House of Commons
Tuesday, April 10, 1906
The House met at Two of the Clock.
Controverted Elections
informed the House that he had received from the Judges appointed to try the several Election Petitions the following Report relating to the Election for the County of Westmoreland (Northern Division). In the High Court of Justice, King's Bench Division.
The Parliamentary Elections Act, 1868, The Corrupt and Illegal Practices Prevention Acts, 1883.
To the Right Honourable The SPEAKER of the House of Commons.
Election of a Member of Parliament for the Northern Division of the County of Westmoreland, holden on the 23rd day of January, 1906.
In the Matter of a Petition relating to the said Election presented to His Majesty's High Court of Justice on the 17th day of February, 1906.
The Hon. Henry William Edmond Pelly Fitzmaurice, commonly called The Earl of Kerry, Petitioner.
Liefchild Stratten Jones, Respondent.
We, Sir William Grantham, Knight, and Sir John Compton Lawrance, Knight, two of the Judges for the time being on the Rota for the Trial of Parliamentary Election Petitions in England and Wales,
Do hereby Report—
1. That an application for leave to withdraw this Petition was heard before us in open Court on Monday the 9th day of April, 1906.
2. That having heard Counsel on both sides and read the Affidavits of the Parties to the Petition their Solicitors and Election Agents We Ordered that the Petitioner should have leave to withdraw this Petition.
3. That in our opinion the withdrawal of this Petition was not the result of any Agreement, terms or undertaking, nor in consideration of any payment nor in consideration that the Seat should at any time be vacated nor in consideration of the withdrawal of any other Election Petition nor for any other consideration.
Dated this 9th day of April, 1906.
WM. GRANTHAM.
J. C. LAWRANCE.
Private Bill Business
Private Bills [Lords] (Standing Orders Not Previously Inquired into Complied With)
laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, viz.:—Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Bill [Lords]. Knott End Railway (Extension of Time) Bill [Lords]-
Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time.
Bacup Corporation Bill, Cardiff Gas Bill, read the third time, and passed.
Great Eastern Railway Bill (King's Consent signified), Bill read the third time, and passed.
Todmorden Corporation Bill, read the third time, and passed.
Thornton Urban District Gas Bill, as amended, considered; to be read the third time.
Sheffield Assay Office Bill [Lords]; Shrewsbury Corporation Water Bill, read a second time, and committed.
Electric Lighting Provisional Order (No. 1) Bill, "To confirm a Provisional Order made by the Board of Trade under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Waterford," presented by Mr. Kearley; read the first time; to be referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 161.]
Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill, "To confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Trade under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 and 1888, relating to Abercarn, Barry (Amendment), Bettwsycoed, Blaydon (Amendment), Calverley (Amendment), Farsley, Foots Cray (Amendment), Horsforth (Amendment), Market Harborough, and Wembley," presented by Mr. Kearley; read the first time; to be referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 162.]
Land Drainage Provisional Order Bill, "To confirm a Provisional Order under the Land Drainage Act, 1861, relating to lands in the parishes of Belton and West Butterwick, in the county of Lincoln (parts of Lindsey)," presented by Sir Edward Strachey; read the first time; to be referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 163.]
Standing Orders
Resolutions reported from the Select Committee.
1. "That, in the case of the Scottish Provident Institution Buildings Bill [Lords], the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with. That the parties be permitted to proceed with their Bill."
2. "That, in the case of the Edinburgh Corporation (substituted Bill), Petition for dispensing with Standing Orders in the case of the Petition of the Testamentary Trustees of the late Sir George Warrander, Sir James Miller, and the Governors of the Fettes Trust, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with."
3. "That, in the case of the Sutton District Water, Petition for leave to deposit a Petition for a Bill, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with. That the parties be permitted to deposit their Petition for a Bill."
Resolutions agreed to.
Petitions
Diseases of Animals Act (1896) Amendment Bill
Two Petitions from Norfolk, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Education (Provision of Meals) (Scotland) Bill
Petition from Leith, against; to lie upon the Table.
Juvenile Smoking Bill
Petition from Edinburgh, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Licensing (Scotland) Amendment Bill
Petition from Laurencekirk, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Liquor Traffic Local Veto
Two Petitions from Glasgow, for legislation; to lie upon the Table.
Liquor Traffic Local Veto (Scotland) Bill
Petition from Laurencekirk, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Local Authorities (Qualification of Women) Bill
Petition from Hipperholme and Lightcliffe, in favour; to lie upon the Table.
Public Elementary Schools (Religious Teaching)
Petitions against alteration of law, from Adlington; Alverstoke (two); Alwinton (two); Amport (two); Arborfield; Arkholme (two); Ashington; Ashley; Ashmanhaugh; Baldersby; Barkham; Basingstoke (two); Batley Carr; Battle; Bawdeswell; Beddingham (two); Beech Hill (two); Beedon (two); Bexley Heath (two); Birkenshaw; Birnwood; Blackburn (four); Bolton (two); Borley; Bournemouth; Braydestone; Bredon's Norton (two); Bridgewater (two); Bromley (two); Buckland; Burneston; Burnley; Bury (two); Bury St. Edmunds; Buscot; Calderbrook; Camborne; Cannington (two); Carmarthen; Chapel Allerton; Chebsey; Chiddingstone Causeway; Chippenham; Chitterne (two); Chobham (two); Chorlton cum Hardy; Cobham (two); Cockerham (two); Colden Common (two); Coppall (three); Corbridge (two); Corfe; Cotes Heath; Cray-ford (four); Crosscrake; Culford; Curry Mallet; Darenth (two); Dearnley (two); Denham; Derby (two); Dinder (two); Ditchling (two); Dolphinholme; East Crompton; East Drayton; East Lockinge (two); East Stonehouse; Eastville with Midville; Eden Bridge (two); Edmonton; Eggington; Eglingham; Elland (two); Elson and Crofton; Elton; Erith (two); Evercreech; Ewell (two); Exeter; Ford; Forden; Friern Barnet; Frinton (two); Frodsham; Furnham; Gawber (two); Gawcott (two); Gildersome (two); Glascoed; Glascombe; Glooston; Goff's Oak; Goosnargh; Goosnargh with Whittingham; Great Braxted; Great Marton (two); Great Paxton (two); Great Stanmore; Greenham; Greenhithe (two); Greenton; Grimsby; Grindon; Groombridge (two); Gwehelog; Habergham Eaves, Burnley (two); Hadlow Down; Halstead; Hambleden (two); Hanney; Hardingham (two); Hardington; Harpurhey (three); Hawnby; Headley; Healaugh (two); Heaton Norris (two); Hedingham; Henstead; Hever (two); Higher Bebington; High Hoyland (three); Hildenborough (two); Hollington and Rodsley (two); Holme on Spalding Moor; Honing; Horbury; Horbury Bridge; Horningsham; Hulme (three); Hulme St. Philip's; Hungerford (two); Hunsworth; Hunton (two); Iffley (two); Ingham; Ingham and Timworth; Ireborough and Withiel Florey; Ivington (two); Kingsdown (two); Kinson; Kinwarton; Kirk Langley; Kirklington; Knutsford; Lache cum Saltney; Lancaster; Langleybury (two); Layer Marney (two); Leeds; Lesbury; Leatherhead; Leyland; Little Bolton; Littleborough; Little Minto; Llananno; Llanbadarnfynydd; Llanelly; Llanfairarybryn; Llanfrynach; Llanganten (two); Llantrithyd; Lock's Heath; Longcot (two); Long Newton; Luddenden (three); Manchester (two); Manfield (two); Mariansleigh; Marley Hill (two); Marthall; Marton (two); Meifod (two); Melling with Wrayton; Mesham; Mickleham (two); Miles Platting; Mowsley; Mytholmroyd (two); Neasden; Netherfield (two); Nether Knutsford; Nettlestead (two); Newington; Newton Heath (three); Nor- manton on Trent (two); North Cray; Oakworth (two); Old Newton; Old Windsor; Ordsall in Salford; Orpington (two); Over; Overton; Pangbourne; Pembroke (two); Pendlebury (two); Pendleton (two); Penn Street; Penshurst (two); Purley; Queen Camel; Radcliffe; Ranworth; Ravenhead, St. Helens; Ringsfield (three); Ripley (two); Riverhead (two); Rostherne; Rowner; Rushmere; Rusthall (two); Ryeworth; St. Chad; St. Giles in the Fields; St. Lawrence (two); Salford (four); Saltney; Sandhoe Beaufront; Sarisbury; Sawbridgeworth; Scarborough; Seal (two); Shipbourne (two); Shoreham (two); Sloley (three); Snetterton; Southborough (two); South Charlton; Southfleet; Southwell (two); Sowerby Bridge; Speenhamland (two); Speldhurst (two); Stalybridge; Stanningley; Stepney; Stockland; Stockport (two); Stourton Caundle; Stow Maries; Sulham (two); Sunderland (two); Sutton at Hone (two); Swanscombe; Swinton (two); Taffechan; Taunton; Tavistock; Tettenhall (two); Thames Ditton; Thatcham (two); Toddington; Tonbridge (two); Tonge; Trull; Tunbridge Wells (eight); Turnditch; Tynemouth; Ufton (two); Ulverston (two); Usk; Warrington; Warton; Wasing; West Gorton; Westhall; West Thorney; Weybridge; Wilmington; Winlaton; Wiston; Withington (three); Woodbartwich; Woolavington; Woolhampton; Woolston; Wynyard; Yarmouth (two); and, Yazor (two); to lie upon the Table.
Returns, Reports, Etc
Prisons (England and Wales)
Paper [presented 9th April] to be printed. [No. 118.]
Irish Land Purchase Fund
Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 2nd April; Viscount Castlereagh]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 119.]
Fire Brigades and Fires, 1903
Copy presented, of Return relative to Fire Brigades and Fires in England and Wales for the year 1903 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Shop Hours Act, 1904
Copy presented, of Order made by the Council of the City and County of Bristol and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the Hours of Closing for Barbers' and Hairdressers' Shops within the City and County [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Crown's Nominee Account
Abstract Account presented, of Receipts and Payments of the Treasury Solicitor, in the year ended December 31st, 1905, in the Administration of Estates on behalf of the Crown, and Alphabetical List of Intestates' Estates in respect of which Letters of Administration were granted to the Treasury Solicitor as Crown's Nominee, and of other cases (partial Intestacies, etc.) in which accounts were opened in the Books of the Treasury Solicitor in the same year in respect of moneys received by him as Crown's Nominee [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 120.]
East India (Trade)
Copy presented, of Tables relating to the Trade of British India with British Possessions and Foreign Countries for the five years 1900–1901 to 1904–5 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Board of Education
Copy presented, of Statement of Moneys expended by Local Education Authorities under Part I. and Part II. of the Education Act, 1902 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Austria-Hungary (New Customs Tariff) (Interim Statement)
Copy presented, of Translation of the New Customs Tariff of Austria-Hungary, as modified by Commercial Treaties with Germany, Russia, Italy, Belgium, and Switzerland [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Coal Exported
Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 6th March; Mr. D. A. Thomas]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 121.]
Questions and Answers Circulated With the Votes
Hours of Duty of Scottish Prison Warders
To ask the Secretary for Scotland how many hours duty per day and per week a prison warder in the Scottish prison service is expected to perform; whether the regulations prescribe any maximum number; and whether, in computing hours of duty, the time on escort duty is taken into account.
( Answered by Mr. Sinclair. ) The average hours of duty of a prison warder in the Scottish prison service are about nine per day and about sixty-two per week. No maximum is prescribed by the regulations. With regard to taking into account the time on escort duty in computing hours of duty, the practice varies, but extra time is compensated for generally.
Irish Land Purchase—Sales of Irish Estates
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the purchase arrangements for the sale of the Heathfield estate, owned by Mr. Phibbs and situate near Collooney, county Sligo, have yet been sanctioned by the Estates Commissioners; and, if so, whether these arrangements contain a proviso for the reinstatement of John Kelly on the holding from which his father was formerly evicted.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that the sale referred to has not been completed. An inspection has been directed, and the inspector has been instructed to inquire, amongst other things, into the case of John Kelly, whose name does not appear in the proceedings as a purchaser.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state the number of years' purchase paid by the Congested Districts Board to Mr. Phibbs for his estate of Moylough, situated near Tubbercurry, county Sligo, and say whether the bog which forms a portion of the estate was included in the terms of sale.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) In this case the Congested Districts Board gave nineteen years' purchase of the first-term rents and twenty-three years' purchase of the second-term rents. A bog, 405 acres in extent, in the townland of Moylough was included in the purchase.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether, on the completion of the sale, under the Land Act of 1903, of a portion of the Beresford estate, Carlow County, the case of the Waters family, as evicted tenants, has been ignored, and the Estates Commissioners have sanctioned the sale of their holding of Kilcloney, Borris, to an occupier under the eleven months' system having no legal title; and, if not, will he say how the Kilcloney farm has been disposed of, and will the Waters family be reinstated in their former holding.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that they are negotiating for the purchase as untenanted land, of the holding formerly occupied by Patrick Waters. If the purchase should be completed, the Commissioners will consider the question of reinstating Waters.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland is he aware that Timothy Corbett, of Rathany, Knockany, county Limerick, was evicted from his farm on the estate of the Earl of Limerick over twelve years ago; that a planter named McGrath now holds that farm; that an application on behalf of Corbett's restoration has been sent to the Estates Commissioners; and will he use his influence with the Estates Commissioners in endeavouring to reinstate Corbett.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have recently received an application on Corbett's behalf, which will receive consideration in due course. The Commissioners are not yet aware of the facts of the case.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland can he say whether Mrs. Bresnahan, of Ballinard, Herbertstown, county Limerick, applied to the Estates Commissioners for their aid in restoring her to her evicted farm on the Tuthill-Gab-Bett-Fitzgerald estate over which Mr. Tuthill, of Escar Lucan, county Dublin, is agent; and can he say whether there are at present any negotiations in progress for the sale of the estate; and whether he will recommend the Estates Commissioners to endeavour to arrange between Mr. Tuthill and Mrs. Bresnahan for sale and purchase on terms to be fixed by the Estates Commissioners.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have had inquiries made into the case of Mrs. Bresnahan, who has lodged an application for reinstatement, and that they are in communication with the agent of the estate upon the subject.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland is he aware that Thomas Molony was, a few years ago, evicted from his farm in Castlewaller, Newport, county Tipperary, by his landlord, Mr. John B. Barrington; has Mr. Molony applied to the Estates Commissioners asking their aid in effecting his restoration to the farm; and, now that the estate has been sold off to the tenants with the exception of this one tenancy, will the Estates Commissioners interpose and use their best offices in the reinstatement of Thomas Molony?
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that no application for reinstatement; has been lodged with them by or on behalf of Mr. Thomas Molony. The Commissioners have no knowledge of the eviction.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland how matters at present stand as to the Mountshannon Estate, county Limerick; has the ownership yet passed from Mrs. Nevin to the Estates Commissioners; and, if so, will matters be expedited in the interests of the evicted tenants for whom it is intended, so that in the opening of the season they may be in a position to work the farms for meadowing, tillage, or grazing purposes.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I beg to refer to my reply to a similar Question put by the hon. Member for West Limerick on Friday last.† I then explained the causes of the delay, and stated that the Commissioners are occupied with the matter.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he can say whether the Estates Commissioners have received an application for reinstatement in his evicted farm from Michael Leahy, Ballykeeffe, Mungret, Limerick; is he aware that the heir of the planter, a Mr. Dowling, who took this farm, is now in the act of selling his interest in it; and will the Estates Commissioners take steps either to restore Leahy to his farm, subject to paying Dowling what money he expended on the farm, or induce Dowling to pay its full value, minus the sum which Leahy accepted under circumstances of poverty and duress.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that they have received an application for reinstatement from Michael Leahy, who states, however, that he received £100 as compensation from the new tenant of the farm from which he was evicted. The Commissioners are aware that the tenant's interest of the farm has now been advertised for sale, but no proceedings under the Land Purchase Acts have been instituted. The Commissioners do not regard the matter as one in which they have power to interfere.
Irish Representation on Canal Commission
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will consider the desirability of appointing an additional member to the Royal Commission on Canals and Waterways, to represent Irish interests, before the Commission enter upon the consideration of the Irish portion of their inquiry.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I have conferred with my right hon. friend the President of the Board of Trade upon this subject, and he informs me that he will consider the points raised in the Question, and that he hopes, when the Commission approach the Irish part of their inquiries, to submit to His Majesty for appointment as an additional member of the Commission another member representing Irish producers and traders interested in transportation questions.
Cost of Police Force in the Rathmines and Rathgar District
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the statement, on Wednesday last, of the chairman of the Rathmines urban district council that, while there were 156 police in the district in the year 1863 as against 134 in the extended district of Rathmines and Rathgar in 1901, the sum demanded by the Government in the latter year towards the cost of the force was over £5,000, as against £1,500 in 1863, and will he explain the cause of this increase; and whether, in view of the repeated and uncontradicted allegations as to the existence of a similar state of things in the rest of the Dublin metropolitan police district, the Government will take any steps in the immediate future to relieve the ratepayers of that area of the present police rate therein.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Chief Commissioner of the Dublin Metropolitan police that there is no special police force for the Rathmines urban district, but the district forms part of a police division which includes the Pembroke urban district and part of county Dublin. There are no records which indicate the number of police exclusively employed in the Rathmines area, and as the police patrols of the different portions of the division overlap it would be impracticable to differentiate the force applied to each. The number of police employed in the various divisions of the Dublin metropolitan district varies from time to time according to police exigencies. I understand that the amount of the police tax for the Rathmines district for the years mentioned in the Question was substantially as stated. There has been no change in the rate of the police tax, viz., 8d. in the pound, since 1863, and the increase in the total amount levied is due to the enlargement of the area of assessment by the erection of new buildings. I have no information that a similar state of things exists in the remainder of the Dublin metropolitan police district. I understand that the question of reducing the police tax has been repeatedly considered by the Irish Government and the Treasury, but that it has been found impossible to make any reduction. It must be remembered that a considerable part of the cost of the force falls upon the Exchequer.
Postal Association—Protection of Officials
To ask the Postmaster-General whether, in view of his recognition of the rights of trade unionism in the postal and telegraph services, he will take steps to protect the local officials of the various organisations from persecution by their superior officers; whether in this connection he will ask for the production of the endorsement of the chief clerk at Chesterfield, in relation to a telegraphist named Smith at that office; and whether he will state what action he proposes to take in the matter.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) I have no reason to believe that any steps will be necessary in the direction indicated by the hon. Member, but if any case of alleged persecution is brought to my attention I will, of course, inquire into it. I have considered the case in the Question, and I do not find it necessary to take any action in the matter.
Transmission through the Post of Offensive Post-cards
To ask the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been directed to the report of a case tried before Mr. Justice Darling on the 20th December last in which evidence was given of the transmission through the Post Office of an offensive and libellous post-card; whether his attention has been directed to the report of a complaint made to the Ealing bench of magistrates on the 2nd instant by a person who had received through the Post Office a postcard containing an offensive expression; whether such deliveries of offensive postcards are frequent, in spite of the provision of the Inland Post Warrant of 1903 giving the Post Office power to detain offensive matter and to prosecute the offender; and whether he will take measures to prevent this abuse of the Post Office.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) The regulations strictly prohibit the transmission of postal packets having thereon any words, marks, or designs of an indecent, obscene, or grossly offensive character; and any packets which are observed to infringe those regulations are withheld from delivery. It is not, however, the duty of post office servants to read the communications on postcards, and some cards bearing offensive communications may therefore escape notice and get delivered, though it is my desire as far as possible to prevent their transmission.
Delay in Completion of King's Road, (Chelsea), Post Office
To ask the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the delay in completing the new post office in King's Road, Chelsea; what was the date of it being commenced; and when will it be opened.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) The work in this case was, I believe, begun in February, 1905, but there has been delay in consequence of certain legal difficulties which arose in connection with part of the site. These have been settled, and the new office will, I hope, be ready for occupation in a few months.
Russian Retaliatory Import Duties
To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether in view of the fact that the Russian Government has imposed extra duties on Indian and Ceylon teas, by way of retaliation for the prohibition of Russian sugar by Great Britain, under the Brussels Convention, he can state if Russia has retaliated in any way against any of the other nations which were parties to the Convention; and, if not, why India, which was not a party to the Sugar Convention, should be singled out for vicarious punishment for Great Britain's action; and what steps His Majesty's Government propose to take for India's protection.
( Answered by Secretary Sir Edward Grey. ) The reply to the first Question is in the negative. With regard to the second, His Majesty's Government have not been informed of the reason why Russia retaliated upon India and Ceylon and not upon the United Kingdom. With regard to the third, I would refer the hon. Member to the Answer given to him on the 22nd ultimo.†
Detention by the Italian Courts of Steamer "Briardale."
To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been called to the case of the large British steamer "Briardale," which has been detained in the port of Genoa since March, 1905, under a sequestration order of the Italian courts, and that adequate bail has several times been offered by the owners so that the vessel could be released, and was refused; and whether, in view of the heavy losses already sustained by the owners, and likely to be augmented pending further legal proceedings, His Majesty's Government can intervene and make strong representations to the Italian Government, insisting upon bail being accepted and the release of the vessel.
( Answered by Secretary Sir Edward Grey. ) The case of the "Briardale" has already been the subject of representation by His Majesty's Ambassador at Rome to the Italian Government on more than one occasion. His Majesty's Government have now under their earnest consideration the question of what further assistance can be afforded to the owners, with a view to bringing about a satisfactory settlement.
Popular Telephone Rates
To ask the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the speech made in Australia by the Postmaster-General of the Australian Commonwealth, at Sydney, on 3rd February, in which he expresses his conviction that he will be able to give every man in the country a telephone in his own house at a cost of one shilling a week; and whether he is considering the cost of reducing to popular rates telephone charges in this country.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) The speech referred to by the hon. Member is probably that which was delivered at the annual picnic of the Electric Telegraph and Telephone Construction. Branch Union at Sydney, and I gather from a report in the Sydney Morning Herald that Mr. Chapman did not explain the nature of the cheap telephone service to which he referred. I understand, however, from another source that the rate referred to by Mr. Chapman is to be the minimum charge in small towns for a limited number of calls made on a four-party line, i.e., a line of which the use is shared by four subscribers. Additional calls beyond the minimum number would have to be paid for separately. I am looking into the present charges in this country, but it would not be possible to give an efficient service, with privacy, at the rate mentioned.
Drumlish Postal Deliveries
To ask the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the extra distance to be covered by the mid-day rural postman from Longford to Leitrim Crossroads, and thence to Drumlish, would be only about one and a half miles; and whether, for the sake of the extra pay this would cost, he still persists in his refusal to gran the mid-day extension to Drumhsh.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) In view of the circumstances with which I have already acquainted the hon. Member I fear I should not be justified in incurring any additional expenditure on the service to Drumlish.
Annual Leave of Adult Post Office Night Messengers
To ask the Postmaster-General, if, having regard to the fact that the adult night messengers at Manchester, Liverpool, Edinburgh, Dundee, Belfast, and other provincial towns on full-night duty receive only twelve working days' annual leave, while unestablished officers on full-day duty receive fourteen working days' annual leave, and also to the effects of constant night duty on health, he will consider the advisability of granting to adult night messengers the same amount of annual leave as is given to those on day duty.
( Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton. ) The annual leave proper to fully employed unestablished officers in the post office is twelve working days. Those who receive more obtained it before the present regulation came into force. I have no reason to believe that the employment of adult messengers on night duty is prejudicial to their health; and I may mention, incidentally, that at Manchester the night messengers have less sick leave than those employed in the day time.
Report of Bovine Tuberculosis Commission
To ask the President of the Local Government Board when the Report of the Commission on Bovine Tuberculosis will be issued; whether he can state the total expenditure on Royal Commissions up to the present; how many Commissions have been held, and date of appointment; and whether the Local Government Board have taken any steps to carry into effect the recommendations made by former Commissions.
( Answered by Mr. John Burns. ) As regards a Report from the present Royal Commission, I am not able to add anything to what I said in Answer to a Question by the hon. Member on this subject on the 20th February last.† Including this Commission, there have been three Royal Commissions (one of which was dissolved on the death of the chairman and reconstituted) on subjects connected with tuberculosis in relation to food. The first Commission was appointed on 21st July, 1890, and was reconstituted on 15th November, 1894. The next was appointed on 6th July, 1896, and the last one on 31st August, 1901. The total expenditure on these Commissions up to 31st March last amounted to £48,400. The Commission of 1896 is the only one which has made recommendations as to administrative procedure. The Local Government Board have on more than one occasion issued circulars to the local authorities on the subject of these recommendations.
Persons Chargeable on the Rates—Cost of Preparing Statistics
To ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that the Royal Commission on the Poor Laws and Relief of Distress have written to the clerks of unions in Ireland, requesting to be furnished with a census of the number of persons chargeable to each poor law union who were in receipt of poor relief on March 31st, 1906, together with certain particulars relating to such persons; whether clerks of unions and other officers, on whom the work of preparing the census would fall, are bound to supply the information required; and, if so, what remuneration the Commission propose to pay to such officers for the time and trouble involved.
( Answered by Mr. John Burns. ) The Answer to the first point in the Question is in the affirmative. The Commission are empowered, by the Royal Warrant constituting them, to call for the information necessary for the conduct of their important inquiry. I understand that they recognise that the furnishing of the information which may thus be required in the course of their inquiry may in certain cases impose such extra work upon the officers of local authorities as might justify a claim for special remuneration. If this is proved to the satisfaction of the Commission, they would propose to communicate with the Treasury on the subject.
Scottish Deer Forests
To ask the Secretarv for Scotland what were the areas of the deer forests in Scotland for the years 1883, 1898, and 1905, respectively; and whether, in view of the effect of the extension of these areas, what steps, if any, it is proposed to take in the matter.
( Answered by Mr. Sinclair. ) Return 232 of 1905 gives all the information at present available. I am unable at present to make any statement in reference to the latter part of the Question.
Overcrowding in Glasgow and Dundee
To ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that, according to the recent investigations of Mr. Arthur Sherwell, one-third of the population of Edinburgh and one-half of the populations of Glasgow and Dundee live under conditions of overcrowding; and what steps, if any, it is proposed to take in the matter.
( Answered by Mr. Sinclair. ) In spite of inquiry it has not been found possible as yet to obtain any published result of Mr. Sherwell's investigations. If supplied with the data on which the Question is based it shall receive my consideration.
Infant Mortality in Scotland
To ask the Secretary for Scotland what were the death-rates among infants less than a year old throughout Scotland as a whole, and in Edinburgh, Glasgow, Aberdeen and Dundee, respectively, for the year 1905; whether these death-rates are excessive; and what steps, if any, it is proposed to take in the matter.
( Answered by Mr. Sinclair. ) The facts for the four burghs for the year 1905 are as follows:—Edinburgh, 124·8; Glasgow, 130·8; Aberdeen, 138·5; Dundee, 132·5. While these figures could hardly be called excessive as compared with those of other large towns in the United Kingdom, there is no doubt that it is possible to reduce them. It is hoped that the steady improvement in sanitation will conduce to this. In addition, steps have been taken in Glasgow and Dundee to deal directly with the question by the appointment of health visitors, lay and medical, and by the establishment of municipal depots for sterilised milk. Similar measures are under consideration in Edinburgh and Aberdeen.
Scottish Civil Servants with Salaries exceeding £149
To ask the Secretary for Scotland if he will state the number of officials whose salaries are on the Civil Service Estimates for Scotland for the current year whose salaries exceed £149 per annum each, with the aggregate amount of those salaries, and the number of these officials who are Presbyterians born in Scotland with the aggregate amount of their salaries.
( Answered by Mr. Sinclair. ) I regret that the information desired is not available. All such salaries are not stated separately in the Civil Service Estimates, and the particulars of religion and place of birth are neither recorded nor known.
Suggested Grant to Widow of the late Charles Thornton, of His Majesty's Gunwharf
To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether his attention has been directed to the case of the widow of Charles Thornton, late senior smith in His Majesty's gunwharf, who, after thirty-two years' service, died on February 1st, 1905; and whether, in view of all the circumstances, it is possible to grant Mrs. Thornton, who is in poverty, some gratuity.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane. ) This man died while in receipt of full pay, and, as his death does not appear to have been attributable to the nature of his duty, his widow is unfortunately precluded from receiving any grant from public funds.
Greenwich Hospital Grants for Naval Pensioners under Fifty-five Years of Age
To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether there is any immediate prospect of the Greenwich Hospital augmentation being awarded to pensioners of the Royal Navy who are over fifty-five years of age, and entitled to the increase of fivepence per day; and whether those who are not actually decrepit are, at present, regarded as ineligible for the pension.
( Answered by Mr. Edmund Robertson. ) No pensioner can be regarded as "entitled" to Greenwich Hospital age pensions. The funds available for the pensions are fully appropriated to that purpose, and eligible men not in receipt of pensions can only be awarded them as vacancies occur on the list from time to time. It is therefore necessary to continue to select the oldest and most necessitous cases, but no man whose service qualifies him for the grant of a pension is regarded as ineligible. Although the number of pensions which will become available must necessarily vary to some extent according to the circumstances of the time, there is no prospect of a material increase being possible.
Repair of H.M.S. "Donegal" at Chatham
To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether H.M.S. "Donegal," which went ashore in the Red Sea and sustained such damage as to necessitate her return to this country, can be transferred from Devonport, where she has just arrived, and sent to Chatham for repairs, in view of the slackness of work at Chatham Dockyard, and the consequent contemplated discharges therefrom.
( Answered by Mr. Edmund Robertson. ) It has already been decided that H.M.S. "Donegal" is to be repaired at Chatham, and the necessary arrangements have been made accordingly.
Vaccination Exemption Certificates—Case of Rev. S. Jones
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the fact that on March 1st the Rev. S. Jones, Baptist Minister of Twickenham, unsuccessfully applied at Brentford for a vaccination exemption certificate; that the application was repeated on March 15th at his suggestion, when the certificate was again refused on the ground that the magistrates, by a majority, were opposed to it, although two of their number were prepared to sign it; and will he say what steps he proposes to take.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) I received a letter from Mr. Jones in February last, but I did not suggest a fresh application to the justices. From the dates given it would appear that the hon. Member has in mind another case heard at the same Court, in which the question as to the views of a majority of the Justices arose. Upon this latter point I beg to refer the hon. Member to the Answer which I gave to the hon. Member for the Ealing Division on the 5th instant.† I then stated that I was advised that where a majority of the Justices are not in favour of granting a certificate of exemption, it would not be proper for any minority to grant it, unless the other Justices present abstained from adjudicating in the case. As I then stated, the point is not one that I can decide, and in the circumstances there is no action which I could take with any advantage.
Reckless Motor Driving
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will take steps to stop reckless and furious driving of motor cars in Hampstead, especially Finchley Road and FitzJohn's Avenue.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) The special attention of the police has been already directed to this matter.
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether any steps have been taken by the police to fine or caution the driver of motor car A 1022 for reckless driving at 10.40 a.m. on Friday, the 6th instant, in turning the corner at Netherall Gardens, Finchley Road; and, if not, will he state what action they propose to take.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) Steps have been taken to find the owner of this car. The police did not witness the occurrence. When the owner is found they will in any case inform him of the complaint made against him, and they will be prepared to take proceedings if evidence is available in support.
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state what action, if any, has been taken by the police against the driver of a motor car for recklessly turning the corner at Netherall Gardens, Finchley Road, on the 29th or 30th ultimo, resulting in damage to a butcher's cart and serious injury to the driver of the cart.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) It is proposed to take action against the driver. The accident was not witnessed by the police.
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state the maximum speed allowed to motor cars and motor' buses in the London area; and how many motor car and motor' bus accidents in the same area have been reported each month this year.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) The legal maximum speed for motor cars is twenty miles and for motor omnibuses twelve miles an hour. The number of accidents to persons or property known to the police to have been caused by motor cars (including cycles) during this year is, for—
January 301 Total, 949. February 263 March 385
January 211 Total, 777. February 235 March 331
Imprisonment for Non-payment of Fines
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that during the year 1904 no fewer than 107,625 persons were received in prison in default of payment of fines; and whether he will issue a circular to magistrates calling their attention to the provisions of Section 7 of the Summary Jurisdiction Act, 1879, which sanctions the allowance of time for payment and payment by instalments.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) Yes, Sir. I have seen the figure quoted by the hon. Member. It is taken from the volume of Criminal Statistics recently published by my Department. In June last the Home Office issued a circular calling the attention of magistrates to the provisions of Sections 7 and 21 of the Summary Jurisdiction Act, 1879, strongly urging that in proper cases defendants should be allowed time for the payment of fines or allowed to pay by instalments, and suggesting that, in some cases, this should be done even if no application is made by the defendant. I shall be glad to let the hon. Member have a copy of the circular. I do not think I can add anything to what was then said.
Unconvicted Persons Detained in Prison awaiting Trial
To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that during the year 1904 no fewer than 367 persons, of whom forty-nine were eventually acquitted, were detained in prison before trial for upwards of twelve weeks, and that, in addition, 111 persons, of whom twenty were eventually acquitted, were detained in prison before trial for upwards of sixteen weeks; whether, in these circumstances, he will issue a circular to magistrates calling their attention to the provisions of the Bail Act, 1898; and whether he will also instruct every governor of a prison to inform the Home Office at once of any case where a prisoner is received into his custody on committal for trial, when the governor knows, or has reason to believe, that upwards of twelve weeks will elapse between the committal and the trial.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone. ) I am well acquainted with the figures, quoted from the criminal statistics, to which the hon. Member calls attention, but I doubt whether I can usefully take the action which he suggests. The views of the Home Office as to the importance of allowing release on bail are well known to the magistrates; and, when inquiry is made in any individual case of long detention pending trial, the result is almost always to show that the case is one where the prisoner could not find sureties, and could not be realeased on his own recognisances without the certainty or probability that he would abscond before the trial. I will, however, consider whether any further action can be taken by the Home Office.
Imperial Expenditure on Education
To ask the President of the Board of Education what is the expenditure, from Imperial sources, on primary education in England; what is the expenditure on secondary schools in England; and what is the rate per pupil in each case, according to average attendance and according to population.
( Answered by Mr. Birrell. ) The total estimated expenditure from Exchequer Grants for England and Wales on elementary education (including teachers' pensions) for the year 1903–4 was £9,798,512, equivalent to £1 17s. 9¾d. per unit of average attendance, and 5s. 10d. per head of population. The total grant to secondary schools for the same period amounted to £175,248, equivalent to £4 9s. 8½d. per each scholar upon whom a grant was paid, and 1¼d. per head of population.
Local Expenditure on Education
To ask the President of the Board of Education whether, as the preliminary Report of the Departmental Committee on Rates has not yet been presented, he will now furnish to the House a statement of the moneys expended on Education, under Part I. and Part II. respectively, of the Education Act, 1902, by each local education authority for the year 1904–5; and, so far as can be estimated, for the year 1905–6, showing the amount provided from Exchequer grants and from local rates respectively, and in each case the amount of the rate in the pound.
( Answered by Mr. Birrell. ) I am to-day laying upon the Table of the House a Statement which will, I hope, comprise all the information referred to in the Question. It will, however, take several days to print, and cannot therefore be in the hands of Members before Easter, as I had hoped.
Promotion of Clerks in the Service of the Irish Land Commission
To ask the Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware that there are at present serving in the Irish Land Commission twenty assistant clerks who have completed the necessary number of years' service for eligibility for promotion to the second division; and, considering that forty second division clerks have recently been introduced into these offices, many of whom have had no previous official experience, can he undertake that no more second division clerks will be appointed without the claims of the assistant clerks being fully considered.
( Answered by Mr. McKenna. ) Such promotions are only sanctioned exceptionally upon the recommendation of the heads of departments and on the ground of special merit. Any such recommendations always receive the most careful consideration of the Treasury.
Irish Crown and Quit Rents
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state the total number of quit and crown rents accruing to the Government in Ireland, and to what purpose it has been allotted; whether he will arrange that this Irish money shall be devoted to Irish purposes; and whether he will consider the advisability of utilising it as a fund to enable reafforestation in Ireland.
( Answered by Mr. McKenna. ) The quit and Crown rents accruing to the Crown in Ireland amount at present to about £32,700 per annum. This money forms part of the land revenues of the Crown, the surplus income of which is annually paid into Exchequer, as provided by the Crown Lands Acts, and goes in relief of general taxation in the United Kingdom and Ireland jointly. Any scheme of planting in Ireland would have to be considered on its merits, without regard to the Crown land revenues.
Returns of Irish Emigration
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will arrange that, as the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction partially perform the functions of a Board of Trade in Ireland, he will instruct them to prepare every month a list of emigrants from Ireland and the place of their destimation.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I beg to refer to my reply to the Question of the hon. Member for East Clare on 21st March,† from which it will be seen that the Registrar General for Ireland will in future publish monthly Returns of emigrants.
Education of Irish Pauper Children
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can arrange that all children will be removed from the precincts of all workhouses; and whether he can have these children educated in schools established under the Industrial Schools Acts, the guardians to contribute to the support of such children.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I would ask the hon. Member to await the Report of the Poor Law Reform Commission which will shortly be received. I have no doubt that the subject of the Question has been considered by the Commission.
Education of Cripple Children in Irish Industrial Schools
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether it is against the policy of The Industrial Schools (Ireland) Act, 1868, or any Act amending or affecting the same to exclude crippled children from the benefits of an industrial education in such schools; whether rules have been framed for the exclusion of such children; and, if so, will such be rescinded.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state how many schools there are in Ireland in which cripples receive an industrial education, and under what management; and whether he will frame rules or, if necessary, introduce legislation enabling local authorities or other competent authority to establish schools for such children on the same lines and same policy now in force under The Industrial Schools (Ireland) Act, 1868.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The primary object of the Industrial Schools Acts is to provide industrial training for the classes of children to which the Acts apply, and there is nothing to prevent crippled children from being sent to an industrial school, provided that they are not so crippled as to be physically unfit for industrial training. No rules are in existence in Ireland providing for the exclusion of such children, and the Inspector of Reformatory and Industrial Schools informs me that, at present, there are thirty-seven children crippled in various degrees who are undergoing industrial training suitable to their cases in twenty-three industrial schools in Ireland. Of these schools twenty-one are under Roman Catholic, and two under Protestant management. I am imformed that there is also one other school in Ireland in which cripples receive industrial training, viz., the Cripples Home, Bray. I have no information as to the management of this school. I am not aware that it has been shown that legislation is needed.
Reinstatement of Evicted Tenants on the Estate of Mr. Lamphiere
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he is aware that a definite undertaking was given by Mr. Lamphiere and his agent during the recent sale of that estate to the tenants, that Mr. James Feehan, and Mr. Patrick Cormack, evicted tenants, would be reinstated; that this undertaking was given in the presence of Mr. Ashby, J.P., a tenant on the property, and that Mr. Justice Meredith made an order on a case connected with this estate to the effect that the £700, the purchase money of the farms claimed by Feehan and Cormack, should be retained by the Estates Commissioners until further instructions; will he say if the Commissioners have advanced any money to the present occupant of the evicted farms for the purpose of sale; are the Estates Commissioners aware that the lands in question were let on the eleven months' grazing system, and that no permanent tenancy had been created previous to the passing of the Land Act of 1903; and will he state what steps the Estates Commissioners intend taking to secure the due fulfilment of the undertaking given by the landlord and his agent regarding the reinstatement of the evicted tenants on this estate.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that applications for reinstatement were lodged with them by James Feehan and Patrick Cormack, who claimed to be reinstated in the former holdings of Denis Feehan and Elizabeth Cormack on the estate in question. The Commissioners made inquiries into the matter, and ascertained that the former tenants were not evicted tenants. They had both received monetary compensation from the landlord for the voluntary surrender of their holdings. The Commissioners are informed that upon the sale of the estate the vendor stated that he would raise no objection to Feehan and Cormack being placed in the respective farms, provided that advances yielding annuities of £5 and £15, respectively, were made. These annuities, however, were not agreed to, and the proposed arrangement fell through. The sale of the estate has since been completed, and the plots claimed by the applicants were sold to, and vested in, one James Cormack on June 22nd, 1905. So far as the Estates Commissioners are concerned the matter is closed; but, on the application of Feehan and Cormack, and with the consent of the parties, a sum of £700 has been retained out of the purchase money of the estate by the Judicial Commissioners until he shall make a further order on the subject.
Reinstatement of Evicted Tenants
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that persons placed in possession of parcels of land in the character of evicted tenants have disposed of the land at a profit; and whether steps will be taken to prevent the growth of a system of land jobbing under the Land Act of 1903.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estate Commissioners inform me that only one case has come to their notice in which a person placed in possession of a parcel as evicted tenant has sold the holding. As I have already informed the hon. Member, the Commissioners have no power to interfere with the sale by a tenant purchaser of his holding, and there seems no reason why such powers should be given to them.
Re-valuation of Dublin City
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a revaluation of Dublin city is about to take place; whether the Government intend to assimilate the procedure with that of Great Britain, by appointing local assessment committees to act in conjunction with the Commissioner of Valuation; and whether he is aware that the Dublin Corporation has twice passed resolutions against revaluation under the present system.
( Answered by Mr. McKenna. ) Revaluation was asked for by the Corporation of Dublin shortly after the passing of the Dublin Corporation Act of 1900, and no communication has since been received from the Corporation objecting to the valuation being proceeded with. Legal difficulties, however, have intervened, and at present I am unable to say definitely when the revaluation will be begun.
Number Badge of Station Sergeants in the Dublin Metropolitan Police
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state why station sergeants in the Dublin metropolitan police do not wear numbers on the collars of their tunics when on duty in the streets of the city.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed that station sergeants of the Dublin metropolitan police perform duty in the streets only on very exceptional occasions, in the absence of an inspector. They wear a distinctive uniform, and as there is no difficulty whatever in establishing their identity, if necessary, the Chief Commissioner is of opnion that no reason exists why police officers of this rank should wear numbers on their collars.
Primary Education in Ireland
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland (1) when do the Commissioners of National Education propose to carry out the recommendation of the Royal Commission of Inquiry into Primary Education in Ireland, volume 1, page 531, that the existing provincial model schools should be gradually discontinued; (2) how many of the 1,961 national schools for boys only would be reduced to an average below fifty by the operation of Rule 127b; how many to forty or under; how many to thirty or under; (3) is there anything which prevents the National Board from consulting the representatives of managers and teachers of primary schools when making or repealing its rules; (4) if not, how often in the last five years were these representatives consulted; (5) how many of the Commissioners of National Education were students of Trinity College; (6) and how many passed through the Queen's Colleges.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The recommendation referred to in the Question is as follows:—104. That the existing provincial model schools should be gradually discontinued. This is followed by another recommendation, as under: 105. That all existing provincial model schools, which cannot be carried on by local committees as elementary schools on the present system, receiving only such sums as may be earned by their scholars on examination, or may be due to teachers, may be granted on lease to anybody applying for them as training schools, on easy terms such as will provide for their maintenance and repair. The Commissioners of National Education inform me that model schools have been aided like ordinary elementary national schools since 1900, and there is now no substantial difference between model schools and ordinary national schools vested in the Commissioners. The Commissioners have, from time to time, since the date of the Royal Commission referred to, closed several of the departments of the provincial model schools which they found were not required for the purposes of primary education, and they will continue to do so whenever necessary; but they have no present intention, in view of the circumstances above stated, to discontinue the provincial model schools generally. (2) If Rule 127b were enforced without reservation in the case of each of the schools referred to, it is possible that 202 would have the average attendance reduced somewhat below fifty, that 229 would have the average reduced to forty or under, and that 289 would have the average reduced to thirty or under. But Rule 127b is not enforced in the case of schools in which pupils under seven years of age have not been enrolled since the 1st July, 1905, and there may not have been any enrolments of the kind in many of the schools since that date. Further, the rule is not enforced in any case where there is the danger of loss of an assistant, and it is not enforced when there is no suitable school in the locality for boys under seven years of age. These reservations affect the application of the rule materially, and would render a detailed examination of each of the 1,961 case alluded to in the Question necessary before any statement, even approximating towards accuracy, could be made as to the effect of the rule. (3) and (4). There is nothing to prevent the National Board from consulting the representatives of managers and teachers when making or repealing rules if they consider such consultation necessary, and, as a matter of fact, such consultations have been held by the Board through, the Resident Commissioner. Deputations of managers or individual managers can at any time confer with the Resident Commissioner who attends at the Education Office daily, or appointments can be made for interviews on educational matters by letter. It is also known that individual members of the Board confer with managers and others concerned in education when important changes of rule are pending. But the Commissioners as a body do not confer with managers or teachers, nor do they consider it necessary to do so. The Commissioners always consider representations made to them by school managers or managers' associations in regard to their rules and regulations and adopt suggestions made of which they approve. Many such representations have been made to the Commissioners from time to time. The Commissioners further invite school managers to furnish them with an Annual Report in which the managers can express their opinions in regard to any matter connected with their schools or make suggestions for improvement of their schools. (5) and (6). There is no official information available on this subject.
Sales of Irish Estates
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Sheane estate, Cappanaclougher, Abbeyleix, Queen's County, has been withdrawn from the Land Judge's Court; and, if so, whether any steps are being taken with a view of sale to the tenants.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The registrar of the Land Judge's Court informs me that the lands of Cappanaclougher were never the subject of proceedings for sale in that Court, though other portions of the Sheane estate were. The Estates Commissioners have no knowledge of any proceedings for sale of the property.
TO ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can give the names, addresses, dates of eviction, and religion of the tenants evicted from their holdings, within the last twenty-seven years, on the De Vesci estate, Abbeyleix, Queen's County; how many of those farms are in the hands of planters; and what is the religion of the latter.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have received nine applications for reinstatement from persons claiming as representatives of evicted tenants from the estate of Lord De Vesci, Queen's County. It appears from these applications that eight of the holdings are occupied by tenants, and that the remaining holding is in the owner's occupation. The Commissioners have no information as to the religion of either the evicted tenants or of the present occupants. To give the other particulars requested in every case in which they might be asked for would seriously add to the Commissioners' labour, and retard their proper work.
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether proposals for sale to the tenants of the M'Neale (Minors) Estate, near Portarlington, Queen's County, have been received by the Estates Commissioners; and, if so, whether he will see that such sale be not sanctioned unless the Clonkeen portion of the property is included.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Answer to the first part of the Question is in the negative. The Estates Commissioners are unable to make any statement as to what they may decide in a case which has not come before them.
Average Attendance at Irish Urban and Rural National Schools
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, (1) what is the average daily attendance in urban and in rural national schools, and the respective urban and rural populations served by such schools respectively; (2) how many monitors are there in ordinary national schools; (3) what is the proportion of monitors to the average daily attendance; (4) (a) how many rural model schools are there in Ireland, ( b ) and the average daily attendance therein; (5) how many pupil teachers in model schools, and what is the proportion of pupil teachers to average attendance, and (6) the cost per pupil teacher; (7) how many pupil teachers trained during the last five years, and how many of these now teach in national schools; (8) and what is the cost per monitor in ordinary national schools.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Commissioners of National Education inform me that the following are the facts, according to the latest available Returns—
Average Daily Attendance. Population Census, 1901. Urban Districts 169,041 1,419,009 Rural Districts 314,856 3,039,766
(2) Number of monitors in ordinary schools ( i.e., excluding model schools), 3,112. (3) Proportion of monitors to the average attendance, 1 to 150. (4) (a) There are no rural model schools; all the model schools are in cities or town; (b) the average daily attendance at the model schools, 6,650. (5) Number of pupil teachers in model schools, 172. Proportion of pupil teachers in model schools to the average attendance in such schools, 1 to 39. (6) Cost per pupil teacher who completed his service, about £58. (7) During the past five years 549 pupil teachers were appointed. During the same period 81 pupil teachers entered the service as teachers without further training, and 340 entered the training colleges with a view to becoming teachers subsequently. (8) Each monitor who completes his service receives as salary during that period £49, and each monitress receives as salary, for full period of service, £45.
Killadooly Evening School Grant
TO ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the evening school session in Killadooly boys' school, Ballybrophy, Queen's County, terminated on the 9th March last, and the final inspection was held on the 2nd March, and that the grant has not yet been paid; and, seeing that similar delay has occurred in connection with other schools in the neighbourhood, can he say what has caused the delay; and whether he will see that payment is made to the teachers as soon as possible.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Commissioners of National Education that there has been no delay in the payment of capitation grants to evening schools. Payment has been made in the case of the Killadooly school. There are fourteen evening schools in Queen's County. In the case of ten, payment has been made; returns as to three are being awaited; and in the remaining case a question as to the non-observance of rules has arisen.
Beresford Estate Evictions
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that a family named Watters suffered eviction on the Beresford Estate at Kilcloney, county Carlow, in the year 1892; that the evicted farm of the Watters has been lately grazed on the eleven months' system by a man named O'Neill; that the estate is at present being sold under the Land Purchase Act of 1903; will he say whether an application for occupation and purchase has been received by the Estates Commissioners on behalf of O'Neill; whether the evicted farm is found by the Estates Commissioners as a parcel of untenanted land under the meaning of the Purchase Act; whether an application for reinstatement and purchase has been received by the Estates Commissioners on behalf of the Watters family; and, if so, will this family be reinstated in their old home.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I beg to refer the hon. Member to my Answer to his previous Question on this subject.
The Eviction of Terence Reilly
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether any application has been received from Terence Reilly, an evicted tenant, for restoration to his farm in Abbeylara parish, North Longford; and whether he can hold out any hopes that this man will be relieved in the near future.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have received an application for reinstatement from Terence Reilly, whose former holding is now in the occupation of another tenant. The Commissioners have no power to interfere with the present tenant, but they will consider Reilly's application in the event of their acquiring untenanted land in the locality
Supply of School Requisites
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state the reason why the free grant of school requisites has not yet been made to the six Catholic schools in the parish of Clonguish, county Longford.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Commissioners of National Education that the requisites in question are being distributed to schools in the order in which the applications for them were received. The requisites for the szhools at Clonguish were sent out on the 7th instant in order of priority.
The Eviction of Joseph Mullooly
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether any steps are being taken to restore to Joseph Mullooly, senior, and Joseph Mullooly, junior, to that part of the land of Rathcline parish from which they were evicted some years ago.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners inform me that applications for reinstatement have been received from Joseph Mullooly and Mrs. Bridget Mullooly. The holdings from which they were evicted were sold under the Land Acts in 1898. Each of the applicants is in the occupation of another farm, and the Commissioners have not so far taken any action upon their applications.
Junior Assistant Mistresses—Age Limit
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, in reference to the proposed appointment of junior assistant mistresses in boys' National Schools in Ireland, to state if the limit of age fixed for the candidates is from eighteen to thirty-five, their qualifications the same as those for manual instructresses, their salary £24 per annum without any prospect of increase and no pension; what special training will be required by these candidates; is there any precedent for the appointment of such mistresses; and whether, seeing that £24 a year is not an adequate salary for a young woman of eighteen to thirty-five years of age who has spent eighteen years of her life in the pursuit of education, he proposes to take any action in the matter.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Commissioners of National Education that the limits of age of junior assistant mistresses are eighteen and thirty-five; the fixed salary is £24 per annum; and there is no pension. No special training is prescribed. Candidates are appointed on probation, and are required to undergo examination at the next following Easter after appointment. Junior assistant mistresses who display ability are, after three years' service, eligible for appointment as assistant mistresses at a salary of £44 per annum and additional capitation grant. The Commissioners add that the post of junior assistant mistress has proved a very attractive one, and there is no lack of candidates for the appointments.
Building of Labourers' Cottages at Limerick
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he can say how much of the shilling in the pound has been spent by the different unions in the city and county of Limerick for the building of cottages and acquiring plots of land for the labourers; and whether any of the unions are at present carrying through a scheme for the building of such cottages; what is the weekly rent for each cottage and half-acre plot, as well as for each cottage and acre plot, in the different unions; and how many of these cottages are there in each union in the county.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) A Parliamentary Return which is being prepared pursuant to an order of the House of Commons, dated 13th March 1906, will give the information asked for in the first part of the Question. The further particulars asked for are not at present available, but the Local Government Board will be prepared to give them when the annual returns for the year now ended have been furnished by the clerks of rural district councils.
Salaries of Irish Assistant Teachers
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will state the amount which would be annually required to pay second grade salary to assistant teachers in Irish National Schools who have given ten years' efficient service; and whether, in view of the qualifications and training of these public servants, and of the salaries they receive, he will take steps to secure the sum required for the purpose out of the Development Fund.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Commissioners of National Education inform me that the amount which would be required in the case supposed could not be stated without the preparation of a Return involving considerable labour. Assistant teachers are, as a rule, uniformly paid third grade salaries, and under the former regulations they were, as a rule, paid third class salaries only. They cannot receive higher salaries than third grade unless they become principal teachers. If the suggestion made in the Question were adopted, the result would be, the Commissioners inform me, that some principal teachers would be paid third grade salary only, while many assistant teachers would receive second grade salary.
Sale of Farm at Knockanore, Kilrush
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he is aware that the tenants' interest in a farm at Knockanore, Kilrush, county Wexford, from which certain tenants were evicted some years ago, is about to be sold by public auction on Thursday 11th April at Enniscorthy; and if the Estates Commissioners will take whatever steps are necessary to get possession of the farm, with a view to restoring it to the original tenants, in view of the fact that the estate on which this farm is situated is about to be sold under the Act of 1903.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) The Estates Commissioners have no information as to the farm referred to in the Question. It does not appear that any proceedings for sale of the property are pending before the Commissioners, and, as the holding for sale appears to be held under a yearly tenancy, the Commissioners do not consider that they have any power to make an advance, or to expend money out of the reserve fund, for the purchase of the tenancy.
Irish Civil Servants with Salaries not exceeding £149
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state the number of officials whose salaries are on the Civil Service Estimates for Ireland for the current year whose salaries exceed £149 per annum each, with the aggregate amount of those salaries, and the number of these officials who are Catholics born in Ireland, with the aggregate amount of their salaries
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) To ascertain the number of officials whose salaries exceed £149 would be a very long process requiring the sending of circular to every department. The Irish Government have no information as to the religion of officials, and it would be entirely contrary to practice to seek to obtain such information.
Failure to Summon Delegate to Meetings of Londonderry and Lough Swilley Railway Adjustment Board
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that Mr. James P. O'Donnell, J.P., was appointed a delegate under the Londonderry and Lough Swilley (Burtonport Extension) Railway Adjustment Order of the 5th March, 1904, by the Glenties Rural District Council in April, 1904, January, 1905, and January, 1906, and that the clerk to the council has called the attention of the company to the fact that, during this period, Mr. O'Donnell has received no notification of the time and place of the holding of general meetings of the company at which business relating to the Burtonport extension was considered; and whether the Board of Works will obtain from the company an explanation of their failure to summon the delegate as required by the Order.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I am informed by the Local Government Board that the Order referred to, which is dated 1st March, 1904, requires the Glenties Rural District Council to elect a delegate, but neither the Local Government Board nor the Board of Works have any information as to the person appointed or as to the alleged failure of the company to give notification of the time and place of general meetings. I understand that the Board of Works have no power to compel the company to summon a delegate, but that the matter lies between the local authorities and the company.
Appointment of Agricultural Instructors—Donegal
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has received a statement from the County Council of Donegal relative to the question of the appointment of natives of the county as instructors under a scheme of agricultural and technical instruction; what is the present position of this question; and will he request the Committee appointed to examine into the working of the Department of Agriculture to hold a sitting at Lifford, as desired by the county council.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) I have received the statement referred to. I understand that there has been no change in the situation since my Answer to the Question of the hon. Member for South Donegal on 6th March.† The question whether the Committee of Inquiry will deal with the matter is one for their own discretion, but I am willing to transmit to them any suggestion the hon. Member may give me.
Poor Relief
To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware of the increasing difficulty experienced by local bodies in the poorer parts of Ireland in doing their duty towards the sick poor, the aged, and other helpless classes, owing to the growth of the rates; and whether the Government intend to introduce any legislation on the lines recommended by the special Report of Lord Balfour of Burleigh and Lord Blair Balfour appended to the Report of the Royal Commission upon local taxation.
( Answered by Mr. Bryce. ) There is no doubt much to be said in favour of the hon. Member's suggestion, but the question is one which affects the whole United Kingdom, and proposals on the lines indicated in the Question would probably be warmly contested.
Wages of Labourers at Waltham Abbey and Enfield Ordnance Factories
To ask the Financial Secretary to the War Office whether, in consideration of the fact that the wages of the labourers at the Royal Arsenal, Woolwich, have been increased from 21s. to 23s. per week, he will increase the wages of the labourers employed in the ordnance factories at Waltham Abbey and Enfield Lock to the same extent.
( Answered by Mr. Buchanan. ) The Question is under consideration.
Sale of Sparkbrook Small Arms Factory
To ask the Secretary of State for War the names of the gentlemen to whom the Sparkbrook factory was sold; the amount for which it was sold; the date of the agreement for sale; the value at which it stood in the books at that time; the number of rifles manufactured there in the last complete year before the sale; the average cost of each rifle; the number of rifles to be delivered to the Government annually by the present owners of Sparkbrook; and the price per rifle agreed to be paid to the company.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane. ) The agreement for the sale of the factory has not yet been signed, and it would, therefore, be premature to give a reply to the Question of my hon. friend.
Forfeiture of Militia Bounty by Joseph Farrell
To ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the bounty of Joseph Farrell, a militiaman in the 6th Battalion Rifle Brigade was stopped for a trifling error; and whether he will direct this man to be now paid, in view of his poverty.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane. ) This man submitted his life certificate with a forged signature and the military authorities in Ireland ordered the forfeiture of the non-training bounty which was due on 1st October, in accordance with the regulations. There would not, therefore, appear to be any grounds for adopting the hon. Member's suggestion.
Refusal to Grant Portion of Pension to Daniel Harvey
To ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the refusal of the War Office to grant his quarter's pension to Daniel Harvey, of Longford, because he was three hours late at gun practice owing to the distance he had to travel by train; and will he revise this order and direct Harvey to be paid.
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane. ) My attention has already been called to this matter by the hon. Member, who has been informed by letter of the true facts of the case, and that the Army Council upheld the decision to forfeit the portion of the man's reserve pay affected. To this information I have nothing to add.
Weekly Payment of Army Pensions
To ask the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the effect of the present system of paying Army pensions quarterly or monthly upon thriftlessness and pauperism among ex-soldiers, arrangements can be made for the payment of such pensions weekly
( Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane. ) The whole question of the mode of pay- ment of Army pensions is now receiving careful consideration.
Questions in the House
The Conference at Algeciras and the Anglo-French Treaty
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether one of the results of the Conference at Algeciras has been the virtual suppression of the clause in the Anglo-French Treaty which restricted the economic equality of all the Powers in Morocco to thirty years.
The Anglo-French declaration of April 8th, 1904, to which the Hon. Member no doubt refers, does not say that the economic equality of all the Powers in Morocco is to cease after thirty years. The mutual engagements entered into by the British and French Governments under that declaration are in no way modified, still less suppressed, by the stipulations of the convention signed at Algeciras.
Do I understand that the same result will take place as took place in the case of Madagascar?
My hon. friend must take the language of the Declaration as it stands; it does not imply that.
Sale of Glebe Land
I beg to ask the hon. Member for East Bristol, as representing the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, whether he is aware that in 1903 the Commissioners sold nineteen acres, one rood, nine poles of glebe land belonging to the benefice of Brushford, Somersetshire, to Mr. G. F. Sydenham for £1,300, or about £67 per acre, although about seven acres of glebe land adjoining had been sold in 1872 to a railway company for £1,280, or about £183 per acre; and whether, before completion in July, 1904, part of the land had been resold and houses were being built thereon, and that, within three months of completion, six acres, twenty-two roods of the land, costing Mr. Sydenham about £410, were sold at public auction for £749; whether he is aware that the purchaser from the Commissioners, Mr. Sydenham, was attorney for his father, the then incumbent of the benefice, and at that time suffering from senile decay and unable to manage his own affairs, and that Mr. Sydenham was both acting vendor and actual purchaser; and will he say whether the Commissioners were aware at the time that the land was capable of being sold as building land and that the purchaser was managing the affairs of the incumbent; whether they made any local inquiries as to the facts; and, if so, from whom; and whether it is the custom of the Commissioners to have a report from a local valuer before making sales of this description.
The nineteen acres, one rood, nine perches of glebe land were sold by the late Rector of Brushford in 1903 with the consent of his patron (whose estate adjoined the land) and the approval of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for £1,300, but in addition a tithe rent charge of the commuted amount of £4 6s. 10d. per annum became on the sale payable by the purchaser to the imcumbent of the benefice. The Commissioners know nothing of the circumstances of the sale thirty years previously to a railway company nor of any re-sale of a portion of the nineteen acres by the purchaser. The proposal for the sale of the nineteen acres purported to be signed by the late rector himself and it was forwarded to the Commissioners by a local solicitor acting for him. The Commissioners were not informed that the purchaser held, as is alleged, a power of attorney for the transaction of the rector's business on his behalf, nor had they any knowledge of the rector's state of health. The Commissioners were advised by their own surveyors and refused the price first offered by the purchaser, but approved the proposal on the offer of an increased price, at which their surveyors were of opinion that the sale might be allowed in the interests of the benefice. It appears to me personally, unfortunate that the identity of name of the incumbent with that of the purchaser was not more fully noticed.
Union of the Rectories of St. Michael's, Cornhill, and St. Peter-le-Poor
On behalf of the hon. Member for Denbighshire, W., I beg to ask the hon. Member for East Bristol, as Church Estates Commissioner, whether his attention has been drawn to a scheme made by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners for the union of the rectories of St. Michael's, Cornhill, and of St. Peter-le-Poor, in the city of London; whether he will state what the population of the united benefices will be, and what will be the value of the united benefice, including the rent of the house formerly used as the parsonage house; whether the scheme permits the incumbent of the united benefices to be non-resident; whether he will state upon what basis the pension of the retiring incumbent has been calculated; and whether the Ecclesiastical Commissioners are prepared to consider a modification of the financial arrangements of the scheme.
The aggregate population of the parishes (according to the census of 1901) is 488; the population of the united parish will be somewhat loss, as a portion of the parish of St. Peter-le-Poor is to be added to the contiguous parish of All Hallows, London Wall. The income of the rectory of St. Michael, Cornhill, is now £1,578 (including the rent of the parsonage house). The income of the united benefice will be £750, and in addition, so long as the incumbent shall not be required to reside in the parsonage house (which is now let for £550 per annum), he will receive the rent thereof. The scheme contains no other provision in relation to the residence of the incumbent. The amount of the pension provided for the incumbent of the benefice of St. Peter-lo-Poor with St. Benet Fink in the event of his retiring for the purpose of brining the union into effect is the amount of the annual income of his benefice. In view of the great benefits to the Church in some populous suburban districts which will result from the proposals contained in the scheme, the completion of which has already been delayed by unavoidable causes, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners would deprecate any suggestion for a variation of its terms to which the consents of all parties have been given. Any variation would involve the reconsideration and consent of all the parties to the scheme.
Skinned Lands at Garrabost
I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland if he will state the conditions under which; skinned lands, that is land from which the peats have been removed, have been offered to the crofters of the township of Garrabost, Island of Lewis, for the purpose of enabling the crofters to enlarge the agricultural land of their crofts.
No conditions, I am informed, were attached to the use of the skinned lands, except equal division.
Election of School Boards
I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland, in view of the fact that the failure of an election for a School Board in the parish of Lochs, Island of Lewis, is attributable to the notice of the election not having been posted on the school door sufficiently early to admit of the nomination papers reaching the returning officer by the date specified, will he state who is responsible, and what steps have been taken to obviate a similar irregularity hereafter.
I beg to refer the hon. Member to Sections 6 and 8 of the General Order regulating the triennial election of School Boards (a copy of which has been sent to him). I have no information that the returning officer has failed to comply with the requirements contained therein.
I asked the right hon. Gentleman a specific Question. I asked who was responsible; this document with which I am furnished at the last moment does not give me the information I want.
* Order, order; the hon. Member appears to be making a speech.
I do not desire to do that, Sir. What I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman is that he would give a specific Answer to that specific Question. Will he state who is responsible.
Will the hon. Gentleman put down a separate Question with regard to that.
Sanitary Condition of the Island of Lewis
I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that Dr. Dittmar, in his Report on the sanitary condition of the island of Lewis, states that, with three exceptions, every house in the township of Arnol, parish of Barvas, is grossly insanitary, and could be certified as a nuisance under the Public Health Act; and, seeing that it is now a year since this Report was made, will he state what action has been taken in the matter, especially having regard to the fact that the township contains a population of 347, all of whom might at any moment become the victims of an epidemic of typhus or typhoid fever.
I beg also to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that Dr. Dittmar, in his Report on the sanitary condition of the Island of Lewis, states that the water supplies in the whole of the island, with few exceptions, consist of shallow dip wells, liable to all kinds of surface pollution, and in the case of typhoid fever certain to be contaminated by drinking vessels from infected households; and will he state what action it is proposed to take to place the water supply for the island on a satisfactory basis, especially having regard to the fact that a recent outbreak of typhoid fever at Habost, Ness, Lewis, in which seventy-five persons were affected, is attributable to the water supply being contaminated.
These two Questions may be answered together. As the hon. Member already knows, the Government is well aware of the facts detailed in Dr. Dittmar's Report, generally, as well as in regard to the points mentioned in these Questions; every endeavour is being made to prepare plans for the improvement of existing conditions, which are the growth and accumulation of years.
Dismissal of Mr. Menzies
I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether the chief inspector of schools, on his visit to Gartmoor on 20th March, succeeded in inducing the school board to rescind their resolution dismissing Mr. Menzies, or what other steps the Education Department have taken or contemplate taking in the matter.
The chief inspector at his visit, though he failed to induce the school board to rescind the resolution dismissing Mr. Menzies, seems to have succeeded in reducing the question at issue between the parties to that of the terms of an apology. The department is now in further communication with the board.
The Royal Canal
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade what communications, if any, were addressed by the Board of Trade to the Midland Great Western Railway Company, pursuant to the Reports of the board's inspectors on the condition of the Royal Canal; and will he explain why the Board of Trade held inquiries, in view of the expense to those who obtain it and to the State, if the board are unable to give effect to the recommendations of their own inspectors and to protect this public waterway from destruction.
I am making inquiries into this matter, and if the hon. Member will put a further Question after Easter I will give him an Answer then.
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade having regard to the facts that the Royal Canal was constructed as a waterway for public use, largely with moneys voted by the Irish Parliament, was subsequently acquired by the Midland Great Western Railway Company, subject to the statutory obligation of maintaining the canal in a navigable condition for public use, that the railway company in their own interest have allowed the canal to become unnavigable, and that all these facts have been ascertained and reported by inspectors of the Board of Trade, whether the Board of Trade will, on behalf of the public, enforce the statutory obligation by compelling the railway company to execute the works of restoration and maintenance which that company's neglect has rendered necessary.
In view of the special position of the Board of Control under the Acts relating to the canal, it is for that board to consider what are their legal powers to cause the matters complained of to be set right, and whether there is prima facie ground for proceedings to be taken. I understand that the necessary inquiries have been ordered in both these directions.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that it is of the Board of Control of the company of which we complain?
[No Answer was returned.]
Inspection of Mines by Workmen's Inspectors
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether under General Rule 39 of The Mines Regulation Act it is competent for the local (or workmen's) inspectors to select the portions of seams or pits which they would desire to inspect; whether at a colliery where there are three pits, and a partial inspection of No. 1 pit was made on Monday, would it be competent for the workmen's inspectors at their own option to demand to inspect No. 3 on Tuesday, before No. 1 is finished; and can he say who is the determining authority in such a case.
I am advised that under Section 49, General Rule 38 of the Coal Mines Regulation Act, 1887, the persons appointed by the men to inspect a mine are entitled to go to any part of the mine, and there appears to be nothing in the rule to compel them to finish the examination of one pit before entering another. The owner, however, is entitled under the rule to send officials with the persons making the inspection; and reasonable notice of the latter's wish to examine a mine or part of a mine should be given to the management, so that arrangements can be made for other officials to perform the duties of those who for the time being are occupied in going round with the men's representatives.
Anthrax at Shipley
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that a woman named Mary Lyons died on Sunday last from anthrax, after having been employed for some time by Messrs. Campbell & Harrison, of Shipley, near Bradford; whether he is aware that at this firm's works sixteen cases of anthrax, resulting in eight deaths, have occurred during the last two years; and whether he proposes to take immediate action in the matter.
Inquiries have been made into this case. It appears that the deceased woman was employed on several kinds of wools, including Persian, but at a late stage of their treatment, in comb-minding, after the wool had been opened and sorted, washed in three wash bowls, and passed through other processes. Unfortunately, medical advice was not called in until a few hours before her death, and as she was only absent from her work for one day, and that day a Saturday, no suspicion was aroused at the works, or she would have been visited, I understand, at once by the firm's doctor. Since my previous Answer to the hon. Member with regard to this firm, the conditions have, I am informed, been further improved; and the present case cannot be traced to any neglect of the precautions required by the regulations, which are being fully observed. The state of things is undoubtedly serious, and I am communicating with the newly established Anthrax Committee with a view to special and early attention being given to the dangers arising from Persian wool.
Trial of Children, Special Courts for
* : I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he can take any steps, administrative or other, to promote the institution of special courts for the trial of children, and to secure provision that children before trial should be detained elsewhere than in police cells.
Yes, sir. I have already taken action in both the matters mentioned. I am in communication with magistrates as to the making of arrangements for the separation of cases in which children are concerned from the ordinary criminal business of the courts and with the police authorities as to the detention of children before trial. The replies I have received are on the whole satisfactory, and show that both magistrates and police are generally anxious to co-operate with the Home Office in preventing in every practicable way the association of children with adult offenders. In a few weeks, when the replies to my inquiries are complete, I shall be able to decide whether any further action is necessary.
Inspection of Mines
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has instructed Mines Inspector Ronaldson to prosecute Messrs. A. G. Moore & Company, owners of the Carronrigg Colliery in Stirlingshire, on the said inspector's information that Messrs. A. G. Moore & Company, having abandoned the Carronrigg mine on December 2nd last, had failed to send in a plan of the workings within the period of three months required by Clause 38 of The Coal Mines Regulation Act, 1887; whether he is aware that Inspector Ronaldson's information was incorrect, inasmuch as, although actual working of coal in the mine was stopped, and the stoppage duly reported, on December 2nd, the mine was not abandoned till February 27th, when the pumps and rails were removed and the company's manager left the ground, and the abandonment was duly reported on March 30th; whether, under these circumstances, he will at once direct Inspector Ronaldson to withdraw from the prosecution of Messrs. A. G. Moore & Company, who have been summoned to appear before the sheriff in Stirling on Wednesday next, April 11th; and whether he will warn Inspector Ronaldson to avoid such proceedings in future.
Yes, sir, I instructed the inspector to take proceedings against this firm for failure to send in the plan required by the Act. In so doing, I acted on the formal notice previously given by the firm that the mine had been abandoned on December 2nd, and on the inspector's report that the plan had not been sent in within the prescribed period. Since the prosecution was directed the plan has been sent in by the firm, and a statement has been made to me by them that though working for coal was discontinued on December 2nd, men were employed for some time afterwards in the mine in removing rails and other materials, and it was not in fact actually abandoned till the end of February. I have no reason for questioning the accuracy of this statement, and in the circumstances, and as the plan has been received, I have decided to stay the proceedings. No blame whatever in the matter attaches to the inspector, who gave the firm, on receiving from them the notice of abandonment, the usual reminder to send in the plan within the prescribed period, and who has acted properly throughout.
Law Courts in London, Dublin and Edinburgh
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury what was the cost of the erection of the Law Courts in London; whether any new Law Courts have been erected in Dublin or Edinburgh during the last fifty years; and, if so, at what date and what cost; and whether any alterations or additions to existing Law Courts have been made in the same cities during the same period; and if so, at what cost, and from what sources did the money come.
The total cost of the erection of the Law Courts in London was in round figures £2,000,000, of which a considerable proportion was defrayed from the suitors' funds. During the last fifty years three additional courts have been built in Dublin, namely:—(1) The Landed Estates Court and Offices, 1858 to 1861, at a cost of £19,879; (2) Probate Court, 1863, £5,359; (3) Bankruptcy Court, 1865–1867, £10,931. During this period no Law Courts have been erected in Edinburgh. The information asked for in the last part of the Question would be very laborious to compile, as it would involve an examination of the accounts under several headings for a period of fifty years; and I trust that my hon. friend will agree with me that the trouble involved in the preparation of the return would scarcely be justified by the result.
But the return is not complete; in 1894 the Bank of Ireland advanced £15,000 for public works.
* : Order, order. The hon. Member must not give information.
Well, I should like to ask whether, in view of the enormous amount of money spent in Dublin and London the Law Courts of Edinburgh should not be put into a proper condition?
I am not aware that they are not in a proper condition. The hon. Gentleman must address that Question to the First Commissioner of Works. With regard to the funds as to which I was asked: those funds were to build the Law Library and not the Law Courts
Is not my hon. friend aware that a recent Report has been issued, showing that accommodation in the Edinburgh courts is urgently necessary, and will he take steps to find such accommodation?
As I have already said to the hon. Member for the Central Division of Edinburgh, that is a Question which should be addressed to my right hon. friend the First Commissioner of Works.
Salaries for Judicial Courts in England and Wales and Scotland and Ireland
I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury the cost per head of population for the salaries of the judicial courts in England and Wales, Scotland, and Ireland respectively, exclusive of the House of Lords; and the average salary earned by the county court judges of England and Wales and the sheriffs in Scotland respectively in the year 1905.
By "salaries of the judicial courts," I understand my hon. friend to refer to the salaries of the judges of the superior courts which are charged on the Consolidated Fund. On this assumption the answer to the first part of the question is:—England and Wales cost per head 1·1 penny, Scotland 2·5 pennies, Ireland 3·3 pennies. The average salary earned by county court judges in England and Wales in 1905 was £1,500 per annumn. The average salary earned by sheriffs in Scotland in that year was £914.
Does that include the charges for stipendiary magistrates in England?
No. My hon. friend asked me only in respect to county court judges. The salary of a county court judge is £1,500 a year, and therefore the average salary of the county court judges in England must be £1,500 a year.
Unemployed in Manchester
I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware of the distress suffered by the unemployed in Manchester and of the fact that the last Report of the Distress Committee showed that 5,600 are still on the Manchester unemployed register; and whether, seeing that he has refused to receive a deputation from the committee, he will state whether he proposes to give better facilities to the committees for meeting the demands for work and announce when he intends to introduce proposals for meeting the difficulties and distress due to unemployment.
The number of persons remaining on the Manchester unemployed register yesterday was, I understand, 1,864. I cannot at present fix a date for the introduction of the Bill to amend the Unemployed Workmen Act, and I fear I must repeat what I have already stated, namely, that I cannot give any intimation as to the nature of the proposals which the Bill will contain.
The Land Purchase Act and Registered Land
I bog to ask Mr. Attorney General for Ireland whether his attention has been directed to Section 54, Sub-section (4), of the Land Purchase (Ireland) Act, 1903, and the provision therein which makes void a charge on registered land created by will unless such charge is registered within six months from the death of the testator; whether, having regard to the fact that such registration is in many cases impossible owing to the will not being proved within six months, and to the fact that the person to whom a charge on registered land is loft may be unaware of the bequest, or may be kept in ignorance of it by the devisee of the land untill the time allowed for registration has expired, he will introduce an amendment of the section to make the six months run from the date of probate and throw upon the personal representative the duty of registering all charges on registered land created by the will.
My attention has been called to the section to which the hon. Member refers, and I agree with him that an amendment of the law is required in the direction pointed out by him. The matter is not, however, in the opinion of the Government, sufficiently urgent to justify the introduction of a Bill specially dealing with the subject, but in the event of a Bill being at any time introduced to amend the Land Purchase Acts generally, I shall most favourably consider his recommendation.
Reinstatement of Evicted Tenants
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Estates Commissioners have any prospect of being able to reinstate Edward Fagan, evicted tenant, Westmeath, in his former holding, or of getting a new holding for him.
The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have received an application from Edward Fagan, who claims reinstatement as the son of a deceased evicted tenant. The Commissioners wrote to Fagan on 16th March, asking him to indicate the estate upon which he claims reinstatement, but he has not yet replied.
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will direct the Estates Commissioners to have James Lynch, of Monmore, near Kilrush, in the county of Clare, an evicted tenant on the estate of Mr. Marcus Keane, in the county of Clare, who is selling his property, reinstated, the necessary forms having been lodged with the Estates Commissioners in November, 1906; and whether, seeing that Lynch was decreed at the last quarter sessions in Kilrush for trespass on the farm from which he has been evicted, and has since appealed to the summer assizes, he will direct that proceedings may be stayed until the Estates Commissioners have reinstated him.
The Estates Commissioners inform me that they have received no application for the reinstatement of James Lynch on the estate of Mr. Marcus Keane, no proceedings for the sale of which are pending before them. The Commissioners will doubtless consider any application which they may receive, but I have no jurisdiction to give the directions suggested.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, in view of the fact that the sale of this estate is pending, and Mr. Marcus Keane has expressed himself as being willing to reinstate this evicted tenant, the right hon. Gentleman will see whether something cannot be done to withdraw the prosecution against this man for trespass on the farm from which he had been evicted but upon which the landlord has agreed to put him back?
I could hardly say whether it is possible to do that, because to interfere with legal proceedings is not in my power. I should say the first thing to be done is for Mr. Lynch to make an application. he does not seem to have done that yet.
Shooting at an Evicted Tenant
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that Michael Sheedy, who is a caretaker on the farm from which James Lynch, of Monmore, near Kilrush, in the county of Clare, has been evicted, fired two shots from a revolver at Lynch and threatened to take his life if he found him again on the farm from which he had been evicted; will he say if Sheedy has a licence to carry arms, and, if so, who gave him the licence; and will the matter be reported to the Lord Chancellor for Ireland so that the licence may be withdrawn from Sheedy.
I am informed by the police authorities that James Lynch has made a complaint to the effect that on March 20th when he was on the farm from which he had been evicted Michael Sheedy, the caretaker, fired two shots from a revolver, not at him, but as if to intimidate him. Sheedy possesses a licence under the Peace Preservation Act, which was granted to him by the resident magistrate of the district. The question of revoking that licence, which will be for the Lord Lieutenant to determine, will not be considered until the prosecution which is being instituted by Lynch has concluded.
Gun Licences in Kerry
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that Patrick W. Sullivan, of Greenane, Templenoe, county Kerry, applied for a gun licence on 1st January; and can he state why the licence has been refused by Captain Crane, R.M.
I am inquiring into this matter.
Purchase of Holdings, the Abolition of Inspection
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, having regard to the pressure within the law under which many tenants are now signing agreements to purchase their holdings, and the facility afforded for the exercise of this pressure by the abolition of inspection in cases within the zones, whether a record will be kept of all sales sanctioned without inspection, with a view to applications based upon that ground for relief from the payment of annuities so contracted.
Without discussing the foundation upon which the hon. Member bases this Question, I may say that I am informed that the records kept by the Estates Commissioners in every case of purchase show whether the case falls within or without the zones set up by the Act of 1903, i.e., whether or no inspection has been made.
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland when a landlord proposes to sell his estate within the zones, and is primâ facie entitled under the Land Act of 1903 to have the sale sanctioned without inspection, how, by whom, and with what class of facts are the Estates Commissioners moved to exercise their discretion on the question of price; is it open to the tenants who, under pressure, have signed purchase agreements in such a case to afterwards invoke the protection of the Commissioners in this respect; and will the Commissioners entertain such an application.
The Estates Commis-missioners inform me that the reply to the first part of the Question is that they can exercise no discretion as regards price. The second part of the Question raises a point on the interpretation of the Estates Commissioners' powers under the Act of 1903 and former Acts, which is one of much complexity, and upon which I can hardly venture to offer an opinion, even if an opinion on so intricate a subject could be brought within the limits of an Answer. On the question of the meaning of equitable, I may refer to the judgment of Mr. Justice Meredith in the case of the King-Harman estate. As to what constitutes duress, the hon. and learned Member knows this to be a matter in which the principle is clear but the application often difficult.
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state how many estates have been sold under the Land Act of 1903 without inspection for value or for security.
I am informed by the Estates Commissioners that full information as to the number of holdings sold which came within the zones, and which, therefore, were not inspected for security will appear in the Commissioners' Report to the 31st March, 1906, now in course of preparation.
Instructions to Land Valuers
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether, in view of the character of the duties of land valuers, inspectors, lay sub-commissioners, and assessors, engaged in the fixing of judicial rents, and the necessity for a code of instructions recognised by the most competent men so engaged, and recognised for analogous purposes by the Estates Commissioners, he will require the preparation and use of a code of instructions embodying the principles upon which those officials are to act and the elements they are to take into account in preparing their report, so that the suitors may know upon what principles their interests and property are being dealt with; and will he afford Parliament an opportunity of considering such instructions in draft before their final adoption.
This Question is based on a misapprehesion as to the constitution and jurisdiction of the Land Commission acting under the Land Law Acts in relation to the fixing of judicial rents. The executive Government have no right or legal power to interfere with the Land Commission in the exercise of their judicial functions. Any such instructions which may be in force were referred to in my reply to the hon. Member's Question of yesterday.†
Removal of Police Witnesses from Belfast
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether any of the witnesses examined on behalf of ex-Head Constable Farrell at the recent constabulary investigation in Belfast have been transferred from Belfast, and, if so, on what grounds; whether inquiry will be made into the conduct of District Inspector Redmond in connection with that investigation; whether this district inspector recommended, or has been consulted with regard to any transfer; and whether, having regard to the fact that the case for the defence was supported by twenty-six police witnesses and twelve civilian witnesses, and that the removal of any of the police witnesses conveys an implication of perjury on those thirty-eight witnesses, he will direct a reconsideration of the proposed removal of any of the witnesses.
I am informed by the Inspector-General that he has ordered the transfer from Belfast of two of the constabulary witnesses who were examined at the investigation referred to. Such transfer has been ordered, not on account of the evidence given at the inquiry, but because, in the Inspector-General's opinion, the officers in question had failed in the zealous performance of their duties. The Inspector-General does not consider any inquiry into the conduct of District Inspector Redmond to be necessary. The district inspector did
† See (4) Debates, clv., 1004.
not recommend any transfer, nor was he consulted in the matter. The fact that the transfers mentioned have been ordered does not convey any implication whatever that the witnesses who gave evidence were guilty of perjury, and the Inspector-General sees no ground for re-considering his decision in the matter.
* : Will the right hon. Gentleman explain exactly why these witnesses were removed. He says they were removed not because they gave evidence for the defence but because of general police charges.
I do not say that these matters were "charges." They were thought by the Inspector-General not to have discharged their duties in a satisfactory way.
* : Does not the right hon. Gentleman think it is highly desirable when two witnesses for the defence are removed from the town that this House should be told clearly why they were removed?
I have given the hon. Member all the information in my possession. Nobody is involved in a charge of perjury; there was no question of perjury. There were a great many differences of opinion and a great many different statements made but they did not involve perjury.
* : I shall put down another Question on the subject after Easter.
Shooting at Nationalists
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state by what means the solicitor for the prisoners in the prosecutions at the Tyrone assizes, for shooting at Nationalists, obtained access to the petty sessions records of the Crown witnesses; and whether he will ascertain if the petty sessions clerk, who is employed in this solicitor's office, assisted his employer in obtaining such access.
I am informed that the clerk of petty sessions supplied the defendants' solicitor with copies of the depositions in the case referred to, as he was bound by statute to do, but that he gave no access to any other records of the court either to the solicitor in question or to any other person. The clerk states that he was employed in the solicitor's office prior to his appointment as petty sessions clerk, but that he is not now so employed.
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland with reference to the recent prosecutions at the Tyrone assizes for shooting at Nationalists, whether he can state the names of the counsel who prosecuted on behalf of the Crown; whether he can say if the jury was exclusively Unionist; and what was the result of the prosecution.
* : The names of the counsel who prosecuted for the Crown in the prosecution referred to in the Questions are Messrs. Alexander Lane and A. L. Horner, K.C. They are the ordinary Crown Prosecutor's for the county. I have no knowledge as to the political views of any of the jury, and the Crown Solicitor informs me that he did not enquire into their views or direct any juror to stand by. The prosecution resulted in an acquittal.
* : Are we to understand that what was done when these Unionists were prosecuted was that the two counsel who were engaged in the case were the Unionist candidates for North and South Tyrone, that the prisoners were tried before a Unionist judge and jury, and is the hon. Member surprised that under those circumstances the prisoners were acquitted?
* : Mr. Horner was a candidate for one of the Divisions of Tyrone, but I do not know that Mr. Lane was a candidate for any constituency. I found that these two gentlemen had been for some years the usual Crown prosecutors. It is not usual to remove prosecutors because they are candidates for Parliament. No attempt was made by the Crown to interfere with the ordinary balloting for the jury. No juror was asked to stand by.
* : I did not suggest that Mr. Lane was a candidate. What I suggested was that the prosecution was conducted by the Unionist candidate for South Tyrone, and the defence by the Unionist candidate for North Tyrone.
The hon. Member has stated that no juror was asked to stand by. May I ask whether that practice will be observed in other parts of Ireland?
* : I think the hon. Member is aware of the rules in force as to standing by. It is left in the hands of the Crown Solicitor and he gets instructions from the counsel, and I think the Crown Solicitor always acts in accordance with instructions.
* : Is it usual for Crown prosecutors to prosecute in counties where they are the candidates for seats in Parliament.
* : I really do not know. I must ask the hon. Member to put down a Question.
The Tyrone and West Belfast Elections. Damaging Property
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the fact that thirteen Orangemen, accused of firing revolvers and injuring property at Donemana, county Tyrone, after the Tyrone elections, have been discharged, although the magistrates were of opinion that the case was proved; whether he is aware that two respectable young men accused of injuring a hoarding for the purposes of a bonfire, after the West Belfast elections, were returned for trial to the assizes, when they were sent to prison for three months; and whether, having regard to the inequality of treatment, and to the nature of the offence in the latter case, he will order the release of the two young men sentenced at the Belfast assizes.
I am informed that in the Donemana case the defendants were discharged upon giving sureties to keep the peace for twelve months. I understand that the facts in the Belfast case are substantially as stated. It is not within my province to take the course suggested. The prerogative of mercy in such cases is vested in the Lord-Lieu- tenant, to whom any petition for mitigation of punishment should be addressed.
* : In view of the fact that the offence committed in the county Tyrone was much the graver of the two, cannot the right hon. Gentleman make a representation to the Lord-Lieutenant upon this subject.
It is quite open for anybody to make a representation to the Lord-Lieutenant upon this subject, and I am quite sure that any representation made to him will be most carefully considered by him.
Returns of Agrarian Outrages
* : I bog to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether in view of the fact that no periodical Returns are issued with regard to agrarian outrages in England, he will give directions to have the Irish Returns forthwith discontinued.
This Question is receiving my consideration.
Appeals under the Land Commission
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether, seeing that as a Sub-Land Commission was held in March, 1902, in Mohill, county Leitrim, when some of the cases were appealed against by the landlords, and that the Head Commission is to hold a court in Carrick on Shannon in this month, at which the appeals will be heard, he will explain why such a length of time—over four years—was allowed to elapse.
I am informed by the Land Commission that the last sitting at which appeals from the Mohill district were heard took place in January, 1905, when the list for hearing included all cases in which appeals were lodged prior to June, 1902. The list for hearing during the present month will include all cases in which appeals were lodged prior to February, 1905. The Commissioners inform me that it is not possible to hold more frequent sittings for this district and at the same time have due regard to the claims of other districts.
The Royal Irish Constabulary and Illegal Coining
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state on what grounds a man named Crawford, sentenced to a year's imprisonment for illegal coining at Belfast, was released at the end of a few weeks; under what circumstances Constable Graham, of the Royal Irish Constabulary, was ordered to remove to county Tyrone; for what reason Constable Fraser was removed from detective duty to ordinary police duty; on what grounds Constable Irwin was censured; and whether any admonition was addressed to District Inspector Clayton in connection with the circumstances of the prosecution of M'Devitt and Crawford.
I am informed that Crawford was released by order of the Lords Justices. It is not usual to state the reasons for the exercise of the prerogative of mercy in such cases, but in this case I think it right to say that additional facts came to light which cast doubts upon the guilt of Crawford, and the learned Judge who tried the case advised that the prisoner should be released. The remaining facts of the Question deal with the internal decipline of the Royal Irish Constabulary, as to which it would be contrary to practice to give information. I may, however, state that it is not the fact that Constable Irwin was censured.
* : Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether it is a fact that the whole charge upon which this man was convicted was organised by the police of Belfast, and whether the police at Belfast supplied the whole of the material used in the illegal coining.
I know nothing of the facts, but I cannot believe it to be as the hon. Member stated.
* : Why then does the right hon. Gentleman decline to answer the Question as to why these police were removed from Belfast, and why Crawford was discharged from prison.
I have given all the information in my power. It would not be proper for mo to relate all that passed, but I have given the hon. Member all the information I have.
* : Is it a fact that this man was convicted and sent to prison, and afterwards released by the Lords Justices? Is it a fact that he was released because he alleged that he was led into a trap by the police, and because the Lords Justices satisfied themselves that that charge was true?
I do not know anything of the facts. I have given the hon. Member all the information that I have.
Increased Rents in County Down
* : I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the case of the Earl of Annesley, landlord, John M'Crickard, tenant, in which Sub-Commissioner M'Connell added 50 per cent. to the acreable rent for proximity to the town of Newcastle; and whether he can state if there is any other land case recorded in which the rent has been increased to a similiar extent for a similar reason.
I beg also to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, with reference to the land case of the Earl of Annesley, landlord, and John Rooney, tenant, in which the acreable rent was increased by 20 per cent. on account of proximity to Newcastle, county Down, whether he is aware that Sub-Commissioner M'Connell admitted in his report that the holding was fit only for sheep-grazing; whether there are any instructions to sub-commissioners to the effect that holdings fit only for sheep-grazing are more valuable when in proximity to a town; and, if not, on what grounds the increase of rent is sought to be justified.
These Questions appear to refer to judicial decisions of a Sub-Commission Court. The Land Commission inform mo that they do not think it right to enter upon a discussion of such judicial decisions, for reasons set forth in my reply to a similar Question put by the hon. Member for East Galway yesterday.† A remedy in such cases is afforded by the statutory right of appeal. I am informed that no such instructions as are referred to in the latter Question have been issued by the Land Commission.
† See (4) Debates, cxv., 1011.
Repayments under the Land Pur-chase Act, 1903
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can say if the Treasury, in calculating the terms of repayment on advances made under the Act of 1903 for the purchase of land, took into account the fact that an unchangeable annuity of £3 5s. for sixty-eight and a half years is the exact equivalent of the £4 annuity with decadal reductions for a period of seventy-two and a half years, the terms of repayment for loans advanced under the Act of 1896; whether he is aware that the price paid by tenants under the Act of 1903, without the safeguard to the Treasury of inspection for value, far exceeds the price sanctioned by the Land Commission under former Acts, these prices being reported on and approved of by the Land Commission inspector who visited the holdings to ascertain whether the State had security in the land for repayment of the loan; and, in view of the fact that the Estates Commissioners have been obliged to issue more than 1,000 processes for recovery of annuity or interest on loan due to the Land Commission under the Act of 1903, he will take such steps as may be necessary to safeguard the Treasury from loss and to prevent the necessity of evictions.
I am informed that the Treasury had regard to the amount of the annuity, 3¼ per cent., and did not take the comparison referred to into account. As to the remainder of the Question, I beg to refer to my replies to the Questions of the hon. Member for West Waterford on the 5th March,† and of the hon. Member for North Westmeath on the 27th March,‡ which fully dealt with the matter, and to which I can add nothing.
Land Inspection under the Ashbourne Acts and the Act of 1903
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, of Ireland whether, seeing that it was the practice in all transactions for the sale and purchase of land, under the Ashbourne Acts and Mr. Gerald Balfour's Act, for the Land Commission
† See (4) Debates, cliii., 104–5.
‡ See (4) Debates, cliv., 1077–79., 1045.
to send an inspector to make an examination of each holding and report whether, taking into consideration both the interest of the landlord and of the tenant, the holding was security for the advance before the price agreed on was sanctioned, he can say in how many cases in the counties of Cork and Limerick did the Land Commission inspector report that the land was not security to the State for the agreed price, and what was the number of years' purchase settled between the landlord and tenant to be paid in these rejected bargains.
; I am informed by the Land Commission that, under the Rules of the 16th March, 1897, all agreements for purchase and applications for advances under the Acts of 1885 and 1891 were referred to an inspector to report as to the security for the advance and other matters. It was, however, provided by the supplementary rules of the 17th May, 1901, that the inspection might be dispensed with if the Commissioners were otherwise satisfied as to the security for the advance. The Commissioners inform me that it would occupy considerable time and necessitate the withdrawal from their proper work of clerks at present fully occupied, to analyse all the applications for advances from the counties of Cork and Limerick which have been refused, dismissed, or withdrawn for defects in title, irregularity, insufficiency of security, and other causes since 1885, in order to ascertain the number of those which were refused for insufficiency of security. In the circumstances I do not think that the Commissioners should be asked to undertake the preparation of the statistics asked for, as it is undesirable to delay the progress of their very important work.
Land Sales
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that agreements for the sale of the estates of the Marquis of Ely in county Fermanagh were perfected so long ago as November or December, 1903; whether the proceedings for sale to the tenants are still pending; if so, what is the cause of the delay in completion; and whether he will direct the attention of the Estates Commissioners to this property with a view to purchase by them, if direct sale to the tenants be not possible.
I understand that this estate is for sale in the Land Judge's Court. The Registrar of that Court informs me that no agreements for the sale of the estate were perfected in 1903 or at any time, but that negotiations for sale are in progress. The estate has not come in any way before the Estates Commissioners.
On behalf of the hon. Member for North Kerry I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can state, in connection with the sale of land by landlords, either to tenants, the Estates Commissioners, or the Congested Districts Board, in the county of Kerry, under the Act of 1903, the name of landlord, area of property, valuation, yearly rental, purchase money, bonus on purchase money, date when agreements to purchase were lodged, and date when sale was sanctioned or approved of.
The Estates Commissioners inform me that their Annual Report and Monthly Returns, now in course of preparation, will give ample information by counties as to all holdings sold under the Act of 1903. I am forwarding to the hon. Member a Return giving particulars of the purchases made by the Congested Districts Board in County Kerry.
The Diminution of Salmon and Trout in Irish Rivers
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Irish Government has taken any steps by way of carrying into effect the recommendations of the Viceregal Commission which recently inquired into the diminution of salmon and trout in the rivers of Ireland; whether the establishment of an Irish Fishery Department responsible to Parliament and independent of the Department of Agriculture is contemplated, as recommended by the Commission; whether anything has been done or will shortly be done for the establishment of hatcheries upon the River Erne; and, if he will recommend a subsidy from the Irish Development Grant towards the efforts of the Lough Erne Steamboat Company to develop tourist traffic in the Enniskillen district, by their establishment of a daily steamer service from Enniskillen to Castle Caldwell and Belieek, upon one of the most beautiful of the lakes of Ireland.
The Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction have taken steps to carry out the recommendations of the Commission referred to so far as the existing law and their available funds permit. The recommendations which have been acted on are:—The establishment and maintenance of fish hatcheries; the provision of grants in aid of Boards of Conservators and other bodies charged with the protection of fisheries; engineering and financial assistance in the construction of fish passes, and the making of scientific investigations into the life history and migrations of the salmonidæ. The hon. Member is mistaken in thinking that the Commission recommended the establishment of a Fishery Board independent of the Department of Agriculture. They recommended the creation of a Fishery Board under the Department of Agriculture similar to the Boards which at present exist for Agriculture and Technical Instruction. This recommendation has not been carried out, but I should suppose that it will be considered by the committee of inquiry into the working of the Department which has just been appointed. There is a hatchery on the Erne subsidised by the Department and capable of an annual output of about one million of fry. No application for a subsidy to the Lough Erne Steamboat Company has been received, and it would not be possible to give a decision in the matter until the scheme has been fully explained and considered. I may, however, say that having regard to the many claims upon the Development Grant, it is improbable that assistance to any private steamboat company would be afforded from that fund, much as I desire to see further development of tourist traffic on a lake of singular beauty.
Would the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of refusing all applications with regard to what is left of the Irish development fund, except for the purpose for which it was granted, namely, education.
It is very dangerous to give a general promise, but I am quite alive to the possibility to which the hon. and learned Member refers.
The National Library of Ireland—Hours of Attendants
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland why the attendants in the National Library of Ireland are obliged to work fifty-four hours a week, while those employed in the Patent Office Library of London are required to work only forty-two hours; and, as both are Government institutions, open daily from 10 a.m. to 10 p.m., will he allow a reduction in the Dublin institution to forty-two hours weekly, as it is now possible to do so without increase of staff or extra cost.
I understand that the hours of attendance, fifty-four per week, for the men attendants in the National Library of Ireland were fixed in January, 1904, on the recommendation of a Departmental Committee of Inquiry, and that these hours could not be reduced to forty-two per week without an augmentation of the staff. I have no information as to the hours of attendance at the Patent Office Library, but I understand that at the reading room of the British Museum, attendants appointed since 1887 have approximately the same hours as those of the National Library of Ireland.
Lunatic Asylums in Ireland
I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Government will consider the desirability of introducing the necessary legislation to relieve local taxation by making the up-keep of lunatic asylums in Ireland any Imperial charge.
I beg to refer the hon. Member to the Answers which I gave to similar Questions on the 26th and 29th March,† and to which I have nothing to add.
Proposed International Exhibition of 1908
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether, considering the fact that no Great International Exhibition has been
† See (4) Debates, cliv., 846, 1550.
held in London since 1862, and that the present generation has had no opportunity of seeing such an exhibition, and that the only two exhibitions held in London have both been financially successful, he would be prepared to advise the Government to support a proposal to hold such an exhibition in the year 1908, provided a strong and representative committee is formed to go into the question.
I am not prepared to give the hon. Member a final Answer to his Question to-day. There are a good many preliminary matters that would have to be carefully considered, amongst others the question of cost, as to which my right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer may have an opinion of his own. Again, I am not at all sure that arrangements could be made by 1908. I doubt it. Nor am I at all certain that the notice of an exhibition would be welcomed by the commercial community with any particular enthusiasm. But I shall be glad to consider any evidence the hon. Member can furnish me as to the general desire for such an exhibition.
Erosion of the Coast
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury whether he will consider the desirability of nominating a member of the National Sea Defence Conference to serve on the Royal Commission about to be appointed to inquire into the question of coast erosion.
Due consideration will be given to any suitable names that may be submitted to mo.
Lord De Ramsey and his Allotment Holders
I beg to ask the First Lord of the Treasury if the attention of the Government has been directed to the fact that Lord De Ramsey has given notice to quit to 1,100 allotment holders in the Ramsey division; and, in view of the hardship inflicted on these people, if any steps can be taken to enable the parish council to provide other holdings for them.
My hon. friend will find I think that that the question which he raises comes direct in the province of my right hon. friend the President of the Local Government Board, and I do not think I can do better than repeat the substance of an Answer of his which is circulated to-day, namely, that the best course for the present holders of the allotments will be to place themselves at once in communication with the local authorities. If any further action is found to be necessary, my right hon. friend has undertaken that any application made to him shall receive his immediate consideration.
Pay of Volunteer Officers
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether he is aware that the claims of certain Volunteer officers for pay during their attendance at a staff ride, held at Swanage by direction of the G. O. C. Southern Command from March 14th to 17th, have been refused by the G. O. C. in charge of administration at Salisbury; and, if so, on what grounds this refusal was based; and whether, having regard to the acknowledged need for the further training of the officers of the Volunteer force, he will see that pay is not refused to Volunteer officers when it is granted to officers of the Yeomanry attending similar staff rides.
* : The report of the General Officer Commanding on the matters mentioned has not yet reached the War Office. I am not therefore able at present to deal with the question. I may add that the conditions under which Volunteer officers serve do not provide for their receiving pay except in the case of certain specified courses of instruction in which staff rides are not included.
The Permanent Establishment of the Cavalry School
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, considering the inconvenience and expense of the present system, whereby the cavalry school is divided between Bulford and Netheravon, he will consider the advisa- bility of selecting a permanent locality for the cavalry school.
I beg also to ask the Secretary of State for War whether, taking into consideration the advantages of Netheravon for a cavalry school, he will consider the advisability of permanently establishing the cavalry school there; and if he will recommend the equipment of that place so as to make it thoroughly efficient and bring it into line with the cavalry schools already established on the Continent.
* : In reply to these two Questions I have to say the permanent location of the cavalry school is now receiving careful consideration and will, it is hoped, shortly be decided. Any advantages possessed by Netheravon will not be lost sight of.
The New Miniature Rifle
I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if a pattern has been approved for a miniature rifle; if it has been decided to manufacture the same; if so, for what number, to whom have the orders been given, and at what price?
* : A pattern has been approved and is being registered. The manufacture of the rifle will be left to the trade firms approved by the War Department, which will grant licences to such firms and mark with a special Government mark all rifles made by them. No orders will be given by the War Office.
The Public and the Houses of Parliament
I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether arrangements can be made to admit the public, when visiting the Houses of Parliament on Saturdays, into the Lower Waiting Hall, where the bust of Cromwell and the statue of Mr. Bright are situated.
* : Yes, Sir, I think this is a reasonable request and I have arranged with the Lord Great Chamberlain that in future visitors to the Houses of Parliament are to be admitted to the Lower Waiting Hall where they can see the statues, referred to.
Business of the House
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Government what Supply the Government propose to take the first Thursday after the Easter recess.
The Estimates that will be taken on the first Thursday after the recess are the Revenue Votes, and Classes 1 and 2 of the Civil Service, excluding the Home Office, the Scottish and Irish Votes, and other administrative departments.
Seed Potatoes Supply (Ireland) Bill
Reported, from the Standing Committee on Law, etc., with Amendments. Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 122.]
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 122.]
Bill as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 164.]
Public Petitions Committee
Second Report brought up, and read; to lie upon the Table and to be printed.
Election (Standing Committees)
reported from the Committee of Selection; That they had discharged the following Member from the Standing Committee on Trade (including Agriculture and Fishing), Shipping, and Manufactures:—Colonel Williams; and had appointed in substitution: Mr. Lane-Fox.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Polling Arrangements (Parliamentary Boroughs) [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Wednesday, 25th April, and to be printed. [Bill 165.]
Polling Districts (County Coun-Cils) Bill [Lords]
Read the first time; to be road a second time upon Wednesday, 25th April, and to be printed. [Bill 166.]
Limited Partnerships Bill [Lords]
Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 24th April, and to be printed. [Bill 167.]
New Bills
Vivisection (Abolition) Bill
"To provide for the total Abolition of Vivisection, presented by Mr. John Johnson; supported by Mr. Whitwell Wilson, Mr. John Wilson, Colonel Sandys, Colonel Lockwood, Mr. Cromer, Mr. Moss, Mr. Bell, Mr. Keir Hardie, Mr. Snowden, Mr. Cameron, Mr. Thorne, and Mr. Lupton; to be read a second time upon Wednesday, 25th April, and to be printed. [Bill 168.]
Limited Partnerships Bill
"To establish Limited Partnerships," presented by Sir William Holland; supported by Mr. Blake, Mr. Crombie, Mr. Kelly, Mr. Parkes, and Mr. Rose; to be road a second time upon Tuesday, 24th April, and to be printed. [Bill 169.]
Agricultural Holdings (Scot-Land) Bill
"To consolidate the Enactments relating to Agricultural Holdings in Scotland," presented by Sir Edward Strachey; supported by Mr. Solicitor-General; to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 24th April, and to be printed. [Bill 170.]
AGRICULTURAL HOLDINGS (No. 2) BILL
"To consolidate the Enactments relating to Agricultural Holdings in England," presented by Sir Edward Strachey; supported by Mr. Solicitor-General; to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 24th April, and to be printed, [Bill 171.]
Workmen's Compensation Bill
Order for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [4th April], "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Question again proposed.
* said that on two occasions during the last Parliament he had the honour of introducing a Workmen's Compensation Bill prepared by the Parliamentary Committee of the Trade Unions Congress, the Miners' Federation, and the Textile Workers' Unions. That Bill, if passed, would have given to all working men and working women in all trades equal right to compensation in case of injury from accident. That Bill also provided that the compensation should be paid from the day the accident happened, and not from a fortnight later. He congratulated the Home Secretary upon the fact that while the Bill introduced on behalf of the Government did not go so far, it did take a decided stop in advance by largely extending the scope of the Workmen's Compensation Act. There could, however, be no difference of opinion as to this, that the ultimate goal aimed at was that contained in the Bill which he had himself introduced, and to which he had just referred—namely, that every worker in the country must be equally entitled to compensation under some extended Bill. The Bill now before the House did not go so far in many particulars as many Members desired, but it deserved their support because it was a distinct advance upon any previous measure. He was glad to hear the Home Secretary state that in regard to some of the provisions of the Bill he would preserve an open mind, and that if it was possible to extend the scope of the measure so as to bring domestic servants, of whom there were fully a million in the United Kingdom, and shop assistants, of whom there were 450,000, and clerks and others, within its provisions he would favourably consider the inclusion of those classes in this Bill. He rejoiced that the right hon. Gentleman had included seamen That had been urgently needed for years, and on all sides of the House there would be a sense of satisfaction that in a Bill of this nature consideration had been had for those who carried the trade and commerce of this country to the utter-most parts of the earth, and that they were to receive justice in this matter. He had great doubt as to the wisdom of any scheme of insurance with the great insurance companies. One of the gravest objections to the law as it now stood was the amount of litigation that took place, and the great difficulty in obtaining a just and reasonable settlement quickly and at a reasonable cost. If the employers insured the whole of their risks with the great insurance companies litigation would be increased instead of diminished. He was therefore driven to hope that ultimately there would be a system of State insurance under which every worker in the country would receive with the utmost speed and at the smallest cost just compensation in case of accident, and his relatives in case of his death, in the course of his employment. The question also arose as to whether compensation ought not to be paid from the day the accident happened. The Home Secretary, as they gratefully recognised, had met them half-way in this matter, but he hoped the right hon. Gentleman would give his serious attention and consideration to the French system, under which if an accident threw a man out of work for ten days he received compensation from the day the accident happened. In that way they would get appreciably nearer that condition which they all desired. There was, he submitted, no expenditure of money on the part of the commercial community of the nation that was more profitable than that expended on the question of workmen's compensation. In 1897 they were told that compensation would cause the coal-owners not less than 3d. per ton increased cost upon their coal production. In the county of Durham, under a mutual system of insurance amongst the coal-owners the average cost had been not 3d., but two-thirds of a penny per ton. This led him to refer to one method of arranging this matter so that it might be simplified, litigation lessoned, and expenditure saved. That method was grouping particular trades together and instituting this mutual system of insurance. The Durham miners would bear him out when he said that the Coal-owners' Association had met them in a very fair and reasonable spirit. Such an arrangement was infinitely better than submitting the workmen to the tender mercies of the big insurance companies. Then there was the question of whether this principle of grouping particular trades together could not be extended, so as to include those employers who employed less than five workmen, without an extra burden being thrown on them by their inclusion. By this method of grouping he believed it would be possible to get over the difficulty which was felt with regard to making those men pay compensation. Another question that had to be considered in regard to any scheme of compulsory insurance was the question of taking away from the employers the responsibility which now rested upon them for making every endeavour to protect the lives and limbs of their workpeople. There were good and bad employers, and in certain cases an employer did and would exercise more care in protecting his workpeople from injury and accident if in consequence of the accident he himself had to bear the entire financial burden of the accident. In considering this matter they ought not to exclude that particular view of the question. There were also certain industrial diseases to be included in this Bill. It entitled to compensation those who suffered from disease which arose as the result of the unhealthy character of their employment. He believed this Bill would be received with satisfaction both by employers and employed. He believed that employers recognised that it was only fair and just, and that every class of working man and woman ought to be included in its provisions. Though the Home Secretary did not see his way at the present moment to adopt some scheme of compulsory insurance which should secure to every workman just and quick settlement of their claims, or to include within the scope of the Bill the whole of the working people of the country, they knew that as to the ultimate goal at which they aimed they had his sympathy. They had heard from him in the course of the debate upon this Bill that, with regard to any important particulars which he might not be able to deal with in this Bill, he hoped with further investigation in the course of a year or two to take another step forward and realise what they all desired, namely, a complete and universal Workmen's Compensation Bill.
said that as a large employer of labour, and as one who would be largely affected by the Bill, he desired to say a few words about the measure. So far as the Bill itself was concerned in a general way he was thoroughly in accord with it. In the Bills of 1888 and 1897 the benefit of workmen's compensation was extended to a number of trades. This Bill was going very much farther, and would include everybody who earned his living by manual labour. But after letting all the people in and afterwards putting half of them out the Bill really came to something like that of 1897. He was of opinion when the Bill of 1897 was passed that it would be rather dangerous to the employers, and that the cost would be such as seriously to interfere with the prosperity of manufacturers. Nine years experience of the Act had shown that he was mistaken. There was no doubt that employers had had to pay considerable sums under the Act, but they had not boon such as seriously to interfere with their success and prosperity. The firm with which he was connected did not insure at all. They took their own risk and found it much more satisfactory than in former years when they insured. Many points in the Bill had been criticised. Generally speaking it had met with approval from both sides of the House. There were certainly points in the Bill which seemed almost to create an injustice. It seemed to be almost an injustice that if a man worked for a master who employed more than five men he could claim compensation, whereas if he worked for an employer who engaged less than five he was not entitled to compensation. He knew it was difficult to make a small man liable, but it was a point which might well be left to the Committee to get round in some way or other. Another point was the proposal to count compensation from seven instead of fourteen days after the accident. He was very much afraid that if after seven days compensation was to be paid there would be a great deal of malingering. Of course benefit societies and trade unions paid almost from the first day after the accident, but it was very much easier for them than it would be for any Government official or employer to find out whether an accident was a serious one or not. The question of making diseases count as accidents required consideration. He thought it was not sufficient that the employer in whose service an employee was taken ill, or in whose service the illness made itself apparent, should be made liable when that illness might have been contracted elsewhere; nor was it sufficient to give him the right to take action against the former employer in whose employment the illness might have been contracted. The Government would have to see that there was a general system of insurance to cover those trades. As to the provision by which sailors, seamen, and firemen were brought within the scope of the Bill, he had not the slightest desire to deprive these men of any fair compensation, but he thought the machinery of this Bill was not so well suited to them as that of the Merchant Shipping Act. He rather feared that, if they were put under the Workmen's Compensation Act instead of under the Merchant Shipping Act, there would be an overlapping of authority which would prevent them from getting justice. He did not know how far shipowners would be liable for what happened to an employee. Let them take the case of a boat's crow being sent to the rescue of the crew of a sinking ship. In the event of the crew getting drowned, would the shipowner be liable to their families? He thought there was a great deal of uncertainty about it, and if they could take out this part of the Bill and put it into the Merchant Shipping Act it would be a decided advantage, not only to the shipowner, but also to the sailors themselves, who would then come under one authority.
said that he had had practical experience of shipping matters, and he had come to the conclusion that the best course that could be taken in the interests of all would be that seamen should be dealt with under the Merchant Shipping Act rather than under this Bill. The considerations with regard to seamen were entirely different from those affecting any other class of workmen, because the risks to which they were subject were less under the control of the employer, and whilst the workman on land was subject to risks forty-eight or fifty hours per week; the workman on sea was subject to risks the whole 168 hours of the week. There was no doubt that seamen should be compensated for injuries, but in the endeavour to protect the interest of the seamen Parliament ought not to forgot the interests of the British mercantile marine. The loss of life had been calculated to be 4–9 per thousand on steamers and 12 per thousand on sailing vessels, and insurance therefore would fall very much more heavily upon the owners of sailing vessels than upon the owners of steamers. It was calculated by competent persons that it would cost £2 6s. 8d. per man to insure the men on steamers and no less than £7 per man to insure seamen on sailing vessels. There was now no profit in the operations of sailing vessels, and any additional burden upon the owners would simply mean that they would be driven out of existence. It was quite likely that sailing vessels would disappear in any case, but it ought to be borne in mind that they were largely the nursery for our seamen, and if Parliament did anything to destroy sailing vessels they would destroy that nursery. Another effect of the Bill would be largely to discourage the use of apprentices. At present apprentices were taken very largely from patriotic motives, especially on steamers, and, if they did away with sailing vessels, as they might by placing additional burdens upon their owners, they would have to fall back upon the steamers for the training of apprentices and seamen. The wages of apprentices were small and compensation for injuries would not consequently be a very heavy burden, but, in the case of drowning, a minimum sum of £150 would have to be paid, and it was quite obvious to those who know anything about the matter that shipowners would hesitate to take that risk. Then there was the case with regard to salvage. The captain of a vessel would hesitate before he attempted to save life if by making the attempt he incurred the risk of his owners having to pay compensation. Another matter to be considered was the fact that under the Bill it would be better for shipowners to transfer their vessels to foreign flags. They had before the House a Bill to discourage the employment of foreign seamen upon British ships, but it would encourage their employment. There was a condition in the Bill that the deceased's dependents, in order to receive compensation, must reside in the United Kingdom, and therefore there was a decided encouragement to employ a foreigner, because his dependents would not reside in the United Kingdom, and, if he were drowned, they would receive nothing. Again, there was every inducement, if a shipowner desired to employ British sailors, for him to put his ship under a foreign flag, because then he might employ British seamen and incur no liability at all. He hoped the Government would consider these points and other points such as arose in the case of British vessels which never came home at all. Vessels trading on the West Coast of Africa employed Chilian sailors but had European quartermasters and officers. If a quartermaster was married, the chances were that his wife resided in one of the ports at which his vessel called; but, if he were drowned, she would receive nothing, because she did not reside within the United Kingdom. There would thus be an inducement to a man to have his wife residing here whilst he was employed out there. There were a number of these curious things in the Bill, and he thought the proper thing, in view of the fact that shipowners had special obligations, would be that the whole matter should be put under a Merchant Shipping Bill and be considered carefully, especially having regard to the fact that a Royal Commission which had inquired into the matter had strongly recommended that the question should not be dealt with under the Employers' liability Act but by an additional clause to the Merchant Shipping Act. That was the deliberate recommendation of the Royal Commission, and he thought it would be unusual for the House to take an entirely different course unless very strong reasons could be urged for so doing. He had the honour to represent a constituency where there were a large number of fishermen. The cases of fishermen varied in different parts of the country, but in his constituency they fished on shares. He had asked the Home Secretary how those fishermen would be affected, and, although no doubt the right hon. Gentleman did his best to make the matter clear, he was still in a haze or fog as to what the effect of the Bill would be. In one case a vessel would be owned by three men, and as the crew usually numbered seven that would leave four employed, if they were workmen under the Act. If that boat were lost, the widows of these four men would receive nothing. In another case a boat would be owned by one man, and, if they were workmen under the Act, there would then be six employed. If that boat were lost the widow of the unfortunate owner would have to pay £1,200 compensation to the wives of the other men. It appeared to him that the Bill was going to work very unfairly in different cases, and he hoped the whole question of fishermen, and especially of Scotch fishermen on the Moray Firth, would receive more consideration.
said that in the first place he must congratulate the Home Secretary upon his Bill, and upon having avoided the system of legislation by reference from which on other questions they had suffered for so long a time. He hoped that in that respect the right hon. Gentleman would maintain his principles, because a speech which the right hon. Gentleman made the other day led him to fear that he would not hold on to those principles in other cases. If, however, they were to do anything in that direction it would only be by mutual forbearance with regard to the criticism of old matter. He hoped that having that point of view in mind the House would not consider this Bill as one thrown upon the Table, but that it would be considered mainly in regard to those matters which were not within the purview of the original Act. So far as he was aware, the employers would be perfectly willing to leave on one side those other portions of the Bill. Although many of the recommendations of the Commission in favour of employers were disregarded by the Bill, still he did not think there would be any wish on the part of employers to insist upon them, because they valued the consolidation principle. He hoped that others would also leave those questions alone, and that the Home Secretary would do nothing which would prevent the carrying out of this principle in the future. Another point of congratulation was that the right hon. Gentleman had been allowed to carry on the principle of the Workmen's Compensation Act. There was nothing he regretted more than that in the course of the legislation of the last Parliament his Party did not seize the opportunity extended to them and do this work. They had the information before them in the Blue-book, which contained a very capable examination of the Act, and proved where it was fallible. It had been reserved, however, for this Government to bring in a Bill which undoubtedly extended the Act very largely. He could not help thinking, however, that they had taken the plums and left out the difficulties. The speech of the Home Secretary showed that the right hon. Gentleman had realised already that many of the chief features of the Bill would have to be the subject of very serious review, so that almost all the matters upon which they decided on the Second Reading would have to be put into the melting pot in Committee. As far as the Second Reading was concerned, let it be understood once for all that there was no difference of opinion in any section of the House in regard to it. What they desired was that having tried the experiment, and found, after careful investigation, that it had been a success, the matter should be carried out on the only logical plan, that there should be universal compensation to workmen for accidents which did not happen through their own wilful negligence. That principle was adopted by every section of the House. But dangers and difficulties had been clearly pointed out. Let them take the question of the small employer. The standard suggested by the Government would act very unequally and press very heavily upon the small employer. Nobody wanted to discourage the small employer, as it was only by a man becoming one that he could raise himself out of the ranks of labour, but there were many small employers who would become bankrupt if they had to compensate their workmen for an accident. With reference to another matter—the two weeks—he would also ask the House very seriously to consider the position in which they were placed. The period of a fortnight was arrived at after very mature consideration, and it received the strongest approval of the Royal Commission, who said that, on the whole, they felt compelled to come to the conclusion that the transference to the employers of any liability for the compensation of the whole or any part of the first two weeks would be a reversal of the policy adopted under the Act of 1897, and they saw no reason for recommending it. It was well known that even the reduction of the period to a week would double the cost of insurance, and they now had the Secretary of State for the Home Department recognising one thing, but having very much in his mind another. He certainly thought that in reference to a Bill of this importance the Government should have a definite thing in their mind, so that before the Bill reached Committee, employers could know to some extent what liability was to be thrown upon them, and see how far their industry was able to bear any additional charge. At the same time as they were bringing in the smaller employer, for whom the premiums were always high, they were making the insurance for him still more difficult. Therefore he hoped the Government would have an open mind in reference to this question, because it was to the interest not only of employers, but of workmen, that there should be certainty in this matter, and not constant changes. Then he would like to know how the alterations in connection with agriculture were to be sustained. The alteration in the wording was very considerable, and it seemed to him that it might lead to great difficulties, because whereas in Section A the agriculturist was to be brought under the Act, unless he could prove that he did not regularly employ in agriculture any permanent workman, immediately after came the clause in which it was stated that the workman was considered to lie employed in agriculture if he were partly or occasionally employed in other work by the same employer. It seemed to him to be extremely difficult to combine these two so as to make sure as to the exact position of the small agriculturist. He was surprised that there was no reference at all in the definition clause to certain words to which the Commission gave a considerable amount of discussion. He did not know what the definition of a permanent workman was, and if he did not think the Government were free from the taint of slavery, he should say that the only kind of permanent workman he knew was a slave. It was a matter which ought to be more clearly defined. He would also like to ask for some explanation as to the expression "casual," in view of the strong opinion that was hold by the Commission as to the extreme difficulty of donning casual employment. It was now brought to the forefront by being made the subject of a section which applied to agricultural employment. These were alterations of the Act of 1900, and they did not seem to simplify the wording of that Act; he hoped, therefore, before they got into Committee thoroughly to under stand to what the Government intended the clause should apply. He hoped the Government would as far as possible listen to the arguments that had been addressed to them in regard to seamen, fishermen, and dangerous industries. So far as he knew they, as Members of Parliament, had no information to justify them in making the very large departure suggested by the Government. There was no desire, he believed, on the part of anybody that there should not be compensation for these special callings, but he thought it was the general opinion that the mode of giving that compensation should not follow the general lines which had been adopted in connection with employment in other trades. There were very strong grounds for suggesting that such peculiar difficulties as arose in the case of the fishermen should be reserved for separate treatment under a separate Bill.
thought that they had heard too much about the small employer in this debate, and that some share of their pity should go out to those who suffered from injuries which this Bill proposed to meet. The debate had not supplied so far any reminder of the number of people injured and killed during their daily labour. He believed there were about 400 workpeople killed every month in this country, and about 7,000 injured in one way or another. The first point which he desired to refer to was the insufficiency of the compensation proposed by the Bill. The compensation proposed was half the average earnings of the man. He submitted that if a man fairly needed all his wages when he was well, the family needed even more than the whole of the man's wages when he was ill. Let them take as an illustration a man earning 30s. a week who was disabled for three weeks. The man would lose £4 10s., and under the Bill he would receive as compensation only 30s. He submitted that that was not generous treatment, and they were entitled to call upon the Government to take a step in advance of the attitude assumed by the Government some years ago when the compensation law was first passed. They felt that the trades and industries generally could afford a greater strain. The profits of trading and the increase of the wealth of the well-to-do appeared to him to prove conclusively that a heavier burden for such a good reason could well be borne by the trades and industries of this country. He did not accept the suggestion that the small employers should be excluded from liability. He understood the Home Secretary to advocate the exclusion of small employers because they were indifferent and would not face their responsibilities. It had been said that such men were very often ignorant and did not do what the law called upon them to do. He had yet to learn that indifference to and ignorance of the law were sufficient reasons for escaping one s responsibilities in regard to the common law of the land, and in this matter he thought the Government should not exclude such a large number of workers as would be excluded if these small employers of labour were enabled to escape their responsibilities. The small employers of labour in respect of their profits and trading conditions knew how to combine, and if they could not singly accept the liability which the principle of this Bill proposed, then they might act in association in order to insure the lives and limbs of their workmen. He submitted also that sufficient reasons had not been given by the Secretary of State for the Home Department for exclusion of domestic servants from the privileges of the Bill. Reference had been made by the right hon. Gentleman to the large number of domestic servants employed by working people. The Labour Party made no plea that the wage-earners of the country should escape their liabilities in respect of injuries sustained by those whom they employed. If necessary, they should call upon the ordinary working man to insure himself against the risk of accidents that might befall his domestic servant. He did not think they ought to exclude clerks from the operation of the Bill. They should not forget that there was a class of clerk who moved about large works and shipping yards amongst machinery in order to take down details, and he incurred almost as great a risk as the ordinary working man. It had been said upon both sides of the House that it was not advisable to depart from the present limit of a fortnight, because of the malingering there was or might be if working men were entitled to compensation from the first day of injury. He would point out that if a working man went home and said he had been hurt, that would not be taken as evidence of the injury, and his word would not be taken as the foundation for the payment of compensation. The doctor's evidence as to injury and incapacity would be required before any workman could set up his title to compensation. He thought the officers of the insurance company, the agents of the employer, and all the things attaching to a working man's conditions of work, would protect employers against the risk of having to pay when a man was not disabled at all. There were many points dealt with in this Bill which Labour Members warmly welcomed, but having accepted the payment of compensation as a principle, and that industries must bear the cost of accidents and deaths, he submitted that the House had had sufficient experience of industrial life to justify it in going further in regard to the amount of compensation, and in regard to the other items which he had mentioned.
said it was obvious that the methods of obstruction and the opportunities for obstruction, broadly speaking, were coterminous with the length of the measure. This Bill was much longer than it other wise would have been, because the Home Secretary had accepted the advice given him, and had brought in a Bill which contained within its four corners the whole of the Act which Parliament was asked to adopt. He hoped that hon. Members opposite would see that his right hon. friend was not discouraged by their tactics. Having listened to the debate it appeared to him that the discussion had ceased to be a Second Reading debate, and he respectively submitted that a measure of this kind, which was accepted in principle in all quarters of the House, had been sufficiently debated by occupying two days, and as a great deal of work had to be done this session, he thought it would be better that matters of detail should be reserved for their proper place and that the House might now very well agree to the Second Reading. He wished to remind hon. Members who were new to the House that not only would they have an opportunity in Committee of bringing up these matters, but they would also have another opportunity on the Report stage. Upon these grounds he asked the House to bring the discussion to an end, and allow the Bill to go to the Committee upstairs.
said there were many matters in connection with the general question dealt with in this Bill upon which, as a large employer of labour, he should like to say a few words. He happened to be one of the few large employers of labour in this House who had been elected in spite of the opposition of the Labour Party, and he thought the views of large employers in the matter under discussion were worthy of consideration. Upon this question he was in a position to speak in a more independent way than many hon. Members opposite. [MINISTERIAL cries of "No, no."] His independence was not in any way hostile to a sympathetic view of the question connected with the Workmen's Compensation Act; in fact what he would like to say was that no follower of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, who brought this Act in during the year 1897, was at all averse to the Bill now under discussion. The Home Secretary the other day had appeared to think that there was one law for the rich and another for the poor upon this question of compensation; but it was rather characteristic of the present Cabinet that they should declare that the proposals to include clerks, shop assistants, and domestic servants had better be left to the House. That meant that the Government would not take the responsibility of stating what ought to be done with regard to those proposals. They were getting accustomed to that sort of thing from hon. Members opposite. He was somewhat surprised that upon the First Reading of the Education Bill they did not hear of some matters which would be left open to the House to alter as they pleased. The Home Secretary had laid down the principle that as there were 450,000 shop assistants and 1,000,000 domestic servants in cottages and small shops therefore they must be excluded from the Bill. That was tantamount to saying that rich men were to employ labour and pay compensation, but poor men were to pay no compensation. His point was that the terms of compensation should be the same. In this matter he had no pity for the bankers, the merchants, and the wealthy shop-keepers, and because there happened to be poor bankers, poor merchants, and poor shop-keepers, it was no reason why those classes should be excluded from the Bill, because they were just as well able to pay. He could not see that a principle which was good for one class should not be equally good and equally applicable to other classes of the community, and it ought to be applied to the fullest extent to both rich and poor. Personally he thought if the poor employers were included there would be great benefit to the community. There was nothing so injurious to the community in municipal management as the compound householder, because the compound householder had none of the responsibility of paying taxes. There was no doubt that our municipalities suffered immensely from that fact. He believed that if a small employer from start to finish had responsibility like the large employer in respect of the Workmen's Compensation Act there would be a better fellow feeling between employer and employed—a better treatment of domestic and other servants, and matters would go on with more sympathy between the classes of rich and poor than at present. As to the question of the "fourteen days," he was thoroughly in accord with the hon. Member who said that when an accident was fully proved compensation ought to start from the day of the accident. There was no question in his mind about that, but the question of proof was really a very serious thing. He was connected in works with two societies which were known to some hon. Members below the gangway. He thought hon. Members would admit that both societies were conducted with sympathy between employers and employed. The men themselves conducted the benefit societies and they were much better and greater critics than the employers in the conduct of the business of the societies. They threw aside many claims which the employers probably would have paid. It was of great advantage that the societies should be so conducted. Cases of malingering could be easily dealt with in that way. In the case of football if a man was injured in an alarming way on a Saturday it happened in some way or other that the man was back again playing the next Saturday. A young friend of his own, who was hunting, had two collar bones broken and another bone dislocated, and in six weeks he was out hunting again. Had he been eligible for compensation under the Workmen's Compensation Act, he would undoubtedly have gone to bed, awaiting payment of compensation. Therefore the question of malingering was a very serious one, and he did hope that the House would take it fully into consideration. The compensation should begin on the day the accident occurred, but they should consider whether the fortnight should remain for the purpose of ascertaining whether or not the accident was a real one. The Home Secretary had dealt with the question of old age. He did not think the right hon. Gentleman's suggestions were at all workable. It was a sop which he did not think Cerberus would accept. The only way to deal with old age was by having a proper old age pension scheme as soon as they possibly could. The fact that certain classes of workmen claimed a minimum wage and other benefits meant that young men were required by employers, and undoubtedly the old men were in that way put out of work. Sub-section (6) of Clause 9 was in the following terms—
"The Secretary of State may make Provisional Orders for extending the provisions of this section to other diseases and other processes, either without modification or subject to such modifications as may be contained in the Order."
That was really a very serious thing, for it was quite possible that the Home Secretary might say that measles, scarlet fever, or small pox were diseases to be dealt with by Provisional Order. If the law was going to be extended in that way, it ought to be done only after proper discussion. It was very tempting for the Secretary of State, when there was a clause of this sort, to comply with the solicitation of some generous politician to give relief for small pox if it was stated that a man had brought the disease into a place where workmen were employed. Undoubtedly the application of the clause ought to be limited so that employers should not be adversely affected when such cases occurred. Careful consideration must be given to the clauses relating to seamen, because they were very important indeed. They would press very heavily upon shipowners, and there really had been no time for the shipowning associations to send their views in order that they might be submitted to the House. He did not at all dispute the rights of seamen to receive compensation, but there were differences in connection with their conditions of service which showed that the proposals in the present Bill required very careful treatment from the House. He understood that the Home Secretary and the President of the Board of Trade had already conferred on this point. He wished to know whether, if seamen were to get the advantages proposed to be conferred by this Bill, it was intended to alter the provisions of the Merchant Shipping Act of 1894. There were probably many Members of the House who did not know that the advantages which seamen at present possessed were very considerable. The Report of the Departmental Committee on Compensation for Injuries to Workmen, 1904, referring to the provisions of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, stated—
"In the second place, mere is the fact that at present certain sections of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, provide for the seaman in cases of illness, hurt, or injury on the voyage, and the provision made differs materially from that laid down in the Workmen's Compensation Act, so that should the latter Act be applied to seamen there would be a conflict between the two Acts. Moreover, in all cases of injury occurring on a foreign voyage, the provisions of the Merchant Shipping Act are more advantageous to the seaman up to the point of his arrival in the United Kingdom. During the whole of the time that he is on board of the ship, his full wages, together with maintenance, medicine, surgical and medical advice and attendance continue. If he is landed abroad, although his wages cease, yet the shipowner is responsible for all else mentioned above until he is cured, or dies, or is brought back to a port in the United Kingdom, together with the expense of his conveyance to that port, and, in case of death abroad, the expense of his burial. It is true that where a seaman is landed at a foreign port there is no fund beyond any wages to which he may be entitled applicable to the relief of wife and family. But here, also, it should be noted that even in cases of illness the shipowner is differently situated to the employer on shore, inasmuch as he has to I continue the wages and maintenance, and provide medicine and medical attendance for the seaman during the whole time that he may be ill on board of the ship, and even when he is landed abroad and his wages cease, the shipowner is still responsible for his maintenance and the expense of his passage home to a port in the United Kingdom."
If the Home Secretary intended to give the advantages of this Bill to seamen there should be some alteration of these terms with the view to the State's assuming, to some extent, the liabilities now imposed on shipowners. He thought the House ought to see whether some method other than by this Bill could not be found for dealing with seamen. In other countries there was no form comparable with this Bill, but there were certain means of giving assistance whereby the State joined in the insurance which was necessary. The hon. Member for Stockton the other day had referred to the liabilities of shipowners, and then they had heard the old story about shipowners being a most prosperous lot of people, who could bear any burdens imposed on them. Managing owners were rather lucky, and he did not speak of them when he said that, having considerable experience, he knew no shipowner who in regard to dividends on his invested capital would not have done much better by putting his money in Consols during the last ton years. Upon those shipowners it was proposed to impose a liability very much greater than that for accidents which occurred on shore. And the reason why that liability was so great was because of all the perils of the sea—storms, lightning, shipwreck and so on. These perils did not last for only eight hours out of the twenty-four: they did not last for five or six days in the week, but for the whole voyage, which might last for a year or two. Therefore, these conditions were of a very onerous character to the shipowner—more so than any sort of manufacturers in the Kingdom. There were a great many other questions which arose under the proposals in the Bill. There was the question of salvage. When a boat's crew was sent out to save life, or to save property, who was to bear the burden of compensation if an accident occurred? Was it the shipowner? The circumstances in such cases were quite distinct from accidents on land; and he thought that they were entitled to know from the Home Secretary whether, in bringing in these clauses, he intended to give something to the shipowners which would alleviate their present onerous position. Again, what were the rights of seamen employed on board ships engaged in purely foreign trade? It was a very serious matter to make a ship engaged in foreign trade a factory not only in British waters, but all over the world. If a factory was established by a British firm abroad, and that firm engaged either foreign or British workmen, there was no liability for compensation except under the law of that foreign country. But by transferring this factory legislation to foreign ports and applying it, not only to British and Colonial seamen, but to aliens—say to Chilians—who might be on board a British ship in the Pacific Ocean—they would grant those foreign seamen, who could earn only a few pence a day, compensation for an accident to the extent of £100 or £150. That seemed to be contrary to the policy of not employing foreigners on British ships, and to offer inducements to aliens, whose wives and children were in no way connected with this country, to join these ships. Were all seamen—Asiatics, Lascars, Chilians,—who had a different style of living from British sailors, to have the same rights as the latter? He appealed to the Government to devise some plan by which relief should be given to enable British shipowners, who were at present not too prosperous, to carry on their business successfully. He also appealed, as an employer of labour, to the Labour Members to assist British shipowners by relieving them of the burden of paying compensation to their employees who were not British subjects, and so to enable them to increase the number of British seamen and apprentices on board British ships.
said there were several points raised in the debate on which it was right that some answer should be given. The discussion had ranged over several topics which could be more properly discussed on the Committee stage of the Bill, such as the position of fishermen who had ceased to be employees and had become partners, and the definition of temporary and permanent workmen in agriculture. The inclusion of seamen in this Bill was a large question on which the House might expect some reply to the points raised by hon. Members. It was true that the Departmental Committee which examined the question of the Workmen's Compensation Act did say that seamen should be included in the scheme, not by way of the amendment of the Workmen's Compensation Act, but by way of the amendment of the Merchant Shipping Act. But that Committee had in mind that a provision to include seamen in the category of workmen might overlap the pro- visions of the Merchant Shipping Act, and they did not foresee the proposals made in the Bill now before the House. This Bill was most careful to separate altogether the rights of seamen under the Workmen's Compensation Act and the rights they enjoyed under the Merchant Snipping Act. The proposal of the Bill was that so long as the seaman was on board ship at sea he enjoyed his rights under the Merchant Shipping Act; but so soon as he arrived at a British port he enjoyed the rights of a British workman. The hon. Member for the Everton Division had urged how unjust it would be if a foreign sailor—say a Chilian—who was injured in some port in the Pacific Ocean, could claim the same compensation as a British seaman, if his wife happened to live in the United Kingdom. Such a case would be so extra-ordinarily rare that it need not be provided for especially. It was said that shipowners should not be liable for compensation because they had no real control over the sailors once the ship left port. But precisely the same argument might be applied to all other great industries. What direct control had, for instance, directors of a railway company from day to day, and hour to hour, over every workman employed on the railway? The day had long gone past when the workman was under the direct control and eye of the employer. Then it was said that the captain of a ship might be put in a dilemma if he saw another ship in distress and hesitated to send a boat's crew to rescue the sailors in that distressed ship. He was sure that such a dilemma would never occur, because every shipowner would insure every seaman on board his ship just as he insured his ship and cargo. The hon. Member for Elgin and Nairn, in a maiden speech, had threatened the British nation with various calamities. He had told the House that ships would be transferred to a foreign flag, that foreign sailors would be employed and that no more British sailors would be employed; but he would point out that the hon. Member's objections would apply to any scheme of compensation. The hon. Member had said that if seamen were compensated at all, it should be under the Merchant Shipping Act; but if they did that precisely the same terrors would ensue. He thought that shipowners—all of whom were not, he was glad to say, speaking in opposition to the Bill—should tell them what they wanted. Did they wish for a lower scale of compensation to the disadvantage of the seaman, or a different procedure so that the seaman should claim under one Act of Parliament instead of under another? It was urged by some that the perils of the sea were so great that the burdens imposed by this Bill would be very heavy. The seaman, they said, was subject to risk for twenty-four hours, while the workman on shore was exposed to risk for only eight or ten hours; but he did not know that it would be any consolation to the widow of a seaman to be told that the reason she got only one-third of the ordinary compensation was that her husband had suffered three times the risk. He did not follow the logic of the proposition at all. When the original Bill was before the House Sir Francis Evans, then the chairman of the Union Steamship Company, and a very large shipowner, proposed an Amendment to include seamen in the Workmen's Compensation Bill, and he said that after making careful calculations over a series of years the whole charge which would be thrown upon the vast undertaking over which he presided was only about £400 a year. Surely that was not an excessive burden. Another shipowner who belonged to the Party to which the hon. Gentleman opposite belonged, Sir Arthur Forwood, also spoke strongly in favour of this proposition, and said that if there was one industry in this country which could be brought without any difficulty under the Bill it was the shipping industry. That Amendment was rejected, and since that time the shipowners had had ten years exemption from any liablity whatever. For those ten years of exemption he thought they were somewhat indebted to the seamen of this country. Another point must also be borne in mind, and that was that the shipowner, unlike the railway owner or the factory owner, paid no poor rate upon his shipping; he paid that impost only upon the small buildings he used as offices. Then again, and lastly upon this matter of the shipping industry, it was largely made the subject of insurance. Shipowners insured their ships, their cargoes and their freights; with regard to no class of business had the system of insurance been more developed; therefore, there would be no difficulty whatever in arranging a system of insurance by which these risks could be covered. He did not think that there was any shipowner in the House or out of it who would say that the ship or cargo or freight which he insured was more precious than the lives of the seamen. Turning to the next question, the inclusion of all occupations and of all employees, his hon. friend the Member for Barnsley and others had urged very strongly that that policy should be pursued. Of course, it was most desirable that the measure should, if possible, be made comprehensive, simple, equal, and final; but, as the Home Secretary had said earlier in the debate, did hon. Members realise the grave hardships which would occur if this measure was extended to all small employers? Artisans very often employed small servants. One of these might be sent on an errand in the course of her employment and meet with an accident, and then the artisan might have to pay her 10s. a week for life. How was it possible that he should do so? The news-agent employed a boy and the boy was sent out on his work and was run over. If he was killed the news-agent would have to pay £100 in a lump sum, or if he was injured he might have to pay 10s. a week for the rest of the boy's life. It was said that the matter might be dealt with by insurance as foreign countries did deal with it by a compulsory method, but as a matter of fact there was no country which extended this system of insurance universally, or which included domestic servants or small employers except in the dangerous trades. Germany had a limit of ton, and the system did not cover cases where less than ten people were employed. Italy and Belgium had a limit of five, while France included only the larger trades. This Bill if passed in its present form would be far more comprehensive than the law of any other country, and would place us ahead of all the other nations of the world in this part of the social reform question. He was dealing with the number of industries covered and the number of employers and workmen, and he said unhesitatingly that there was no country which could show a larger number of workmen who would be covered by a Workmen's Compensation Act than in this country would be covered by this Bill. Then the hon. Member for Barnsley had said that we needed a system of compulsory insurance, and had accused the Government of want of courage in neglecting that question. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Forest of Dean had admitted that the system of Germany was not suitable to this country, and there was really no system of compulsory insurance in France. All that was given was a State guarantee against the employer.
* said that in France the man must get his money.
said that the employer must be made a bankrupt before the scheme came into operation. That was a state of things which he was sure would not commend itself to any hon. Member, because they wanted to save the small employer, and did not want to put him in a position in which he was made bankrupt, as was the system in France. Then it had been said that it was possible through the Post Office or some other means to establish a general insurance organisation under which all persons should be required to be insured. But under a system of that kind, how was it possible to check the claims which would be made? True, the Post Office gave annuities, and in the case of the death of an annuitant the fact was easily ascertainable. But how could a Department like the Post Office ascertain whether a man was injured while at work or not, whether he was no longer fit for work, and a number of other delicate questions which must arise in connection with a matter of this kind? That system would involve that the State should, out of hand, accept any claim which was made, or they would be put in the position of fighting the workman in a court of law. That point raised a very serious dilemma which should be considered by those who advocated such a system. There were others who said that in a system of State insurance there ought to be a clause compelling employers to insure all their employees in some insurance company. Had hon. Members considered the means by which a section of that sort could be enforced? Was it proposed that inspectors should go down every street and knock at every door and ask for the insurance policy of every servant in the house, or of every employee in a factory? This was a very large question, and it might possibly be considered, but it could not be settled in a hurry as hon. Members proposed. There might indeed be a system of compulsion not existing under any Act of Parliament, but enforced merely by the risk of loss, which would fall upon the employer if he did not insure. We all insured our houses in case of fire, not because the law required us to do so, but because we knew the penalty which would fall upon us if we did not do so and a fire happened. So a system under which loss would be the natural result of neglect or carelessness would be the natural system of compulsion. Compulsion would in many cases give rise to great hardship, but it was, as his right hon. friend had said, a matter that was open for consideration whether the benefits which would follow from such a course would not be more than outweighed by the drawbacks. It had boon complained that his right hon. friend had been too ready to leave matters to the decision of the House. He might say that this course had not been lightly taken, nor had it been taken without consideration. It was one of their chief complaints against the late Government that they refused to leave matters to the House, and they had complained that there should have been on the Ministerial Benches in the last Parliament such a docile majority ready to approve whatever measures were laid before Parliament by a self-confident Government. On more than one occasion Bills were forced through the House as though they were inspired measures, not a single Amendment being permitted, in order that the report stage might be avoided. Therefore, he could well understand that hon. Members on the Opposition side were surprised that the House of Commons should be asked actually to legislate. There had been much talk about the decline of the House of Commons and its power in recent years, but he believed that such a decline as there had been was mainly and almost solely due to the deliberate policy of the late Executive, which required that the House should be subordinate to its wishes. The House of Commons shared with the Administration the responsibilities of government. He trusted that in Committee hon. Members would assist them to frame a measure which would be thoroughly satisfactory, and that the result of the deliberations in Committee would be further to improve a measure which even in its present form he believed would do great good to the nation.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill read a second time.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be committed to the Standing Committee on Law, etc."—( Mr. Gladstone. )
moved that the Bill be committed to the Standing Committee on Law.
protested against this course being taken, more especially after the speech of the Under-Secretary. A strong complaint was made against the late Government that they refused to leave measures to the House, and the hon. Member also said that they allowed no Report stage. He could not allow that statement for a moment to go unchallenged.
said that at the very beginning of his speech he said that it was proposed that this Bill should be sent to the Standing Committee on Law, which was a microcosm of this House, and then the House as a whole would have a further opportunity of considering the main points on the Report stage.
complained that a question of this kind should be sent upstairs instead of being discussed in Committee of the whole House. This practice of sending important measures upstairs was gradually breaking down the whole system of Grand Committees. It was bound to break down the principle of Grand Committees, which had done so much in the past in dealing with non-contentious measures. Moreover, since this particular Bill affected shipping as well, it ought to be discussed in Committee of the House.
* reminded the right hon. Gentleman that the right hon. Member for the St. Augustine's Division of Kent had agreed to the Standing Committee. The Factory Act of 1901 was sent to the Standing Committee on Trade, and on that occasion the whole of the Factory and Workshops Acts were consolidated into a single measure. Therefore, the sending of this measure to a Committee upstairs was a much less important matter than the Act of 1901.
said he wished to support the objection made by his right hon. friend against sending this Bill to the Grand Committee. It was an entirely non-controversial measure, and the Committee stage would not take up much time. A good many hon. Members who had expert knowledge would be able to offer useful criticism in deciding many points in connection with the question as to which classes of workpeople this Bill should be extended to. Upon a former occasion when they had a Workmen's Compensation Bill the Committee stage had invariably been taken in Committee of the whole House. This was a most important measure, and it was evident from the discussion that there was in all quarters of the House, a most friendly feeling towards the Bill and a general desire to hasten its passage into law and to make it as perfect a measure as possible. Upon those grounds and on the understanding that the Opposition would give an undertaking to assist in passing the Bill speedily through its Committee Stage he hoped the Home Secretary would agree to have the Bill referred to a Committee of the whole House.
said the hon. Member had told the House that this Bill was of a non-controversial nature. That was precisely the reason for sending it upstairs. It was common knowledge that the Compensation Bill introduced by the late Government last session was intended to be sent to the Grand Committee. He would further remind the House that this Bill did not raise any great questions which had not already been fully discussed. It was full of detail and was non-controversial, and for those reasons he hoped the House would send it to the Standing Committee on Law.
said he did not attach much importance to the precedents of the late Government, because he remembered that whatever the Bills were they were firmly resisted by the Opposition, who invariably pointed out that they would break down the Grand Committee. All who had served upon Grand Committees knew the inconvenience of having to attend so many Committees, which made a great demand upon their time. The objection taken to this Bill being sent upstairs was entirely on the ground of inconvenience to hon. Members and not to delay the business. He hoped the Government would remember that by sending so many important Bills upstairs they were placing a very heavy strain upon Members of the House of Commons.
Question put and agreed to.
Post Office (Money Orders) Bill
Considered in Committee, and reported, without Amendment; read the third time, and passed.
Open Spaces Bill
Order for Second Reading road.
said that this was a consolidating Bill, very much the same as was passed in the House of Lords in 1904. It was purely uncontentious. He bogged to move.
Motion made and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Question put and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed to the Standing Committee on Law, etc.
Naval Prize Bill [Lords]
Read a second time and committed for Tuesday, April 24th.
Dean Forest Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
said that this was simply a departmental measure to enable the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to exchange parcels of waste land in the Forest of Dean.
Question, "That the Bill be now read a second time," put and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed to a Select Committee of five Members, three to be nominated by the House, and two by the Committee of Selection.
Ordered, That all Petitions against the Bill presented four clear days before the meeting of the Committee be referred to the Committee; that the Petitioners praying to be heard by themselves, their counsel, or agents be heard against the Bill, and counsel heard in support of the Bill.
Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.
Ordered, That three be the quorum.—( Mr. McKenna. )
Crown Lands Bill
Order for Second Reading read.
Motion made and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."
said that the object of this Bill was to transfer the management of certain Crown lands from the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to other departments. He thought that the management by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests was not satisfactory, and by way of illustration he might take their action in regard to small holdings. There was a strong feeling in the country, and he believed the feeling was equally strong in this House, that the condition of rural England would be considerably improved by increasing the number of small holdings. If that were so, and he did not think he need argue it, one would naturally expect that the proportion of Crown lands devoted to the purpose of small holdings would certainly not be loss than the proportion so devoted upon the best managed private estates. But as a matter of fact it was not so. The Secretary of the Treasury had recently informed him that among the whole agricultural portion of Crown lands there were only 236 small holdings. By a small holding he meant a holding under fifty acres. The hon. Gentleman had given him some details with regard to the holdings, and by working them out he found that there were 2,000 acres devoted to small holdings out of a total of 70,000 acres. That compared very unfavourably with the case of estates privately owned. The Earl of Howe, for instance, owned an estate of 14,000 acres, of which no fewer than 2,000 acres were devoted to small holdings. The Secretary of the Treasury had also stated that the Woods and Forests Commissioners had recently sold a considerable number of small holdings in Wales. He understood that these small holdings were sold to neighbouring proprietors, and he doubted very much whether any considerable part of these lands were devoted to small holdings at all. He demurred altogether to the policy of selling Crown lands. One did not need to be a land nationaliser to object to property which was at present owned by the State being sold right out. That was not necessary for the success of small holdings. On the contrary, experience ran rather the other way. What was wanted was that the occupier of a small holding should have reasonable security that he would be able to reap where he had sown. He demurred to the policy of selling these lands to the neighbouring proprietors, for experience had shown that sooner or later the lands ceased to be small holdings altogether. With regard to the action of the Woods and Forests Department in the slate producing districts of Wales, there had long been a want of house accommodation, and the Welsh Land Commission of ten years ago recommended that the Woods and Forests Commissioners should utilise part of their waste lands, of which there were considerable areas in Merionethshire and Carnarvonshire, for the purpose of small holdings, and also that they should erect or give facilities for erecting houses upon these holdings. He believed that little or nothing had been done in the way of carrying out that recommendation. The Commission said that the Woods and Forests Commissioners had never approached the administration of the Crown lands in Wales either with adequate knowledge or upon correct principles. They also suggested that a now Commission should be appointed, with the powers of the Supreme Court, to make a minute investigation into the titles of the proprietors of lands bordering upon the Crown lands. He ventured to say that if that recommendation were carried out the Commission so appointed would have brought before it very startling evidence. It was evident from these facts that the Woods and Forests Commissioners in the administration of the Crown lands pursued a bad tradition. They had pursued a consistent policy of adding field to field and farm to farm. They did not believe in sub-dividing holdings. They had constantly consolidated them. On the other hand there had boon established comparatively recently another department, the Board of Agriculture, which represented modern ideas, and it had at its head a nobleman who was singularly keen in the matter of small holdings and warmly sympathised with the democracy respecting the proper tenure and use of land. Naturally one would have thought that the administration of the Crown lands, which were really national estate, should be entrusted to the Board of Agriculture. There was actually under the Board of Agriculture Act provision made for the transfer to that Board of the powers of other departments in regard to matters where agriculture was concerned. He did not suggest that the transfer of the Crown lands could be made under that provision to the Board of Agriculture, but he merely mentioned the provision as indicating the opinion of Parliament that the Board of Agriculture was the proper authority for administrative purposes in such cases. He was anxious that these binds should be transferred from the Woods and Forests Commissioners to the Board of Agriculture. He did not admit that if they were administered by that Board the revenue would necessarily be diminished, or that any injury would really be done to the lands. The House were told the other night by the Secretary of the Treasury that the Woods and Forests Department were not free to deal with these lands—that they were bound to administer them for the benefit of the Crown. He must really demur from that statement and what it seemed to imply. He submitted that the Crown had really nothing more than a technical or nominal interest in these lands. He believed that the freehold of the lands had never been actually divested out of the Crown, but the Crown had no personal interest in the administration of these lands at all. They were, in fact, national estate, and when so many hon. Members were pledged to promote reforms in regard to the land, it seemed to him that they should encourage better tenure and better use of the land of this country. They could not do better than begin at home. There was no reform which lay more at hand, was more practical or more convenient, than the better administration of what he rightly called national estate. If these lands were transferred to the Board of Agriculture they might be administered better and more in accordance with the way in which the most enlightened private owners administered theirs. He was sorry that the Government had not included in the Bill now before the House a provision for the transfer to the Board of Agriculture of the Crown lands. This Bill referred only to foreshores. It might be necessary that the management of foreshores should be taken from the Woods and Forests Department, but it was infinitely more important that the agricultural portion of these lands should be transferred to the Board of Agriculture. He begged to move.
Amendment proposed—
"To leave out from the word 'that.' to the end of the Question, in order to add the words, 'No Bill dealing with the transfer of the management of certain Crown lands from the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to another department will be satisfactory to this House unless it provides for the transfer of the control and management of the agricultural portion of those lands to the Board of Agriculture.'"—( Mr. Pickersgill. )
Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question."
said that when this Bill got into Committee he would be able to show his hon. friend a clause which the Government proposed to introduce, and which, though it would not give him all he asked, would meet his wishes sufficiently to be satisfactory to him, and would not rouse the opposition of right hon. and hon. Gentle- men opposite. It was in substance proposed to increase the number of the Commissioners by adding to that body the President of the Board of Agriculture for the time being, if he was willing to serve. That would leave the constitution of the Commission the same as it was now—that was to say, their statutory powers would continue exactly as they were at this moment, but it would enable this House to criticise the action of the Commissioners with more authority and with greater ease, because they would have a Minister in the House directly responsible for the administration of the Department. At the present moment the Secretary of the Treasury was made responsible for the administration of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and the other evening he was called to account in consequence of an act done by the Commissioners no less than forty-five years ago. It was certainly unfortunate as things stood at present that the House had no effective opportunity of criticising the work of that body. It was true it was not proposed to hand over the whole power of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to the Board of Agriculture, and he thought for a very good reason. He could not agree with the view which his hon. friend took of the law. These Crown lands were not, as his hon. friend thought, a national estate at all. It was quite true that during the life of the individual Sovereign the claim of the Sovereign to those properties was only a bare legal claim; but on the demise of the Crown, the property passed to the next heir, and it was given to the nation in exchange for the Civil List. It was a bargain which was made each time, and he did not think they ought to wish hastily to deprive the Sovereign of his interest in that property in consideration of what was given to him by the Civil List. They were all at one in this matter now. What they desired was to secure a more progressive and enlightened policy in the management of the Crown Lands; and what he desired was that the responsibility for the administration of the Crown Lands should be in the hands of some Minister who should have some real control over them. This, he hoped, would be secured by the new management which would be introduced by the provisions of this Bill. With that assurance he trusted that his hon. and learned friend would withdraw his Amendment.
said that the observations of the hon. Gentleman raised a point of considerable importance which ought not to be passed over without proper consideration. He did not altogether hold with the view that the administration of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests had been quite so obsolete as had been alleged; because during his short experience in office, the Commissioners were fully prepared to meet, as far as possible, the views and wishes of the House of Commons. He would point out that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests were responsible for a very considerable amount of revenue which was a sensible addition to the Exchequer. The duty of the Commissioners was not only to act as model landlords, but to do their best to maintain that revenue. He expressed the hope that in any change which the Treasury introduced they would still consider the great importance of not taking any step which would have the result of diminishing that revenue; and that in the administration of the Crown Lands they would not attempt any rash experiments in regard to land tenure. He hoped that the Secretary of the Treasury would be able to bring in his scheme of reform at a time when it could be fully discussed, and not driven through in the small hours of the morning. He offered his most hearty congratulations to the Secretary of the Treasury, and expressed his own personal envy that that hon. Gentleman was in a more fortunate position than he him self had been in, when, on two previous occasions, this Bill was introduced the hon. Member for Mid Lanark threatened him with a speech against the Bill which would last for three hours! No doubt, the watchful eye of that hon. Member was still cast on this class of legislation; but the present Government was in a more fortunate position than when he sat on the Treasury Bench.
* said he was glad to hear that the Government were going to try and improve the management of the Crown Lands and thereby show a good example to other landlords. They knew from the President of the Board of Agriculture, Lord Carrington, that he could manage his estates on the small holdings system and make more money out of them than under the old large holdings system. Why could not the Government do the same thing? He was sorry that the name of the Sovereign had been brought into this question. That was very unfair. Chapter 4 of Act 1, Edward VII., stated that these Crown Lands were unreservedly given over to the Government of this country to be managed in the interest of the nation, in exchange for the Civil List. He knew that there was a considerable income derived from this Crown property. Last year £470,000 was paid into the Exchequer from them. At one time the Sovereign had to pay out of those funds all the cost of the diplomatic service, the Army, and the allowances to the members of the Royal Family. It was national property and the Sovereign could not alienate a single acre of this property, and now that the Government had the management of it, why could they not put it on a good business footing? At present £20,000 was asked from Parliament for management; but that was deceiving the House, because last year the management actually cost some £150,000. Why should not full details be given as in regard to other departments of administration?
* : The criticism on which the hon. Member has embarked does not seem to be relevant to this Bill. It is more relevant to the Estimates.
* said he thought that the Government should consider this matter in Committee on this Bill, and bring this fund into proper order. At any rate, he was glad that something was going to be done to put the management of the Crown property on a businesslike footing. It should be taken out of the hands of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests, and handed over to the Agricultural Department. He had no doubt that if that were done, in the course of a very short time, especially under the guidance of the present President of the Board of Agriculture, matters would be put into proper order. The cost of management was now very excessive.
thought that hon. Members might congratulate themselves on the discussion which had been initiated on this question. He and his friends were delighted to think that the Government were prepared to give some attention to the remarks which had been made upon the subject, and that they were going to give the House an opportunity of an effective discussion on the administration of Crown property by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests. He did not think there was any desire whatever for any diminution of the revenue from these lands. What was wanted was the adoption of a more progressive system of administration; and if that were carried out he believed that not only would the present revenue be realised, but that it would be increased.
This subject came before me when I was at the Board of Agriculture, and I took considerable interest in it. I desired that the Commissioners of Woods and Forests should be under the Board of Agriculture, not because I had reason to believe that the administration was unsatisfactory—quite the contrary—or in order that we might experiment on that property without risk of diminishing the income, but because we had a good Board of Agriculture, and it seemed to me that it would be able to do very good work if the Department was under the Board and not under the Treasury. I cannot quite view with approval the suggestion of the Secretary of the Treasury. I understand that the suggestion is not that the Woods and Forests and their administration should be put under the Board of Agriculture, but that the President of the Board of Agriculture should be associated with the Commissioners of Woods and Forests as a joint commissioner. I hope that ample notice will be given of the Amendment, which is certainly one that I would be inclined to resist. There are one or two offices in which the heads of other departments are associated with the I Minister, and there cannot be a worse system in the interests both of the Minister and of the State. A Minister cannot be described as responsible to the House and the country unless he is in a position to say, "This or that is to be done in a particular way." Unless a Minister is master in his own house it is a mere farce to say he is responsible to this House. The proposal of the Secretary to the Treasury will not alter the relations of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests to the House in the slightest degree. The hon. Gentleman has suggested that the arrangement proposed would enable the House to review the proceedings of the Commissioners; but the House can review them even now through the Treasury. The hon. Gentleman went on to say that with the present Minister of Agriculture there was a certainty of reform, and that we should get better administration; but I hold that we will not get either reform or better administration by the scheme which the Government have suggested. The administration will not be altered at all, while the Minister for Agriculture will be exposed to every sort of attack in this House, having a nominal responsibility, but no power. I believe that it is perfectly possible to make the Woods and Forests a Department under the Board of Agriculture. The real difficulty is that the Department of Woods and Forests is under the Treasury, and before they can make any fresh departure the department must have the consent of the Treasury. The Treasury looks at the question from the point of view of revenue returned, and not of agricultural administration. Although we have a department specially charged to look after the interests of agriculture, it has no power by the expenditure of money and the user of land to carry on a general system of agricultural experiments. The difficulty might be overcome if the President of the Board of Agriculture was able to act as the chairman of the Department of Woods and Forests in the Cabinet, and get the necessary sums of money. I am sorry that the Government have decided, apparently in a hurry, to make this grave departure. I do not think that any former Minister of Agriculture would concur in the view of the hon. Gentleman. I regard the change as misleading, and I do not believe it will have the effect desired by the hon. Gentleman. Therefore, I repeat that if the Government intend to proceed with this new Amendment, I hope they will put it on the Paper in good time, so that we may have ample opportunity for discussing it.
said that after the statement made by the Secretary to the Treasury he asked leave to with draw his Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed to a Select Committee of five Members, three to be nominated by the House, and two by the Committee of Selection.
Ordered, That all Petitions against the Bill presented four clear days before the meeting of the Committee be referred to the Committee; that the Petitioners praying to be heard by themselves, their Counsel, or Agents be heard against the Bill, and Counsel heard in support of the Bill.
Ordered, That the Committee have power to send for persons, papers, and records.
Ordered, That Three be the Quorum.—( Mr. McKenna. )
Fertilisers and Feeding Stuffs Bill
Order read, for assuming Adjourned Debate on Question [27th March], "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Question again proposed.
said he would remind the House that this Bill was founded on the practically unanimous Report of the Departmental Committee appointed to consider the working of the Act of 1893. Since the Bill was last discussed in the House he had had a conference with several Members of the House and representatives of the traders, when various points were discussed. With reference to Sub-clause 2, Clause 1, it was pointed out to him that it would be unfair to the traders that under that sub-clause there should be a disclosure of the analysis of the goods sold. That was a fair and reasonable objection, and if the Bill was sent to the Standing Committee on Law he would move an Amendment to provide that there should be nothing in the way of a disclosure of trade secrets. Another objection was that there should be a formal and official analysis before a criminal prosecution could take place in regard to the adulteration of fertilisers. He agreed to that, and would move an Amendment accordingly in Committee. Then objection was taken that there should be a time limit as in other Acts. He agreed to that, and would move an Amendment that there should be a limit of three months, beyond which a criminal prosecution should not be instituted. The Bill was one of great importance, because agriculturists and traders were not satisfied with the Act of 1893, and it was necessary to put the law on a more satisfactory basis. It was desirable that they should have a good workable Bill, which would be in no sense unfair to the traders and at the same time would give the protection which agriculturists required.
said that the Amendments indicated by the hon. Baronet would remove grave objections to which the Bill was open. The remarks of the hon. Baronet showed that although the Bill arose out of the Report of the Select Committee of two years ago, it had not received adequate consideration by the department either in the last Parliament or in this. The Bill had already been discussed in the House this session, and it was only now that the hon. Baronet had announced these concessions to traders. I was a very wide Bill, and he did not think that a measure of this kind, creating a new crime, with serious penalties, should be passed sub silentio. He did not like measures which created new crimes, and he especially objected to one which made a man disclose his processes of manufacture. The concessions which the hon. Baronet had made would remove some objections to the Bill, but still some exception could be taken to it. He thought it extremely unfair that in a case of this kind, as in the case of the Wireless Telegraphy Bill, which was discussed two or three weeks ago, the proprietor of some particular commodity or scientific system should be obliged at the instance of an individual to divulge what were in fact his trade secrets. The representative of the Board of Agriculture, had not stated what the cost of administering this Bill was going to be, and he thought the House ought to know. The Department was going to appoint agricultural analysts, and he should like to know what these men were going to be paid. It was provided that the chief analyst should not be engaged in private practice. It was also laid down that every county council "shall" appoint, and that every county borough "may" appoint. It seemed too that the county council should appoint at their discretion. The effect of the clause, moreover, was that anybody who occupied a farm, either for the purposes of trade or enjoyment, could not be an analyst. That he thought was wrong. There was no reason why they should exclude the practical farmer or the chemist. Clause 3 was extremely stringent and unfair, and it gave absolutely no safeguard to the man who sold or produced these products. Under the clause as it stood, no notice need be given to a man against whom criminal proceedings were to be commenced, and no proof was to be demanded that the sample submitted to the analyst should be taken from the goods against which the complaint was made. In that clause, originally, there was no time limit, and the introduction of a three months limit removed one of the great hardships inflicted under the clause; but even with that concession he did not think the protection afforded to traders was sufficient. There was no guarantee whatever that the food stuff inspected by the analyst should be brought before him in proper and decent condition, and not exposed to atmospheric conditions which might have affected its purity by setting up different chemical conditions. He thanked the hon. Baronet for the conciliatory attitude he had shown, and he hoped when the Bill went to Committee the hon. Baronet would allow it to be fully considered, bearing in mind that not only were the interests of agriculture concerned, but that the interests of a large number of respectable traders were touched by the Bill.
* said he was one of the Members of the Liverpool deputation, and speaking on behalf of those he represented they were not afraid of being accused of new crimes. The desire of the traders affected by the Bill was to meet the Board of Agriculture, recognising that that Department had in their care the interests of the consumers of these articles as well as the interests of the producers. All that they asked for was that there should be some definiteness introduced into the Bill. They objected to the clause which made them disclose trade secrets. That had been met, and as far as they were concerned the introduction of the time limit and a clear statement as to the conditions under which the samples were to be taken and the analysis effected had also met their views. They did not feel that the Bill as proposed to be amended by the hon. Baronet was objectionable, and they had no further opposition to make. They felt that the interests of the farmers had to be safeguarded and that the interests of the producers of these articles should be similarly dealt with whilst safeguarding consumers. Now that this was the express intention of the hon. Baronet they had no objection to the Bill.
said there had been serious apprehensions on the part of many Members as to this Bill, but the hon. Baronet had to a large extent removed them. He understood that a prosecution would not be allowed on a single analysis, and that the regulations would provide that the information should be sent to the seller before any prosecution was supported by the Board of Agriculture, These concessions had very much improved the Bill and prevented, so far as could be, the possibility of mistakes, which the manufacturers of fertilisers were anxious to avoid.
thought it was a pity that the Board of Agriculture should introduce a highly technical Bill of this kind when an excellent and simple Bill introduced by a private Member was already before the House. He very much regretted that the Government had not adopted the Bill introduced a few weeks ago. The Government measure would take a long time in Committee, and tend to delay the work of the Committee.
said by leave of the House he would ask a Question of the hon. Baronet. The hon. Member for Limehouse said it was proposed that no prosecution should take place on a single sample. Was that the case?
No criminal prosecution, certainly.
That is not in the Bill now.
If it is necessary, we will undertake to provide that no criminal prosecution shall take place upon a single analysis.
Question put and agreed to.
Bill read a second time, and committed to the Standing Committee on Law, etc.
And, there being no further business set down for the Afternoon Sitting Mr. Speaker left the Chair until the Evening Sitting.
Evening Sitting
Local Option
rose to call attention to the Local Option Laws in force in the colonies, and to move, "That this House notes with satisfaction the successful working of the Local Option Laws in the colonies, and approves the principle on which these laws are based—namely, that the people ought to possess the power through a vote of the local electors to protect themselves against the admitted evils of the liquor traffic." He trusted that no one would think that in bringing forward this Motion he was inviting the House to waste time in fruitless discussion, or in the idle contemplation of matters with which they had no concern. On the contrary, he ventured to claim that the question he was raising had a double interest for them. It related to an important series of legislative efforts on the part of our self-governing colonies to solve a social problem which vitally affected their well-being and their progress, and which could not therefore be of indifference to this House; and the consideration of these laws would tend to edification inasmuch as their underlying principle would, in his judgment, be of infinite value to them when, not for the first or the fiftieth time, they again essayed the solution of the same problem. The Resolution spoke of "the admitted evils of the liquor traffic." He would not pause to describe or to enumerate these evils. They were familiar to every one; they were the commonplaces of the law courts, of the platform, of the pulpit. They had almost become by constant repetition, "a tale of little meaning, though the words are strong." These evils and dangers were as great, as intolerable in the colonies as here. There, as here, the figures of the consumption of drink were a faithful index of the amount of crime, poverty, disease and misery which prevailed. To protect themselves from these evils, our colonies had generally borrowed from this country the essential features of our long-tried licensing system. He was told that there were advocates of liberty so extreme, so opposed to any limitations upon their freedom of action, that they resented the control implied by such a system, and held that liquor should be sold as freely as any other commodity. He had never met these people: he did not know if there were any in this House; they had certainly not made themselves felt in the colonies. The only case where a community had tried free sale, so far as he had been able to ascertain, was in Charlotte Town, Prince Edward's Isle, and there the results were so appalling that the revulsion was correspondingly violent, and at the present time there is absolute prohibition in that city, and indeed throughout the island. In other cases, the colonies, wherever drink was sold, had set up a licensing system, but they had done so not exactly as in this country, but on what the Prime Minister on Thursday called "an intelligible and reasonable and logical basis." What were the essential and logical elements of a just and complete licensing system? First, the common sale of intoxicating liquors was prohibited, and this prohibition rested upon and could only be justified by the known and admittedly dangerous character of such liquors. But, secondly, recognition of the dangerous character of these intoxicants did not extinguish the desire for them, nor had it led to a general abandonment of the practice of drinking them. Therefore, to satisfy this thirst, to meet this desire, certain exceptional persons were chosen to dispense these potent liquors in specified places; and these exceptional facilities were granted by local licensing authorities, whose duty it was to sanction only such sale as should cause no injury to the community. Licences were to be issued only in the public interest and for the public good. In our country the magistrates had been the interpreters and regulators of the public interest. But our colonies were more logical. Seeing that the common sale was dangerous and therefore prohibited, and seeing that exceptions were made to this general law in the public interest and for the public good, they recognised that it was right and desirable and practicable that the people should decide for themselves as to their requirements and their interests, and before any licences were issued the people were invited to vote upon the question whether or not licences for the sale of intoxicants should or should not be issued. If the vote was for licences, licences were granted by the authority; if against, no licences could be issued. Such was the general system in the colonies; the details varied, the principle remained the same. The verdict of the people was operative, decisive, mandatory. One general rule might be noticed, that while for continuance or for reduction a bare majority sufficed, in order to carry "no licence" a two-thirds or three-fifths majority was usually requisite, as it had been wisely recognised that in order to enforce laws of this character there must be behind them a heavy weight of public opinion. Taking the case of the individual colonies, throughout Canada they had local option prevailing, either under a federal or under a provincial statute. There were some large districts which were without any licences at all. This was the case in Quebec in 603 out of 933 municipalities. In Ontario there had been, year by year, a steady reduction in licences. In 1874 there were 6,185, and in 1902 there were 2,947. In Toronto in 1874 the population was 60,000, and the licences 530. In 1905 the population was 250,000 and the licences 207. In New Brunswick all but five counties were without licences; in Nova Scotia sixteen out of eighteen counties, and in Prince Edward's Island all. In the Australian colonies there was practically the same system. In South Australia the law of 1891 gave the option of increase as well as the option, of decrease, and in their determination to give sufficient warning to the liquor traffic the authorities who passed the law gave a fifteen-years time limit before the Bill came into force. A poll had just been taken in six districts, and 34,000 voted in favour of reduction and only 21,000 in favour of the continuance of the present licences, so that in five districts there would be a reduction of one-third of the licences. The New South Wales Licensing Law was passed last year, and he did not think the poll had yet been taken, at all events they had not received the returns. That was a threefold option. The vote for continuance could be carried, by a bare majority, and a bare majority could also carry a reduction, but for no licences a three-fifths majority had to vote, and it must not be by less than 30 per cent. of the electorate. In New Zealand a similar Act had been in operation since 1895, and under that Act no fewer than four polls had been held at intervals of three years, and the results had been very remarkable. The districts were the same electoral districts as for the House of Representatives, sixty-eight of them altogether, and the electors, men and women, were the same as those who voted for that body. They had a threefold option. They could vote for the continuance of the existing number of licences, for the reduction to be left to the discretion of the licensing authority within limits of not less than 5 and not more than 25 per cent., and, thirdly, there was a possibility of a vote of no licences, which could only be carried by a three-fifths majority. The figures given at these polls were well worth studying The number of voters was steadily increasing, showing that the interest in these polls was growing, and the number of voters in favour of no licence had grown in a most extra-ordinary manner. In 1896, 98,312 out of 259,898 voted for no licences; in 1899, 118,575 out of a total of 281,822; in 1902, 151,524 out of a total of 318,859; and in 1905, 199,354 out of a total of 352,079 For no licences the percentage of total votes was in 1896, 37 per cent.; in 1899, 42 per cent.; in 1902, 47 per cent. in 1905, 56 per cent. These results were spread throughout the colony. He had not the returns for 1905, but in 1902 the result of the vote was that reduction was carried in nine districts, and no licence in six districts out of a total of sixty-eight. The advantages of this system were visible and recognised by practically all who had studied the life of our colonies. In the first place, large areas were cleared of the traffic. They were zones of safety and comfort, where people might withdraw themselves from the nuisance and discomfort caused by public houses. As a result rents in those uncontaminated zones were generally higher. Secondly, in districts where reduction was enforced or where there was the possibility of it, the standard of conduct of the licensed houses was raised. Dependent for their continuance on public favour, the publicans strove to avoid outraging the feelings of the people on whose goodwill they depended. Thirdly, the average consumption of liquor was reduced, which was an immense economic advantage directly and indirectly. The consumption was in Canada about one-fourth, in Australia and New Zealand from one-fourth to one-third. The principle was not new to this House, which had many times endorsed it by large majorities. Great leaders of both Parties had blessed it, and Lord Randolph Churchill in 1888 brought in a Bill embodying the principle. In 1893 Sir W. Harcourt said—
"It rests on a broad, solid and democratic basis. We say that if there ever was a question, on which the will of the people ought to be pronounced and ought to prevail, it is this question which so deeply affects their social and material and moral advantage."
Mr. Gladstone on the same occasion said—
"It is the just right of the population to exercise under fair conditions that control in respect to the granting of licences for the sale of liquor by retail which has heretofore rested, without dispute, in the hands of the proprietors of the soil. I do not understand how it is possible to contest that proposition."
To the Government he appealed with especial confidence for support. Last year there was a Scotch Veto Bill before this House in which this principle was embodied, and twenty-two Members of the present Government voted for the Second Reading of that Bill, including ten Cabinet Ministers—amongst them the Prime Minister, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Home Secretary. And surely the principle which he was advocating was one which it was right for all Liberals to support. What was the liberty of which they were the servants? Not freedom to do what they willed, but the opportunity to do right. This principle of local option would be a limitation on absolute freedom of action if they chose so to regard it, yet none the less was it an increase of liberty in its nobler sense, bringing with it enlarged opportunities and a higher standard of life. It was consonant with the principles which underlay most of our recent legislative progress. Education Acts, Sanitary Acts, Factory Acts, all of them interfered more or less with freedom. Under the Education Act they sent the child unwillingly to school; they refused to allow the parent to sacrifice the child's interest; they interfered with liberty; they enlarged the child's opportunities. Under the Factory Acts they interfered with employer and employed, and yet the standard of life was raised. So in our Colonies they had found out that by sacrificing the not very precious privilege of selling drink at every street corner, or on every choicest site in town or country, their streets were purer and freer from temptation and offence, their opportunities were larger, their standard of life was higher, their homes were brighter than when the liquor traffic flourished unchecked by the people's will. Our Colonies pointed out to us the path of wisdom and of safety, and to-night he invited the House to walk therein.
said that in seconding the Motion of his hon. friend he intended to keep the House for only a few moments. He thought no apology was needed for bringing this question in the form of a Resolution before this new House of Commons, for he thought it would be admitted by all that the evil with which the Resolution proposed to deal was one of the greatest and the most difficult social problems which this country had ever been called upon to face. If emphatic testimony was required as to the magnitude of this evil it was to be found in the conclusive statement made by the majority of the Royal Commissioners which reported in 1899. They said—
"It is undeniable that a gigantic evil remains to be remedied, and hardly any sacrifice would be too great which would result in a marked diminution of this national degradation."
It should be remembered that this pronouncement was given by a Commission containing eight representatives connected with the liquor traffic, and after an inquiry lasting three years. In his opinion, an evil so great, so far-reaching in its consequences, touching as it did every phase of life, should in no sense be made a Party question. Admitting as they did that a great evil existed, there was room for considerable difference of opinion as to the remedy to be applied. The Motion of his hon. friend suggested one remedy, but it was not the only one that had been proposed. It was not by any means the only remedy that they as politicians and as representing their constituencies were prepared to consider. They were prepared to give the most careful consideration to any proposal that might be suggested for dealing with this question. He thought, however, that his hon. friend had made out an excellent case in favour of the principle of his Motion. He had brought very clearly before the House the experience and practice of several of the Colonies. He had shown how the people had used the power when it had been conferred upon them. He himself desired to advance one or two reasons why the people in this country should be brought into line with those Colonies of which the House had just heard. Many attempts had been made to legislate upon this particular question. Scores and scores of Acts of Parliament had been passed for the purpose of regulating in some measure the great evil of intemperance, and he had been brought to the conclusion that an effective remedy would never be secured until the people themselves were given directly the full sense of their responsibility in this matter. Their democratic instincts must be appealed to and the consciousness given that they had been trusted to settle that which was their own vital concern. He thought the House would agree that during late years the country had advanced far under the spirit of democracy. The people had gradually been entrusted with the management of their own immediate concerns. Many monuments were now standing as proofs of the truly magnificent manner in which the democracy had discharged its responsibilities. What then, he would ask, was the reason for supposing that if they were entrusted with the power of settling this question, they would do other than they had done with other great questions which affected them? If they were entrusted with the power to settle that which tended to beautify and ennoble life, why should Parliament decline to trust them with a power of control over that which was admitted to be an instrument of social deterioration? In this connection he would point out that during late years there had been a great increase in the number of owners of single houses. Many working men had sunk all their savings in house properties through the medium of the building society or some other agency. They had acquired these little castles of their own, and he had met many such who had deplored that they had no power to prevent the establishment of a licensed house against their property. They knew full well how their property was depreciated by the existence of these licensed houses. Then in asking for this power of control they only desired to be placed on an equality with many of the landlords throughout the country who created prohibition areas so far as licensed houses were concerned. As an instance of English prohibition areas, let them take Roe Green, a colliery village, North of Manchester, with a population of over 700. Public-houses were closed on the petition of the inhabitants to the Bridgwater Trustees, who owned the village. The village was remarkable for cleanliness and good order. Many lived in their own houses. The churches and chapels were well supported and attended. Another instance was that of Throckley, six miles west of Newcastle, a pit village, of 2,000 population, and this had been a prohibition area for thirty years. Then there was Toxteth Park, Liverpool, the population of which was over 60,000. This had been a prohibition area since 1880. The population was largely working class, and houses were always in demand. He believed he was right in saying that the Citizens, Labourers, and General Dwellings Company, of London, prohibited their area. They owned Shaftesbury Park Estate, Battersea, of forty-two and a half acres; Queen's Park, Harrow Road, seventy-six acres; Noel Park, Wood Green, N., 100 acres; and Leigham Court, Streatham, S.W., sixty-six acres. The population numbered about 40,000. The directors reported that the losses of rent did not on an average amount to 1s. per £100. Surely if it were right for landed proprietors and companies to protect their property by prohibition, it was more right that a majority of workmen should have the power to protect their wives and children from all the temptations associated with the administration of the liquor laws of this country. Doubtless they would be told that they should trust the licensing justices. The same argument had been advanced before, though perhaps it would not be advanced with the same amount of force as was the case in former debates. The Act that had transferred the power from the local magistrates to the county magistrates had taken the sting out of the argument that the working classes ought to trust the magistrates in the administration of the licensing laws. This subject was by no means new to the House of Commons. On June 8th, 1880, a very similar Resolution to that under discussion was passed, the numbers being 229 for and 203 against. That was re-affirmed on June 14th, 1881, by a majority of 42. Again in 1883, a similar Resolution was carried by a majority of 87. The principle of the Resolution was recommended by the minority of the Royal Commission. In the addendum signed by the Archbishop of Canterbury, his hon. friend the Member for the Spen Valley, and others, were these words—
"That the people in every part of the United Kingdom should have power, by a substantial majority vote, taken by the widest franchise in force, to prevent any premises being licensed to sell intoxicating liquors in their respective localities."
It might be urged that that was not the Majority Report. That, to his mind, was a very strong argument in its favour. It suggested itself to him that a majority consisting of eight prominent members of the liquor trade were never going to sign a recommendation which, if put into operation, would be most likely an effective remedy for the present evil. He would like to give one more quotation. He admitted that it was a long time since the statement was made, but so far as he was concerned it was as effective to-day as when it was originally uttered. It was as follows—
"The attempt to deal with this subject for the people, and without the people, has been a conspicuous failure. Acts have been passed, and tried, and thrown aside, and the evil remains unabated. I do not wonder, then, sometimes that good and earnest men should despair, in presence of the persistent continuance of the evil, of being able to find any successful remedy. But when statesmen have only made the matter worse—when Parliament has legislated to no purpose—I am still sanguine that the people themselves, if wholly trusted, would do something to mitigate the plague and to stay its ravages."
That was said a long time ago by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, but to his mind it was as true to-day as it was then. Seeing that the right hon. Gentleman had recently emphatically reminded the country that "What I have said I have said," he was perfectly justified in quoting what he had in favour of the Motion of his hon. friend. Experience showed that the House, though it had made many attempts to deal with the subject, had failed to deal with it on the principle of trusting the people, and he therefore hoped that to-night this new Parliament in its first session would accept this principle, and encourage the Government in its promised measure of next session, so that whatever other remedies might be proposed this should certainly be included as one of the most important provisions of their Bill. He had much pleasure in seconding the Resolution.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House notes with satisfaction the successful working of the Local Option Laws in the Colonies, and approves the principle on which these laws are based—namely, that the people ought to possess the power through a vote of the local electors to protect themselves against the admitted evils of the liquor traffic."—( Mr. Leif Jones. )
said he should not have troubled the House on this subject had it not got beyond the academic stage by reason of the speech of the Prime Minister. The House was bound to give whatever heed it could to a matter of this sort before legislation was promoted, and he hoped, therefore, that they would deal with the matter in a practical manner. In that spirit he would like to define exactly what they were talking about. They were talking about the power of the people operating in regard to the liquor traffic, but they must remember that it was not merely that general principle, There was also the question of the degree to which it should operate, the manner in which it should operate, and the purpose for which it should operate. They ought to carry it a little further than the hon. mover and hon. seconder had done, and become a little more definite. He quite agreed that the time had come when the people must be allowed to participate more in this matter. He did not want to say anything against the magistrates, but he thought that to leave this matter entirely in the hands of the magistrates had become out of date. It was quite time that they took the people into partnership. But there were different degrees of partnership, and they had also to bear in mind that there ought to be certain limitations to the power of the people. He knew in this House it was not now quite the fashion to suggest that there should be any limitations, but as they were dealing with a practical matter they must consider what those limitations should be. There were three degrees of local option or popular control. In the first place, it was an obvious injustice that it should be possible to plank down a public-house and to damage, not merely the material value but the moral value, of the property immediately around. There should be some voice allowed to the people to say whether or not a public-house should be put in their midst, or whether any more houses should be licensed within a certain district. But the phrase "local option" carried with it another meaning, and it ought to be made quite clear. The power of absolute prohibition in wide areas would be most disastrous. Such a power ought not to be given to the people. If it were suggested it would block all possibility of wise legislation on this subject. He was old enough, unfortunately, to have seen a good many proposals, and if he might say so, the great enemies of temperance had been its friends. By coming for impossible things they had stopped the possible, the consequence being that they stood where they were because they had been impractical idealists. He wanted to avoid that in the future. The hon. mover had referred to the Bill of 1892, but that was very different from anything they had been talking about to-night. That Bill simply gave a choice of prohibition or nothing in large areas, and if they brought in that principle again they would ruin any proposal they might make, and put back the possibility of temperance reform. They had heard something of the Royal Commission. It always seemed to him ridiculous to choose a Commission of half a dozen men committed one way and half a dozen committed another and to leave them to fight it out. To use Plato's phrase, he thought that if they left the matter to sensible men they might possibly come to some solution. He was anxious that something should be done, and that it should not be stopped by their dragging in impossible proposals which would spoil the whole thing. The people would not have absolute prohibition, because they regarded it as a gross breach of personal liberty. The majority had no more right to tell the minority what they should not drink than to tell them what they should drink. The thing was an outrage, and the result would be that they would so arouse the feelings of the people that all hope of doing anything would be gone. He would suggest less extreme measures, and that they should follow a line of reform that was possible. He did not care for statistics, but he was quite certain that drunkenness had diminished in a striking degree since he was a young man. When he was a boy his tutor, with whom he lived, used to go to dine with the squire. He was a man who disliked drink, but he had to take him home every time he went there. He was not allowed to leave till he was drunk. It would have been considered a gross act of impoliteness to have left before getting into that condition. In the middle classes there had been an enormous change in the direction of temperance during the last twenty or thirty years, and amongst the working classes there had also been an enormous improvement. As an employer of labour he could remember when Monday morning was a recognised institution, and they expected about a third of the men to be away; but now Monday made not the slightest difference. Of all the changes that had occurred during his life, there was none so great or so hopeful as the increase of temperance among the masses. Therefore he wanted the House not to make fools of themselves by doing anything silly. He would remind them of Aristotle's saying that the best nation was the nation which did of its own accord that which the best laws would try to make it do. They had been discussing education, but what was the ultimate object of education? Its highest object was to make men and women, and not merely citizens. They would not make men and women of the best kind by removing every form of temptation. The mass of the people would say, "You educate us to make men of us, but in a matter of this sort you would treat us like children." While he recognised and rejoiced in the power of democracy, and had always in his way claimed to be a democrat, there was a danger in democracy if they were not careful. They might have the tyranny of a majority. The democracy wanted two things: the true power of a majority combined with the true liberty of the individual. Therefore if local option meant what it had meant before, if the chief idea was to give prohibition in large areas, he would vote against the proposal. If it meant giving a wise power to the masses of the people to take a proper participation in this matter, he would give it his support.
wished most heartily that he could support the Motion, because all, he thought, were agreed as to the evils that these various proposals were suggested to meet. He quite approved of the hon. Member asking the House to consider the action of people in the colonies in respect of this matter, because they would best arrive at a proper opinion as to what was likely to be the result of any legislation they might pass if they took into account what had been the result of similar proposals when passed into law in our colonies. He differed from the hon. mover as regarded the results of the laws passed in the colonies. About ten years ago a Commission issued a report condemning the local option laws in Canada. He was travelling in Canada at the time this Royal Commission concluded its labours, and he met some of the members of the Commission in the town of Montreal. He was simply astounded on reading the evidence to find the unanimity of those who were appointed to carry out the local option laws of Canada in condemning their operation. They stated that these laws were a downright failure, and that the people who voted for local option did not assist the administrators of the law in carrying it out, and, indeed, were the very first to break the principles of the law. This Royal Commission carried their inquiry beyond Canada into the bordering states, and they found the same condition of things there. During a visit to the United States in 1891, he remembered seeing in the town of Lowell a number of houses with the shutters up and the doors open. These were public-houses closed according to the principle of local option by a vote of the borough council, but he found no difficulty in getting served with a drink, although when he went into one of these houses he did not see a barrel, a bottle, or a vessel of any kind. Where the drink with which he was served came from he did not know. A policeman explained to him that it was understood that the law was to be reversed by the next council, and that in the meantime breaches of it were winked at, and nobody was prosecuted. These houses were opened the next year and had been opened ever since. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."]. Well, he should like to hear proof to the contrary. He was again in Lowell in 1893, and he found all the houses in question were open. He went from Lowell to Salem and Lynn, in both of which places he saw the houses closed in like manner, those engaged in liquor traffic acting not as publicans but as dealers in a mercantile sort of way, and they had removed their business to Boston. As in the case of Lowell, he was told that the local authorities had closed the houses, but they were to be opened the next year. The following year he ascertained that that was the case, and they had remained open ever since, those who had taken their business to Boston having returned. How could they have uncontaminated zones in a country like this? Of course they might have them in Canada and the United States, where the different places were far removed from each other, but in this country the various communities were contiguous, and it was impossible. Local option in this country would introduce the same serious evil as he had found in Lowell and Salem. The desire to have a council favourable to this or that view of local option would govern all borough elections, and everything else would be as nothing compared to the amount of intrigue that would be introduced. He had a friend in Salem who owned about half the public-houses, and as soon as one council was elected his friend set to work to secure the return the next year of a council favourable to granting him his licences. That was the sort of thing which would be introduced into England. People strongly in favour of teetotalism would sacrifice every other local and Imperial interest to this. He would vote for the Motion before the House if he thought it would have the desired result, but he failed to see that local option had achieved that end elsewhere. The House was asked to consider what had taken place in our Colonies. He had in his mind what had taken place in Canada and in Massachusetts. His own experiences compelled him to believe that the operation of this law, which had been a failure where it had been tried, would prove a failure here also. Much as he desired to see a change, he could not vote for such a Motion. The only effective way to deal with this question was to rule public-houses from chimney top to basement by the most stringent laws, and to place in them men whose characters were beyond reproach. Only by a stringent licensing system, and not by local option, could such a change as he desired be carried out. Being strongly of opinion that the law must be made stronger somehow, he desired to suggest to the Government that before they tried the remedy now proposed they should send to the Colonies some trustworthy Commission to inquire into the operation of these laws. They had heard very general statements and statistics, but the statistics did not prove everything. He felt sure that if the Government would institute the inquiry he suggested, his own experience would be that of all who would carry into the investigation a free and open mind.
* said he had paid some attention to the operation of these laws in Canada and the United States, and he had visited some of the towns there. He had also had the pleasure of reading five volumes of the Report of the Canadian Commission which had been referred to. He desired to remind the hon. Member for North Kildare that since the Report of the Canadian Commission a pélbiscite of the people of Canada had shown that the majority of them were in favour of the prohibition of the sale and of the manufacture and importation of alcohol. He thought that the people living under those laws were the best judges of their success. Reference had been made to Lowell, where, it was said, the public-houses after being closed by order of the borough council had been opened never to be closed again. That was hardly correct, for he knew that Lowell did again return to prohibition voluntarily in that zone. He admitted the difficulty of enforcing these laws when carried by a majority vote, and especially in towns in America; but the hon. Member for North Kildare did not tell the House that he would find a number of other laws on other subjects violated in America. The enforcement of most laws in the United States by the local authorities was very lax. It was very frequently merely a question of backsheesh to officials. Municipal government in America, speaking generally, was rotten and corrupt. [Mr. JOHN O'CONNOR: "Shame."] There was no shame about what he was saying. It was the simple, well-known truth.
rose to order. He desired to ask the Speaker whether the hon. Member was in order in impugning the character of a whole nation and its Government in this manner.
* said that he had heard expressions very similar to those used by the hon. Member used in the House before on the same matter, and he did not think that he could rule them out of order.
It is awfully bad taste, anyhow.
* said that another reason why these laws were enforced with difficulty in America was that they were carried by a bare majority vote. He personally had always been in favour of a large majority vote for the purposes of carrying a law of this kind. The hon. Member for North Kildare had told them that they would be liable to town council intrigue, and the hon. Member's impression apparently was that the Resolution proposed to leave the matter to the town council. The proposal was to have a direct veto of the people, and what in the world the town council had to do with it he could not understand. The hon. Member was apparently talking about something which he had not taken the trouble to understand. His hon. friend the Member for Bolton had suggested that they should leave this matter to be decided by sensible men; but he noticed that his hon. friend had decided that sensible men would be those who represented his views. The hon. Member had also said that this veto would be a breach of liberty, and that they were proposing to treat alcohol as though it were a deadly poison. It was not a question whether alcohol was a deadly poison, but whether a public-house was to be opened at a street corner if the people in the vicinity thought it would be a nuisance. It would be the liberty of those people that would be infringed by the opening of such a place. A man might like bacon, but he had no right to keep his pigs so near a neighbour as to be a nuisance to that neighbour; if he could not get bacon in any other way he would have to go without it. There were different methods of local option. He thought the case in favour of the direct local veto option was unanswerable, but there should be a large majority. He estimated that about one in eight of the adult men of this country were abstainers. That meant they could only carry temperance legislation if they had with them a very large proportion of the non-abstaining element in the community. It meant that, to get a two-thirds majority anywhere for local veto, they would have to poll 45 per cent. of the non-abstaining adult voters in the community. That was a big thing to get. He believed they would get it in some small places; he doubted whether they would get it in any substantially large town. But he said that those who would use this power should have it and should not be deprived of it simply because others would not use it if they had it. What he felt was that, when they got it, the great liquor problem would still remain and would cry out for remedy in our populous districts and our towns, and therefore he wanted to make a plea for a broader view and a practical spirit. The Prime Minister had recently said that the Government wanted to get some general principle and to put the question on an intelligible, reasonable, and logical basis, and that they wanted a real settlement. The sound, general principle in this matter was to legislate for the nation as a whole as far as the general opinion of the nation would go, and then to give to localities the power to go farther when the public opinion there would permit them to do so. Local option should not be local veto only. It was because their temperance friends proposed in the Parliament of 1880 to put a limited interpretation on local option that the Resolutions then passed led to no legislation. Localities should have power to work out their own salvation. They should have local option for the licensing authority as to the hours of closing, Sunday closing, and closing on holidays, and earlier on Saturdays, which would be a great boon. Licensing benches should have greater powers as to barmaids being permitted in licensed houses.
There was also the question of having clear windows to public houses. Why should the public from the outside not be allowed to see what was going on inside? A reference had been made to the colonial laws. There was one law which interested him very much, and that was the Ordinance in operation in the Transvaal, which had been sanctioned by the Colonial Office. There was very little which the late Government did in South Africa of which he approved, but he did commend the Transvaal Ordinance to the consideration of His Majesty's Government. That Ordinance gave the local authority wide option as to the hours of sale, and limited the number of houses to one for every 250 of the adult population over sixteen years of age. In this country that would mean one for every 800 of the adult population. If a majority of the people in a town, village, or ward petitioned against the granting or renewal of a licence, the justices had no power to grant or renew it. The Ordinance also gave power of local veto and to adopt a system of management which would eliminate the stimulus of private profit from the retail trade. He was not in favour of municipalising the drink trade, but, speaking broadly, that Ordinance provided the logical basis the Prime Minister desired. The object of temperance reformers was to secure less drinking, and that would not be done by entrusting the sale of liquor to those whose interest it was to sell as much as they could. It would be wise that local option should include the power to eliminate private profit from the retail sale of liquor. The Ordinance in the Transvaal, sanctioned by the late Government, provided, on broad lines, the logical basis, the foundation of a real settlement, which he commended to the careful consideration of His Majesty's Government. The problem was undoubtedly difficult and complicated. The English-speaking peoples in the world were groping their way to a solution, and the best way to obtain that solution was by giving a wide option to localities to try various experiments. To carry successful temperance reforms they must enlist the support of all interested in the cause of progress. The powers against them were rich and influential. Total abstainers alone would not settle the question, and they were a minority of the nation. A narrow option would obtain fewer supporters than a wide one. They must carry the middle element in the community with them, the majority of whom were anxious that something should be done to grapple with a great national evil. It was no use a majority in the House of Commons forcing a measure through by sheer weight of numbers unless it had the general approval of the nation as a whole. One of the things which they ought to be proud of was the general stability of British legislation. One of their principal complaints against the late Government was that they forced legislation through against the opinion of the nation, and without considering the wishes or the feelings of the minority, with the inevitable result that they were now engaged in reversing some of those decisions. They wished to make this legislation broad, reasonable, and practical, and in that spirit and with that interpretation of local option he supported this Resolution, not as implying support for a limited proposal for local veto only, but as meaning the application of a broad principle of local elasticity, and local adaptability—a wide local option.
* said that the previous speaker had not given the House any figures in favour of his views. Something more than generalities ought to be produced. It would be strange if one who, like himself, had spent a great part of his life dealing with crime and criminals, did not admit that much criminality was caused by drunkenness. He did not deny the evils caused by intemperance, but he certainly doubted whether the true cure for it was to be found in this proposal. He was convinced that those who spent time and energy in advocating local option were really, although against their will, hindering and not helping the temperance movement; and that those hon. Members, who in 1888 were the cause of the Compensation Clauses being struck out of the Local Government Bill did a great disservice to the cause of temperance. The only good thing that had been done for the cause of temperance in this House during recent years was the passing of the Licensing Act of 1904 by the late Government. [MINISTERIAL laughter.] Hon. Members opposite laughed at that, but perhaps they did not know quite so much about it as some other Members did. He spoke from his own knowledge and experience of the working of that Act. Let the House consider for a moment the figures in regard to the licences of which the renewal had been refused. The licences refused in 1903–4 in England and not granted on appeal averaged something over 200 each year, but he predicted that when the figures for 1905 were issued there would be a substantial increase. In his own county the justices refused more licences last year under the new Act than in ten years before, and he thought that in the current year the number would be still further increased. That Act had been often abused as a brewer's Act. It was the first Act which had assisted justices who were willing to reduce licences in this country. It was a genuine and honest measure, and those who said otherwise had not studied the figures and the facts of the case. He did not say that the Act did not want amendment. There was a possible chance of a great part of the compensation provided originally for the licensees going to the owners.
* : I cannot see how the matter the hon. Member is now dealing with comes within the purview of the Motion before the House.
* said he accepted the ruling. He opposed the Resolution because he did not believe that prohibition, whether general or local, was a real workable remedy for the evil of intemperance. The Royal Commission which reported in 1899 reported against local option. Unless they carried the general sentiment of the people with them the measure would be attended with no success. It would lead to an increase in secret drinking and an increase in bogus clubs. The time of reaction would come, and in the end they would have reason to regret carrying the measure they advocated. If a general veto would be futile, a local veto would be more futile still, and would lead to vacillation of policy and a consequent uncertainty which would drive respectable men out of the trade. There were many respectable men who were now making a living out of the liquor traffic. He firmly believed that most publicans tried to do their best and to make their living in an honest and legal way, and did not deserve to be ruined by a veto of this kind. If drinking were prohibited in one district and permitted in another, people would go from the so-called uncontaminated zone into the contaminated zone, and there would be more drinking than ever. In Glasgow the public-houses were closed last Easter Monday.
They do not keep Easter Monday in Scotland.
* would not, of course, dispute that point with the Prime Minister. Whatever the local holiday was, the result of closing the public-houses was that, as he was told, the tramcars ran in great numbers from the city of Glasgow into the adjoining territory called, he thought, Paisley and to Cambuslang. Thousands of people invaded these places and consumed all the alcoholic liquors, with the result that the arrests and convictions for drunkenness probably exceeded what would have been recorded in ordinary circumstances. On a fair day in Greenock last year there was a similar experience. The houses were closed and the whole of the male, and a great part of the female population, migrated to Gourock and had there as much liquor as they were able to consume. That was a practical instance, and such cases were not confined to Scotland. It showed that they could not by coercion of this kind impose the views of the majority on the minority. If they were going to make alcoholic drinking a crime, that was a different thing, but it was not a sensible thing to make it a crime in one place and a legal act in another. This kind of legislation always defeated itself. If compensation went with this policy it would be impracticable; if not it would be grossly unjust to the men now engaged in the trade. They could not cure intemperance by injustice; and he did not believe the people of this country would allow them to inflict on a class now carrying on a legal trade such a loss as would be involved in the veto without compensation. That was a dilemma which ought to be met. They ought to know whether or not it was to be accompanied by compensation. It might be asked—if you do not approve of local option what is your remedy? The remedy had been already pointed out. By the spread of education, by improvement in the housing and social condition of the poorer classes, and by strengthening the laws against drunkenness the cause of temperance would be advanced. He did not believe in prohibiting drinking, but he did believe in prohibiting drunkenness. They ought also to strengthen the hands of the magistrates, who dealt with licensing matters. The Justices of this country endeavoured to perform their duty to the public. He knew they were abused by both sides—by those interested in the trade because they did not allow licences enough or because they refused licences, and by the temperance party because they granted too many licences. Anybody who had watched the efforts of the magistrates during the past few years would say that they were animated by a strong desire to do what was fair and right, and he believed it was along that line that one of the remedies for intemperance was to be found. The Prime Minister told a deputation the other day that the great thing was to search for a principle and to follow it out. He hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would not conclude his search to-night and that he would not adopt once and for all the principle of this Resolution. This great question should not be decided on Party lines or in a hurry. It was a matter which had already been the subject of a number of Resolutions, a number of debates, and a number of abortive Bills in this House. He hoped they would not next year have another Bill on the same lines. There should be further inquiry, so that if possible any Bill proposed might meet with general assent. He was sure that a Bill framed on just lines would not meet with opposition on the Opposition side of the House.
said that the description which appeared in one of the London papers of the incident referred to by the hon. Member for Kingston was no doubt of a very striking character, but it had been repudiated, not merely by Glasgow, but by the Chief Constable of Paisley, who was the aggrieved party if anyone was. That official said that the description had been given evidently by some one who knew nothing whatever of the facts of the case. After a repudiation of that sort it was somewhat strange that the story should again be told in the House of Commons. The first hon. Member who spoke against the Resolution had described himself as being a very practical person, but he abstained from doing what any practical person would do—he refrained entirely from discussing the case on the ground of the practical experience of what had taken place elsewhere. The hon. Member had said he would give people the power of preventing a new public-house from being put in their midst because he had known the disastrous moral results that had followed. Surely, if disastrous moral results followed a new public-house, disastrous moral results might follow the continuance of an existing public-house, and if power was to be given in the one case it was not undesirable altogether in the other. It was also said that the power of refusing licences over a large area was one which ought not to belong to the landlord. It was said that it, was a power which ought not to be given to any man. Had the hon. Member ever considered the cases where restrictions had been tried? The hon. Member for the Toxteth Division was the owner of the Toxteth area to which allusion had been made. The population there were under the prohibition laws. In his own prohibition area in the neighbourhood of London there was a population of something like 40,000. His experience had been exactly that of the hon. Member referred to. They had never had brought before them the smallest Resolution passed by the smallest committee in the smallest back parlour against their system of prohibition. Neither of them had ever had brought before him by any of the justices the slightest indication that there was any popular opinion against the system. In the case of his own property in the neighbourhood of Ilford the elected local authority had passed a Resolution every year urging the magistrates to refuse to grant any new licences in the neighbourhood. Allusion had been made to the allegation that proposals such as they were considering to-day would tend to corrupt the publicly elected authority. Surely it would have an exactly opposite effect. Municipal elections in Scotland, and he had no doubt it was the same in England, were to a considerable extent influenced by the liquor traffic because of the influence which the magistrates had with regard to the trade. If they took the question out of the hands of the magistrates and gave the people a direct veto to that extent they would diminish the interest of the electors in choosing men for the municipal council who would be affected by the trade on this question. An hon. Member had stated that comparatively few statistics had been given with regard to the experience of the colonies. The most reliable of all statistics, and those which were least susceptible of manipulation, were those which referred to the total consumption of alcohol throughout the community. Those figures had been given, and if they compared the returns of the consumption of liquor in local veto countries with the returns in countries where no such system prevailed, they would find that the consumption of liquor in local veto countries was less than half the consumption in the other countries. Moreover, they found that where this system had been tried it had been renewed and extended. Therefore, there must be a widespread belief that such enactments tended to the moral well-being of the people. It was because of their experience in Scotland of Sunday closing and early closing that sixty of the seventy-two Members were prepared to follow a policy of local option. They were opposed to the system of disinterested management, for its effect was to increase and not diminish the consumption of drink, not because the houses were worse managed, but because men drank on such premises who would hesitate to enter an ordinary public-house. They were not impracticable and unreasonable in this. They were following the example of our self-governing colonies, and they believed they were acting on practical and reasonable lines. Allusion had been made to the want of thoroughness in the carrying out of the experiments in America. Those who had studied the question did not admit that the prohibition law in the State of Maine had not been effective. After fifty years experience the people of the State of Maine were more unanimous in the belief in their prohibition law than they had ever been at any previous period of their history. He felt that they were discussing to-night the one question which the legislature could touch. It was one which most profoundly affected the moral well-being of the people. Sometimes when he heard debates in which mere Party issues were raised he was inclined to ask, What will it all mean a hundred years hence? They were discussing to-night a question which years would never make insignificant, and he believed that in years to come people would wonder that Parliament had so long tolerated the fearful ravages of intemperance without making more strenuous efforts to bring them to an end.
said he had listened with the greatest interest to the speeches on both sides. He was sure there was no one in the House who did not feel the greatest interest in the question. They all desired, irrespective of Party, to attempt, at all events, to minimise the evils of intemperance which prevailed, not only in Scotland, but in every other civilised community. He said quite frankly that he differed from hon. Gentlemen opposite who had brought forward this Resolution as to the advisability, or expediency, or justice of the course suggested. He did not believe that by legislation they could make people abstainers. He was not prepared to set up temperance by coercion. If temperance was to be set up it must be not by coercion, but by suasion He confessed he was unable to understand the logic which supported the particular principle advocated to-night. There were some who supported it on the ground that it was an extension of the principle of local government. That was the principle of devolution carried to an extreme. He was well aware that in this House as at present constituted any one who ventured to doubt the efficiency of devolution was in danger of being thought worthy of outer darkness, and that any one who ventured to doubt the capabilities of local authorities was likely to be classed with those who, as Sydney Smith had put it, presumed to speak disrespectfully of the Equator. Any measure of the kind advocated by this Resolution must lead to great bitterness in the administration of local affairs. How could people who regarded all consumption of alcohol as morally wrong consistently leave the practice as a mere matter of local option? He could not see how hon. Members could logically reconcile that with adhesion to the principle of local option. The proposition seemed to him to be logically absurd. As to the methods proposed in the Resolution, one would have thought that the supporters of the Motion would have dealt with the results of these methods in the colonies. He had failed to find that wealth of allusion to these points which one would naturally have expected. He only proposed to call attention to one particular colony. In New Zealand, under the law which has obtained since 1893, and amended in 1895, there was a three-fold option. There was one for continuance, and one for rejection. These were liable to be carried by a bare majority out of the total poll. The third option was total prohibition, which required the support of three-fifths of the total voters who went to the poll. The last poll for which statistics were at present available was held in November, 1902. In New Zealand the result of the new law had not been so wide-spreading as the hon. Member opposite would have the House believe. When they looked through rosy spectales they were apt not to see black spots, and the particular black spot in this case was that the number of districts which had gone for total prohibtion was not six, but only four, because two of the polls had been subsequently disallowed.
But when they went a little further and inquired what were the results of the extension it was found that for the five years, 1899–1903, the convictions in New Zealand for drunkenness, excluding natives, had increased from 8·6 to 10·7, while the consumption of exciseable liquors had also increased from 8·49 to 10·35 gallons per head. The example of Queensland had been quoted, but the percentage of drunkenness per head during 1903–04 was higher than in any other Australian colony. He put these facts before the House, for he felt that this was not a subject on which one ought to take the rosy-spectacle point of view. They ought to act with the greatest caution, and he hoped the House would not be in a hurry to commit itself on the subject until it had had the fullest and amplest opportunity for inquiry.
I do not know whether I should have thought it necessary to intervene in the debate if it had not been for the references that have been made by many speakers to some observations I addressed to a deputation a few days ago, comprising, as far as I could observe, nearly all the hon. Members who honour me with their support in this House. I have been taken to task to-day in the public newspapers by the right hon. Member for Oxford University in a lengthy and elaborate letter for having dared to say that we were all agreed upon this question. It is the last thing I should ever have thought of saying, that I could possibly be agreed with my right hon. friend who wrote that letter. I do not think there is any public question on which we have any agreement or sympathy at all. Of course, what I meant, and what I said, was that those who were present on that occasion were agreed, and I think that if so numerous a body of men are agreed, they constitute a very masterful force in determining the future course of this question. To-day we have heard all the old arguments—that we cannot make people sober by Act of Parliament, or that legislation will only drive people out of one place and make the condition of another place intolerable. Well, I answer to that, if it makes the other place intolerable you can adopt in the other place that which has had such beneficent effect in the first place. The hon. Member who has just sat down has proved to us most satisfactorily that you have only to adopt local veto or local option—the policy of giving the power into the hands of the people, and you have a large increase in the consumption of alcoholic liquors. Then why do not the brewers and distillers press for this policy? Then we had my hon. friend the Member for Bolton, who said he could not really support anything which interfered with the liberty of the individual in the matter of his daily life. I cannot help recalling a story that is told of Lord Melbourne when he once went to church. The energetic clergyman preached a strong sermon in denunciation of extravagant living—of gambling and of drinking, and, in fact, of all the ordinary practices of the general associates and society of Lord Melbourne himself. As he was walking away from the church some one who overtook him and saw that he was looking very glum, asked him what was the matter. "I have always," said he, "been a strong supporter of the Church and the national religion; but if the sacred edifices of that Church are to be used for the purpose of countenancing invasions of the sanctity of private life, I shall no longer have anything to do with them." But as has been said by many to-night, this is a very serious question. I trust it is true what has been pleaded by the other side, that it can be dealt with without any Party feeling. But unfortunately certain questions have associated themselves with certain Parties, and it is difficult to disentangle them when you wish. But for my part—remembering also that it is necessary for me to be always exceedingly discreet, as there may be more than a reasonable curiosity as to the future action of the Government, as to which to-night I need make no disclosure whatever—I have always been a supporter of the principle that in regard to this question of establishing new licences or retaining the old licences in a locality the people who ought to have the control and whose wishes in the matter ought to be final are those who live in the locality and who, therefore, have to enjoy the unspeakable blessing or have to endure the unspeakable mischief and nuisance—whichever way you put it—of such institutions as public-houses in their midst. But when you come to say how far you will give this power—whether it shall be by a simple majority on an open vote or whether it shall be given to an elected body—these are questions upon which there is much to be said, and they will have to be considered carefully by those who seek to deal with the subject. But the cardinal policy is that it is the men, women, and children who live in the locality who are principally interested, and who ought to have the governing voice in the matter and not superior persons in the locality or from other parts of the country, or Parliament, or committees, or commissions. It is the men, women, and children who live in the locality who are interested, and it is their interests solely that Parliament should have in view in dealing with the matter. I believe that the Resolution before the House embodies that principle; and on that ground I will gladly and willingly vote for it—as I have voted times out of number for similar Resolutions before—should my hon. friend go to a division.
said he was rather reluctant to intervene for even a few minutes in this debate, but he did so for two reasons. In the first place, he had introduced a Bill in support of this principle and therefore he ought to support the Resolution of the hon. Gentleman. And, in the second place, he was anxious to answer the speech of the hon. Member for North Kildare, who had given some interesting experiences of his in regard to prohibition in the United States of America. There was no doubt whatever that what the hon. Gentleman said was true. He himself was in the United States at the same time as the hon. Gentleman, and he could bear out the statement that they did come across here and there some districts where the principle of local veto did not seem to be quite satisfactory. He remembered being in the State of Maine more than twenty years ago, and he was struck by the fact that the law was not working satisfactorily then. It was quite easy to cite instances where laws of this kind had been unsuccessful, but that was no argument against the principle of the Resolution. He had no doubt that if the principle became the law in this land it would be found that it would work satisfactorily in some districts, and not in others. The great point to be borne in mind was, who ought to be the authority in this matter? Ought the authority to be the magistrates, who were in no sense representatives of the people, and who were in many cases opposed to the popular view. He was not at all in favour of leaving this matter to be regulated by the local authority; lie was in favour of the people at large having an opportunity of voting "aye" on "no" to the granting of licences, and that their opinion should prevail. He was sorry to hear the hon. Member for Spens Valley say that the whole of the municipalities of the United States were rotten and corrupt. He had been several times in the United States and had travelled through all the cities more than once, and whilst it it was undoubtedly true that municipal government there was not up-to-date, as in Great Britain, it was not true to say broadly that the municipal corporations in the United States were rotten. However, be that as it might, there was no proposal before the House to place on any municipality the power of vetoing the issue of licences; that was a question for the people alone. He himself had not the slightest doubt that the overwhelming opinion of the people of this country would be to act with fairness. He could not imagine for a single moment that any injustice would be done, or if injustice were done it would bear its own punishment. The principle of giving the people the power of vetoing the issue of licences existed not only in the State of Maine, but in a greater or less degree throughout the United States, and it had not been proved to be a failure in operation. Nor did he think that it had been proved that the result of local option in New Zealand had been to increase the consumption of alcoholic drinks or to lead to the increase of drunkenness. Apart altogether from the experience of Canada, Australia, and the United States, he contended that this was a matter over which the people as a whole should have complete control, and it was on that ground that he gave his hearty support to the Motion. And if it was embodied in a law he was sure it would be found that the best policy in the public interest was to trust the people.
* said that in the Division which he represented there was a village containing from 3,000 to 4,000 people. A request was made by certain of the villagers to the owners that a licence should be applied for. A poll was taken, when it was found that 80 per cent. of the villagers voted in favour of a licence. A licence was obtained, and the house was managed under Earl Grey's Trust. It was found from experience that although a majority of the villagers had voted in favour of the licence, they did not drink sufficient to pay interest on the capital, or the stipulated rent, and after carrying on for a couple of years Earl Grey's Trust gave up the house. Subsequently, under new management, the price of alcoholic liquors was raised to the scale charged in a first class hotel, while the price of temperance beverages was made as low as possible; and last week he was told that the consumption of alcoholic drinks had dropped 75 per cent., and the consumption of lighter refreshments had largely increased, and the public-house was now paying its way. He expressed the opinion that the effect of the Resolution, if carried into law, would be that in some districts the number of licences would be increased, and in others the number would be decreased. He had long been a supporter of the principle of local option, and he had great pleasure in supporting the Resolution.
said that notwithstanding the arguments which had been advanced during the debate, he was still in absolute ignorance of what was meant by local option, beyond the fact that they were to trust the people. They had not heard whether it was to trust the people in small or large areas, or over the whole kingdom. In Manitoba the choice was given the people of whether or not alcoholic liquor should be allowed to be sold, and after a very keen contest they decided against prohibition. On the other hand, in the adjoining territory prohibition was carried on a referendum. He was once in a prohibition country and found there was a great demand for spirits levels at 5d. per piece. These cheap articles consisted of a small glass tube with the end bound up with a postage stamp, and the contents were of course whiskey. In the constituency he represented there were large brewing and malting industries.
AYES. Abraham, William (Rhondda) Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) Hedges, A. Paget Acland, Francis Dyke Collins, Sir Wm. J (S. Pancras, W. Helme, Norval Watson Adkins, W. Ryland Cooper, G. J. Henderson, JM(Aberdeen, W.) Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) Henry, Charles S. Agnew, George William Corbett, CH(Sussex, E.Grinst'd Herbert, Colonel Ivor (Mon., S.) Ainsworth, John Stirling Corbett, T. L. (Down, North) Herbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe) Alden, Percy Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Higham, John Sharp Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch) Cory, Clifford John Hobart, Sir Robert Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth) Cotton, Sir H. J. S. Hobhouse, Charles E. H. Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.) Cowan, W. H. Holden, E. Hopkinson Balfour, Robert (Lanark) Craig, Herbert J.(Tynemouth) Holland, Sir William Henry Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight) Cremer, William Randal Hope, W. Bateman(Somerset, N Barlow, Percy (Bedford) Crombie, John William Horniman, Emslie John Barnes, G. N. Crooks, William Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Barrie, H. T.(Londonderry, N.) Dalziel, James Henry Hudson, Walter Beauchamp, E. Davies, Timothy (Fulham) Hutton, Alfred Eddison Beaumont, Hubert (Eastbourne Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.) Illingworth, Percy H. Beaumont, W. C. B.(Hexham) Dickinson, W.H.(St. Pancras, N. Isaacs, Rufus Daniel Beck, A. Cecil Duckworth, James Jackson, R. S. Bell, Richard Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) Johnson, John (Gateshead) Benn, John Williams (Dev'np'rt Edwards, Clement (Denbigh) Johnson, W. (Nuneaton) Benn, W(T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo. Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) Jones, William (Carnarvonshire Bennett, E. N. Edwards, Frank (Radnor) Jowett, F. W. Berridge, T. H. D. Elibank, Master of Kearley, Hudson E. Bertram, Julius Essex, R. W. Kitson, Sir James Bethell, J. H (Essex, Romford) Evans, Samuel T. Laidlaw, Robert Billson, Alfred Eve, Harry Trelawney Lamb, Ernest H. (Rochester) Black, Arthur W. (Bedfordshire Everett, R. Lacey Lamont, Norman Bolton, T.D.(Derbyshire, N.E.) Ferens, T. R. Lawson, Sir Wilfrid Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey) Fetherstonhaugh, Godirey Lehmann, R. C. Bowerman, C. W. Fiennes, Hon, Eustace Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich Brace, William Fullerton, Hugh Lever, W. H. (Cheshire, Wirral) Bramsdon, T. A. Gibb, James (Harrow) Levy, Maurice Branch, James Glendinning, R. G. Lewis, John Herbert Brigg, John Glover, Thomas Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. David Brodie, H. C. Gooch, George Peabody Lough, Thomas Bryce, J. A. (Inverness Burghs) Grant, Corrie Lupton, Arnold Burns, Rt. Hon. John Greenwood, G. (Peterborough) Lyell, Charles Henry Burnyeat, J. D. W. Greenwood, Hamar (York) Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) Byles, William Pollard Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward Macdonald, J.M. (Falkirk B'ghs) Cairns, Thomas Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill Mackarness, Frederic C. Caldwell, James Gurdon, Sir W. Brampton Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H. Hall, Frederick Macpherson, J. T. Carr-Gomm, H. W. Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis M'Callum, John M. Cawley, Frederick Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) M'Kenna, Reginald Cheetham, John Frederick Hardy, George A. (Suffolk) M'Micking, Major G. Cherry, R. R. Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r) Maddison, Frederick Clarke, C. Goddard (Peckham) Haslam, James (Derbyshire) Mansfield, H. Rendall (Lincoln) Cleland, J. W. Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston) Clough, W. Haworth, Arthur A. Marnham, F. J. Clynes, J. R. Hazel, Dr. A. E. Mason, A. E. W. (Coventry)
rose in his place and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.
Question put accordingly.
The House divided:—Ayes, 271; Noes, 44. (Division List No. 46.)]
Massie, J. Richards, Thomas(W.Monm'th Tennant, E. P. (Salsbury) Menzies, Walter Richards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) Molteno, Percy Alfred Rickett, J. Compton Thomas, Sir A.(Glamorgan, E.) Mond, A. Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) Thomas, David Alfred (Merthyr Montgomery, H. H. Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) Thomasson, Franklin Morgan, G. Hay (Cornwall) Roberts, John Bryn (Eifion) Thompson, J.W.H (Somerset, E Morrell, Philip Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside) Toulmin, George Morse, L. L. Robinson, S. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Robson, Sir William Snowdon Ure, Alexander Moss, Samuel Roe, Sir Thomas Verney, F. W. Murray, James Rogers, F. E. Newman Villiers, Ernest Amherst Myer, Horatio Rose, Charles Day Vivian, Henry Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw) Rowlands, J. Wadsworth, J. Nicholls, George Russell, T. W. Wallace, Robert Norman, Henry Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford) Walsh, Stephen Norton, Capt. Cecil William Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland) Walters, John Tudor Nuttall, Harry Schwann, Chas. E. (Manchester) Walton, Joseph (Barnsley) O'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth) Scott, A.H.(Ashton-und.-Lyne Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent O'Grady, J. Sears, J. E. Wardle, George J. O'Mara, James Seaverns, J. H. Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan) O'Neill, Hon. Robert Torrens Seddon, J. Waterlow, D. S. Parker, James (Halifax) Seely, Major J. B. Wedgwood, Josiah C. Paul, Herbert Shaw, Charles Edw. (Stafford) White, George (Norfolk) Paulton, James Mellor Shaw, Rt. Hon. T. (Hawick B.) Whiteley, George (York, W.R.) Pearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek) Shipman, Dr. John G. Whitley, J. H. (Halifax) Pearson, W.H.M.(Suffolk, Eye) Silcock, Thomas Ball Whittaker, Thomas Palmer Pease, J. A. (Saffron Walden) Simon, John Allsebrook Wiles, Thomas Philipps, Col. Ivor (S'thampton) Sinclair, Rt. Hon. John Wilkie, Alexander Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke) Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie Williams, J. (Glamorgan) Pickersgill, Edward Hare Snowden, P. Williams, W. L. (Carmarthen) Pollard, Dr. Spicer, Albert Williamson, A. (Elgin and Nairn Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, C'ntral) Stanger, H. Y. Wilson, Henry J.(York, W.R.) Price, Robert John (Norfolk, E.) Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.) Wilson, P.W. (St. Pancras, S.) Priestley, W.E.B.(Bradford, E.) Steadman, W. C. Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Radford, G. H. Stewart, Halley (Greenock) Winfrey, R. Raphael, Herbert H. Stewart-Smith, D. (Kendal) Yoxall, James Henry Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro' Straus, B. S. (Mile End) Redmond, William (Clare) Stuart, James (Sunderland) TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Rees, J. D. Sullivan, Donal Leif Jones and Mr. Arthur Rendall, Athelstan Summerbell, T. Henderson. Renton, Major Leslie Taylor, John W. (Durham)
NOES. Acland-Hood, Rt. Hn Sir Alex. F. Fell, Arthur Remnant, James Farquharson Anson, Sir William Reynell Finch, Rt. Hon. George H. Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool) Arkwright, John Stanhope Forster, Henry William Salter, Arthur Clavell Balcarres, Lord Haddock, George R. Smith, F.E. (Liverpool, Walton) Banner, John S. Harmood- Hay, Hon. Claude George Starkey, John R. Bowles, G. Stewart Hervey, F.W.F(Bury S. Edm'ds Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Lanark) Boyle, Sir Edward Hill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury) Thornton, Percy M. Bridgeman, W. Clive Hill, Henry Staveley (Staff'sh.) Tillett, Louis John Butcher, Samuel Henry Keswick, William Williamson, G. H. (Worcester) Carlile, E. Hildred Lowe, Sir Francis William Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Castlereagh, Viscount Meysey-Thompson, Major E.G. Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George Cecil, Lord John P. Joicey- Nolan, Joseph Younger, George Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.) O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Courthope, G. Loyd O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S. Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington Cave and Mr. G. A. Gibbs. Craik, Sir Henry Rawlinson, John Frederick P.
Resolved, That this House notes with satisfaction the successful working of the local option laws in the Colonies, and approves the principle on which these laws are based, namely, that the people ought to possess the power, through a vote of the local electors, to protect themselves against the admitted evils of the liquor traffic.
Adjourned at seventeen minutes after Twelve o'clock.