, P. C.
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Cawley, FrederickEdwards, Frank
Bell, RichardCheetham, John FrederickFllis, John Edwards (Notts.)
Broadhurst, HenryClancy, John JosephEmmott, Alfred
Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Crean, EugeneEsmonde, Sir Thomas
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesCremer, William RandalEvans, Sir Francis H.(Maidstone
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnCullinan, J.Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)
Burke, E. Haviland-Davies, Alfred (Carmarthen)Findlay, Alexander (Lanark,NE
Buxton, Sydney Charles(Poplar Delany, WilliamFlavin, Michael Joseph

Flynn, James ChristopherLloyd-George, DavidRose, Charles Day
Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)Lundon, W.Runciman, Walter
Gladstone, Rt.Hn. Herbert JohnMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Griffith, Ellis J.MacVeagh, JeremiahSeely,Maj.J.E.B(Isle of Wight)
Guest, Hon, Ivor ChurchillM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Shipman, Dr. John G.
Hammond, JohnM'Crae, GeorgeSinclair, John (Forfarshire
Harrington, TimothyM'Kenna, ReginaldSullivan, Donal
Harwood, GeorgeMurnaghan, GeorgeThomas,David Alfred(Merthyr
Hayden, John PatrickMurphy, JohnThompson,Dr.E C(Monagh'n,N
Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.Nannetti, Joseph P.Tully, Jasper
Healy, Timothy MichaelO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Villiers, Ernest Amherst
Henderson, Arthur (Durham)O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Higham, John SharpO'Connor,James(Wicklow, W.)Wallace, Robert
Holland, Sir Williom HenryO'Donncll, T. (Kerry. W.)Weir, James Galloway
Hutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Paulton, James MellorWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Jacoby, James AlfredPearson, Sir Weetman D.Whittaker, Thomas Palmer
Joicey, Sir JamesPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)Wilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Jones, William (CarnarvonshirePower, Patrick JosephWoodhouse, Sir JT.(Huddersf'd
Jordan, JeremiahPriestley, Arthur
Kennedy, P. J.(Westmeath, N.Redmond, John E. (Waterford)TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion)Leif Jones and Mr. Bright.
Leese, Sir Joseph F.(AccringtonRobson, William Snowdon

moved to reduce the period for the redemption of the loans from thirty to twenty-five years. He thought the discussion that had taken place on the last Amendment absolved him from saying more than a very few words in support of this Amendment. His case was practically proved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself, who told the Committee that so recently as 1901 money was borrowed for only twenty-four years for the same kind of work as was referred to in the schedule of the Bill. In 1901 when they were in the middle of the South African War the financial position of the country was much more serious than it was at the present time. If twenty-four years was a proper period then something less should be the proper period at the present time. He thought his Amendment an extremely reasonable one. It was only a proposal to revert to the practice which right hon. Gentlemen opposite followed so recently as four years ago. He thought if the Government could be induced to accept this Amendment some of the other Amendments to the clause might be passed over so that the Committee might get to the discussion of the schedule. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 17, to leave out the word 'thirty,' and insert the word 'twenty-five.'"—(Mr. Whitley.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'thirty' stand part of the clause."

said the Bill of this year followed exactly the model of the Bill of 1903. The term was that which, for reasons he then stated, the House sanctioned in 1903. He must ask the Committee to adhere to the proposal in the Bill.

said the Chancellor of the Exchequer had given an extraordinary reply. If this Amendment were accepted they would regard it as a concession and they would be enabled to go on to the discussion of the schedule. While the Government were asking them to be more profligate in their methods of expenditure than in 1895, the only answer which the Chancellor of the Exchequer gave was that the model of the 1903 Bill was being followed. The Committee wanted to know what reason the Government had in 1905 for what seemed to them a most extraordinary financial operation. He could assure the right hon. Gentleman that he would hear more of this subject if the only reply he could make to their arguments was that this kind of thing had been done before. He protested against a Bill of this kind being brought in at this late period of the session without any arguments whatever in support of it.

said that the reply of the Chancellor of the Exchequer could not be said to have contributed to the deliberative character of the Assembly. What was there sacrosanct, he asked, about the period of thirty years? He appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to treat the House in a considerate manner. They did not want to keep the House sitting all night, but they would be obliged to do so if they were not met in a more conciliatory spirit. They meant to fight

AYES

Agg-Gardner, James TynteFinlay,Rt HnSirR.B.(Inv'rn'ssMoon, Edward Robert Pacy
Allhusen,Augustus Henry EdenFirbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMorgan, David J(Walthamstow
Anson, Sir William ReynellFisher, William HayesMorpeth, Viscount
Arkwright, John StanhopeFitzroy, Hon. Edward AlgernonMorrell, George Herbert
Arnold-Forster,Rt.Hn.HughO.Flannery, Sir FortescueMorrison, James Archibald
Arrol, Sir WilliamFlower, Sir ErnestMount, William Arthur
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnForster, Henry WilliamMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)
Baird, John George AlexanderGardner, ErnestNicholson, William Graham
Balcarres, LordGodson, Sir Augustus FrederickO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens
Balfour,Rt.Hon.A. J. (Manc'rGordon,J.(Londonderry, SouthPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)
Balfour,RtHn Gerald W.(LeedsGoulding, Edward AlfredPeel,Hn.Wm.Robert Wellesley
Balfour, Kenneth R. (ChristchGreene,Henry D.(Shrewsbury)Percy, Earl
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeGreene, W. Raymond (Cambs.)Pierpoint, Robert
Banner, John S. Harmood-Grenfell, William HenryPilkington, Colonel Richard
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminGretton, JohnPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Groves, James GrimblePlummer, Sir Walter R.
Bigwood, JamesHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Pretyman, Ernest George
Bill, CharlesHamilton,Marq of(L'donderry)Pryce-Jones,Lt.-Col. Edward
Bingham, LordHardy,Laurence (Kent, AshfordPurvis, Robert
Blundell, Colonel HenryHarris, F. Leverton (Tynem'thPym, C. Guy
Bond, EdwardHeath,Sir James(Staffords.NWRandles, John S.
Brassey, AlbertHelder, Sir AugustusRankin; Sir James
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnHermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Rasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Brymer, William ErnestHope,J.F.(Sheffield, BrightsideReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)
Bull, William JamesHornby, Sir William HenryReid, James (Greenock)
Burdett-Coutts, W.Howard,Jn. (Kent, FavershamRemnant, James Farquharson
Butcher, John GeorgeHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRidley, S. Forde
Campbell.J.H.M (Dublin Univ.Hunt, RowlandRitchie,Rt.Hon.Chas. Thomson
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Jeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.Roberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Cautley, Henry StrotherKennaway,Rt.Hon.Sir John H.Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Cavendish,V.C.W. (DerbyshireKenyon,Hon.Geo. T. (DenbighRound, Rt. Hon. James
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Keswick, WilliamRoyds, Clement Molyneux
Chamberlain,RtHn J.A.(Worc.Kimber, Sir HenryRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryKnowles, Sir LeesSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford
Chapman, EdwardLaurie, Lieut.-GeneralSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Clare, Octavius LeighLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Sandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos.Myles
Cochrane, Hon, Thos. H. A. E.Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Coddington, Sir WilliamLawson,Hn.H.L.W (Mile End)Saunderson,Rt.Hn.Col.Edw J.
Cohen, Benjamin LouisLee, Arthur H.(Hants., FarehamScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLees, Sir Elliot (Birkenhead)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Colomb,Rt.Hon.Sir John C.B.Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Corbett, T. L. (Dawn, North)Liddell, HenrySloan, Thomas Henry
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileLlewellyn, Evan HenrySmith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Davenport, W. Bromley-Long,Col.CharlesW. (EveshamSmith, Rt. Hn.J.Parker(Lanark
Davies,Sir HoratioD(Chatham)Long.Rt.Hn.Walter (Bristol,S.Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Dewar,Sir T.R.(Tower HamletsLowe, Francis WilliamStanley,Rt. Hon. Lord (Lancs.)
Dickson, Charles ScottLoyd, Archie KirkmanStroyan, Lord
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphLucas,Reginald J.(PortsmouthStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Dixon-Hartland, Sir Fred DixonLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Dorington, Rt.Hon.Sir John E.Macdona, John CummingTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Doughty, Sir GeorgeMacIver, David (Liverpool)Thornton, Percy M.
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Maconochie, A. W.Tollemache, Henry James
Doxford, Sr William TheodoreM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Duke, Henry EdwardM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Tuff, Charles
Dyke.Rt.Hon.Sir William HartMajendie, James A. H.Turnour, Viscount
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.)Marks, Harry HananelWalker, Col. William Hall
Fellowes, Rt Hn Ailwyn EdwardMartin, Richard BiddulphWalrond,Rt.Hon.SirWilliam H
Fergusson,Rt.Hn.Sir J.(Manc'rMaxwell, W.J.H(DumfriesshireWarde, Colonel C. E.
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMilvain, ThomasWelby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E (Taunton
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Molesworth, Sir Lewis

on until some concession was made to their arguments.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 185; Noes, 88. (Division List No. 347.)

Welby, Sir Charles G.E.(Notts.)Wortley, Rt. Hon.C. B. Stuart-TELLERS FOE THE AYES—Sir
Whiteley,H.(Ashton und.Lyne)Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.Alexander Acland-Hood and
Wodehouse.Rt. Hn. E.R. (Bath)Yerburgh, Robert ArmstrongViscount Valentia.

NOES.

Asquith.Rt.Hn.Herbert HenryHammond, JohnO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Atherley-Jones, L.Harrington, TimothyO'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Harwood, GeorgeO'Connor, James (Wicklow,W.
Bell, RichardHayden, John PatrickO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Bright, Allan HeywoodHayter, Rt. Hon, Sir Arthur D.Paulton, James Mellor
Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Healy, Timothy MichaelPearson, Sir Weetman D.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnHigham, John SharpPower, Patrick Joseph
Burke, E. Haviland-Holland, Sir William HenryPriestley, Arthur
Buxton,Sydney Charles(PoplarHutchinson, Dr. Charles Fredk.Redmond, John E.(Waterford)
Caldwell, JamesJacoby, James AlfredRobson, William Snowdon
Causton, Richard KnightJoicey, Sir JamesRose, Charles Day
Cawley, FrederickJones, Leif (Appleby)Runciman, Walter
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, William (CarnarvonshireSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Clancy, John JosephJordan, JeremiahSeely.Maj.J.E.B (Isle of Wight)
Crean, EugeneKennedy.P.J. (Westmeath.N.)Shipman, Dr. John G.
Cullinan, J.Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Delany, WilliamLeese, Sir Joseph F.(Accrington)Sullivan, Donal
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidThomas, David Alfred(Merthyr
Doogan, P. C.Lundon, W.Villiers, Ernest Amherst
Edwards, FrankMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftWaldron, Laurence Ambrose
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)MacVeagh, JeremiahWallace, Robert
Emmott, AlfredM'Arthur, William (CornwallWeir, James Galloway
Esmonde, Sir ThomasM'Crae, GeorgeWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Evans,Sir FrancisH.(MaidstoneM'Fadden, EdwardWilson,Henry J.(York,W.R.)
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Hugh, Patrick A.Woodhouse,Sir J.T(Hudd'rf'd)
Flavin, Michael JosephM'Kenna, Reginald
Flynn, James ChristopherMurnaghan, GeorgeTELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Foster, Sir Walter (Derby Co.)Murphy, JohnJ. H. Whitley and Mr.
Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert JohnNannotti, Joseph P.Guest.
Griffith, Ellis J.O'Brien, Kendal (Kilkenny Mid

Question proposed, "That the clause stand part of the Bill."

moved the rejection of the clause, as a protest against the system of borrowing, and paying for naval works out of capital account, which had been increasing so much of late years. He claimed to do so with some authority, for he was one of the new Members of the House who had been returned very largely on account of the strong feeling there was in the country against the recurring extravagance on the part of the Government. He claimed that he was within his right in expressing the feeling of his constituents in regard to this increasing expenditure. He ventured to say that the history of these successive Naval Work's Acts contained a warning which ought not to be disregarded by anyone who cared for the financial soundness of the country. The total expenditure contemplated by the first Act in 1895 was only £8,000,000; in 1896 it was £14,000,000; in 1897, £17,250,000; in 1899, £23,500,000; in 1901, £27,500,000; in 1903, £31,750,000, and that was the year when the Secretary to the Admiralty told them that they had already reached the final stage in the items which were to be included and paid for in this way. The increase, which was steady and continuous, had come about in two ways. It was partly due to the fact that the items first included had constantly grown greater and greater. In 1895 they were told that the works at Gibraltar would cost £1,500,000, but the cost amounted to £5,000,000. In the case of Dover they were told that the cost would be £2,000,000, and now it was £3,500,000. Other items were nearly all swollen in the same way. Another cause of the increase was that new items had been put in from time to time. There were, for example, Chatham and Rosyth. In respect of all these items the Estimate was now £32,250,000. But that was not the end. Anyone who looked at the schedule could see that there were many items which would be increased. For instance, the cost of Rosyth was put down at £200,000, but that was for preliminary expenses only. In 1903 the Secretary to the Admiralty had told them that Rosyth was "to be on the largest scale, provided with all possible known requirements." Who could tell what all this would cost? The Secretary had talked of finality in 1903. That word "finality" was a favourite word with this Government, as with the spendthrift who went to a moneylender. It reminded him of Lord John Russell, who spoke of the Reform Act of 1832 as being a final Act of franchise reform, and who was long after known us "Finality John." He dared say that they would often think of the present Secretary to the Admiralty by the same title. Another objection he had to the present system of these loans for naval works was that it withdrew the control over expenditure from that House. He submitted that no Government had the right to withdraw from the purview of that House the expenditure of public money. He did not know whether the Government expected to be in power two years hence. They, on that side of the House, hoped to get rid of them long before two years were over; and for that reason alone he objected to this Bill. Another objection was that the country was being continually deceived in regard to this expenditure. The Chancellor of the Exchequer made a considerable parade of virtue because he had put aside a million more than last year for the service of the debt, but when accounts were cast up it was found that, instead of paying off debt the liabilities of the country would be greater at the end of this year than at the beginning. Then, this system of loans injured the credit of the country; and struck thereby a blow at the national strength. He had another objection to the whole system which the Government were carrying on. Their extravagance—

said that the hon. Member must confine himself to the question before the Committee. He was discussing the points that might be raised on the Second Reading of the Bill.

said that he objected to the expenditure on this class because it led to their losing sight of what was of more importance than this expenditure. It led to inefficiency. The first mark of inefficiency was a neglect of economy and care in administration, and he observed that there was a growing tendency to—

said that the hon. Member was continuing the line of remark which had already been ruled out of order.

said he regretted very much that he had transgressed the ruling of the Chairman. He only wanted to show that expenditure was not the measure of efficiency. Last year the Russians had spent five times as much as the Japanese on their navy, and it was not an exaggeration to say that the Japanese had proved themselves five times as efficient as the Russians. The point he wanted to put was that we were not gaining in efficiency by this expenditure, and that that was the reason why he was opposing both this extravagant expenditure and the methods by which the money was raised.

said that he wanted to oppose the principle of this Bill. He knew that the Government had realised that the principle embodied in this clause was a bad one, and therefore they had promised that they would not repeat their offence. The hon. Gentleman knew that the Government would not be responsible for what was done in the course of the next two years. He hoped that hon. Members would oppose the renewal of the system which had divided the expenditure on naval works under two heads. The result was that by putting on capital what was really annual expenditure they were not apparently adding to the Debt though really doing so. They were rendering the Sinking Fund absolutely nugatory by adding to the Debt by means of these naval and military proposals. He thought it was a bad system because it undoubtedly impaired the credit of the country, and it was bound to do so. The City some time ago warned the Government that if these proposals were put into the Bill the credit of the country could not be restored, but in spite of that warning and of the fact that Consols were exceedingly low, the Government went on with these proposals, and in addition to that this clause was very much worse than preceding clauses. In 1901 there was a proposal to repay in the course of twenty-four and a-half years, but now there was a proposal to repay in the course of thirty years. They were not merely increasing their expenditure, but they were extending the period of repayment of liabilities incurred years ago. He did not know where this process was going to end. The result would be a very serious financial crisis some day. He thought it was about time the House of Commons really took au interest in these things. These Bills were generally introduced at the end of the session, when everybody wanted to get away and when there was no real thought given to them. Any discussion was resented. The result was that these Bills were being piled up, and the debt of the country was increasing and its credit was being impaired. It did not seem to be the interest of anyone to check the expenditure, and the tyranny of the Party system was so strong upon the House of Commons that it had really ceased to exercise its preliminary function because, after all, its greatest function was to vote Supply, to see that those supplies were properly expended, and to see that grievances were redressed before those supplies were given. There was really no scrutiny of Supply at all. They had had no criticism whatever from the other side except from the hon. Member for Islington, and he had supported the Government upon every Amendment, so that his criticism was necessarily futile. The Member for Croydon was a great financial authority, and he should have thought he would have given them some guidance on this Bill. Then there was the right hon. Member for West Bristol. He remembered him perfectly well complaining of the way in which these proposals were piled up year after year and the expenditure of the country increased, and he more or less suggested that that was a subject for his resignation; but he was not present now to criticise the same proposals which had caused him so much uneasiness and which he evidently brought before the Cabinet. The Bill was originally a Bill of £8,500,000, purely temporary, and he recollected perfectly well how they were assured that it was simply to meet an emergency and that it would not occur again. It was because of certain arrears which had arisen. It was admitted at the time that all the expenditure really ought to have been placed upon the Estimates, but that it had been neglected for years, and it was thought unfair to put it all on that year. That was the excuse then, but the result was that the Bill had grown until now, with this clause for another £6,000,000, it had reached practically £32,000,O00. That was also occurring in nearly every Continental country, leading to growing expenditure and decreasing credit. It was a serious thing for this country, because there was no country which depended more upon its credit. It had fought very largely upon its credit. It fought Napoleon on its credit. The strength of this country rested more on its credit than that of almost any country in the world, and yet they were frittering it away in this reckless manner. The Bill had been discussed in languid Houses, and the only eagerness shown was to rush through it as soon as possible. Hon. Members were much more concerned as to the hour they should adjourn than as to whether they should add this £6,000,000 or not. He was not complaining of it; it was the result of constantly supporting such a Government as the present. It blunted the individual conscience. He was perfectly certain, if they could get hon. Members to apply the same scrutiny to these proposals as they would to any proposals made in connection with some business concern they were interested in, they would not look at them for a moment. Supposing the head of their business brought before them a proposal which approximated to Clause 1 in the Bill, they would dismiss him at once as one who did not understand the very elements of sound finance. Hon. Members had no right to support proposals dealing with the affairs of the nation which they would not support in their own businesses. A good many hon. Members were interested in municipalities, but he was sure they would not in connection with them support proposals of the same character, and he was sure the Local Government Board would not. He was perfectly certain if a municipal authority attempted such proposals as were in Clause 1, the Local Government Board would institute an inquiry. It would say the thing was absurd, and it would ask how many of the works would last thirty years. They ought to apply the same principles to the Government and not to impose upon municipalities restrictions and regulations which they were not prepared to adopt with regard to their own business. When they were dealing with municipalities, they first of all asked how long the works would last, and even then they allowed a margin of five or ten years. They never extended the period of borrowing over the whole length of time the works might last. Houses might last sixty or seventy years, but they never gave sixty or seventy years in which to repay the money. But what did they say here? They said that these works, hospitals, or barracks, might last thirty years, and they would give the full period for which they might possibly be useful. Everybody, however, knew that new ideas were constantly springing up, ideas on fortification and all those things; and in another twenty or thirty years the works would have to be altered, and they would have to incur fresh expenditure before they had paid off the whole of the, old. That was not sound business, and the House of Commons ought not to sanction it. It was a gross dereliction of duty on their part to do so. Whatever might be their anxiety to terminate the session, he did not think they were acting conscientiously in neglecting the business of the nation; and he sincerely trusted that even now they would have the intervention of Members like the hon. Member for Islington, who had a sound financial conscience, which was a very rare thing in these days. He had not seen it on the Treasury Bench for over ten years, but he hoped soon to see a recurrence of it in that quarter. The hon. Member in charge was naturally not concerned about the finance of the matter; he left that to the Treasury. It was his business to get as much out of it as he could. But the watch-dog was there slumbering, meanwhile the hon. and gallant Member walked off with the money. What they wanted was a resurrection of the Treasury; they wanted fortified, strengthened control by the Treasury. There was no real control. He knew that earlier in the evening there was an Amendment as to the control of the Treasury discussed and that the Chancellor of the Exchequer got up and said the control of the Treasury was perfect. All he could say was that there had been no outward and visible sign of it during the last five or ten years. The Estimates were being exceeded, and the increase now was £5,835,000.

That is the instalment for two years of the total estimates already sanctioned by Parliament.

said it did not all represent new work, but it was an increase in the estimate as originally formed. What he complained of was that in 1895 they got an estimate for some works or other and they were told that that was all they would require, and then they found in another two years the estimate had increased. How came it to be increased? It showed there was no careful scrutiny, and he would like to know whether the Treasury ever looked into the items. Did it ever carefully examine them, and exercise real control over them as the Treasury ought to do? It was not their business merely to deal out money. Parliament expected them to represent what ought to be the attitude of Parliament itself, an attitude of careful scrutiny of all fuller expenditure. For six months of the year Parliament was not sitting, and it was no one's business to do that except the Treasury, and they did not do it. The credit of the country used to be the greatest in the world, but it was so no longer. It used to be a source of pride to us. It was our legitimate boast that our credit was the best in the world, it was the source of great prestige and power, but they had thrown it away in a careless, indifferent fashion. It was about time the House of Commons woke up, and, if the House of Commons would not do so, he hoped the country would.

said the Civil Lord had made a very significant interruption. They understood from the Chancellor of the Exchequer that they had called a halt with regard to the system of borrowing, but the Civil Lord now said that that was not so, and that they were going to have other Naval Works Loan Bills.

asked what the sense of the interruption was. What was the meaning of the note with regard to Rosyth which said that future expenditure would be borne by Vote? Surely that meant that they were going to put a stop to this method of borrowing? Was that so or not?

said there was really no difference between what his hon. friend had said and what he had said. The policy of the Government was not to include any new works in the Naval Works Loan Bill, and in cases where preliminary work had only been done, as in the case of Rosyth, they proposed to treat it at once as new work to be approved by Parliament, and the contract would not be entered into until Parliament had approved of it. They proposed to make proposals with that object in the Estimates next year; the other works he specially referred to were the coastguard buildings and dredging, They proposed to finish the coastguard works now in course of construction, and in the case of dredging they took just enough money to do the work this year, and they proposed that all new work should appear in the Votes. Coaling facilities were treated in the same way. He had made the same statement upon the Second Reading of the Bill, and he did not wish to repeat that statement now. They did not propose to add any new works.

said he had carefully studied the right hon. Gentleman's speech of last week, and his complaint was that the interruption of the Civil Lord was contradictory of what the right hon. Gentleman had laid down. He understood now that there would be no further borrowings for naval works for new expenditure. That, after all, did not mean much, because the task of providing the money under this Bill would be imposed upon the successors of the present Government. Perhaps the Civil Lord would inform the Committee how the expenditure of £8,000,000 under the Act of 1903 was made up.

said that this system of borrowing encouraged extravagant expenditure. This death-bed repentance did not mean much, because the Government had got all the benefit they could out of this vicious system. He hoped the House would refuse to pass this clause.

pointed out that of the £32,250,000 dealt with in this Bill only about £75,000 was spent in Ireland. This was the kind of treatment they got from a Government which, through the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had refused to give them some paltry little Returns because they would be too expensive. Irish Members were now asked to vote £32,000,000 of which Ireland would probably contribute as its share about £2,000,000, and they were expected to be happy and contented and allow their representation to be cut down while the Government were shovelling out £32,000,000 all over the Kingdom and the Colonies and Ireland would only get a beggarly sum of £75,000. Could any country in the world stand that kind of thing? They had been refused even a jetty in Ireland, and the Government had declined to grant them Returns showing how they were robbed. This Rosyth job almost took his breath away, for it was a place he had never heard of before. Because some Lord was to be paid for this site at Rosyth—and he was informed that he was a member of the Government—it was considered to be a most desirable spot at which to have a naval base. He could not imagine how the Chancellor of the Exchequer could expect contentment and loyalty to this Empire when they did nothing for Ireland but drain it dry. He hoped the British public when they talked about cutting down Irish representation would also consider the advisability of cutting down Ireland's contribution towards the national expenditure. The only thing the Government desired to cut down was the voice of criticism. With regard to this Bill what did they see all round their coast? All the hulks and defences they put up fifty or sixty years ago were now staring them in the face and were absolutely useless. No doubt a good many years hence people would be pointing to the useless works created under this Bill at Rosyth, and they would probably say, "These were the ideas of young Mr. Chamberlain." A sum of £75,000 for Ireland and £32,000,000 for England! That was the treatment meted out by a great Imperial race which expected loyalty and enthusiasm for the Empire and for the Army, Navy, and Volunteers in Ireland. How could they expect Ireland to be loyal at the price? Loyalty meant contentment, but he could not imagine how any system of government could justify such treatment. He was in the habit of reading all the speeches about war. He read the other day the speech of the First Lord of the Treasury in which he said this country was impregnable. Ireland was more impregnable still, because nobody there was allowed to carry even a popgun. He understood that this country was considered impregnable by reason of the Navy. If there was any part of the Kingdom which was not impregnable it was Ireland, which was said to be always ready to open its harbours to the enemies of England. Under these circumstances one, would have thought that they would have erected all these naval bases in Ireland to prevent the enemy landing in that country.

said it was generally agreed that this system of borrowing had led to great extravagance and that it had seriously affected our national credit. What he could not understand, however, was the position of the Government in regard to this matter. He should certainly vote for the omission of this clause, which he considered was a test of the sincerity of the Government in this matter. He could not gather that the Government had made any beginning at all in this matter of raising some of this money in the Estimates instead of by loan, and that was the reason why he should vote for this Amendment. Last year the Government transferred from Vote 10 a considerable sum to this very loan, and that was actually the year in which they intended to turn over a new leaf. He wished to point out the position in which the Exchequer and the country stood this year. The Government admitted that they ought not to raise such expenditure as this by loan any more. During the current year they had remitted £2,000,000 and at the same time they were raising £4,000,000 by loan. This appeared to him to be a form of vicarious economic virtue which the successors of the Government would find it most difficult to carry out. Many of the items in this Bill were new and small matters which certainly ought to have been placed upon the Estimates. He was sorry the Government had not the courage to carry out the policy they had laid down this year of placing these charges upon the ordinary Estimates.

said the successors of the Government would have to bear the burden of this Bill for years to come, whilst the Chancellor of the Exchequer was now claiming praise for having done a very courageous thing. As a matter of fact the Chancellor of the Exchequer had laid down a rule for the future which he was not prepared to apply to his present policy. The principle which had been applied to these loans was one which would not be tolerated for a moment in any other Government Department. The repayment of money on land even was limited to sixty years. The right hon. Gentleman was always ready to lecture local authorities in regard to their unsound finance, but his own finance in this Bill was much more unsound. He thought it would be generally agreed that a large amount of the expenditure on the Navy might in the near future become out of date owing to alterations in naval strategy. The strength of their naval bases depended very much upon the development of the next few years. It would be well worth our while spending money in other directions which were less subject to the attacks of torpedo boats and submarines, but expenditure in that direction ought to be made with the greatest caution. The hon. Gentleman in making his proposals this year had evidently nothing of the kind in his mind. Portsmouth and Plymouth were dealt with as though they were to be permanently of great value and as though no works in other parts of the Kingdom or the world could ever be substituted for them. He trusted that the Admiralty would keep in mind the important fact that strategical centres altered and that we must be prepared to embark on expenditure in other parts of the Kingdom. We could not expect that the present naval ports would always have the im-

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteChaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryGordon, J. (Londonderry,South
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenChapman, EdwardGreene, Henry D.(Shrewsbury)
Anson, Sir William ReynellClare, Octavius LeighGreene, W. Raymond- (Cambs.
Arkwright, John StanhopeCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Grenfell, William Henry
Arnold-Forster, Bt.Hn.Hngh OCollings, Rt. Hon. JesseGretton, John
Arrol, Sir WilliamColomb, Rt. Hon.Sir JohnC.R.Groves, James Grimble
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.
Baird, John George AlexanderCrossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileHamilton, Marq.of(L'donderry
Balcarres, LordDavenport, William Bromley-Hardy, Laurence(Kent, Ashford
Balfour, Rt.Hon. A. J.(Manch'rDavies, SirHoratioD.(ChathamHarris, F. Leverton(Tynem'th)
Balfour, RtHnGeraldW.(LeedsDewar, SirT.R.(Tower HamletsHeath, Sir James(Staffords,NW
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Dickson, Charles ScottHelder, Sir Augustus
Banner, John S. Harmood-Disraeli, Coningsby RalphHermon-Hodge. Sir Robert T.
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminDorington, Rt.Hon. Sir John E.Hope, J.F.(Sheffield,Brightside
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Doughty, Sir GeorgeHoward, John (Kent Faversham
Bigwood, JamesDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Hozier, Hon. James Henry Cecil
Bill, CharlesDoxford, Sir William TheodoreHunt, Rowland
Bingham, LordDuke, Henry EdwardJeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur F
Blundell, Colonel HenryDyke, Rt.Hon.Sir William HartKennaway, Rt.Hon. Sir John
Bond, EdwardFaber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.)Kenyon, Hon. Geo. T. (Denbigh
Brassey, AlbertFellowes, Rt.Hon.Ailwyn Edw.Keswick, William
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnFielden, Edward Brockle hurstKimber, Sir Henry
Brymer, William ErnestFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.Knowles, Sir Lees
Bull, William JamesFinlay, RtHnSirR.B.(Inv'rn'ssLaurie, Lieut-General
Burdett-Coutts, W.Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasLaw, Andrew Bouar (Glasgow
Butcher, John GeorgeFisher, William HayesLawrence. Wm. F. (Liverpool)
Campbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Fitzroy, Hon. Edward AlgernonLawson, Hn.H.L.W.(Mile End
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Flannery, Sir FortescueLee, Arthur H.(Hants, Fareham
Cautley, Henry StrotherFlower, Sir ErnestLees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)
Cavendish, V. C. W. (Derbysh.Forster, Henry WilliamLegge, Col. Hon. Heneage
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Gardner, ErnestLiddell, Henry
Chamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Godson, Sir Augustus FrederickLlewellyn, Evan Henry

mense value they had now. The justification given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the thirty years period was the thinnest he had ever heard in that House. It was perfectly absurd to defend the proposal on the ground that that was the period laid down in the Act of 1903.

I am reluctant to accept the closure, but this is a matter which has been discussed on two stages of the Money Resolution, discussed on the Second Reading, and discussed again in Committee. I think, therefore, it is not encroaching on the rights of the minority, which I desire to protect, if I accept the Motion.

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 180; Noes, 83. (Division List No. 348.)

Long, Col.Charles W.(Evesham)Pilkington, Colonel RichardSmith.RtHnJ. Parker(Lanarks
Long, Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.)Platt-Higgins, FrederickSmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Lowe, Francis WilliamPlummer, Sir Walter R.Stanley,Hon. Arthur(Ormskirk
Loyd, Archie KirkmanPretyman, Ernest GeorgeStanley,Rt.Hon.Lord(Lancs.)
Lucas, Reginald J. (Portsmouth)Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. EdwardStroyan, John
Lyttelton Rt. Hon. AlfredPurvis, RobertStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Macdona, John CummingPym, C. GuyTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
MacIver, David (Liverpool)Randles, John S.Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Maconochie, A. W.Rankin, Sir JamesThompson,Dr.EC(Monagh'n,N
M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Rasch, Sir Frederic CarneThornton, Percy M.
M'Killop, James (StirlingshireReed, Sir Edw. James(Cardiff)Tollemache, Henry James
Majendie, James A. H.Reid, James (Greenock)Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Marks, Harry HananelRemnant, James FarquharsonTuff, Charles
Martin, Richard BiddulphRidley, S. FordeTurnour Viscount
Maxwell, W.J.H.(Dumfriessh.)Ritchie, Rt. Hon. Chas. ThomsonWalker.Col. Wm. Hall
Milvain, ThomasRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)Walrond, Bt. Hn. Sir Wm. H.
Molesworth, Sir LewisRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)Warde, Col. C. E.
Moon, Edward Robert PacyRound, Rt. Hon. JamesWelbv,Lt.-Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Morgan, David J. (WalthamstowRoyds, Clement MolyneuxWelby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.)
Morpeth, ViscountRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Whiteley,H.(Ashton und Lyne)
Morrell, George HerbertSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-Wodehouse,Rt,Hon.E.R.(Bath
Morrison, James ArchibaldSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.Wortley,Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart-
Mount, William ArthurSandys, Lieut.-Col.Thos.MylesWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Murray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Sassoon, Sir Edward AlbertYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Nicholson, William GrahamSaunderson,Rt.Hn. Col.Edw.J.
O'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Palmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Sharpe, William Edward T.Alexander Acland-Hood and
Peel, Hn.Wm.Robert WellesleySkewes-Cox, Sir ThomasViscount Valentia.
Percy, EarlSloan, Thomas Henry
Pierpoint, RobertSmith, Abel, H.(Hertford,East)

NOES.

Asquith,Rt. Hn. Herbert HenryGuest, Hon. Ivor ChurchillO'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)
Atherley-Jones, L.Hammond, JohnO'Connor,James (Wicklow,W.)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Harrington, TimothyO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Bright, Allan HeywoodHayden, John PatrickPaulton, James Mellor
Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.Pearson, Sir Weetman D.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesHealy, Timothy MichaelPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Power, Patrick Joseph
Burke, E. HavilandHigham, John SharpPriestley, Arthur
Buxton,Syndey Charles (PoplarHolland, Sir William HenryRedmond, John E. (Waterford)
Caldwell, JamesHutchinson Dr. Charles Fredk.Robson, William Snowdon
Causton, Richard KnightJacoby, James AlfredRose, Charles Day
Cawley, FrederickJoicey, Sir JamesRunciman, Walter
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, William (CarnarvonshireSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Clancy, John JosephJordan, JeremiahSeely,Maj.J.E.B (Isle of Wight)
Crean, EugeneKennedy, P. J. (Westmeath,N.Shipman, Dr. John G.
Cullinan, J.Lawson, Sir Wilfred (Cornwall)Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Delany, WilliamLeese, Sir JosephF.(Accrington)Sullivan, Donal
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Doogan, P. C.Lundon, W.Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Edwards, FrankMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftWallace, Robert
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)MacVeagh, JeremiahWeir, James Galloway
Emmott, AlfredM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Esmonde, Sir ThomasM'Crae, GeorgeWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Evans,SirFrancis H.(MaidstoneM'Fadden, EdwardWilson, Henry J.(York, W.R.)
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)Murnaghan, GeorgeWoodhouse,Sir J.T.(Hudd'rsf'd
Flavin, Michael JosephMurphy, John
Flynn, James ChristopherNannetti, Joseph P.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Gladstone,Rt.Hn. Herbert JohnO'Brien,Kendal (Tipperary MidMcKenna and Mr. Leif Jones
Griffith, Ellis J.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Question put accordingly, "That the clause stand part of the Bill."

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteArkwright, John StanhopeAtkinson, Rt. Hon. John
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenArnold-Forster,Rt.Hn.Hugh O.Baird, John George Alexander
Anson, Sir William ReynellArrol, Sir WilliamBalcarres, Lord

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 180; Noes, 83. (Division List No. 349.)

Balfour, Rt. Hn.A.J.(Manch'r.Gretton, JohnPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Balfour,Rt.HnGeraldW.(LeedsGroves, James GrimblePlummer, Sir Walter R.
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Pretyman, Ernest George
Banner, John S. Harmood-Hamilton,Marq.of (Lond'derryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminHardy, Laurence(Kent, AshfordPurvis, Robert
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Harris, F.Leverton(Tynem'thPym, C. Guy
Bigwood, JamesHeath,SirJames(Staffords,N.WRandles, John S.
Bill, CharlesHelder, Sir AugustusRankin, Sir James
Bingham, LordHermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Rasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Blundell, Colonel HenryHope,J.F.(Sheffield,Brightside)Reed, Sir Edw.James (Cardiff)
Bond, EdwardHoward,John (Kent,Faversh'mReid, James (Greenock)
Brassey, AlbertHozier,Hon. James Henry CecilRemnant, James Farquharson
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnHunt, RowlandRidley, S. Forde
Brymer, William ErnestJeffreys, Rt.Hon.Arthur Fred.Ritchie,Rt.Hon.Chas.Thomson
Bull, William JamesKennaway,Rt. Hon.Sir John H.Roberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Burdett-Coutts, W.Kenyon, Hon.Geo.T. (Denbigh)Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Butcher, John GeorgeKeswick, WilliamRound, Rt. Hon. Sir James
Campbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Kimber, Sir HenryRoyds, Clement Molyneux
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Knowles, Sir LeesRutherford W. W. (Liverpool)
Cautley, Henry StrotherLaurie, Lieut.-GeneralSackville, Col. G. S. Stopford
Cavendish. V.C.W. (DerbyshireLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Sadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Lawrence, Win. F. (Liverpool)Sandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Myles
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn.JA.(Worc.Lawson.Hn.H.L.W.(Mile End)Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLee, ArthurH.(Hants, Fareham)Saunderson, Rt.Hn.Col.Edw.J.
Chapman, EdwardLees, SirA.Elliot (Birkenhead)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Clare Octavius LeighLegge, Co.l Hon. HeneageSharpe, William Edward T.
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Liddell, HentySkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLlewellyn, Evan HenrySloan, Thomas Henry
Colomb, Rt.Hon.Sir John C.R.Long, Col. Charles W.(Evesham)Smith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Long,Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.)Smith, RtHnJ.Parker (Lanark)
Crossley Rt. Hon. Sir Savile,Lowe, Francis WilliamSmith, Hon.W, F. D. (Strand)
Davenport, W. BromleyLoyd, Archie KirkmanStanley,Hon. Arthur (Ormskirk)
Davies, SirHoratioD. (ChathamLucas, Reginald J. (PortsmouthStanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Lancs.
Dewar, SirT.R.(Tower HamletsLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredStroyan, John
Dickson, Charles ScottMacdona, John CummingStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphMacIver, David (Liverpool)Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Dorington, Rt.Hon.Sir John E.Maconochie, A. WTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Doughty, Sir GeorgeM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool.Thompson,Dr. EC.(Monaghan, N
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. AkersM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Thornton, Percy M.
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreMajendie, James A. H.Tollemache, Henry James
Duke, Henry EdwardMarks, Harry HananelTomlinson, Sir W. Edw. M.
Dyke.Rt.Hon. Sir William HartMartin, Richard BiddulphTuff, Charles
Faber, Edward B. (Hants, W.)Maxwell, W.J.H(Dumfriesshire)Turnour, Viscount
Fellowes, Rt. Hn Ailwyn EdwardMilvain, ThomasWalker, Col. William Hall
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMolesworth, Sir LewisWalrond,Rt,Hon.SirWilliamH
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Moon, Edward Robert PacyWarde, Colonel C. E.
Finlay,RtHnSirR.B.(Iriv'rn'ssMorgan,DavidJ.(WalthamstowWelby, Lt.-Col.ACE.(Taunton
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMorpeth, ViscountWelby,Sir Charles G.E. (Notts.
Fisher William, HayesMorrell, George HerbertWhiteley, H.(Ashton und Lyne
Fitzroy, Hon. Edward AlgernonMorrison, James ArchibaldWodehouse, Rt. Hn. E.R.(Bath
Flannery, Sir FortescueMount, William ArthurWortley, Rt. Hon. C.B.Stuart
Flower, Sir ErnestMurray Col. Wyndham (Bath)Wyndham-Quin, Col, W, H.
Forster, Henry WilliamNicholson, William GrahamYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Gardner, ErnestO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens
Godson, Sir Augustus FrederickPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Sir
Gordon, J.(Londonderry, South)Peel.Hn.Wm.Robert WellesleyAlexander Acland-Hood and
Greene, Henry D. (Shrewsbury)Percy, EarlViscount Valentia.
Greene, W. Raymond (Cambs.Pierpoint, Robert
Grenfell, William HenryPilkington, Colonel Richard

NOES.

Asquith.Rt.Hn.Herbert HenryCauston, Richard, KnightEllis, John Edward (Notts.)
Atherley-Jones, L.Cawley, FrederickEmmott, Alfred
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Cheetham, John FrederickEsmonde, Sir Thomas
Bright, Allan HeywoodClancy, John JosephEvansSirFrancisN.(Maidstone)
Brown, George M.(Edinburgh)Crean, EugeneEvans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesCullinan, J.Flavin, Michael Joseph
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnDelany, WilliamFlynn, James Christopher
Burke, E, HavilandDobbie, JosephGladstone,Rt,Hn.Herbert John
Buxton,SidneyCharles(Poplar)Doogan, P. C.Griffith, Ellis J.
Caldwell, JamesEdwards, FrankGuest, Hon, Ivor Churchill

Hammond, JohnMacVeagh, JeremiahRose, Charles Day
Harrington, TimothyM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Runciman, Walter
Hayden, John PatrickM'Fadden, EdwardSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.M'Kenna, ReginaldSeely,Maj. J.E.B (Isle of Wight)
Healy, Timothy MichaelMurnaghan, GeorgeShipman, Dr. John G.
Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Murphy, John.Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Higham, John SharpNannetti, Joseph P.Sullivan, Donal
Holland, Sir William HenryO'Brien, Kendal (Tipperary MidVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Hutchinson, Dr.Charles Fredk.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Jacoby, James AlfredO'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)Wallace, Robert
Joicey, Sir JamesO'Connor,James (Wicklow,W.)Weir, James Galloway
Jones, William (CarnarvonshireO'Donnell. T. (Kerry, W.)Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Jordan, JeremiahPaulton, James MellorWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Kennedy, P.J. (Westmeath,N.)Pearson, Sir Weetman D.Wilson, Henry J. (York,W.R.)
Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)Woodhouse, Sir T. J(Hudd'rsfi'd
Leese,Sir JosephF.(AccringtonPower, Partick Joseph
Lloyd-George, DavidPriestley, ArthurTELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr.
Lundon, W.Redmond, John E.(Waterford)M'Crae and Mr. Leif Jones.
MacNeill, John Gordon SwiftRobson, William Snowdon

Clause 2 agreed to.

Schedule:—

said that no attention had been called to a number of items in the schedule and no explanation or justification for them had been offered by the Government.

I understand the hon. Member is going to move an Amendment to leave out lines 14 and 15; of course, general observations on the whole of the schedule would not be in order.

said his object was to draw attention to those and other items in the schedule, but he would confine himself to that particular one when he said that some of the money had not received any justification or explanation. On the other items, as far as he knew, no explanation had been offered in recent times. It might be that in 1895, or in one of the subsequent years, the Government had explained how the money was to be spent and the objects for which they were asking the House to sanction the loan, but to those who had not been in the House so long as that there was no source of general information with regard to those items. Not only was that the general position with regard to Gibraltar, but Gibraltar itself was the subject of considerable controversy. It was stated, and those who had had the opportunity of going there had been told on the spot, that the modern range of artillery was such as to render the position of Gibraltar wholly different to that which it was believed it would hold when the works were first undertaken. He did not think they ought to be asked to go on spending money on the work if it was a fact that the defences could be enfiladed from the Spanish coast. The harbour and port of Gibraltar where those very extensive works were to be constructed were only distant from the mainland of Spain an average of about 6,000 or 7,000 yards. He believed the minimum distance was something over 5,000 yards and the maximum distance was not more than 10,000 yards. He was afraid they had not yet entirely assimilated one of the lessons of the Boer War, and that was that it was possible for large guns to fire projectiles with great accuracy from at least 10,000 yards without remaining in a stationary position. It was obvious to anybody that that would increase the difficulty of locating guns. Therefore, not only was the range greater since the works were first contemplated, but they also had to consider the mobility of the guns. He thought they ought to know what the view of the Admiralty was upon that serious point because, if, as was asserted, the works were open to this fire, much of the money was being spent to very doubtful purpose. There was not only that practical consideration which required some explanation, but there was also the whole question of what justification they had for saddling posterity with the defence and maintenance of Gibraltar. The question arose as to whether the Mediterranean Sea was likely to retain in the future the same pre-eminent importance in the eyes of naval men as it occupied at present. The Mediterranean was in the nature of an old-world policy, a policy which was well enough in days when they merely had to consider the European situation. Gibraltar had even been held to be the key to the Mediterranean or the place where the key was kept. He did not deny that a good case might be made out for Gibraltar as having Atlantic importance, but the question was whether other centres would not serve the Atlantic batter, centres which were not so exposed to attack and which did not excite such hostility and envy on the part of other nations, and whether in some other portion of the Atlantic they could not find some far more convenient station. The main importance of Gibraltar was its Mediterranean position, and the question arose as to whether the Mediterranean would in the future occupy the same important position in the eyes of naval stretagists as it did at the present day. One was almost tempted to think that, if we had not been in the possession of Egypt, the Mediterranean would have sunk to secondary importance as a station for the Fleet. Naval history showed that there was nothing more liable to variation than the views of naval strategists, and therefore the question arose as to how far they were justified in saddling posterity with the obligation to maintain the Gibraltar works which were primarily of Mediterranean importance. He suggested that it was very probable in future that the Mediterranean might occupy a relatively different position in the eyes of strategists, and he would like to have something more in detail as Co the views of the Admiralty.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, to leave out lines 14 and 15"—(Mr. Guest.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the schedule."

said he thought the hon. Member who had just moved the Amendment was under some misapprehension. He seemed to imagine that great expenditure was foreshadowed at Gibraltar with reference to those two items.

said that, however valid the hon. Gentleman's objections might be to Gibraltar, the expenditure had already been incurred and had also been practically completed.

said he presumed they would be able to raise the question on the further amount of £500,000.

said he raised the question with the object of discussing the whole of the Gibraltar policy. There were three items amounting to £573,000; including the works contemplated at Malta, they amounted to £717,000.

said Sub-section (a) of the schedule covered all of the works, and he suggested that the discussion desired could be obtained by moving its rejection.

said he was anxious to give the fullest information. He thought, however, it was really not much good arguing these points because no action which they could undertake could unmake those works. He admitted that there were differences of opinion at the time, but the works were now almost completed. The hon. Member who moved this Amendment expressed doubt as to whether Gibraltar was still of any value as a base for the Mediterranean Fleet. It was not now the base for the Mediterranean Fleet, but the base for the Atlantic Fleet. Gibraltar was not only a strategic but a repairing base, and in the opinion of the Admiralty, fortified by the unanimous opinion of its naval advisers, Gibraltar was admirably suited for that purpose. It had a most commanding position, and it had been largely developed with the view of increasing its importance and value as a strategic base. It had now been developed into a naval base of the first magnitude. As to the vulnerability of Gibraltar that question had been discussed in the House almost ad nauseam. They would all remember the speeches of the hon. Member for King's Lynn upon this subject, and all he had to say was that there had been no change whatever in the view expressed by the Admiralty in the previous discussions. The view of the Admiralty was that the harbour and naval base at Gibraltar had been established in the best position for the requirements of the Fleet. It would have been almost impracticable and far more costly to have attempted to establish a harbour and base on the East side of Gibraltar. It was true that in certain contingencies the present harbour would be exposed to a certain amount of fire, but the Admiralty nevertheless considered that the dockyard had been afforded all reasonable protection, and as much protection as could possibly be given in view of the peculiarities of the site. He did not think there were any valid grounds for the criticisms which had been made by the hon. Member.

said he desired to acknowledge the courteous reply which had been given by the Civil Lord, but he appeared to have lost sight of the fact that they were protesting against putting down to loans expenditure upon matters which ought to be put upon the Estimates of the year. Naval bases were always of a changeable nature, and even Gibraltar had its advantages and its disadvantages. This was the first time the Committee had had to consider a Naval Works Act in face of the fact that they had recently abandoned no less than four important naval stations. He put it to the Committee that it might be considered necessary in the near future to abandon other naval bases, including Gibraltar. With regard to the danger of fire from the Spanish coast, since the plans for Gibraltar had been decided upon new facts had arisen. Not only had guns increased in power, but the most important discovery had been the great force of plunging fire. The Russian fleet within Port Arthur was almost wholly destroyed by plunging fire from a greater distance than the Spanish coast was from the spot where our Fleet would lie in the harbour of Gibraltar. He was sorry that the right hon. and gallant Gentleman for Yarmouth was not present to give the Committee his views upon this matter. Before the Committee was asked to vote money for Gibraltar they ought to be placed in possession of the views of the Admiralty in regard to the new situation which had been created by their experience of the war in the Far East. If the Government chose to bring in a Bill of this character at this late hour they were not absolved from the necessity of laying their reasons before the House. He trusted the Secretary to the Admiralty would give them some assurances as to the position in which Gibraltar stood in view of the important discovery he had alluded to.

said he had a strong desire to make some observations upon matters of general policy dealt with in this Bill. A debate upon these matters was always attractive to him, but after listening to the present debate upon this measure for over seven hours he was bound to say that he had never heard a greater waste of time before in the House of Commons. This Bill, he admitted, raised very great questions of policy, but he refused to join hon. Gentlemen opposite who were dealing with this subject like children in the nursery and with political toy spades making Party dirt pies.

On a point of order, I wish to ask if the right hon. Gentleman is in order in saying that he will not join in making dirt pies.

said he did not think the right hon. Gentleman had said anything which was out of order.

said he had stated what he thought of the character and tone of the debate. He would take another opportunity of stating his views on this Bill, and mean while he would sit silently and patiently and vote in favour of this Bill, which had no doubt been framed after due consideration, but which nevertheless exhibited a certain vacillation of policy upon which he should like to say a few words.

said he wished to make an appeal to the Committee to think Imperially upon this matter. Here was another instance where an enormous sum of money was put down as expenditure, and Ireland in this case did not get a single farthing of it. Out of the sum of £6,000,000 there was not a single sixpence to be spent in Ireland. When he heard the question of Gibraltar raised and the range of gun-fire from the Spanish coast alluded to, it seemed to have been forgotten that the King of Spain had recently honoured them with a visit, and they had an entente cordiale with him. If this complete understanding with Spain existed was it fair to talk about plunging fire? Was it fair to ask Ireland to contribute nearly £2,500,000 towards keeping off this plunging fire? If they were such friends with the King of Spain was it not a farce to come to that House and ask for all this money to fortify Gibraltar against a plunging fire from the Spanish coast? He asked the Government to give a reason for all this expenditure. He wanted some Englishman on the Treasury Bench to get up and give an explanation on the question of policy. Irishmen would not get a sixpence out of all this expenditure the Committee were asked to vote. What was the ground

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteBull, William JamesDuke, Henry Edward
Allhusen, Augustus Henry E.Burdett-Coutts, W.Dyke,Rt. Hn. Sir William Hart
Anson, Sir William ReynellButcher, John GeorgeFaber, Edmund B.(Hants, W.)
Arkwright, John StanhopeCampbell,J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.)Fellowes, Rt. Hn. Ailwyn Edw.
Arnold-Forster,Rt.Hn.Hugh O.Carson, Rt. Hn. Sir Edw. H.Fielden, Edward Brocklehurst
Arrol, Sir WilliamCautley, Henry StrotherFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.
Atkinson, Bt. Hon. JohnCavendish,V.C.W. (DerbyshireFinlay,RtHnSirR.B (Inv'rn'ss)
Baird, John George AlexanderCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Firbank, Sir Joseph Thomas
Balcarres, LordChamberlain,RtHn.J.A.(Worc.Fisher, William Hayes
Balfour,Rt.Hn.A.J. (Manch'r.)Chapman, EdwardFitzroy, Hon. Edw. Algernon
Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W. (LeedsClare, Octavius LeighFlannery, Sir Fortescue
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Flower, Sir Ernest
Banner, John S. Harmood-Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseForster, Henry William
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminColomb, Rt. Hn. Sir John C. R.Gardner, Ernest
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk.
Bigwood, JamesCrossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileGordon, J. (Londonderry, South
Bill, CharlesDavenport, W. Bromley-Greene, H. D. (Shrewsbury)
Bingham, LordDavies, Sir H. D. (Chatham)Greene, W. Raymond- (Cambs.
Blundell, Colonel HenryDickson, Charles ScottGrenfell, William Henry
Bond, EdwardDisraeli, Coningsby RalphGretton, John
Brassey, AlbertDoughty, Sir GeorgeGroves, James Grimble
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.
Brymer, William ErnestDoxford, Sir William TheodoreHamilton,Marq.of(L'donderry)

of apprehension? The triumph of their pacific policy was stated in every newspaper printed in English, and he was at a loss to understand this demand for money. There used to be a peace Party in England, but it seemed to have completely disappeared. He had never considered himself as belonging to any peace Party whatever. They could not tell the world that they were on terms of amity with France, Spain, and all other nations, and then throw in their faces a Bill for £32,000,000 for war expenditure. It was an incredible position. It was worthy of "Alice in Wonderland." No doubt there was something secret locked up in the breast of the Government. He did think that even at that hour (2.45) they ought to hear an explanation of the mystery.

asked why the hon. Gentleman did not give an explanation. The question raised by his hon. friend as to the danger on the West side of the rock of Gibraltar was of the utmost importance, but the hon. Gentleman in his reply made no reference to it. He thought they were entitled to a statement as to the views of the Admiralty.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 167; Noes, 79. (Division List No. 350.)

Harris, F. Leverton(Tynem'th)Maxwell,W.J.H (DumfriesshireRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Milvain, ThomasSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford
Hope,J.F.(SheffieId, BrightsideMolesworth, Sir LewisSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Howard. J. (Kent, Faversham)Moon, Edward Robert PacySandys, Lieut.-Col.Thos.Myles
Hozier, Hn. James Henry CecilMorgan, D. J. (Walthamstow)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Hunt, RowlandMorpeth, ViscountSharpe, William Edward T.
Jeffreys, Rt. Hn. Arthur Fred.Morrell, George HerbertSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Kennaway, Rt. Hn. Sir John H.Morrison, James ArchibaldSmith, Abel H.) Hertford, East)
Kenyon, Hn. Geo. T. (Denbigh)Mount, William ArthurSmith,RtHnJ.Parker (Lanarks
Keswick, WilliamMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Knowles, Sir LeesNicholson, William GrahamStanley, Hn. Arthur (Ormskirk
Laurie, Lieut-GeneralO'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensStanley, Rt. Hn. Lord (Lancs.)
Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Palmer, Sir Walter (SalisburyStroyan, John
Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Peel, Hn. Wm. Robt. WellesleyStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Lawson,Hn.H.L.W.(Mile End)Percy, EarlTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Lee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham)Pilkington, Colonel RichardTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Platt-Higgins, FrederickThornton, Percy M.
Legge, Col. Hon. HeneagePlummer, Sir Walter R.Tollemache, Henry James
Liddell, HenryPretyman, Ernest GeorgeTomlinson, Sir Win. Edw. M.
Llewellyn, Evan HenryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. EdwardTuff, Charles
Long, Col. Chas W. (Evesham)Purvis, RobertTurnour, Viscount
Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S.)Pym, C. GuyWalker, Col. William Hall
Lowe, Francis WilliamRandles, John S.Walrond,Rt.Hn.Sir William H.
Loyd, Archie KirkmanRankin, Sir JamesWarde, Colonel C. E.
Lucas, Reg. J. (Portsmouth)Rasch, Sir Frederic CarneWelby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E (Taunton.
Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)Welby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.)
Macdona, John CummingReid, James (Greenock)Whiteley,H.(Ashton uud. Lyne
MacIver, David (Liverpool)Remnant, James FarquharsonWortley, Rt. Hon. C.B.Stuart-
Maconochie, A. W.Ridley, S. FordeWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Ritchie, Rt.Hn.Chas.ThomsonYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
M'Killop. James (StirlingshireRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Majendie, James A. H.Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Marks, Harry HananelRound, Rt. Hon. JamesAlexander Acland - Hood
Martin, Richard BiddulphRoyds, Clement Molyneuxand Viscount Valentia.

NOES

Atherley-Jones, L.Hayden, John PatrickO'Connor, J. (Wicklow, W.)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Bright, Allan HeywoodHealy, Timothy MichaelPaulton, James Mellor
Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Pearson, Sir Weetman D.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesHigham, John SharpPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Burke, E. Haviland-Holland, Sir William HenryPower, Patrick Joseph
Caldwell, JamesJoicey, Sir JamesPriestley, Arthur
Causton, Richard KnightJones, Leif (Appleby)Redmond, John E.(Waterford)
Cawley, FrederickJunes, Wm. (Carnarvonshire)Robson, William Snowdon
Cheetham, John FrederickJordan, JeremiahRose, Charles Day
Clancy, John JosephKennedy, P. J. (Westmeath, NRunciman, Walter
Crean, EugeneLawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Cullinan, J.Leese,SirJosephF. (Accrington)Shipman, Dr. John G.
Delany, WilliamLloyd-George, DavidSinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Dobbie, JosephLundon, W.Sullivan, Donal
Doogan, P. C.MacNeill, John Gordon SwiftVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Edwards, FrankMacVeagh, JeremiahWaldron, Laurence Ambrose
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)M'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Wallace, Robert
Emmott, AlfredM'Crae, GeorgeWeir, James Galloway
Esmonde, Sir ThomasM'Fadden, EdwardWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Evans, Sir F. H. (Maidstone)M'Hugh, Patrick A.Whittaker, Thomas Palmer
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Kenna, ReginaldWilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Flavin, Michael JosephMurnaghan, GeorgeWoodhouse,Sir J.T(Huddersf'd
Flynn, James ChristopherMurphy, John
Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbt.JohnNannetti, Joseph P.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Griffith, Ellis J.O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid.)Guest and Major Seely.
Hammond, JohnO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Harrington, TimothyO'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)

said he wished to ask what was the reason, for the great increase that had taken place in the item for dredging since the first scheme for dredging had been inaugurated by the Board of Admiralty. The amount first contemplated was about £1,000,000; now it was £1,360,000, and no explanation had been made why such an increase had taken place. He could imagine no expenditure for dredging which should be charged to capital account. The major portion of the expenditure had been on dredging in soft grounds such as the entrance to Portsmouth, the deepening of the Medway to Chatham, and so on, and all of that was expenditure which must occur again and again. It was perfectly absurd to say that thirty years was a reasonable period in that case; everyone with any experience whatever knew that within a period of ten years a channel would silt up and lessen its draught by four or five or even ten feet. There was no work coming within the limits of the Bill that could be more varied in its nature owing to causes over which even civil engineers had little or no control. A great amount of money devoted to dredging was said to be largely owing to the increased size of vessels. That might be perfectly true, but there was no doubt that the expenditure, so far from lasting over the long period described in the Bill, would have to be increased from time to time as ordinary annual expenditure in order that the ports might be kept open for the very vessels they were now building. Dredging was largely a question of locality. At Keyham he believed a large amount of rock had been cut away, but even then a large amount of silt had to be taken out every year, and they would find that in a great many cases the expenditure was not put into a Bill of this kind, but was dealt with in the Estimates. He had taken out a number of items from the Votes for the the last two or three years. At Chatham in 1902–3 £1,000 was spent on dredging, and something like £8,000 was spent in the previous year. Was there any dredging at Chatham included in the present Bill? If so, why should some of the expenditure go to capital and some be put on the Estimates? In the case of Keyham a new dredger was provided. Was there any provision made for Keyham in the present Bill? In the case of Malta something like £9,000 was spent in 1902–3 and £10,000 the previous year. At Bermuda £15,000 was provided for out of the Estimates. Were any of these ports included in this capital account? It certainly ought to be explained whether out of this item of £1,360,000 any money was being spent in those ports, and, if so, why there should be a distinction between one class of mud and another class of mud, why one should be paid for out of capital expenditure and another paid for out of revenue.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, to leave out lines 21 and 22."—(Mr. Bunciman.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the schedule."

said there was a clear line of distinction drawn. Dredging for the maintenance of a channe at a required depth was done out of Votes, but dredging to create a deep channel was obviously a new service and was included in the Bill. It was perfectly correct that, generally speaking, where dredging was carried out silting took place, but the new dredging necessary to maintain the required depth was met out of Votes. With regard to Devonport, when once the original mud had been removed the depth would be maintained out of Votes. In smaller matters such as Wei-hai-Wei and other small dredging, a certain amount of new dredging was done out of Votes; the only money spent out of loan was for the removal of large quantities of mud where there was no deep water before. The cost of dredging by contract at Devonport in order to obtain access to the new works had been £500,000, and the estimated cost of providing their own plant was £126,000.

said they understood the right hon. Gentleman to say that when they dredged out a new depth it was placed on capital expenditure and was provided for by loan, but when once they had obtained the required depth they provided for the necessary dredging on the Estimates. He thought, if the right hon. Gentleman looked a little further down the page, he would see that what he defended as a reasonable proposal was shown to be most unreasonable. There was a note which said that expenditure subsequent to March 31st, 1906, was to be charged to Navy Vote 10. What they contended was that all such works should undoubtedly be charged to current account and should be put upon the Estimates. The right hon. Gentleman's reply was somewhat inadequate, because he tried to make the House suppose that it was a reasonable proposal that the maintenance of depths should be put on the Votes.

said that what he said was that what had been done by the authority of the House was done under the Naval Works Loans Act. It had already been stated that it was now proposed to take all such expenditure on dredging of all kinds and dredging plant, whether new dredging or dredging to maintain existing depths, and put it back on the Votes.

said he thought they were justified in all the protests they had made. They had protested that the Bill violated all the true canons of financial purity. It charged to capital account and to loans what ought to be charged to current account and put upon the Estimates. They were met by evasion after evasion by hon. Gentlemen opposite, and they were now assured by the Secretary to the Admiralty that every contention was true and that after April 1st all dredging would be placed on the Navy Estimates. Why did they not do that before, and why did they try to crush through an unwilling House at that hour of the morning a Bill which violated all the canons of financial purity and which was admitted by the Secretary to the Admiralty himself to be absolutely indefensible?

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteBalfour, Kenneth R.(Christch.)Brymer, William Ernest
Allhusen, Augustus Henry E.Banner, John S. Harmood-Bull, William James
Anson, Sir William ReynellBathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminBurdett-Coutts, W.
Arkwright, John StanhopeBentinck, Lord Henry C.Butcher, John George
Arnold-Forster, Rt. Hn. Hugh O.Bigwood, JamesCampbell,J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.
Arrol, Sir WilliamBill, CharlesCarson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.
Atkinson, Bt. Hon. JohnBingham, LordCautley, Henry Strother
Baird, John George AlexanderBlundell, Colonel HenryCavendish,V.C.W. (Derbyshire
Balcarres, LordBond, EdwardCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)
Balfour,Rt.Hn. A.J. (Manch'r.)Brassey, AlbertChamberlain,RtHn J.A.(Worc.
Balfour, Rt. Hn. G. W.(Leeds.)Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnChapman, Edward

said that if they dredged, no matter what they dredged and where they dredged, so long as they dredged in the financial year 1905–6 it was proper to charge the cost to capital account, but if they dredged the same matter in the same place after March 31st, 1906, then it was proper to charge the cost to revenue account. Were hon. Gentlemen opposite satisfied that that was a reasonable way of conducting the financial business of the country? If they really believed that that was the way to conduct the business of the country and that it was proper to distinguish between dredging, not in the matter they dredged nor in the difficulty of dredging, but in the time they dredged, he could only say he did not agree with them.

said they had always been accustomed in all their Departments to make all their charges to revenue, and he failed to see why this particular item had been selected for special treatment. He did not know anything, except the electric light work, which ought to be more regularly paid for each year than dredging, and it was very idle of the Government to set up a plea that it was right to charge it to capital account. If they were going to have a capital account in connection with all their affairs, he could understand it, but his impression was that it was just an effort on the part of the Government not to pay their proper share of the expenditure.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 166; Noes, 75. (Division List No. 351)

Clare, Octavius LeighKnowles, Sir LeesRasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Reid, James (Greenock)
Colomb, Rt. Hn. Sir John G. R.Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Remnant, James Farquharson
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Lawson,Hn. H.L.W. (Mile EndRidley, S. Forde
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileLee, A. H. (Hants., Fareham)Roberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Davenport, W. Bromley-Lees, Sir Elliot (Birkenhead)Robertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Davies, Sir H. D. (Chatham)Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageRound, Rt. Hon. James
Dickson, Charles ScottLiddell, HenryRoyds, Clement Molyneux
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphLlewellyn, Evan HenryRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Doughty, Sir GeorgeLong, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham)Sackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Long, Rt. Hn. W. (Bristol, S.)Sadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreLowe, Francis WilliamSandys, Lt.-Col. Thos. Myles
Duke, Henry EdwardLoyd, Archie KirkmanScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Dyke, Rt. Hn Sir William HartLucas, Reg. J. (Portsmouth)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants. W.)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Fellowes, Rt. Hn. Ailwyn Edw.Macdona, John CummingSloan, Thomas Henry
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMacIver, David (Liverpool)Smith, A. H. (Hertford, East)
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Maconochie, A. W.Smith,RtHnJ Parker(Lanarks)
Finlay,RtHnSirR.B (Inv'rn'ss)M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Stanley, Hn. Arthur (Ormskirk
Fisher, William HayesMajendie, James A. H.Stanley, Rt. Hn. Lord (Lancs.)
Fitzroy, Hn. Edw. AlgernonMarks, Harry HananelStroyan, John
Flannery, Sir FortescueMartin, Richard BiddulphStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Flower, Sir ErnestMaxwell,W.J.H (DumfriesshireTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Forster, Henry WilliamMilvain, ThomasTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Gardner, ErnestMoon, Edward Robert PacyThompson,Dr.E.C(Monagh'n,N
Godson, Sir Augustus Fredk.Morgan, D. J. (Walthamstow)Thornton, Percy M.
Gordon,J.(Londonderry, SouthMorpeth, ViscountTollemache, Henry James
Greene,Henry D. (Shrewsbury)Morrell, George HerbertTomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Greene, W. Raymond- (Cambs.Morrison, James ArchibaldTuff, Charles
Grenfell, William HenryMount, William ArthurTurnour, Viscount
Gretton, JohnMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Walker, Col. William Hall
Groves, James GrimbleNicholson, William GrahamWalrond.Rt.Hn.SirWilliam H.
Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.O'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensWarde, Colonel C. E.
Hamilton,Marq of(L'donderry)Palmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)Welby.Lt.-Col.A.C.E (Taunton
Hardy, L. (Kent, Ashford)Percy, EarlWelby, Sir Chas. G. E. (Notts.)
Heath, Sir J. (Staffords., N.W.)Pilkington, Colonel RichardWhiteley,H. (Ashton und.Lyne
Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Platt-Higgins, FrederickWortley, Rt. Hn. C.B. Stuart-
Hope,J.F.(Sheffield, BrightsidePlummer, Sir Walter R.Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Howard, J. (Kent, Faversham)Pretyman, Ernest GeorgeYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Hozier, Hn. James Henry CecilPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Hunt, RowlandPurvis, RobertTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Jeffreys, Rt. Hn. Arthur Fred.Pym, C. GuyAlexander Acland - Hood
Kennaway, Rt. Hn.Sir John H.Randles, John S.and Viscount Valentia.
Keswick, WilliamRankin, Sir James

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)MacNeill, John Gordon Swift
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Flavin, Michael JosephMacVeagh, Jeremiah
Bright, Allan HeywoodFlynn, James ChristopherM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)
Brown, G. M. (Edinburgh)Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herb. JohnM'Crae, George
Bryce, Rt. Hon. JamesGriffith, Ellis J.M'Fadden, Edward
Burke, E. Haviland-Hammond, JohnMurnaghan, George
Caldwell, JamesHarrington, TimothyMurphy, John
Causton, Richard KnightHayden, John PatrickNannetti, Joseph P.
Cawley, FrederickHayter, Rt. Hn. Sir Arthur D.O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid.)
Cheetham, John FrederickHealy, Timothy MichaelO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Clancy, John JosephHenderson, Arthur (Durham)O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)
Crean, EugeneHigham, John SharpO'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.
Cullinan, J.Joicey, Sir JamesO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Delany, WilliamJones, Leif (Appleby)Paulton, James Mellor
Dobbie, JosephJones, William (Carnarvonsh.)Pearson, Sir Weetman D.
Doogan, P. C.Jordan, JeremiahPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Edwards, FrankKennedy, P. J. (Westmeath, NPower, Patrick Joseph
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Priestley, Arthur
Emmott, AlfredLeese, Sir J. F. (Accrington)Redmond, J. E. (Waterford)
Esmonde, Sir ThomasLloyd-George, DavidRose, Charles Day
Evans, Sir F. H. (Maidstone)Lundon, W.Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)

Seely,Maj.J.E.B.(Isle of WightWaldron, Laurence AmbroseWilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Shipman, Dr. John G.Wallace, RobertWoodhouse,SirJ.T (Huddersf'd
Sinclair, John (ForfarshireWeir, James Galloway
Sullivan, DonalWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Villiers, Ernest AmherstWhittaker, Thomas PalmerRunciman and Mr. M'Kenna.

called attention to the fact that certain works at the Pembroke Jetty had exceeded the original estimate. The estimated cost up to March 31st, 1904, was £92,530, but the total estimated cost was now £133,500. He wished to know how this enormous sum had been expended.

said that in this particular case the contractor had failed to carry out his obligations, and the Admiralty had had to take the contract from him and complete the work themselves. Under the contract this contractor was liable for the additional cost which the Admiralty had been put to in the matter, but as the case was still sub judice he would not go further into details.

said he wished to move as an Amendment to leave out line 33 in the schedule which referred to Bermuda. They were now being asked to vote £600,000 for this place, notwithstanding the fact that a large number of the troops forming the garrison had been removed. They had been told that it was impossible for them to feel safe at Bermuda unless the garrison there was maintained at its full strength. Nothing had changed there in regard to the strategic possibilities, and yet the garrison had been reduced whilst their responsibilities had increased there. He understood that Bermuda was to be retained as a naval and military station. St. Lucia and Barbadoes had been abandoned as naval stations, and although they had been promised further information about Jamaica he understood that that place also was going to be abandoned. These were extraordinary proposals for the Admiralty to make without a single word of explanation. The excuse made for retaining Bermuda was that it offered special advantages for the protection of our commerce and our food supply in time of war. After all, what was the chief value of a naval base? It was of value for all the purposes which they so often heard described when they were discussing the Naval Estimates, but it was also of value on account of what could be obtained there in the ordinary course of trade. Had they decided to maintain a naval base at St. Lucia they would have been maintaining a place which, from the nature of its situation, contained all the trading and coaling facilities which were of such great value at a naval station. This was a matter of some importance, and he ventured to think that if anyone had ventured to tell Lord Nelson that they would eventually abandon St. Lucia he would have replied that they were telling him an idle dream; and he would have been still more amazed and disgusted had he been told that the only opportunity afforded to them in the House of Commons of protesting against this policy was at 3.45 in the morning. The expenditure of public money in this extravagant way was a gross act of folly. Nothing that had been said on behalf of Government seemed to justify this gross act of folly, or this most extraordinary policy. Hon. Members opposite boasted that they belonged to the great Imperial Party, and they complained bitterly when any British territory was given up. He wished to point out that all they now retained of the West Indian stations was Bermuda, which he was informed was far less suited for a naval base than the other stations which had been given up. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, to leave out line 33."—(Major Seely.)

Question proposed "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the schedule."

said the hon. Gentleman had travelled very far from the schedule. His speech was directed to what he called the abandonment of the West Indies. The hon. and gallant Member confused the abandonment of islands with the abandonment of fortifications of islands or the refusal to fortify them. They had not abandoned the islands, but they did not fortify them.

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteArnold-Forster, Rt.Hn.Hugh O.Balcarres, Lord
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenArrol, Sir WilliamBalfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (Manc'r
Anson, Sir William ReynellAtkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnBalfour.Rt.Hn. Gerald W(Leeds
Ark wright, John StanhopeBaird, John George AlexanderBalfour, Kenneth R. (Christen.

the British possessions. The question whether Bermuda ought to remain a naval base was, he thought, a question which was not relevant to this schedule, and he ventured respectfully to say that this was not a proper occasion on which to discuss it. There was no question of abandoning anything in the nature of British territory.

said this was a case which illustrated the loss which resulted from changes in policy. We threw away thousands of pounds in one direction and then started work on other naval bases. There were many who thought that the expenditure of money in Bermuda was not good expenditure. It was said that the expenditure of money there did not, in fact, add greatly to our naval strength, and that St. Lucia would have been better for the British Fleet. He thought they ought to protest against expenditure being made at this station.

said what was here proposed illustrated the faulty policy of these Bills. The money spent this year might be declared useless next year, although for twenty-nine years our successors would have to go on paying interest and sinking fund on the amount.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 163; Noes, 74. (Division List No. 352.)

Banner, John S. (Harmood-Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thos. F.Pretyman, Ernest George
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Hamilton,Marq.of(L'ndonderryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col.Edward
Bigwood, JamesHardy, Laurence(Kent,AshfordPurvis, Robert
Bingham, LordHeath, SirJames(Staffords.NWPym, C. Guy
Blundell, Colonel HenryHermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Randles, John S.
Bond, EdwardHope, J.F.(Sheffield,BrightsideRankin, Sir James
Brassey, AlbertHoward, John (Kent, FavershamRasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)
Brymer, William ErnestHunt, RowlandReid, James (Greenock)
Bull, William JamesJeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.Remnnant, James Farquharson
Burdett-Coutts, W.Kennaway, Rt.Hon.SirJohnH.Ridley, S. Forde
Butcher, John GeorgeKeswick, WilliamRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Campbell, J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Knowles, Sir LeesRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralRound, Rt. Hon. James
Cautley, Henry StrotherLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Royds, Clement Molyneux
Cavendish,V.C.W. (Derbyshire)Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Lawson, Hn.H.L.W. (Mile EndSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Chamberlain, RtHnJ.A.(Worc.Lee. Arthur H.(Hants,FarehamSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Chapman, EdwardLees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Sandys, Lieut.-Col.Thos.Myles
Clare, Octavius LeighLegge, Col. Hon. HeneageScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Liddell, HenrySharpe, William Edward T.
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLlewellyn, Evan HenrySkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Colomb, Rt.Hon. Sir John C. R.Long, Col.CharlesW.(EveshamSloan, Thomas Henry
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Long, Rt.Hn.Walter(Bristol,S.Smith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Crossley, Et. Hon. Sir SavileLowe, Francis WilliamSmith.Rt.Hn J.Parker(Lanarks
Davenport, William Bromley-Loyd, Archie KirkmanSmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Davies, SirHoratio D.(ChathamLucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthStanley, Hon.Arthur(Ormskirk
Dickson, Charles ScottLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredStanley, Rt. Hon. Lord (Lancs.
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphMacdona, John CummingStroyan, John
Doughty, Sir GeorgeMacIver, David (Liverpool)Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Maconochie, A. W.Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Duke, Henry EdwardM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Thornton, Percy M.
Dyke.Rt.Hon. Sir William HartMajendie, James A. H.Tollemache, Henry James
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.Marks, Harry HananelTomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Fellowes, RtHn.Ailwyn EdwardMartin, Richard BiddulphTuff, Charles
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMaxwell, W. J. H.(Dumfriessh.Turnour, Viscount
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Milvain, ThomasWalker, Col. William Hall
Finlay, Rt Hn SirRB.(Inv'rn'ssMoon, Edward Robert PacyWalrond, Rt.Hon.SirWillianiH
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMorgan, David J.(WalthamstowWarde, Colonel C. E.
Fisher, William HayesMorpeth, ViscountWelby, Lt.Col.A.C.E.(Taunton)
Fitzroy, Hon. Edward AlgernonMorrell, George HerbertWelby, SirCharlesG.E.(Notts.)
Flannery, Sir FortescueMorrison, James ArchibaldWhiteley, H.(Ashtonund.Lyne)
Flower, Sir ErnestMount, William ArthurWortley, Rt.Hon. C. B. Stuart-
Forster, Henry WilliamMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Wyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Gardner, ErnestNicholson, William GrahamYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Godson, Sir Augustus FrederickO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens
Gordon, J.(Londonderry,SouthPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)TELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Greene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)Percy, EarlSir Alexander Acland-Hood
Grenfell, William HenryPilkington, Colonel Richardand Viscount Valentia.
Gretton, JohnPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Groves, James GrimblePlummer, Sir Walter R.

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Doogan, P. C.Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Edwards, FrankHealy, Timothy Michael
Bright, Allan HeywoodEllis, John Edward (Notts.)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Brown, George M. (EdinburghEmmott, AlfredHigham, John Sharp
Burke, E. Haviland-Esmonde, Sir ThomasJoicey, Sir James
Caldwell, JamesEvans,Sir FrancisH. (MaidstoneJones, Leif (Appleby)
Causton, Richard KnightEvans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)Jones, William(Carnarvonshire
Cawley, FrederickFlavin, Michael JosephJordan, Jeremiah
Cheetham, John FrederickFlynn, James ChristopherKennedy, P. J.(Westmeath,N.)
Clancy, John JosephGladstone, Rt. Hon. HerbertJnLawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)
Crean, EugeneGriffith, Ellis J.Leese, Sir Joseph F.(Accrington)
Cullinan, J.Hammond, JohnLloyd-George, David
Delany, WilliamHarrington, TimothyLundon, W.
Dobbie, JosephHayden, John PatrickMacNeill, John Gordon Swift

MacVeagh, JeremiahO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)Villiers, Ernest Amherst
M'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Paulton, James MellorWaldron, Laurence Ambrose
M'Crae, GeorgePearson, Sir Weetman, D.Wallace, Robert
M'Fadden, EdwardPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)Weir, James Galloway
M'Kenna, ReginaldPower, Patrick JosephWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Murnaghan, GoergePriestly, ArthurWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Murphy, JohnRedmond, John E. (WaterfordWilson, Henry J. (York, W. R)
Nannetti, Joseph P.Rose, Charles DayWoodhouse, Sir JT(Hudd'rsfi'ld
O'Brien, Kendal(Tipperary MidSamuel, Herbert L.(Cleveland)
O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Shipman, Dr. John G.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—
O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)Major Seely and Mr. Runci-
O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.Sullivan, Donalman.

said that the next Amendment standing in his name was a very important one, viz., the item dealing with coaling facilities and fuel storage. That was quite out of the run of naval works, and there could be no justification for paying that expenditure out of loan. He appealed to hon. Members who were business men whether in their own business they would be justified in putting down the cost of handling coal to capital expenditure to be repaid over a period of thirty years. Besides, the machinery for manipulating coal did not last long, and was being continually replaced by newer inventions. He strongly protested against this item, which was one of the largest in the schedule. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, to leave out line 35."—(Mr. Whitley.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the schedule,"

said this grant was by no means of the same nature as that for other works provided for under the Bill. He understood that a small portion would be devoted to the erection of coal stores, and it was quite possible that works at Gibraltar would be included in the amount. He asked what amount had been expended on Temperley transporters, which were practically new inventions, and of great utility. If any portion was devoted to that, he ventured to say that thirty years was a very much longer period than was justified. Nothing was more likely than that the great change made by this invention would lead to other considerable improvements. Secondly, there was no more reason why a Temperley transporter should be put down as a permanent capital charge than ropes and blocks on the ships. He understood that a large amount of coaling was now done by what were known as grabs, and he asked what amount was to be used for the purchase of grabs. There was no portion of the coaling facilities given under the heading with the exception of sites which could be treated as permanent expenditure.

said he thought the hon. Member rather underestimated the permanent or semi-permanent character of the works. A very large portion of the expenditure had gone on sites which had to be purchased, and upon those sites coal storage had to be erected which would last, in all reasonable probability, a good deal longer than the period of the loan. The rest of the expenditure, which was a very small proportion, being £120,000 only out of £1,280,000, had been expended on what was known as "fixed machinery," which had always been included in loans, and was a proper charge to be met by capital expenditure.

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteFlower, Sir ErnestPalmer, Sir Walter (Salisbury)
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenForster, Henry WilliamPercy, Earl
Anson, Sir William ReynellGardner, ErnestPilkington, Colonel Richard
Arkwright, John StanhopeGodson, Sir Augustus FrederickPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Arnold-Forster, Rt.Hn.Hugh O.Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Plummer, Sir Walter R.
Arrol, Sir WilliamGreene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)Pretyman, Ernest George
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnGrenfell, William HenryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Baird, John George AlexanderGretton, JohnPurvis, Robert
Balcarres, LordGroves, James GrimblePym, C. Guy
Balfour, Rt.Hn.A.J.(Manch'rHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Randles, John S.
Balfour, Rt Hn Gerald W. (LeedsHamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'derryRankin, Sir James
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.)Hardy,Laurence(Kent,AshfordRasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Banner, John S. Harmood-Heath,Sir James(Staffords.NWReed, Sir Edw.James (Cardiff)
Bathurst, Hon.Allen BenjaminHermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Reid, James (Greenock)
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Hope, J.F.(Sheffield,BrightsideRemnant, James Farquharson
Bigwood, JamesHoward, John (Kent, Fav'sh'mRidley, S. Forde
Bingham, LordHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Blundell, Colonel HenryHunt, RowlandRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Bond, EdwardJeffreys,Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.Round, Rt. Hon. James
Brassey, AlbertKennaway,Rt. Hon.Sir John H.Royds, Clement Molyneux
Brodrick, Rt, Hon. St. JohnKeswick, WilliamRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Brymer, William ErnestKnowles, Sir LeesSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-
Bull, William JamesLaurie, Lieut.-GeneralSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Burdett-Coutts, W.Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Sandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Myles
Butcher, John (GeorgeLawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Campbell,J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Lawson, Hn. H.L.W.(Mile EndSharpe, William Edward T.
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Lee, Arthur H.(Hants., FarehamSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Cautley, Henry StrotherLees, Sir Elliot (Birkenhead)Sloan, Thomas Henry
Cavendish, V. C. W. (DerbyshireLegge, Col. Hon. HeneageSmith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Liddell, HenrySmith, Rt Hn J Parker (Lanarks
Chamberlain, RtHn.J.A.(WorcLlewellyn, Evan HenrySmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Chapman, EdmardLong, Col. Charles W.(EveshamStanley,Hon.Arthur (Ormskirk
Clare, Octavius LeighLong, Rt. Hon. Walter(Bristol, S.Stanley, Rt.Hon. Lord (Lancs.)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Lowe, Francis WilliamStroyan, John
Callings, Rt. Hon. JesseLoyd, Archie KirkmanStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Colomb, Rt. Hon.Sir John C.R.Lucas, Reginald J.(PortsmouthTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredThornton, Percy M.
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileMacdona, John CummingTollemache, Henry James
Davenport, William Bromley-MacIver, David (Liverpool)Tomlinson, Sir Win, Edw. M.
Davies, Sir Horatio D(ChathamMaconochie, A. W.Tuff, Charles
Dickson, Charles ScottM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Turnour, Viscount
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphM'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)Walker, Col. William Hall
Doughty, Sir GeorgeMajendie, James A. H.Walrond,Rt.Hn.SirWilliamH.
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Marks, Henry HananelWarde, Colonel C.E.
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreMartin, Richard BiddulphWelby,Lt.-Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Duke, Henry EdwardMaxwell, W.J.H(DumfriesshireWelby, Sir Charles G.E.(Notts.)
Dyke.Rt.Hon.SirWilliam HartMilvain, ThomasWhiteley,H.(Ashton und.Lyne
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants, WMoon, Edward Robert PacyWortley, Rt. Hon. C. B.Stuart
Fellowes,RtHnAilwyn EdwardMorgan,David J.(Walth'mst'wWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMorpeth, ViscountYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Morrell, George Herbert
Finlay, RtHnSir R.B.(Invern'ssMorrison, James ArchibaldTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMount, William ArthurAlexander Acland-Hood and
Fisher, William HayesMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Viscount Valentia.
Fitzroy,Hon.Edward AlgernonNicholson, William Graham
Flannery, Sir FortescueO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes 162:, Noes, 73. (Division List No. 353.)

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Hayden, John PatrickO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Hayter.Rt.Hon. Sir Arthur D.Paulton, James Mellor
Brown, George M.(Edinburgh)Healy, Timothy MichaelPearson, Sir Weetman D.
Burke, E. Haviland-Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Caldwell, JamesHigham, John SharpPower, Patrick Joseph
Causton, Richard KnightJoicey, Sir JamesPriestley, Arthur
Cawley, FrederickJones, Leif (Appleby)Redmond,John E. (Waterford)
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, William (CarnarvonshireRose, Charles Day
Clancy, John JosephJordan, JeremiahRunciman, Walter
Crean, EugeneKennedy, P.J.(Westmeath,N.)Samuel Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Cullinan, J.Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Seely,Maj.J.E.B.(Isleof Wight
Delany, WilliamLeese, Sir Joseph F.(AccringtonShipman, Dr. John G.
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidSinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Doogan, P. C.Lundon, W.Sullivan, Donal
Edwards, FrankMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)MacVeagh, JeremiahWaldron, Laurence Ambrose
Emmott, AlfredM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Wallace Robert
Esmonde, Sir ThomasM'Crae, GeorgeWeir, James Galloway
Evans,SirFrances H.(MaidstoneM'Fadden, EdwardWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Kenna, ReginaldWilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Flavin, Michael JosephMurnaghan, GeorgeWoodhouse,SirJ.T(Huddersfi'd
Flynn, James ChristopherMurphy, John
Gladstone,Rt.Hn.HerbertJohnNannetti, Joseph P.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Griffith, Ellis J.O'Brien, Kendal(Tipperary, MidJ. H. Whitley and Mr.
Hammond, JohnO'Brien. P. J. (Tipperary, N.)Bright.
Harrington, TimothyO'Connor,James (Wicklow W.)

said that before that was put he would like to ask, on a point of order, whether under Standing Order 25 it was open to a Minister or anyone to make such a Motion. In that Standing Order the only reference was to a clause; there was no reference to a schedule. He was perfectly aware that on one occasion the closure was given upon a schedule, but on that occasion no objection was taken that the Motion was contrary to the Standing Order. He submitted that the Motion was one which could only be made on the express authority of a Standing Order. There was no practice of the House dealing with the closure. The Chairman was therefore directly bound by the words of the Standing Order, and, the matter having now been brought to his notice, he submitted that he was not competent to accept the Motion.

said he quite appreciated the point of order. He had, in fact, anticipated it, and he had referred to Mr. Speaker and had looked up precedents upon it. The hon. Gentleman was mistaken in supposing that there was only one precedent; both his immediate predecessors had allowed a similar Motion on a schedule.

said that on both those occasions objection was not taken. The attention of the Chairman at that time was not drawn to the fact that the Standing Order only related to a clause, and did not include a schedule. He submitted that the point having been brought to the Chairman's attention the Standing Order was binding.

Question put, 'That the Question "That this be the schedule to the Bill' be now put."

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteFlannery, Sir FortescueNicholson, William Graham
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenFlower, Sir ErnestO'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens
Anson, Sir William ReynellForster, Henry WilliamPercy, Earl
Arkwright, John StanhopeGardner, ErnestPilkington, Colonel Richard
Arnold-Forster, Rt. Hn.Hugh O.Godson, Sir Augustus FrederickPlatt-Higgins, Frederick
Arrol, Sir WilliamGordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)Plummer, Sir Walter R.
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnGreene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.)Pretyman, Ernest George
Baird, John George AlexanderGrenfell, William HenryPryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. Edward
Balcarres, LordGretton, JohnPurvis, Robert
Balfour, Rt. Hn.A.J.(Manch'r.)Groves, James GrimblePym, C. Guy
Balfour.RtHn Gerald W.(LeedsHalsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Randles, John S.
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Hamilton, Marq. of (L'nd'nderryRankin, Sir James
Banner, John S. Harmood-Hardy, Laurence (Kent, Ashfor.Rasch, Sir Frederic Carne
Bathurst,Hon. Allen BenjaminHeath,Sir James(Staffords.NWReed, Sir Edw. James (Cardiff)
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Reid, James (Greenock)
Bigwood, JamesHope,J.F. (Sheffield, BrightsideRemnant, James Farquharson
Bingham, LordHoward, Jn. (Kent, FavershamRidley, S. Forde
Blundell, Colonel HenryHozier, Hon. James Henry CecilRoberts, Samuel (Sheffield)
Bond, EdwardHunt, RowlandRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)
Brassey, AlbertJeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.Round, Rt. Hon. James
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnKennaway,Rt.Hon.Sir John H.Royds, Clement Molyneux
Brymer, William ErnestKeswick, WilliamRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Bull, William JamesKnowles, Sir LeesSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford
Burdett-Coutts, W.Laurie, Lieut.-GeneralSadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.
Butcher, John GeorgeLaw, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)Sandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos. Myles
Campbell,J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Lawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Lawson.Hn.H.L.W. (Mile End)Sharpe, William Edward T.
Cautley, Henry StrotherLee, Arthur H. (Hants.,FarehamSkewes-Cox, Sir Thomas
Cavendish,V.C.W. (DerbyshireLees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)Sloan, Thomas Henry
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Legge, Col. Hon. HeneageSmith,Abel H.(Hertford,East
Chamberlain,Rt Hn.J.A(Worc.Liddell, HenrySmith,Rt.HnJ.Parker(Lanarks
Chapman, EdwardLlewellyn, Evan HenrySmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Clare, Octavius LeighLong,Col.Charles W.(EveshamStanley,Hon. Arthur(Ormskirk)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Long,Rt.Hn.Walter (Bristol,S)Stanley,Rt.Hon. Lord (Lancs.)
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseLowe, Francis WilliamStroyan, John
Colomb,Rt.Hon.Sir John C.R.Loyd, Archie KirkmanStrutt, Hon. Charles Hedley
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Lucas,Reginald J.(PortsmouthTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileLyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredThornton, Percy M.
Davenport, William Bromley-Macdona, John CummingTollemache, Henry James
Davies,Sir HoratioD.(ChathamMacIver, David (Liverpool)Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Dickson, Charles ScottMaconochie, A. W.Tuff, Charles
Disraeli, Coningsby RalphM'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)Turnour, Viscount
Doughty, Sir GeorgeM'Killop, James (StirlingshireWalker, Col. William Hall
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Majendie, James A. H.Walrond,Rt.Hn.Sir William H.
Doxford, Sir William TheodoreMarks, Harry HananelWarde, Colonel C. E.
Duke, Henry EdwardMartin, Richard BiddulphWelby.Lt.-Col.A.C.E (Taunton
Dyke, Rt. Hon. Sir William HartMaxwell, W.J.H(DumfriesshireWelby,SirCharles G.E.(Notts.)
Faber, Edmund B. (Hants, W.)Milvain, ThomasWhiteley, H.(Ashton und.Lyne
Fellowes,RtHn.Ailwyn EdwardMoon, Edward Robert PacyWortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-
Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstMorgan,David J(WalthamstowWyndham-Quin, Col. W. H.
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Morpeth, ViscountYerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Finlay,Rt,Hn.SirR. B(Inv'rn'ssMorrell, George Herbert
Firbank, Sir Joseph ThomasMorrison, James ArchibaldTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir
Fisher, William HayesMount, William ArthurAlexander Acland Hood and
Fitzroy,Hon. Edward AlgernonMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)Viscount Valentia.

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Bright, Allan HeywoodBurke, E. Haviland
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Caldwell, James

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 161; Noes, 72. (Division List No. 354.)

Causton, Richard KnightHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Paulton, James Mellor
Cheetham, John FrederickHigham, John SharpPearson, Sir Weetman D.
Clancy, John JosephJoicey, Sir JamesPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Crean, EugeneJones, William(CarnarvonshirePower, Patrick Joseph
Cullinan, J.Jordan, JeremiahPriestley, Arthur
Delany, WilliamKennedy, P.J. (Westmeath,N.)Redmond, John E. (Waterford)
Dobbie, JosephLamont, NormanRose, Charles Day
Doogan, P. C.Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Runciman, Walter
Edwards, FrankLeese,Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Seely, Maj.J.E.B.(Isleof Wight
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)Lloyd-George, DavidShipman, Dr. John G.
Emmott, AlfredLundon, W.Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Esmonde, Sir ThomasMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftSullivan, Donal
Evans,Sir FrancisH.(MaidstoneMacVeagh, JeremiahVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Flavin, Michael JosephM'Crae, GeorgeWallace, Robert
Flynn, James ChristopherM'Fadden, EdwardWeir, James Galloway
Gladstone, Rt.Hn.Herbert JohnMurnaghan, GeorgeWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Griffith, Ellis J.Murphy, JohnWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Hammond, JohnNannetti, Joseph P.Wilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Harrington, TimothyO'Brien,Kendal (Tipperary MidWoodhouse,Sir J.T(Huddersf'd
Hayden, John PatrickO'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary.N.)
Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.O'Connor,James (Wicklow,W.)TELLEES FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Healy, Timothy MichaelO'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)McKenna and Mr. Lief Jones

Question put, accordingly, "That this be the schedule to the Bill."

AYES.

Agg-Gardner, James TynteDavenport, William Bromley-Jeffreys, Rt. Hon. Arthur Fred.
Allhusen, Augustus Henry EdenDavies,SirHoratioD.(Chatham)Kennaway, Rt.Hon.SirJohnH.
Anson, Sir William ReynellDickson, Charles ScottKeswick, William
Arkwright John StanhopeDisraeli, Conings by RalphKnowles, Sir Lees
Arnold-Forster, Rt.Hn.HughODoughty, Sir GeorgeLaurie, Lieut.-General
Arrol, Sir WilliamDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Law, Andrew Bonar (Glasgow)
Atkinson, Rt. Hon. JohnDoxford, Sir William TheodoreLawrence, Wm. F. (Liverpool)
Balcarres, LordDuke, Henry EdwardLawson, Hn.H.L.W.(Mile End)
Balfour, Rt.Hon.A.J.(Manch'rDyke, Rt.Hon.SirWilliamHartLee,ArthurH.(Hants,Fareham)
Balfour,RtHnGeraldW.(Leeds)Faber, Edmund B.(Hants, W.)Lees, Sir Elliott (Birkenhead)
Balfour, Kenneth R. (Christch.Fellowes,Rt.Hn Ailwyn EdwardLegge, Col. Hon. Heneage
Banner, John S. Harmood-Fielden, Edward BrocklehurstLiddell, Henry
Bathurst, Hon. Allen BenjaminFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.Llewellyn, Evan Henry
Bentinck, Lord Henry C.Finlay,RtHnSir RB.(Inv'rn'ss)Long, Col.Charles W.(Evesham)
Bigwood, JamesFirbank, Sir Joseph ThomasLong,Rt.Hn. Walter(Bristol,S.)
Bingham, LordFisher, William HayesLowe, Francis William
Blundell, Colonel HenryFitzroy, Hon. Edward AlgernonLoyd, Archie Kirkman
Bond, EdwardFlannery, Sir FortescueLucas,Reginald J.(Portsmouth)
Brassey, AlbertFlower, Sir ErnestLyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. St. JohnForster, Henry WilliamMacdona, John Cumming
Brymer, William ErnestGardner, ErnestMacIver, David (Liverpool)
Bull, William JamesGodson, Sir Augustus FrederickMaconochie, A. W.
Burdett-Coutts, W.Gordon, J. (Londonderry, S.)M'Arthur, Charles (Liverpool)
Butcher, John GeorgeGreene, W. Raymond-(Cambs.M'Killop, James (Stirlingshire)
Campbell,J.H.M.(Dublin Univ.Grenfell, William HenryMajendie, James A. H.
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Gretton, JohnMarks, Harry Hananel
Cautley, Henry StrotherGroves, James GrimbleMartin, Richard Biddulph
Cavendish, V.C.W.(Derbyshire)Halsey, Rt. Hon. Thomas F.Maxwell, W. J. H.(Dumfriessh.
Chamberlain,Rt.HnJ.A.(Worc.Hamilton.Marq. of (L'nd'nderryMilvain, Thomas
Chapman, EdwardHardy, Laurence(Kent, AshfordMoon, Edward Robert Pacy
Clare, Octavius LeighHeath,SirJames(Staffords,N.WMorgan, David J. (Walthamstow
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.Morpeth, Viscount
Collings, Rt. Hon. JesseHope,J.F.(Sheffield, Brightside)Morrell, George Herbert
Colomb, Rt.Hon.Sir John C.R.Howard, John(Kent,FavershamMorrison, James Archibald
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Hozier, Hon. James HenryCecilMount, William Arthur
Crossley, Rt. Hon. Sir SavileHunt, RowlandMurray, Col. Wyndham (Bath)

The Committee divided:—Ayes 158; Noes, 69. (Division List No. 355.)

Nicholson, William GrahamRobertson, Herbert (Hackney)Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
O'Neill, Hon. Robert TorrensRound, Rt. Hon. JamesThornton, Percy M.
Percy, EarlRoyds, Clement MolyneuxTollemache, Henry James
Pilkington, Colonel RichardRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Tomlinson, Sir Wm. Edw. M.
Platt-Higgins, FrederickSackville, Col. S. G. Stopford-Tuff, Charles
Plummer, Sir Walter R.Sadler, Col. Sir Samuel Alex.Turnour, Viscount
Pretyman, Ernest GeorgeSandys, Lieut.-Col. Thos,MylesWalker, Col. William Hall
Pryce-Jones, Lt.-Col. EdwardScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)Walrond, Rt.Hn.Sir William H.
Purvis, RobertSharpe, William Edward T.Warde, Colonel C. E.
Pym, C. GuySkewes-Cox, Sir ThomasWelby, Lt.Col.A.C.E.(Taunton
Randles, John S.Sloan, Thomas HenryWelby, Sir Charles G. E.(Notts.
Rankin, Sir JamesSmith, Abel H. (Hertford,East)Whiteley,H.(Ashton und Lyne)
Rasch, Sir Frederic CarneSmith.Rt Hn J. Parker (LanarksWortley, Rt.Hon. C. B. Stuart-
Reed, Sir Edw, James (Cardiff)Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)Yerburgh, Robert Armstrong
Reid, James (Greenock)Stanley,Hon.Arthur(Ormskirk)
Remnant, James FarquharsonStanley, Rt.Hon. Lord(Lancs.)TELLERS FOR THE AYES—
Ridley, S. FordeStroyan, JohnSir Alexander Acland-Hood
Roberts, Samuel (Sheffield)Strutt, Hon. Charles Hedleyand Viscount Valentia.

NOES.

Atherley-Jones, L.Hayter, Rt. Hon. Sir Arthur D.O'Brien, P. J. (Tipperary, N.)
Barry, E. (Cork, S.)Healy, Timothy MichaelO'Connor. James(Wicklow,W.)
Brown, George M. (Edinburgh)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)O'Donnell, T. (Kerry, W.)
Burke, E. Haviland-Higham, John SharpPearson, Sir Weetman D.
Caldwell, JamesJoicey, Sir JamesPease, J. A. (Saffron Walden)
Causton, Richard KnightJones, Leif (Appleby)Power, Patrick Joseph
Cheetham, John FrederickJones, William(CarnarvonshirePriestley, Arthur
Clancy, John JosephJordan, JeremiahRedmond, John E.(Waterford)
Crean, EugeneKennedy, P. J.(Westmeath, N.Rose, Charles Day
Cullinan, J.Lawson, Sir Wilfrid (Cornwall)Runciman, Walter
Delany, WilliamLeese, SirJosephF.(Accrington)Seely,Maj. J.E.B.(Isle of Wight)
Dobbie, JosephLloyd-George, DavidShipman, Dr. John G.
Doogan, P. C.Lundon, W.Sinclair, John (Forfarshire)
Edwards, FrankMacNeill, John Gordon SwiftSullivan, Donal
Ellis, John Edward (Notts.)MacVeagh, JeremiahVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Esmonde, Sir ThomasM'Arthur, William (Cornwall)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Evans, Samuel T. (Glamorgan)M'Crae, GeorgeWeir, James Galloway
Flavin, Michael JosephM'Fadden, EdwardWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Flynn, James ChristopherM'Kenna, ReginaldWhittaker, Thomas Palmer
Gladstone, Rt.Hn. Herbert JohnMurnaghan, GeorgeWilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Griffith, Ellis J.Murphy, JohnWoodhouse,SirJ.T.(Huddersf'd
Hammond, JohnNannetti, Joseph P.
Harrington, TimothyO'Brien, Kendal(Tipperary Mid.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—
Hayden, John PatrickO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Mr. Bright and Mr. Lamont.

Bill reported, without Amendment; to be read the third time To-morrow.

Supreme Court Of Judicature (Ireland) (No 1) Bill Lords

Order for Second Reading read, and discharged. Bill withdrawn.

Supreme Court Of Judicature (Ireland) (No 2) Bill Lokds

Order for Second Reading read, and discharged. Bill withdrawn.

Revenue Excise Duty

Order for Committee thereupon read, and discharged.

Education (Scotland) Bill

Order for Committee read, and discharged. Bill withdrawn.

Whereupon, in pursuance of the Order of the House of the 31st day of July, Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put.

Adjourned at eighteen minutes before Five o'clock, a.m.