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Commons Chamber

Volume 163: debated on Thursday 25 October 1906

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House Of Commons

Thursday, 25th October, 1906.

The House met at a quarter before Three of the Clock.

Petitions

Agricultural Holdings (Scotland) Consolidation Bill

Petition from Ayr, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Labour Test Workers (Enfranchisement)

Petition from Carlisle, for legislation; to lie upon the Table.

Sale Of Intoxicating Liquors On Sunday Bill

Petition from Ealing, in favour; to lie upon the Table.

Returns, Reports, Etc

East India (Officers) (Exchange Compensation)

Return [presented 23rd October] to be printed. [No. 338.]

Merchant Shipping (Mercantile Marine Fund) Act, 1898

Copy presented, of Draft Order in Council altering the Scale set out in the Second Schedule to the Act for the purpose of the levying of the Light Dues in pursuance of the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Irish Land Commission (Proceedings)

Copy presented, of Return of Proceedings during the months of August and September, 1906 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Penal Servitude Act, 1891

Copy presented, of Additional Regulation made by the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland-for the taking of Finger Prints and Measuring and Photographing of Prisoners [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Factory And Workshop (Ventilation)

Copy presented, of Illustrations of Methods of Dust Extraction in Factories and Workshops, compiled by Commander Sir H. P. Freer-Smith, R.N. (late His Majesty's Superintending Inspector of Factories) [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Shop Hours Act, 1904

Copies presented, of Orders made by the Council of the City of Cardiff, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Homé Department, fixing the Hours of Closing for Bootsollers' Shops within part of the Central Ward, within the Cathays, Park, Roath, and Adamstown (part of) Wards of the City [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Shop Hours Act, 1904

Copies presented, of two Orders made by the Council of the County of Glamorgan, and confirmed by the Secretary of State for the Home Department, fixing the Hours of Closing for Hairdressers' Shops within the Coedffrane Parish and Maesteg Urban District [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Post Office Telegraphs (Includeing Telephones)

Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 23rd February; Mr. Sydney Buxton]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 339.]

Education (England And Wales) Bill

Copy presented, of Note explaining the Repeal Schedule [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Private Bills (London County Council)

Return ordered, "of Expenses incurred by the London County Council in promoting and opposing Bills in Parliament during the years1903, 1904,1905, and, as far as possible, 1906 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper [H.L.]. No. 214, of Session 1903)."— Mr. Thornton.)

Questions And Answers Circulated With The Votes

Irish National Education Inspectors

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will consider the desirability of framing new regulations for the position of inspector under the Commissioners of National Education, Ireland, with a view to examinations by open competition in the future instead of the heretofore limited competitions governed by religious tests. (Answered by Mr. Bryce.) Appointments to inspectorships of national schools in Ireland rest with the Commissioners of National Education, who inform me that, under the system which has hitherto prevailed, inspectors have been appointed by limited competition amongst candidates nominated by the Commissioners, half of the staff consisting of Roman Catholics. Examinations for inspectorships have, however, been suspended for some years past, and the Commissioners have not yet made regulations for filling future vacancies beyond providing that teachers of exceptional ability and qualifications are eligible for appointment as sub-inspectors.

Regent's Park Fence

To ask the First Commissioner of Works whether he is aware that many of the residents round Regent's Park are adverse to the substitution of an iron spiked fence in place of the present one of oak timber, as being likely to destroy the present rural character of the park; and whether he will stop the work now in progress and allow the timber fence to remain as it is at present. (Answered by Mr. Harcourt.) I am aware that many of the residents round Regent's Park object to the substitution of an iron fence for the oak one. I regret that I am unable to stop the work arid allow the timber fence to remain, because it is in a state of decay and past, repair.

Recruitment Of Native Labour In South-East Africa

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Portuguese authorities for South-east Africa have declined to give the same facilities for recruiting native labour in their territories to the Robinson group of mines as are given to the Native Labour Association; and, if so, what stops His Majesty's Government are taking in the matter. (Answered by Mr. Churchill.) Unexpected delays of a renewed and protracted character have arisen in the settlement of this matter. But His Majesty's Government is now communicating directly with the Portuguese Government with a view to securing for the Robinson group of mines the necessary facilities.

Orange River Colony Constitution

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government have yet decided upon the form of constitution to be granted to the Orange River Colony, and when the nature of it will be made public. (Answered by Mr. Churchill.) The various important questions connected with the granting of a constitution to the Orange River Colony are now being considered in the light of the Report of the Ridgeway Committee which has lately been submitted to His Majesty's Government. No definite statement can be made as to the date of any declaration of policy, but Lord Elgin is not without hopes that this may take place before Parliament separates for the Christmas holiday.

Alleged Immorality Of Chinese Coolies In South Africa

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether an inquiry has been held by the Transvaal Government into the allegations of immorality practised among the Chinese coolies in the gold mines; and, if so, when the results of that inquiry will be laid before tin House. (Answered by Mr. Churchill.) A confidential inquiry has been held by the Transvaal Government. The Report has reached this country within the last few days, and the Secretary of State has not yet been able to give it the consideration it requires; and I am not able to say at present whether he will determine to lay it before the House.

Glastonbury Abbey

To ask the First Commissioner of Works whether his attention has been called to the projected sale of Giastonbury Abbey; an whether he can give the House an assurance that the question will be considered by his Department. (Answered by Mr. Harcourt.) The reply to the first paragraph is in the affirmative; the matter is receiving my careful attention, the Acting Inspector o: Ancient Monuments having visited the Abbey on my behalf during the last few days.

Rosyth

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty when he will be in a position to state the policy of the Government with regard to Rosyth. (Answered by Mr. Edmund Robertson.) I do not anticipate that I shall be in a position to make any statement on this subject during the present year.

Cost Of Insurance Against Workmen's Compensation

To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can now furnish the information promised by him showing what will be the estimated additional cost of insurance in the coal, ironstone, mining, engineering, shipbuilding, and textile industries respectively, resulting from the reduction of the qualifying period in Clause 1 of the Workmen's Compensation Bill from fourteen to three days; and if he can also give the cost of reduction from fourteen to three days. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone.) The following are the estimates which have been put before me of the additional cost which would result, in the industries mentioned, from the reduction of the qualifying period of fourteen days to seven or three days; but various

Reduction of 14 days to 3 days.Reduction of 14 days to 7 days.
Coal mining25 to 38 per cent. (Not including increase in administrative expenses)12 to 17 per cent. (Not including increase in administrative expenses)
Ironstone mining18 per cont.8 per cent.
Engineering48 per cent.25 ½ per cent.
Shipbuilding38¾ per cent.21½, per cent.
Textile industries35* per cent.30* per cent.

*The figures on which the estimate for the textile industry is based do not, I understand, include fatal accidents. If fatal accidents were included this estimate would, of course, be lessened.

I may mention, as showing the varying nature of such estimates, that in the case of certain coalfields in one part of the country I have received an estimate according to which the increase in cost resulting from the reduction of fourteen days to three would be almost 80 per cent.

Dock Regulations

To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that as yet no adequate steps have been taken to confirm the dock regulations, with respect to ladders down ships holds, the unshipping of fore and afters, and the removal of deck winches from close up to ships combings where ladders are situated; and, if so, will he take the necessary steps to enforce the rule dealing with these questions; also when the necessary increase of the present staff of inspectors will be made in order to deal effectively with the regulations now in many cases ignored so far as the discharging and loading of vessels is concerned owing to the lack of supervision.

reasons, in particular the great uncertainty existing as to the cost of the increased supervision which may be necessary and the difference between different branches of the same industry in respect of gravity and frequency of accidents, make it difficult, if not impossible, to arrive at any trustworthy conclusions. Except where otherwise specified, they include the estimated increase in administrative expenses.

( Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone.) As I pointed out to the hon. Member in Answer to a previous Question on the subject last May, See (4) Debates, clvi., 407. numbers 6 and 8 of the dock regulations, which are the regulations dealing with the points mentioned in the Question, do not, so far as they require structural alterations, come into force till 1st January, 1908. I have no power, therefore, before that date to compel the adoption of such alterations, though it is reported to me by the inspectors that material improvement has already been effected in regard to the matters in question. In accordance with the promise made by me, the staff is being strengthened with a view to ensuring better inspection of docks.

Lyningham-With Filgrave School

To ask the President of the board of Education whether he is aware that the Local Education Authority decided, in the early part of this year,

†See (4) Debates, clvi., 407.
that the provided school at Lyningham with-Filgrave, in the county of Buckinghamshire, was unnecessary, and ought to be closed, and that the board of Education on 20th February, l906, concurred in that decision after considering all the circumstances of the case, including a petition from the inhabitants, and that the school was accordingly closed; whether he will explain why the board of Education has now reversed its decision and called upon the local authority to reopen the school, and has refused to receive a deputation from the local authority on the matter; whether he is aware that there are not more than a dozen children of school age in the village, and that there is an efficient provided school within a mile and a half; and whether there are any other facts conflicting with the decision of the local authority that the school cannot be efficiently or economically maintained. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) The facts of the case are very much as stated in the Question. The decision of the board that the school must be reopened was chiefly based upon representations made to them as to the effect which the closure of small rural schools such as this would have upon the depopulation of rural areas, a consideration of which, I am sure, the hon. Member will readily admit the urgency and importance. At the same time I fully appreciate the considerations which have determined the action of the local authority, and I am having further inquiries made upon the spot with a view to finding some solution of the question.

Cost Of Railway Commissioners' Appeals

To ask the President of the board of Trade whether he is aware that dissatisfaction has arisen amongst traders on account of the delay and expense attending an appeal to the Railway Commissioners; and whether he will consider the advisability of establishing a cheaper and more expeditious tribunal in connection with the Railway Department of the board of Trade. (Answered by Mr. Lloyd-George.) I must refer the hon. Member to the Answer which was given in a similar Question put by him on 9th July last.† † See (4) Debates, clx., 492.

Railway And Shipping Transit Rates

To ask the President of the board of Trade whether he is aware that the Railway Companies and Shipping Companies compel consignors of goods and live stock to sign an owner's risk rate which practically absolves the carrying companies from liability, and contracts the consignor outside the benefit of the Carriers Act unless an extra rate is paid: and whether he will inquire into this alleged grievance, and also the existing system of classification. (Answered by Mr. Lloyd-George): I am not aware that consignors of goods and live stock carried by rail and sea are, or can be, compelled to sign a risk note to the effect described by the hon. Member; but if he will furnish particulars I will consider them, as also any observations he may have to offer as to the classification of traffic.

Kent Licensing Compensation Case

To ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the judgment of Mr. Justice Kennedy in the test case of Ashby's Cobham Brewery Company v. The Inland Revenue ("The Crown" public house, Cobham, Kent), in which the amount of compensation under The Licensing Act, 1904, fixed by the Inland Revenue at £455, was altered and fixed at £1,497 10s.; and whether in view of the effect this will have upon licensing authorities in recommending licensed houses for extinction, His Majesty's Government will direct an appeal to be made to a higher court of justice to reverse this judgment. (Answered by Mr. Asquith.) The Answer to the first part of the Question s in the affirmative. His Majesty's Government do not propose to give directions for an appeal, as they are advised that as the law at present stands under the terms of The Licensing Act, 1904, an appeal could not succeed; but the matter is one which will not be left out of sight in connection with the proposals for legislation in regard to licensing which they have already undertaken to introduce.

Officers For The Indian Army

To ask the Secretary of State for India whether, in view of the contemplated increase of British officers to Indian regiments, he will consider the desirability of placing some commissions in the Indian Army at the disposal of the War Office for distribution among subalterns serving in regiments stationed in Great Britain. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Morley.) The question of opening the Indian Army to officers serving in British units in any quarter of the Empire is under consideration, and I am waiting for the opinion of the Government of India on it.

Irish Estates Commissioners' Report

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether his attention has been called to the last published Report of the Estates Commissioners; and whether in view of the important points of policy dealt with therein, and the difference of opinion among the Commissioners, any opportunity will be given to this House, during the Autumn Sitting, of discussing the Report. (Answered by Mr. Bryce.) My attention has been called to the Report in question. The Government are not aware that any necessity exists for a discussion of the contents of the Report during the present sittings, which are intended for bringing to completion the legislative business of the year. Any Question regarding the business of the House had better lie addressed to my right hon. friend the Prime Minister.

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord - Lieutenant of Ireland whether it was in consequence of special instructions issued by himself or with his authority, that the Estates Commissioners, in their Report upon the working of the Land Act of 1903, for the year ending 31st March, 1906, have expressed their views on questions of price and security in such a way as to discourage sales and create dissatisfaction in the minds of those who have already purchased their farms. (Answered by Mr. Bruce.) The Answer is in the negative, and I may add that, so far as my information goes, there is no foundation for the suggestion that sales have been discouraged or dissatisfaction created among tenant-purchasers as the result of the Estates Commissioners' Report.

Loans On Irish Land Purchase Agreements

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he will state the total amount of the advances applied for in connection with purchase agreements lodged under the Land Act of 1903; the amount of advances sanctioned to date; the amount at present available for completing sales; and what further amount, if any, it is proposed to raise before the end of the present year. (Answered by Mr. Bryce.) The total amount of advances applied for up to 20th instant is, in round numbers, £45,000,000. The amount which has been sanctioned and advanced is £14,292,284. The amount immediately available for further advances is approximately £2,908,000. It is anticipated that this amount will be sufficient to moot advances up to the end of the present year.

Purchase Agreement Delays

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the delay in sanctioning advances under the Land Act of 1903 in cases in which purchase agreements have been lodged is occasioning hardship to those concerned, and is likely to discourage sales and hinder the progress of land purchase; whether he can state how far this delay is due to insufficiency of funds in the hands of the Land Commission; and what steps are being taken to raise the money required. (Answered by Mr. Bryce.) I am informed that the amount of advances applied for and not yet made is about £30,000,000. The amount at present available for advances is approximately £2,908,000, and the Estates Commissioners anticipate that this amount will have been utilised early in the coming year. I understand that the intention, when the Act was passed, was that not more than £5,000,000 should be made available for land purchase during each of the first three years, and, as I have already pointed out, this amount has been exceeded. The delay in making advances has not be on due to the insufficiency of funds at the disposal of the Laud Commission, but rather to the extremely complicated nature of the operations connected with the sale and purchase of land, which has involved a great expenditure of time.

Cavalry Regiment In Scotland

To ask the Secretary of State for War whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to deprive Scotland of the Cavalry regiment which has hitherto been quartered in Edinburgh and Glasgow. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane.) This question is under consideration. The ultimate decision must depend, not on local considerations, but on requirements of training and efficiency which concern the Army as a whole. Whether arrangements can be made which will admit of Cavalry training at Edinburgh sufficient to comply with the high standard of to-day remains to be seen. The present decision turns simply on the fact that Piershill Barracks, the only available accommodation, are, from a sanitary point of view, no longer a proper place in which to house a cavalry regiment.

Questions In The House

Naval Officers' Debts

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether the proposed Order in Council, of which notice has been given by the Privy Council Office with reference to naval officers' half-pay and retired pay being liable to abatement to meet mess debts or other similar debts or liabilities, is intended to cover any civil debts; and whether the Order in Council will clearly define the nature of the debts which the Admiralty are seeking power to pay out of the pensions or pay earned by naval officers.

The Order in Council is sought in order to obtain power to recover debts of a semi-public nature, incurred under Service arrangements of which the Admiralty take official cognisance, and not ordinary civil debts. The Admiralty are advised that the terms used cannot be construed to bear a wider significance, and no necessity is therefore seen for a stricter definition than that contained in the memorial. The powers which it is sought to obtain are similar to those already possessed by the War Office in respect of regimental debts.

Hms "Montagu"

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, considering the abandonment of H.M.S. "Montagu," and the preparations and programmes of Foreign Powers, he has any announcement to make to the House with respect to the shipbuilding programme or naval policy of the Government, as stated by him in July last.

asked whether there was to be no opportunity of discussing this question, seeing that it had arisen subsequent to the passing of the Estimates.

The only announcement of the policy of the Admiralty subsequent to the passing of the Estimates is the policy affecting the Home Fleet, and it is not touched by this question.

said that the loss of the ship was subsequent to the discussion of the Estimates. The decision of the Government not to replace a lost ship was not in accordance with usual precedent, and the event had occurred subsequent to the discussion of the Estimates. In these circumstances, was the House not to have an opportunity of considering this matter?

THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY
(Sir H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, Stirling Burghs)

The right hon. Gentleman speaks of "this matter," but gives a confused view of what the matter is. Is it a discussion on the whole naval policy of the Government?

I do not think that an individual point of that kind is a matter which requires a special discussion.

South African Stores Commission Report—Dismissal Of Soldiers

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War if the non-commissioned officers who have been dismissed the Army on the Report of the South African Stores Commission were first placed upon their trial, and afforded an opportunity of defending themselves; if they were warned by the Royal Commissioners that their answers would be used against them; if they have been deprived of the medals awarded them for service in the field; and, in such case, what authority there is for such procedure.

This Question appears to rest on a misapprehension. The Question is one of discipline in which the Army Council have a large measure of discretion. As a matter of fact the utmost pains were taken not only to investigate fully each case, but to secure that the persons concerned had full opportunity of giving their own explanation. In every instance the officer, commissioned or non-commissioned, had placed before him by the Army Council the portion of the Report of the Royal Commission relating to his case for purposes of enabling him to make such statement as he desired as regards the questions in which he was involved. The merits of these statements were carefully weighed in connection with the evidence before any decision was come to. The procedure by court-martial, oven if it had been appropriate, would have been inapplicable, because under Section 161 of the Army Act nearly all the offences were not cognisable by court-martial, as they were alleged to have taken place more than three years ago. The Act, in appointing the Royal Commission, did not excuse a witness from answering any question on the ground that the answer might incriminate him, nor on the other hand did it provide that cognisance should not be taken of the nature of his reply when his superior officer was estimating his conduct. No one has been dismissed the Army or otherwise dealt with excepting on evidence which appeared to the Secretary of State and the Army Council clear and distinct, and I am satisfied that what has been done has been done in accordance with the principles of justice, and that the benefit of any reasonable doubt has been given in every case. Art. 1256 (c) Pay Warrant prescribes that soldiers discharged the service for misconduct shall forfeit their medals.

Will not the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the cases of men who have shown meritorious conduct in face of the enemy in the field? [Cries of "No."]

When the charge is one of taking money and where that has been established, it is our duty to proceed with severity in the interests of the Army and the nation. I may say that I have divided the cases into three categories—those where money was alleged to have been taken; those in which there was incompetence; and those where there was an honest mistake in judgment. The cases in the first category have been dealt with strictly. The persons coming in the second class have been relieved of their positions; but we felt that we ought to treat them leniently in other respects. As to the third class, where an honest mistake has been made in difficult circumstances, we have proceeded quite differently.

Why was a distinction made between officers and privates—the officers being allowed retiring allowances and the men being refused deferred pay?

No such distinction was made. Wherever an officer was found to have received money, he was dismissed from the Army without retired pay. The only officers who have not forfeited what they had earned in the shape of deferred pay are those against whom no charge of corruption was proved.

Have not officers been asked to retire and been allowed a retiring allowance?

Yes, where there was no allegation of corruption, but only a breach of regulations or incompetence. In no case has an officer touching money been allowed to keep his retiring allowance.

Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that all the privates dismissed were guilty of corruption?

asked whether the Royal Commission granted any certificates of indemnity in eases whore the witnesses gave full answers.

No doubt they did, but such certificates protect against criminal proceedings and have nothing to do with the duty of the Army Council to see that improper persons do not remain in the service of the Crown.

asked whether any proceedings had been taken against the South African firms who engaged in this bribery.

Within a few hours of the issue of the Report I read it through, and within a few more hours I had mastered the evidence and communicated with the Treasury Solicitor. The whole of the papers were with the Treasury Solicitor in two days, with instructions from me to proceed with the utmost diligence. The Treasury Solicitor has the matter in hand, and the case is before the Law Officers of the Crown both here and in South Africa. Every stop has been taken that could be taken. I can say no more than that I have done everything to bring everyone to justice, without dealing with the matter in a vindictive spirit on the one hand or with undue leniency on the other.

In Answer to VISCOUNT VALENTIA (Oxford),

said that any officer discharged for misconduct forfeited his pension. A court-martial was not possible in these cases because of the interval that had elapsed.

Will the right hon. Gentleman reconsider the matter in the case of the men who have shown gallantry in the field? [Loud cries of "No, no."]

Defence Of London

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War at what date the building of the now dismantled forts around London was sanctioned, and what has been the total cost of these forts.

It is presumed that this Question refers to the mobilisation centres round London, some of which are in the form of redoubts. These were begun in 1889. Their total cost amounted to £160,700.

Pimlico Army Clothing Factory

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether an official intimation was conveyed to the women employed in the Army Clothing Factory at Pimlico that a reduction in prices would take place equal in amount to a loss in the wages of the tailoresses of from 4s. to 5s. per week; if so, will he state why an official denial of the same has been allowed to be communicated to the Press; and whether the enforcement of the reduction named will be withheld till an interview has taken place between the representatives of the Government and the employees concerned.

No official intimation has been given to the workers in the Royal Army Clothing Factory that a reduction in prices would take place as suggested in the Question. A fortnight's notice will be given of any reduction which it may be intended to make, and full opportunity will be given to the workers to interview the representatives of the Government on the matter.

asked if the right hon. Gentleman would inquire how such information was communicated to the Press? Was it done by any official of his Department?

Cowley Barracks Engineman

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for War whether his attention has been called to the case of Henry Drake, formerly engineman in the barracks at Oxford, who, after serving the War Department for more than twenty-nine years, during which time he worked the machinery every day, Sundays included, without absence from duty for a single day through sickness or any other cause, was recently discharged both from his home and his employment with less than two weeks previous notice, and with no reason assigned; whether by the rules of the service such a man is entitled to any pension or superannuation, or only to consideration for a gratuity; and, whether, in view of this man's length of service and consistent good conduct as testified by five commanding officers under whom he served, and of the hardship he has suffered through the suddenness of his discharge, the question of giving him some adequate compensation by way of gratuity or otherwise will be considered.

Mr. Drake was employed as engineman at Cowley Barracks, Oxford, from the 9th January 1877 to the 13th instant. An engine-man's services being no longer required, Mr. Drake was given a fortnight's notice of discontinuance in accordance with Paragraph 12 of the Regulations for Civilian Subordinates. He bas been awarded a gratuity of £53 13s. 0d.

Southern Nigeria—Hausa Grievances

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies what answer has been sent to the petition of the Hausa population of the Colony of Lagos, Southern Nigeria, praying that they may not be evicted from their homes to make roam for a military recreation ground; and whether he is aware that the population referred to consists chiefly of ex-soldiers and the widows, wives, children, relatives, and descendants of soldiers of His Majesty, who have been in undisturbed possession of their present homes for forty-one years, and that there is ground for their fear that the Hausa Lands Ordinance of August 1906 will entail homelessness, destitution, and hardship on the old people who have spent many years in loyal service of the King and His Majesty's Government.

It is understood that a petition of the tenor indicated has been handed to the Governor of Southern Nigeria for transmission to the Secretary of State; but it has not yet reached the Colonial Office. The matter has been very carefully considered and, with the arrangements which have been made for compensation, there is no reason to think that any one will suffer hardship through this removal which is necessary on sanitary grounds.

Newfoundland

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Newfoundland Government was consulted and its adherence obtained to the provisional agreement entered into between His Majesty's Government and that of the United States with reference to the Newfoundland fisheries.

The Newfoundland Government were, of course, consulted before any negotiations were begun and were fully informed of their progress at each stage. His Majesty's Government were not, however, so fortunate as to obtain their adherence to the provisional agreement which circumstances rendered necessary.

Is it not usual in the case of self-governing colonies to get their consent to provisional agreements?

Matters which affect the interpretation of Imperial treaties should form the subject of Questions to the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.

Orange River Colony Juries

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the address of the Chief Justice of the Orange River Colony to the conference of magistrates assembled at Bloemfontein late in September, in which address the Chief Justice took occasion publicly to repudiate the allegations, to which the widest publicity had been given in the Press in this country, that juries in the Orange River Colony were biassed by racial prejudice, and particularly to his declaration that the statements on this subject were absolutely false from beginning to end, and that it was a gross libel on the jurymen of the Colony, who never in a single case in his experience or in the experience of Mr. Justice Fawkes or Mr. Justice Ward allowed nationality to interfere with their duty; and what action he proposes to take.

I have seen the address of the Chief Justice of the Orange River Colony as reported in the Johannesburg Star of 25th September to which the lion. Member draws attention. No action on the part of the Secretary of State seems to be called for in the present circumstances by anonymous publication in newspapers or comment thereupon, but Lord Elgin has noted with satisfaction the testimony borne by the Bench to the impartiality and decorum of the jurymen of the Orange River Colony.

British Indians In Natal

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any and, if so, what stops are being taken to promote the interests of British Indians resident in Natal, who, being ratepayers, desire the municipal franchise.

The Natal Parliament has passed a Bill which debars those persons excluded from the Parliamentary franchise under Act 8 of 1896 from exercising the municipal franchise, unless exempted from the operation of the Ace by an Order from the Governor in Council. The persons so debarred are persons who, not being of European origin, are natives or descendants in the male line of natives of countries which have not hitherto possessed elective representative institutions founded on the Parliamentary franchise. This Bill is now under the consideration of the Secretary of State.

The Address To The Late Russian Duma

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether it was in consequence of any representations made by him, or at his instance, that the contemplated visit to Russia of a deputation, composed of Members of this House and others, to present an address to the late Russian Duma was abandoned; whether he has received any representations, verbal or otherwise, on behalf of the Russian Government on the subject; and, if so, what was the purport of those representations.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS
(Sir EDWARD GREY, Northumberland, Berwick)

The proposed deputation was quite independent of His Majesty's Government, and I can say nothing about it. The Russian Government wore aware of this, and made no official representations respecting it.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman had made any representation to the Gentlemen who were to compose the deputation.

I regarded the deputation as quite independent of His Majesty's Government, and therefore I took no official action whatever in respect to it. If the hon. Gentleman desires to know more about the deputation I think it ought to be ascertained from the Members themselves.

asked whether the British Ambassador had informed him that the address, signed by 300 Members of the House of Commons, had been welcomed with gratitude in all parts of Russia; and whether there was not evidence that the mere intention of presenting the address had strengthened the good feeling of the people of Russia towards this country.

I have not been associated with the deputation in any way, or with the address; and I have no official information in regard to it. I think it is desirable, when the Government have not been connected with a particular matter, that they should not be expected, save in exceptional circumstances, to express any opinion about it.

The Eighty Club And Austro-Hungary

I beg to ask the Secretary of Stale for Foreign Affairs whether any written or other representations have been made to him either by the British Embassy in Vienna, or by the representatives of the Austro-Hungarian Empire in England as to the recent official visit of a deputation of the Eighty Club to certain political organisations in Hungary.

Russia And The Aland Islands

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can now say whether Russian troops are still in occupation of the Aland Islands.

The latest information is to the effect that the Russian troops sent to the Aland Islands have been withdrawn, with the exception of two officers and fifteen men.

Chinese Maritime Customs

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he can state whether the conditions under which the administration of the Imperial Chinese Maritime Customs were granted by China during the currency of the Chinese loans of 1896 and 1898 are being duly observed.

When the loans of 1896 and 1898 wore raised, the Chinese Government undertook that the administration of the Maritime Customs should remain as then constituted during the currency of the loans. By the Imperial Edict of May 9th last, the Customs administration was transferred from one Chinese Government Department to another, but this does not necessarily imply more than a change of form, and it has not so far made any difference to the administration of the Customs service by Sir R. Hart.

Income Tax

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the resolution passed by the Associated Chambers of Commerce, at Bristol, on the 11th ultimo, regretting that nothing had been done by the Departmental Committee on Income Tax to remove the unsatisfactory features in the law and practice as they now exist, and expressing the opinion that the time has arrived when the whole of the Income Tax Acts should be reconsidered and codified; will he say whether he will give consideration to the views expressed by the Associated Chambers of Commerce.

I have received a copy of a resolution, passed at the meeting referred to, to the effect that the meeting was of opinion that the time had arrived when the whole of the Income Tax Acts should be reconsidered and codified, and I have replied that this expression of opinion should have my careful attention.

Estate Duty Office

I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been drawn to the increase in the staff at the Estate Duty Office in Somerset House during the past six years; will, he explain why the staff, which numbered 194 in 1899–1900, when the revenue was £16,159,463, was increased each year until it reached 390 in the Estimates for 1906–7, the revenue for 1905–6 being only £14,880,616, and the average revenue for the six years £14,985,357; and will he explain why the staff has been more than doubled, notwithstanding that the work of the Department, as represented by revenue, has been diminished.

The staff of the Estate Duty Office has been increased to the extent indicated because the board of Inland Revenue satisfied the Treasury that such increase was necessary if the work of the Department was to lie performed with thoroughness and promptitude. It may be observed (1) that the amount of revenue collected is by no moans an exact measure of the amount of work to be performed; the general tendency of the yield of the Estate Duties is certainly not downwards, although it is true that 1899–1900 was a record year; and (2) that, although the numbers have been increased by 100 per cent., the increase of cost is only a trifle over 50 per cent.

Motor Buses And Side Slips

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Local Government board whether he is aware that motor buses in wet weather are not under the control of their drivers owing to side slips; and whether, under those circumstances, he proposes to withdraw the licences of these vehicles seeing the number of accidents caused therefrom, and the danger arising to the public.

I beg to answer this Question on behalf of my right hon. friend. I am aware that in certain states of the pavement due control over these vehicles can be exercised only by great care and skill on the part of the drivers on account of the tendency to side slip. Inventions are now being tried which it is hoped may provide a remedy or at any rate reduce the danger. I do not think it would be within the power of the Commissioner to withdraw all motor omnibus licences on the ground suggested. A general prohibition of the use of motor omnibuses would require the authority of Parliament.

asked whether no farther licences would be granted until the vehicles could be run under conditions of greater safety.

said the Department was now doing their utmost to secure greater safety. He was not prepared to say anything more at present.

The Soap Combine

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Homo Department whether he has received information that 15-ounce packets of soap, made up by firms in the Soap Trust in the form in which one-pound packets were formerly made, are being sold without any reduction in price; and whether, for the protection of the public, he will direct the attention of the inspectors of weights and measures to the matter.

I have no official information on this subject and I do not gather that the packets are or ever were sold as one-pound packets. There would appear therefore to be no ground for any action on my part. I notice, however, in the Press this morning a statement to the effect that the manufacture of 15-ounce tablets have been abandoned and that the tablets are now being made of full one-pound weight.

asked whether any of the soap used in the House of Commons was supplied by the Soap Trust.

I am afraid that the question of soap does not in any way come within the province of my Department.

The German Gipsy Invasion

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Homo Department if his attention has been called to the wanderings throughout Great Britain of a band of sixty German gipsies, admitted under his authority in the spring as desirable immigrants, and in defiance of the provisions of the Aliens Act; and if, having regard to the expense caused to local authorities by repelling their invasion and harrying them onwards, he will forthwith arrange for their deportation to the lands whence they came.

At the same time may I ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that some 300 German and other gipsies were allowed to land in Scotland in the spring of the present year, that they have since been wandering about the country to the annoyance and danger of every district in which they have stayed and causing considerable extra police expenditure in order to control their movements; and whether the Government proposes to take any steps in order that these undesirable aliens shall be repatriated and a repetition of this grievance prevented in the future.

I have already explained how a considerable number of alien gipsies—it is believed between seventy and eighty—landed in Scotland in the early part of this year. It is incorrect to say that they were admitted as desirable immigrants, and still more so to say that they were admitted in defiance of the Aliens Act. There was no question of admission. They came in small parties on non-immigrant ships, and the Aliens Act, therefore, imposed no restriction on their landing. I have also stated how I brought pressure to bear on the shipping company which was carrying these aliens, with the result of stopping their further arrival. As regards those now in the country, the Aliens Act gives me no power save as regards any individual case in which a certificate has been given by a Court under Section 3. One certificate recommending the expulsion of one of those aliens has been received.

asked whether the alien gipsies were not now wandering about without ostensible means of subsistence, contrary to the provisions of the Aliens Act.

said his hon. friend must know quite well that this was not a question for the Home Office, but for any magistrate before whom the aliens might be brought.

asked the right hon. Gentleman whether he would consider the question of introducing an Amendment of the Aliens Act so as to deal with this particular annoyance.

asked if there was anything in connection with these gipsies which placed them outside the laws of Christian hospitality.

asked if the local authorities would be recouped the expense they had been put to by these gipsies.

Will the right hon. Gentleman lay on the Table particulars of the expenses incurred?

Vaccination Exemption Certificates

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has asked for and obtained a report of the refusal by the Thornbury Bench of Magistrates to grant a certificate for exemption from vaccination to Mr. Alfred Williams on 18th July last; and whether he will furnish a copy of such report; and what further action he proposes to take.

I communicated with the Justices in August last, and was informed that a certificate of exemption was refused because the Justices were not satisfied that the applicant conscientiously believed that vaccination would be prejudicial to the health of his child. In these circumstances I regret that I have no power to take any further action. It would be contrary to practice to give a copy of a letter from magistrates to the Secretary of State.

Staple Hill Colliery

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to a petition handed him from the inhabitants of Staple Hill and Mangots-field, Gloucestershire, setting forth the danger to life, limb, health, and property which is the result of the proceedings of the Staple Hill Colliery Company, Limited; and whether, having regard to the fact that the inhabitants of the neighbourhood have been excited by increasing fears of what may happen, and there is grave danger of a breach of the peace, he will cause inquiries to be made with a view to a prosecution if deemed necessary.

I have had under consideration the petition referred to in the Question and have obtained a report from the Inspector of Mines as to the mining operations that are being carried on by this company. The proceedings of which complaint is made in the petition appear to be outside the jurisdiction possessed by me under the Mines Regulation Acts; but I am making further inquiries into the matter, and will communicate later with the hon. Member.

Berne Convention And Yellow Phosphorus

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can state on what grounds the British delegate to the Convention of Berne declined to sign the treaty prohibiting the use of yellow phosphorus in the manufacture of matches; whether this treaty has been signed by the representatives of France, Germany, Italy, Switzerland, Denmark, Luxemburg, and the Netherlands; and, if so, whether, in view of the risks involved in the handling of yellow phosphorus, His Majesty's Government will follow the example of those seven countries and adhere to the treaty.

The Convention prohibiting the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches was signed by the representatives of the countries mentioned in the Question. The grounds which led His Majesty's Government to instruct the delegates to abstain from signing the Convention do not admit of being stated within the compass of an Answer, but they will be fully explained in papers which I shall shortly lay upon the Table of the House.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the withdrawal of the British delegates from the International Labour Conference at Berne during the discussion of the proposed interdiction of white phosphorus in match factories; whether he gave orders for such withdrawal; and if not, what action, if any, he proposes to take to bring the views of his Department upon the subject before the nations represented at the Conference.

My hon. friend has been misinformed. The British delegates did not withdraw from the Conference when the proposal to prohibit the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches was under discussion. On the contrary, they stated fully the views of the British Government on the subject.

Motor Car Traffic

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Homo Department whether his attention has been drawn to a letter, dated 13th July, by the Commissioner of Police, in which this officer stated that, owing to the weight of public opinion, he intended to exercise more stringently his powers and to show less indulgence to owners of motor cars who broke the law in respect to petrol smoke, noise, and speed; whether he has at any time given the Commissioner of Police a discretional power in this matter; and, if not, will he instruct this officer that his duties are to administer the law as enacted by Parliament.

I am aware of: the letter referred to by the hon. Member. It seems to me that the Commissioner of Police is bound to administer such powers as he possesses with discretion, and that in the early days of motor cars defects might be condoned which if found at a later date to be avoidable would properly cause the withdrawal of the licence. I agree with Sir Edward Henry's view that the circumstances now call for a more stringent enforcement of the law.

Traction Engine Traffic

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, seeing numbers of traction engines pass through the streets of the metropolis at night, shaking the houses and disturbing the sleep of the people, he will say why the police do not prosecute the owners of such engines, seeing that Section 13 of the Locomotive Act of 186 enacts that no locomotive shall be used upon a highway as to cause a public nuisance.

It is not the practice of the police to take proceedings in the case of a nuisance of this kind. The matter is usually left to the persons aggrieved, or to their representatives, such as the be rough council, which has power to take action under the section referred to.

Royal Commission On Vivisection

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the Royal Commission on Vivisection is to be enlarged by the addition of one or more medical men who are known anti-vivisectionists; whether he has been approached by representatives of the anti-vivisection movement with a view to so enlarging the Commission; and whether it is the intention that the proceedings of the Commission shall be open to the public and the Press.

I have received and considered a certain number of representations, but I do not propose to enlarge the Commission, which is, in my opinion, fairly constituted as regards all parties interested. It is for the Commission to decide whether their proceedings should be public, and they have, I see, informed the Press this morning that they have decided to sit in private, but to supply copies of the evidence from time to time to certain representative bodies interested in the inquiry.

asked whether it was not the fact that the majority of the Commissioners believed in vivisection.

replied that out of ten Commissioners four, including two distinguished medical men, were suggested to him by anti-vivisection societies.

asked whether it was not the case that there were three expert vivisectionists on the Commission, and no expert anti-vivisectionists at all?

replied that he did not know what his hon. friend meant by "expert anti-vivisectionist," but in the constitution of the Commission great care i was taken to secure that all sides should be represented.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give the names of the Commissioners recommended by the Anti-Vivisection Society.

The Case Of Miss Pankhurst

I beg to ask the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to the case of Miss Pankhurst, who was on Wednesday sent to prison for fourteen days at Westminster Police Court for alleged disorderly conduct; and whether, seeing that the only evidence against her was the uncorroborated testimony of a single policeman, while three women who were called to give evidence for the defence contradicted the policeman's statements in every essential particular, he would give instructions for her immediate release.

I have read in the papers what happened, and since receiving the hon. Gentleman's letter giving notice of the Question I have directed inquiries to be made as to the facts of the case.

Alleged Ill-Treatment Of Ship Apprentices

I beg to ask the President of the board of Trade whether he has now completed his inquiries into the complaint made to him that four lads who, by apprentice indentures, became apprentices to Messrs. Gibson and Clark, of Glasgow, and in July, 1905, joined the ship "The Pass of Killiecrankie," were on the voyage from Antwerp to Los Angelos treated with cruelty by the second officer, that proper medical attendance was not afforded, that sufficient and proper food was not supplied, that the captain neglected to properly supervise his under officers, that the log-book is defective, and that the master's reports are incorrect; and can he state what action the board of Trade is taking in the matter.

The case to which the hon. Member calls attention is still engaging the careful attention of the board of Trade; but as the ship "Pass of Killiecrankie" has not yet returned to this country, it has not yet been possible to obtain all the necessary information. The case has been referred to the Public Prosecutor, who will advise whether legal proceedings can be taken as soon as he is in a position to do so.

Berlin Conference On Wireless Telegraphy

I beg to ask the Postmaster-General when he will be able to lay a Report of the proceedings of the Berlin Conference on Wireless Telegraphy upon the Table of this House; and whether he will arrange to afford an opportunity for discussing the action of the representatives of His Majesty's Government at that Conference.

The Conference has not yet completed its labours, and I am not, therefore, in a position to answer the Question of the hon. Member. Perhaps he will repeat it at a later date.

Shall we have an opportunity of discussing this subject before the end of the session?

Betting In Post Offices

I beg to ask the Postmaster-General whether he proposes to put down Amendments to the Street Betting Bill by which betting in post offices, whether by telegraph or otherwise, would be prohibited.

Betting by the Post Office staff is regarded as a serious offence, entailing liability to dismissal. I do not intend to put down any Amendments to the Street Betting Bill.

Stoke-On-Trent Post Office

I beg to ask the Postmaster-General whether he has caused inquiry to be made into the accommodation provided for the staff and the performance of their duties at the Stoke-on-Trent Post Office; whether any report has been made as the result of such inquiry; and what action, if any, he proposes to take to meet the immediate needs of the locality.

A new office is to be provided at Stoke-on-Trent, and I am endeavouring to expedite the settlement of the case, for I know from personal observation how much they are required. It is essential that the office should be close to the railway station and the negotiations with the railway company have unfortunately been somewhat protracted.

Putrid Meat At Smithfield

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government board whether he is aware that between 19th July, 1906, and 13th September, 1906, 418 tons of meat were seized and condemned at Smithfield Market, 395 tons of which were described as putrid; what proportion of this meat came from the United States and the Argentine Republic respectively; what system of inspection is in operation at Smithfield Market; how many officials are engaged upon the work; and whether the inspections are made periodically or merely on the occasions of surprise visits.

I am aware of the facts stated in the first part of the Question. Of the 418 tons of meat referred to, about 24 tons came from the United States and about 232 tons from the Argentine Republic. The inspecting staff at Smithfield Market consists of five inspectors under the direction of a chief inspector, and help is occasionally given by men not on the permanent staff. The market is divided into sections for purposes of inspection, and the inspector for the time being in charge of a given section makes systematic tours through the salesmen's stalls. For further information relative to the system of inspection I would refer the hon. Member to a Report made to the Local Government board by Dr. Buchanan, one of their medical inspectors, a copy of which I will send him.

Does the right hon. Gentleman contemplate any steps to prevent the importation into this country of putrid meat?

I hope the Bill now before the House may prevent a repetition of this and rectify deficiencies in the law as it now stands.

Motor Car Speeds

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Local Government board whether he has received, during the present year, any applications from local authorities to reduce the speed of motor cars in their areas to ten miles an hour; and, if so, will he give the names of the authorities who have made such application, and if he has sanctioned the same.

I have during the present year received applications of the kind referred to from three local authorities, viz., from the Carnarvonshire County Council as regards the roads in a part of the urban district of Llandudno, from the West Suffolk County Council as regards parts of roads in the urban district of Newmarket, and from the Essex County Council as regards the main roads in the urban district of Ilford. I have not felt able to comply with the first of these applications, at any rate to the extent proposed; the others are at present under consideration.

Motor Fatalities

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been directed to the feeling which exists throughout the country in regard to the numerous fatal accidents caused by motor propelled vehicles; and whether His Majesty's Government have in contemplation the introduction of legislation at an early date with a view to restoring to all classes of the community the safe use of the public roads and highways.

My right hon. friend has asked me to reply to this Question. The Royal Commission on Motor Cars have in their Report made various recommendations for the amendment of the Motor Car Acts. The recommendations are receiving my consideration, but it is not intended to propose legislation on the subject during the present session.

The West Riding Appeal

I beg to ask the President of the board of Education why the Government are appealing to the House of Lords against a decision of the Court of Appeal which declares the law to be in accordance with their own policy; whether the Act to which the decision applies is not superseded by legislation now before Parliament; what the appeal will cost the public; and in what form an Estimate for the expense of this dilatory proceeding will come before the House.

I wish also to ask whether the Cockerton judgment was submitted to the review of the House of Lords; if not, and seeing that the board of Education then adapted its administration to the findings of that Court of Appeal, why did not the board of Education now adapt its administration to the recent findings in the Court of Appeal in the case of the West Riding judgment?

The Petition of Appeal has been lodged because of the practical difficulties of an administrative character occasioned by the decision of the Court of Appeal. Local authorities find themselves unable; to know what is their legal position in I respect of many important points, such as (a) whether they are bound to make any deduction in respect of religious instruction in the voluntary schools; (b) in respect of how many hours devoted to such instruction, and of what kind of instruction, such deduction should be made; (c) what personal liability they would individually be under in the payment of salaries under existing agreements; and so forth. These considerations appear to render a decision of the Final Court of Appeal obviously desirable in the interests alike of the local authorities; the teachers, and the public generally. It is a mistake to suppose that the decision in question will shortly be superseded by any legislation now before Parliament, since the whole of the year 1907, under the terms of the Government Bill, is a transition period during which the Act of 1902 will in very many places still be in operation. In reply to the third and fourth paragraphs of the Question, the question of costs is a matter entirely in the discretion of the Court. In so far as they may fall upon the Exchequer they are included in the ordinary law charges. It is public and common knowledge that the Cockerton judgment was not carried to the House of Lords. I do not know what reasons determined that decision, but my imagination is capable of suggesting some. In the Cockerton case all the judges—the two Judges in the Court of King's Bench and the three Judges in the Court of Appeal— were unanimous, and consequently I can imagine that the Law Officers of the Crown did not think it needful to recommend an appeal to the House of Lords. In the West Riding case, however, the three Judges who heard the case in the first instance and one member of the Court of Appeal were all of one way of thinking, and two Judges of the Court of Appeal were of the other way of thinking; but the decision of the two Judges who wore members of the Court of Appeal very properly overruled the decision given by their four judicial brethren. In the face of a judicial disagreement like that, I see a distinction between the Cockerton judgment and the other case. The Cockerton case, no doubt, affected the board of Education and also the local authorities. As far as the board of Education is concerned, it was able to alter its administration, while in respect of the local authorities, the House came to their relief by passing a Bill to continuo and carry on the Cockerton schools. The West Riding decision affects the administration of education by the local authorities, and that is why we thought it well to relieve the state of anxiety by endeavouring to obtain a final decision.

gave notice that he would move a Resolution protesting against this waste of public money on lawyers.

Rifle Shooting In Schools

I beg to ask the President of the board of Education whether his attention has been called to a statement of the Chairman of the Small Arms Company of Birmingham, that the adoption of a miniature rifle by the Government for use in schools had been notified and that the delivery of such rifles to the schools would commence shortly; and, if so, can he state on what conditions such rifles are to be supplied, whether on application from the school managers only, or whether such school managers will be compelled to accept such rifles and train the boys in warlike exercises; and whether it is proposed that military instruction is to form part of the curriculum of public elementary education.

I have no knowledge of any statement of the kind referred to in the Question, and I can certainly state that so far as elementary schools are concerned, in regard to which the honourable Member asks me, I am quite j sure that no rifle, miniature or otherwise, has been adopted by the Government for use in such schools, nor any arrangements made for their delivery.

asked whether such a permission to use rifles had been given in the case of secondary schools.

said that he could not answer for what was being done by public school authorities.

asked whether or not the board of Education had definitely sanctioned the use of rifles in elementary schools, and whether serious misadventures had not arisen through the use of rifles by boys, and at least one fatal accident.

said that he was sorry to hear of a fatal accident, but such an accident had oven occurred in regard to chemical inquiries. There had been no general authority given to elementary schools to practise rifle shooting in any general terms. Permission had been given to the authorities under well-defined conditions in certain cases to allow children of a certain ago to be taught how to shoot. But rifle shooting, as it was carried out in these miniature ranges, was by no means a good form of physical exercise, and it was part of the terms that this practice in shooting should not interfere with the most important subject of the physical development of the children.

But the board of Education has sanctioned rifle shooting in elementary schools?

May I ask whether there is any objection in principle to teaching the use of the rifle subject to proper safeguards?

Is the rifle instruction being paid for out of the public funds?

The Mall Improvement

I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works whether arrangements have been made, or negotiations are proceeding, between His Majesty's Office of Works and the London County Council, or other parties, as to providing the cost of removing the three houses at Charing Cross, the removal of which is necessary to complete the Charing Cross end of the Mall improvement; and whether he proposes that the cost of removing these houses shall be met wholly or partly by His Majesty's Government, the London County Council, or others.

The reply to the first paragraph is in the negative. In reply to the second paragraph I can only say that I am not making any proposals in the matter. I would refer the hon. Member to my reply on this subject on 4th July.†

Has the right hon. Gentleman taken steps of any sort or kind to secure the removal of these houses?

Regent's Park Fence

I beg to ask the First Commissioner of Works what is the reason for the alteration of the fencing of Regent's Park, and to what extent such alteration is proposed to be carried; and whether it is possible to preserve the present fencing, and so avoid destroying a valued feature of the locality.

†See (4) Debates, clx.,38.

The timber fence is so decayed as to be past repair: it is only proposed at present to replace some 480 yards of it with iron fencing, it being impossible to erect a new oak fence except at very great expense. In answer to a further Question the right hon. Gentleman said that the best portions of the fence which had been removed were utilised for repairing the remainder of the fence.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is a considerable amount of feeling in the locality on this subject? Will he stay further operations until Parliament has had an opportunity of discussing it?

When the work has been completed the people in the locality will be in a better position to express an opinion.

The Stibbert Bequest

I beg to ask the Prime Minister what was the date upon which the British Government decided to refuse the bequest of the late Mr. Stibbert, of Florence, of his collection of art and other property to the British nation, the reasons for such refusal, and whether he will lay upon the Table of this House a copy of Mr. Stibbert's will, as well as of the correspondence on the subject of this bequest between His Majesty's Government, the Italian Government, the Municipality of Florence, and others.

I have been asked to reply to this Question. The bequest was declined in August last, because it appeared to His Majesty's Government, on examination of the will, that they would have practically no power over the administration, under the conditions laid down by the testator, and would be involved in rather wide financial liabilities. Neither under the terms of the bequest, nor under the Italian law, could any part of the collection have been transferred to this country. The renunciation of the bequest by us transfers it on exactly the same terms and conditions to the Commune of Florence, and therefore those desiring to see the collection will do so exactly as if we had been in nominal custody of it. I do not think it is necessary to lay Papers on the subject, but I will show the hon. Member and others interested any of them they may wish to see.

Scottish Agricultural Holdings

I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is now able to give information regarding the approximate number and total acreage of agricultural holdings in Scotland below £50 annual value.

As the hon. Gentleman is aware, approximate information is, as I informed him on 1st August last, to be found by reference to: 1. Poor Rates (Scotland) Persons Assessed Return to House of Commons, dated 6th July. 1891. 2. Table VI of the Annual Returns of Acreage in the Agricultural Statistics, 1905. I have nothing to add to that information.

Failure Of The Irish Potato Crop

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that the potato crop in the west of Ireland has been a failure this year; and, in view of that failure, if he will state what steps the Irish Government intend to take to relieve the distress that is certain to ensue.

I regret to say that the crop has partially failed in some parts of the west of Ireland, but the extent of the failure has not yet been ascertained, and until it is more fully known and the amount of the distress likely to arise can be foreseen, no statement on the subject can with advantage be made. Exceptional distress does not at this moment exist, and if any should unhappily arise (as I fear in some places it will) that can hardly be before the end of the present year. The Government have been giving, and will, of course, continuo to give, the closest attention to the matter, and they are considering the action proper to be taken.

Appointments Of County Magistrates

I beg to ask the Prime Minister if, in consideration of the unwillingness of lord-lieutenants of certain counties to further the appointments of county magistrates in order that the evil, of which the Lord Chancellor is aware, may be remedied as soon as possible, he will take further measures by which the necessary investigations as to the qualifications of persons recommended, and the appointments may be made without having recourse to the lord-lieutenants.

THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY
(SIR H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN (Stirling Burghs)

It is not the fact that the lord-lieutenants as a rule have shown any unwillingness to assist the Lord Chancellor in the matter referred to. On the contrary, they have furnished information in regard to persons recommended which; has been of great assistance. The position of Justice of the Peace involves judicial powers of an extended character and of great importance. The Lord Chancellor is responsible that none but suitable persons should be appointed, and considers that it is neither practicable nor desirable to dispense with the assistance which the lord-lieutenants have for the most part most cordially given.

asked what steps could be taken to get magistrates appointed in districts where the Bench was mostly Conservative.

I do not know what the particular form is, but application ought to be made, I presume, to the Lord Chancellor, and the names submitted to him, when he will make such inquiries as he thinks necessary.

I am aware of this fact—that the Lord Chancellor has devoted an infinity of time and labour to the investigation of this matter, which requires a certain amount of patient investigation.

The Public Trustee Bill

I beg to ask the Prime Minister what course it is proposed to pursue in order to carry out the announced intention of the Government to place the Public Trustee Bill upon the Statute book in the course of the present session.

This is a measure which seems very suitable for consideration by a Grand Committee, but no definite determination has yet been come to on the subject.

The Alterations In The House

I beg to ask the Prime Minister whether he will give facilities for the discussion of the Motion on the recent alterations in the House and the interference with Members' seats and privileges.†

I think that an opportunity should be given to the House for discussing this matter before we rise. My right hon. friend was mistaken in the impression which he conveyed that there would be a special Vote during these sittings. There will not be a special Vote, and I am considering in what form such an opportunity can best be provided. I take it that there will be no desire on the part of the House to discuss the question at great length, and that in the prospect of such an opportunity, daily Motions directed to the presence of strangers will be discontinued.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman was aware that important alterations were now going on and that one was made last night after this Motion was set down.

†The Motion referred was in the following terms:—" That a Select Committee be appointed to inquire into and report to the House upon the recent alterations in the House whereby an obstruction has been erected preventing Members using about ten seats to the right of Mr. Speaker, heretofore appropriated to the use of Members, and whereby strangers are being introduced into a portion of the House not hertofore used for such purpose; and, further, the recent alterations in the House to the right under the Gallery whereby Members' privileges of securing the introduction of strangers under the Gallery have been curtailed by one-half."

They cannot be alterations affecting the general policy of the new arrangement of seats.

Plural Voting Bill

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

[Mr. EMMOTT (Oldham) in the Chair.]

Clause 1:—

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, to leave out the word 'seven,' and insert the word 'fifteen."—(Lord Robert Cecil.)

Question again proposed, "That the word 'seven' stand part of the Clause."

said that the Bill was not a good one. As with another Bill before the House, it was class legislation, in that the rich man was favoured as compared with the working man—he referred to the Street Betting Bill. Here the well-to-do were at a disadvantage. What was the Amendment before the Committee? It was to defer the operation of the Act from 1907 to 1915. There was, he thought, one subject which would lie in order, and that was the constitutional aspects of the question. He did not think it could be denied by hon. Members of the House that the Bill made a great change, both in theory and practice, in our constitution. It abolished territorial representation. It said that a man should not have more than one vote because he owned property in several different districts. If that were so, let them look for a moment at the practice of other countries, where great constitutional change was contemplated by the Legislature. If they looked at the great republic across the Atlantic they saw that no great change could be made unless the central Legislature approved of that change by a two-thirds majority; and even that did not suffice, but all the Legislatures of the various states had to pass the change by a three-fourths majority. Hon. Members might well say, and perhaps truly, that the United States, though in theory, was not a democratic country in practice. No one, however, would deny that it had a great amount of liberty. But let them look at another republic, one which, though perhaps not quite so much before the eyes of the world, had nevertheless an honourable history. He referred to the republic of Switzerland. No one would deny that the constitution there was not only democratic in theory——

What is or is not done in other countries has nothing to do with the Amendment. The hon. Member must confine himself to the Amendment.

said his argument, was intended to show that no change in the constitution of the country should be allowed to take place before an election; and his noble friend's Amendment, if carried, would enable that election to take place. He wanted to show from the constitution—[Cries of "No, no."]

said his point was that they ought to defer the operation of the Act until 1915, because if it came into operation in 1907 the people of the country would not have an opportunity of saying whether they approved of the measure or not. The question of plural voting was not before the country at the last general election. The Government received a mandate in reference to Chinese Labour, but they had received no mandate as regarded plural voting. In his election campaign plural voting was never mentioned, and he thought his experience was the experience of the vast majority of the Members of the House. In view of these things he asked the Government to accept the Amendment and so enable the country at the next general election to say whether they approved of the Bill or not.

desired to associate himself with the noble Lord, for he also was of opinion that the measure should not come into force until 1915. It was not in accordance with the wishes of the country that the Bill should be passed through the House of Commons except in conjunction with a redistribution of seats. During the debates upon the question the Opposition had been treated by the Government—he would not say in a discourteous manner, but the Government had certainly turned a deaf ear to every proposal that his side of the House had made He would venture to quote the words of a present Member of the Government and one whose authority would be respected on the opposite side of the House. These words were used by the Secretary of State for India some time ago—

"The Government were unable to deal with plural voting in root and branch; to do so would necessitate dealing with the question of redistribution."
He hoped the Members of the Government would seek the advice of the right hon. Gentleman, for he felt convinced that the Secretary of State for India would not have uttered those words unless they were really his opinion, an opinion which he had no idea of changing. He begged to support the Amendment.

said he wished to support the Amendment, not because he desired to delay any just and fair alteration in our existing electoral system which might be shown to be necessary, but in order that the Government might have an opportunity of bringing forward a further measure to complete and perfect what they themselves were forced to admit was an incomplete measure, and so remove most of the objections which they on that side entertained towards the present Bill. He thought it might be taken that, subject to a few exceptions in favour of the Universities and other similar bodies, they on that side had no particular objection to the principle of what was known as "One man, one vote," provided that it was accompanied by such a re-distribution of electoral areas as would secure something like an equal value to each vote which was cast in any election. Plural votes were not the only or the greatest irregularities in our existing system, and they did not see why the Government should pick out and proceed to deal with this one irregularity, just because it told most "against their own side, whilst they left entirely untouched many much more glaring irregularities. As an instance of what he meant, he would like to ask which was the greater injustice: that a small town like Newry in Ireland with its 1,900 electors, should have the same representation in that House and the same voice in the settlement of the affairs of the nation as the Romford Division of Essex with its 45,000 electors or that land and property (which no one could say was over-represented in that House at the present time) should continue to have the same inadequate amount of representation which it now possessed until the whole thing could be put right? But to make the alteration which the present Bill proposed alone would only tend to accentuate and increase the present inequalities, for many of the smaller existing constituencies, like the county of Rutland with its 4,000 electors, would be rendered smaller still by having some of their present voters taken away from them, whilst some of the larger constituencies, such as the bordesley Division of Birmingham with its 16,000 electors, would not have any voters taken away from it, so would remain entirely as it was. He called attention to what a false and invidious position many Members of the present House of Commons would be placed in if this alteration were made. The constituencies which returned them would be entirely changed, and they would cease to represent those who elected them in any true sense of the term. He would only say in conclusion, that he wished the present Amendment to be passed in older that the Government might have time to introduce a further measure which would remedy the omissions of the present Bill and confer upon every householder what they themselves professed to desire he should have, namely, an equal voice in the management of the affairs of his country.

said the argument advanced by the hon. Member for Blackpool was a genuine argument. It was thought to be advisable to postpone the date of the operation of this Bill from 1907 to 1915, in order that a general election might take place and the opinion of the country be taken upon this particular Bill. He himself was only concerned in endeavouring to shew the reason why the date of its operation should be changed. He believed the change would commend itself to hon. Gentlemen opposite, because they themselves complained in the late Parliament that the then Government had no right to deal with any questions except those connected with the settlement of the war in South Africa, because they had received no other mandate. In the last election there certainly was no mandate for a plural voting Bill. But there were other strong reasons why the Amendment should be accepted. First there was the reason adduced by his noble friend, that a Bill of this sort should not be brought in unless it was accompanied by redistribution. That was a very powerful reason. Then there were other anomalies, and if the Committee were going to make this very vital alteration in the franchise they should see not only that no other anomalies were created, but that as many anomalies in the present law were removed as possible, lie trusted, as there was to be a Report Stage, the right hon. Gentleman would consent to this Amendment.

appealed for more time to consider this Amendment, because to pass through the House legislation in this piecemeal way was not only unwise, but it would not in the long run attain the object the Government desired. He did not see that the argument as to anomalies applied at all. It was said that this Bill was brought in to remove an anomaly. Now an anomaly was a departure from the common rule, and the common rule in this country was that representation and taxation should go together.

reminded the hon. Member that the question was whether this anomaly should come to an end in 1907 or 1915.

explained that this Bill, far from removing an anomaly, was introducing one. It introduced the anomaly of representation without taxation. It was therefore very desirable that this Bill, if passed, should not come into force now, but that its operation should be put off in order to give time for a general Bill correcting anomalies from a broad standpoint. He could not see, if this legislation was proceeded with, that they would do anything else than create further anomalies instead of carrying out the object of the Government, which was said to be to reduce them.

said that one very obvious reason why the operation of this Bill should be postponed was that it ought to be accompanied by a Bill for redistribution, as it would be impossible to say what proportion of electors there would be in the various constituencies. Another important reason why it should not come into operation until a redistribution Bill was passed, was that there were a great number of serious anomalies in the present law which would have to be dealt with. If the Government proceeded in the proper course by means of various Bills to remove those anomalies, then it would be only reasonable that the whole of the alterations should come into operation at one time. Therefore it was desirable to postpone the operation of this Bill. The right hon.

AYES.

Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.)Coats, SirT.Glen(Renfrew. W.)Gardner, Cel. Alan(Herford,S
Abraham, William (Rhondda)Cobbold, Felix ThornleyGibb, James (Harrow)
Acland, Francis DykeCollins, Stephen (Lambeth)Gill, A. H.
Agnew, George WilliamCooper, Rt. J.Gladstone,Rt.Hn. Herbert John
Ambrose, RobertCorbett,CH.(Sussex,E.Grinst'dGoddard, Daniel Ford
Ashton, Thomas GairCotton, Sir H. J. S.Gooch, George Peabody
Asquith, Rt. Hn.HerbertHenryCowan, W. H.Grant, Corrie
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Cox, HaroldGreenwood, G. (Peterborough)
Barker, JohnCraig, Herbert J. (TynemouthGuest, Hon. Ivor (Churchill)
Barlow, Percy (Bedford)Cremer, William RandalGulland, John W.
Barnard, E. B.Crombie, John WilliamGordon, Sir W. Brampton
Beauchamp, E.Crooks, WilliamHaldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.
Beaumont.Hn. W.C.B.(HexhamCrosfield, A. H.Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis
Bell, RichardCrossley, William J.Hardy, George V. (Suffolk)
Bellairs, CarlyonDalziel, James HenryHarmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)
Benn, W. (T'w'rHamlets,S.GeoDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Hart-Davies. T.
Billson, AlfredDavies, Timothy (Fulhnm)Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineDavies, W. Howell (Bristol. S.)Harwood, George
Black, Arthur W.(BedfordshireBelany, WilliamHaslam, Lewis (Monmouth)
Boland, JohnDewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.)Haworth, Arthur A.
Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey)Dewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.)Hazel, Dr. A. E.
Brace, WilliamDickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Helme, Norval Watson
Branch, JamesDilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesHenderson, Arthur (Durham)
Brigg, JohnDonelan, Captain A.Henderson, J.M.(Aberdeen, W
Brooke, StopfordDuckworth, JamesHenry, Charles S.
Brunner, J.F.L. (Lancs.,LeighDuffy, William J.Herbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe)
Brunner, Sir JohnT.(Cheshire)Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessHigham, John Sharp
Bryce, Rt. Hn.James(AberdeenDunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Hobart, Sir Robert
Bryce, J.A. (Iverness Burghs)Dunne, MajorE.Martin(WalsallHobhouse, Charles E. H.
Burke, E. Haviland-Edwards, Clement (Denbigh)Hogan, Michael
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnEdwards, Frank (Radnor)Holland, Sir William Henry
Buxton, Rt. Hn. Sydney ChasElibank, Master ofHooper, A. G.
Byles, William PollardErskine, David C.Hope, John Deans (Fife, West)
Cairns, ThumbsEsmonde, Sir ThomasHope, W. Bateman(SomersetN
Cameron, RobertEvans, Samuel T.Horniman, Emslie John
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Everett, R. LaceyHoward, Hon. Geoffrey
Carr-Gomm. H. W.Faber, G. H. (Boston)Hudson, Walter
Causton,Rt.Hn.RichardKnightFenwick, CharlesHutton, Alfred Eddison
Cawley, FrederickFerens, T. R.Idris, T. H. W.
Charter, Frederick WilliamFerguson, R. C. MunroIllingworth, Percy H.
Charming. Francis AllstonFiennes, Hon. EustaceIsaacs, Rufus Daniel
Cheetham, John FrederickFlynn, James ChristopherJocaby, James Alfred
Cherry, Rt. Hon. P. R.Fowler, Rt. Hon. Sir HenryJardine, Sir J.
Clarke, C. GoddardFreeman-Thomas, FreemanJenkins, J.
Clough, W.Fuller, John Michael F.Johnson, John (Gateshead)
Clynes, J. R.Fullerton, HughJones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swainsea

Gentleman scarcely appreciated the amount of work that would be required to be done before this Bill could be applied in the constituencies. The registers would require to be made up and dealt with. Two of the smallest constituencies in Liverpool, for instance, would have 25 per cent, and 30 per cent, respectively, of their voters taken from them. He did not see how the Bill could possibly come into operation at the date suggested by the right hon. Gentleman, and he thought a reasonable time should be given before it did come into force.

Question put.

The Committee divided. Ayes, 307; Noes, 89. (Division list No. 330.)

Jones, Leif (Appleby)Norman, HenrySmeaton, Donald Mackenzie
Jones, William(CarnarvonshireNorton, Capt. Cecil WilliamSnowdon, P.
Kearley, Hudson E.Nussey, Thomas WillansSoames, Arthur Wellesley
Kekewich, Sir GeorgeNuttall, HarrySpicer, Sir Albert
Kelley, George D.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Stanger, H. Y.
Kincaid-Smith, CaptainO'Connor, James (Wicklow.W.Stanley, Hn.A.Lyulph(Chesh.)
King, Alfred John (Knutsford)O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Steadman, W. C.
Laidlaw, RobertO'Doherty, PhilipStewart, Halley (Greenock)
Lamb, Edmund G. (LeominsterO'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Strachey, Sir Edward
Lamb, Ernest H. (Rochester)O'Grady, J.Straus, B. S. (Mile End)
Lambert, GeorgeO' Kelly, James(Roscommon, N.Stuart, James (Sunderland)
Lamont, NormanO'Malley, WilliamSullivan, Donal
Langley, BattyO'Mara, JamesSummerbell, T.
Layland-Barratt, FrancisO'Shaughnessy, P. J.Tayler, Austin (East Toxteth)
Leese, Sir JosephF. (Accrington)Palmer, Sir Charles MarkTaylor, John W. (Durham)
Lehmann, R. C.Parker, James (Halifax)Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe,
Lever, A.Levy(Essex, HarwichPartington, OswaldThomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.
Lever, W.H. (Cheshire, Wirral)Paul, HerbertThomas, SirA.(Glamorgan, E.
Levy, MauricePaulton, James MellorThomas, DavidAlfred(Merthyr
Lewis, John HerbertPearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Tomkinson, James
Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidPearson, W.H.M.(Suffolk, Eye)Torrance, Sir A. M.
Lough, ThomasPhilipps, J.Wynford(PembrokeTrevelyan, Charles Philips
Lundon, W.Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)Verney, F. W.
Lyell, Charles HenrvPickersgill, Edward HareVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Macdonald, J.M.(FalkirkB'ghs)Pollard, Dr.Vivian, Henry
Maclean, DonaldPrice, C. E. (Edinb'gh, Central)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Price, RobertJohn(Norfolk, E.)Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)
MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.Radford, G. H.Walton, Sir John L. (Leeds, S.)
MacVeigh, Chas. (Donegal, E.)Raphael, Hebert H.Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)
M'Callum, JohnM.Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
M'Crae, GeorgeRedmond, John E. (WaterfordWard,W.Dudley(Southampton)
M'Hugh, Patrick A.Rees, J. D.Wardle, George J.
M'Killop, W.Richards, Thomas (W.Monm'thWarner, Thomas Courtenay T.
M'Laren, Sir C. B. (Leicester)Richards, T. F.(Wolverh'mpt'nWason, Eugene(Clackmannan)
M'Micking, Major G.Richardson, A.Wason, John Cathcart(Orkney)
Maddison, FrederickRickett, J. ComptonWaterlow, D. S.
Mallet, Charles E.Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Markham, Arthur BasilRobertson, Rt. Hn. E. (DundeeWhitbread, Howard
Marks, G.Croydon(Launceston)Robertson, SirG.Scott(Bradf'rdWhite, J. D. (Dumbartonshire)
Marnham, F. J.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)White, Luke (York, E.R.)
Massie, J.Robinson, S.Whitehead, Rowland
Masterman, C. F. G.Robson, Sir William SnowdonWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Meagher, MichaelRoe, Sir ThomasWhittaker, Sir ThomasPalmer
Menzies, WalterRogers, F. E. NewmanWilkie, Alexander
Molteno, Percy AlportRose, Charles DayWilliams, J. (Glamorgan)
Money, L. G. ChiozzaRowlands, J.Williams, Osmond (Merioneth)
Montagu, E. S.Runciman, WalterWilson Hon.C.H.W. (Hull.W.)
Mooney, J. J.Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Wilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.)
Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen)Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.)
Morse, L. L.Schwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Morton, Alpheus CleophasScott, A.H.(Ashton under LyneWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Murnaghan, GeorgeSears, J. E.Yoxall, James Henry
Murphy, JohnSeely, Major B.
Murray, JamesShackleton, David James

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.

Myer, HoratioShaw, Rt. Hon. T. (Hawick, B.
Nannetti, Joseph P.Shipman, Dr. John G.)
Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw)Sinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Nicholls, GeorgeSloan, Thomas Henry

NOES.

Acland-Hood, Rt.Hn.AlexSirF.Bowles, G. StewartCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E-
Anstruther-Gray, MajorBridgeman, W. CliveCollings Rt.Hn.J.(Birmingh'm
Arkwright, John StanhopeBull, Sir William JamesCorbett, T. I. (Down, North)
Ashley, W. W.Butcher, Samuel HenryCourthope, O. Loyd
Balcarres, LordCarlile, E. HildredCraig, Capt. James (Down, E.)
Balfour,Rt.Hn.A.J. (CityLond.Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Craik, Sir Henry
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCastlereagh, ViscountDalrymple, Viscount
Banner, John S. Harmood-Cave, GeorgeDoughty, Sir George
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.Cavendish, Rt. Hn. Victor C.WDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-
Beckett, Hon. GervaseCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Duncan. Robert(Lanark,Govan
Bignold, Sir ArthurChamberlain,Rt,Hn.A.J.(Worc.Fell, Arthur

Finch, Rt. Hon George H.Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham)Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Fletcher, J. S.Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredSmith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Forster, Henry WilliamMacIver, David (Liverpool)Smith, Hon.W. F. D. (Strand)
Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Magnus, Sir PhilipStanley, Hon. Arthur(Ormskirk
Haddock, George R.Marks, H. H. (Kent)Starkey, John R.
Hardy, Laurence(Kent,AshfordMeysey-Thompson, E. C.Staveley, Hill, Henry (Staff'sh.
Harrison-Broadley, Col. H. B.Mildmay, Francis BinghamStone, Sir Benjamin
Hay, Hon. Claude GeorgeMorpeth, ViscountTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Hervey, F.W.F.(BuryS.EdmdsNicholson, Wm.G.(Petersfield)Thomson, W.Mitchell-(Lanark)
Hill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Parker, SirGilbert (Gravesend)Thornton, Percy M.
Hills, J. W.Pease, HerbertPike(DarlingtonTuke, Sir John Batty
Houston, Robert PatersonPercy, EarlValentia, Viscount
Hunt, RowlandPowell, Sir Francis SharpVincent, Col. Sir C. E. Howard
Kenyon-Slaney, Rt.Hn.Col.W.Randies, Sir John ScurrahWilson, A. Stanley(York, E.R.)
Kimber, Sir HenryRatcliff, Major R. F.Wolff, Gustav Wilhelm
Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.Rawlinson, JohnFrederickPeelWortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-
Lane-Fox, G. R.Roberts, S.(Sheffield, Ecclesall)
Law, Andrew Bonar (Dulwich)Ropner, Colonel Sir Robert

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Lord Robert Cecil and Sir Francis Lowe.

Liddell, HenryRothschild, Hon. Lionel Walter
Lockwood, Rt.Hn.Lt.-Col.A.R.Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)

*MR. H. H. MARKS (Kent, Thanet) moved as an Amendment to insert after the words "the year nineteen hundred and seven," the words "or such later date as His Majesty in Council may determine." He claimed that this Amendment could not be characterised as one of a destructive nature. He submitted, indeed, that in the event of the measure passing into law it would tend to its smooth working. It had been claimed by the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, that the measure possessed the quality of simplicity. Perhaps that might be true. One might go so far as to say that it was transparent, but whatever its simplicity, there seemed to be great difficulty in the way of defining exactly what sort of Bill it was. The Committee were assured that it was not an enfranchising Bill, they were also assured that it was not a disfranchising Bill, and the right hon. Gentleman had described it, to use his own words, as a machinery Bill. A machinery Bill it certainly was in one sense. It was a measure to help the political machine of one political party. How the Bill worked would depend, he thought, upon the treatment this Amendment might receive. While he did not call in question at all the earnestness and sincerity of the promoters of this Bill in their desire to establish a reform, he would remind them that there were some "reforms" that were to be achieved at too great cost and at too great mischief. They all knew the story of the wag who undertook to show bootmakers how to make a pair of shoes in less than five minutes. It was by cutting the tops off a pair of boots. But that was a wasteful process, and it was the process which seemed to commend itself to the authors of this measure. Why did he ask that the Government should give the option proposed by the Amendment with respect to the date when the Act was to come into operation? Because in his opinion the Bill was bound to set up most complex machinery. It was bound to involve electoral and registration work in an amount of confusion and complication which he was sure its authors did not contemplate. An Order in Council would have to be prepared under Subsection 2 of Clause 1 of this Bill. Between now and the date when this measure came into operation in 1907 it was open to question whether the electors or political agents would have time to consider the difficult problems which might arise under the Bill. He wished to call attention to the fact that if the Bill passed as it now stood, and came into force on 1st September next, that was just at a time when the registration lists in the various constituencies were compiled. What would that involve in the registration agencies in the various constituencies? They knew already that there were extreme difficulties in the way of doing registration, work and they had heard for many years that it was the intention of the Liberal Government to simplify the work of registration. But would this Bill simplify the work? On the contrary, it would complicate it infinitely. Voters would have to put in a claim to vote in a particular constituency and establish a sort of clearing house as to voting rights. The details for carrying this out would not only be of infinite complexity, but an entirely now branch of political work and organisation would have to be established. He submitted that to expect to start the whole of this new machinery and have it in working order between now and 1st September next was unreasonable. Why should not the Government consent to take an option of extending the date when the Act should come into operation by means of an Order in Council? Surely the Government did not anticipate that they were to be out of office before that date! Why should not the Order in Council extend the operative date beyond 1st September? Why should not the terms of the Order in Council have been laid on the Table of the House, and hon. Members would then have been able to judge what was to be done. If they had had the Order in Council before them it was conceivable that that document might have persuaded hon. Members as to the simplicity of the Bill. But in the absence of the Order, and in the absence of full explanations as to the operation of the Act, he submitted that it would be doing a rash thing to agree to this Bill, which he presumed would be passed, coining into operation on 1st September next. The time was too short and the matters to be considered were too important for that. If this Bill was to pass—as he assumed it would—it was as well that it should pass with the minimum of injustice and inconvenience to all concerned, It was for that reason that he moved the Amendment standing in his name in the hope that it would be adopted.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, alter the word 'seven," to insert the words 'or such later date as His Majesty in Council may determine'"—(Mr. H. H. Marks).

Question proposed, "That these words be there inserted."

thought the hon. Member, on further consideration, would come to the conclusion that this Amendment was undesirable, not only from his point of view, but undeniably from the view of the Government. It was essential to give notice to the public when a particular Act of Parliament came into operation. That was, of course, for the general convenience. But if the Amendment of the hon. Gentleman were adopted it would not only prove a great inconvenience, but would amount to something almost unconstitutional. The Legislature alone could decide when a law should come into force, and to take the power out of the hands of Parliament as to when a measure should come into force involved rather a serious constitutional question.

did not think that the account of the Amendment given by the right hon. Gentleman was accurate. It was not as if the Government were, in despite of Parliament, keeping to itself the time when this Act should come into force. What his hon. friend asked was that Parliament should leave to the Government a certain license in determining when the Act should come into operation. After all the Government were responsible to the House of Commons, and any delay on the part of the Government in bringing an Act into operation would be summarily put an end to by a majority of this House expressing its will thereon. An Order in Council was, no doubt, the act of the Executive—of the Ministers, and no abuse of it could possibly occur without its being brought before Parliament. So far as he could recollect there was no precedent for this particular form of delay.

said that, at all events, it was not the common way to leave a latitude or choice to the Government of the day in bringing an Act of Parliament into operation. On the other hand, this Bill was of an exceedingly complicated character, and where they had not before them the Order in Council, which would largely fill up the lacunœ left by the draftsman of the Bill, he thought that the Government should be given some latitude as to when the measure should come into operation Thy Amendment compelled nobody.

said that this was a measure which sought to disfranchise and not to enfranchise voters in more senses than had occurred to the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill. If time were not given for the consideration of the details of the Bill a large number of His Majesty's subjects would find themselves in prison. He had much pleasure in supporting the Amendment.

said that the remarks which had fallen from one of the hon. Members for the City of London in regard to the previous Amendment applied equally to this, because, during the last general election this particular measure was not before the country. At any rate it was not before a single Irish constituency. On that ground alone he supported the proposal that it was necessary that a certain latitude should be given to the Government, as to the time it was to come into force. He had several Amendments on the Paper which would come on for discussion later on, including one to exclude Ireland altogether from the operation of this measure; but it was imperative on him to support the present Amendment as strongly as he possibly could. In the North of Ireland they had been for some time asking for a Redistribution Bill, and the effect of the Amendment would be to give a chance for a Redistribution Bill to be introduced. He believed that this Bill might be taken alongside of a Redistribution Bill removing some very serious anomalies which existed at the present moment in the electoral law in the North of Ireland. He spoke in the interests of all sides and not in reference to either the South or North of the Boyne. It would be of the greatest advantage that this Bill should be placed in such a position, that if some of the truths which were well known as existing in regard to Ireland were brought home to His Majesty's Government, His Majesty in Council might in consequence postpone bringing this measure

AYES.

Acland-Hood,Rt.Hn.SirAlexF.Bignold, Sir ArthurCecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)
Anstruther-Gray, MajorBowles, G. StewartChamberlain,RtHn. J. A. (Wore.
Arkwright, John StanhopeBridgeman, W. CliveCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.
Ashley, W. W.Bull, Sir William JamesCollings, Rt. Hn.J. (Birmingh'm
Balcarres, LordButcher, Samuel HenryCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)
Balfour,Rt.Hn.A.J. (CityLond.Carlile, E. HildredCourthope, G. Loyd
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCarson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Craig, Capt. James (Down, E.)
Banner, John S. Harmood-Castlereagh, ViscountCraik, Sir Henry
Barrie, H.T. (Londonderry. N.)Cave, GeorgeDalrymple, Viscount
Beach,Hn.Michael Hugh HicksCavendish, Rt. Hn. VictorC.W.Dixon-Hartland,Sir FredDixon
Beckett, Hon. GervaseCecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Doughty, Sir George

into force until a later date. He had very much pleasure in supporting the Amendment.

hoped the Amendment would be accepted, or at any rate, if it was not accepted in the form in which it stood that they would have an intimation from the right hon. Member in charge of the Bill that he would extend the time beyond the date at which it now stood. He thought they must all admit that the discussion upon the Bill showed that there was going to be great difficulty in regard to its application. Under the Bill notice must be served before the 1st September, 1907, so that at the very outset there were only nine months of 1907 in which the various agents, both Liberal and Conservative, would have to give their instructions to electors to enable them to take advantage of the clause, otherwise by September all the plural voters would be disfranchised and would have no right to vote. Therefore he contended that even Liberal agents themselves would tell the right hon. Member in charge of the Bill that the complexity of the measure was so great that nine months was an insufficient time in which to schedule and index the plural voters and enable them to serve those voters with proper notices. If they were to pass this measure let them pass it in a shape cognisant with justice, and whilst the Amendment might be rather too wide, if the right hon. Gentleman would give them till the year 1908, he would be doing that which was right and just to those who were entitled to the plural vote.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 89; Noes, 330. (Division List No. 331.)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Lane-Fox, G. R.Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Duncan,Robert (Lanark, GovanLiddell, HenrySassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Faber, George Denison (York)Lockwood, Rt.Hn.Lt.-Col.A.R.Smith, Abel H.(Hertford, East)
Fell, ArthurLong, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham)Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.Lowe, Sir Francis WilliamStanley, Hn. Arthur (Ormskirk
Fletcher, J. S.Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredStarkey, John R.
Forster, Henry WilliamMagnus, Sir PhilipStone, Sir Benjamin
Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Meysey-Thompson, E. C.Talbot, Lord E (Chichester)
Haddock, George R.Morpeth, ViscountThomson, W Mitchell-(Lanark)
Hardy,Laurence (Kent.AshfordNicholson, Wm.G (Petersfield)Thornton, Percy M.
Harrison-Broadley, Col. H. B.Parker, Sir Gilbert(Gravesend)Tuke, Sir John Batty
Hay, Hon. Claude GeorgePease, HerbertPike(DarlingtonValentia, Viscount
Hervey,F.W.F.(BuryS.Edm'dsPercy, EarlVincent, Col Sir C. E. Howard
Hill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Powell, Sir Francis SharpWilson, A. Stanley (York, E.R.
Hills, J. W.Randies, Sir John ScurrahWolff, Gustav Wilhelm
Houston, Robert PatersonRatcliff, Major R. F.Wortley, Rt. Hn. C. B. Stuart-
Hunt, RowlandRawlinson, JohnFrederickPeel
Kenyon-Slaney, Rt.Hn. Col.W.Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr H. H. Marks and Mr. Staveley-Hill.

Kimber, Sir HenryRopner, Colonel Sir Robert
Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.Rothschild, Hon. Lionel Walter

NOES.

Abraham, William (Cork.N.E.)Cheetham, John FrederickFerguson, R. C. Munro
Abraham, William (Rhondda)Cherry, Rt. Hon. R R.Fiennes, Hon. Eustace
Acland, Francis DykeChurchill, Winston SpencerFlynn, James Christopher
Agnew, George WilliamCleland, J. W.Freeman-Thomas, Freeman
Ambrose, RobertClough, W.Fuller, John Michael F.
Ashton, Thomas GairClynes, J. R.Fullerton, Hugh
Asquith, Rt. Hn.HerbertHenryCoats, Sir T.Glen(Renfrew,W.)Gardner, Col.Alan (Hereford,S.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Cobbold, Felix ThornleyGibb, James (Harrow)
Barker, JohnCollins, Stephen (Lambeth)Gill, A. H.
Barlow, Percy (Bedford)Collins, Sir W. J.(S.Pancras,W.Gladstone, Rt.Hn. Herbert Jn.
Barnard, E. B.Cooper, G. J.Goddard, Daniel Ford
Beauchamp, ECorbett,CH (Sussex, E.Grinst'dGooch, George Peabody
Beaumont, HnW.C. B.(HexhamCotton, Sir H. J. S.Grant, Corrie
Bell, RichardCowan, W. H.Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)
Bellairs, CarlyonCox, HaroldGuest, Hon. Ivor Churchill
Benn, SirJ.Williams(Devonp'rtCraig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Gulland, John W.
Benn,W (Tower H'mlets.S.GeoCremer, William RandalGurdon, Sir W. Brampton
Bertram, JuliusCrombie, John WilliamHaldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B
Bethell, J. H. (Essex, RomfordCrooks, WilliamHarcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Crosfield, A. H.Hardie, J.Keir(Merthyr Tydvil
Billson, AlfredCrossley, William J.Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineDalmeny, LordHarmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)
Black, Arthur W. (BedfordshireDalziel, James HenryHart-Davies, T.
Boland, JohnDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)
Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey)Davies, Timothy (Fulham)Harwood, George
Bowerman, C. W.Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)
Brace, WilliamDelany, WilliamHaworth, Arthur A.
Branch, JamesDewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.)Hazel, Dr. A. E.
Brigg, JohnDewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.)Helme, Norval Watson
Brooke, StopfordDickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Brunner, J.F.L. (Lancs.,Leigh)Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesHenderson, J.M. (Aberdeen,W.
Brunner, Sir John T.(Cheshire)Donelan, Captain A.Henry, Charles S.
Bryce, Rt,Hn.James(AberdeenDuckworth, JamesHerbert, Colonel Ivor (Mon. S)
Bryce, J.A. (Inverness Burghs)Duffy, William J.Herbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe)
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnDuncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessHigham, John Sharp
Buckmaster, Stanley O.Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Hobart, Sir Robert
Burke, E. Haviland-Dunne,Major E.Martin(WalsallHobhouse, Charles E. H.
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnEdwards Clement (Denbigh)Hogan, Michael
Buxton, Rt.Hn.SydneyCharlesEdwards, Frank (Radnor)Holland, Sir William Henry
Byles, William PollardElibank, Master ofHooper, A. G.
Cairns, ThomasEllis, Rt. Hon. John EdwardHope, John Deans (Fife, West)
Cameron, RobertErskine, David C.Hope, W.Bateman (Somerset,N
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Esmonde, Sir ThomasHorniman, Emslie John
Carr-Gomm, H WEvans, Samuel T.Horridge, Thomas Gardner
Causton,RtHnRichard KnightEverett, R. LaceyHoward, Hon Geoffrey
Cawley, FrederickFaber, G. H. (Boston)Hudson, Walter
Chance, Frederick WilliamFenwick, CharlesHutton, Alfred Eddison
Channing, Francis AllstonFerens, T. R.Idris, T. H. W.

Illingworth, Percy H.Murnaghan, GeorgeShaw, Rt. Hon. T. (Hawick B.)
Jacoby, James AlfredMurphy, JohnShipman, Dr. John G.
Jardine, Sir J.Murray, JamesSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Jenkins, J.Myer, HoratioSloan, Thomas Henry
Johnson, John (Gateshead)Nannetti, Joseph P.Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie
Jones,Sir D. Brynmor (SwanseaNewnes, Sir George (Swansea)Snowden, P.
Jones, Leif (Appleby)Nicholls, GeorgeSoames, Arthur Wellesley
Jones, William (CarnarvonshireNicholson, Chas. N. (Doncast'rSpicer, Sir Albert
Joyce, MichaelNorman, HenryStanger, H. Y.
Kearley, Hudson E.Norton, Capt. Cecil WilliamStanley, Hn. A.Lyulph(Chesh.)
Kekewich, Sir GeorgeNussey, Thomas WillansSteadman, W. C.
Kelley, George DNuttall, HarryStewart, Halley (Greenock)
Kincaid-Smith, CaptainO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Strachey, Sir Edward
King, Alfred John (Knutsford)O'Connor, James (Wicklow,W.)Straus, B. S. (Mile End)
Kitson, Sir JamesO'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Stuart, James (Sutherland)
Laidlaw, RobertO'Doherty, PhilipSullivan, Donal
Lamb, EdmundG.(LeominsterO'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Summerbell, T.
Lamb, Ernest H. (Rochester)O'Grady, J.Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Lambert, GeorgeO'Kelly, James (Roscommon,NTaylor, John W. (Durham)
Lamont, NormanO'Malley, WilliamTaylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)
Langley, BattyO'Mara, JamesThomas, Sir A. (Glamorgan, E.
Layland-Barratt, FrancisO'Shaughnessy, P. J.Thomas, David Alfred(Merthyr
Leese, Sir JosephF.(AccringtonPalmer, Sir Charles MarkTomkinson, James
Lehmann, R. C.Parker, James (Halifax)Torrance, Sir A. M.
Lever, A, Levy (Essex,HarwichPartington, OswaldTrevelyan, Charles Philips
Lever, W. H.(Cheshire,WirralPaul, HerbertVerney, F. W.
Levy, MauricePaulton, James MellorVilliers, Ernest Amherst
Lewis, John HerbertPearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Vivian, Henry
Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidPearson, W.H. M. (Suffolk,Eye)Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
Lough, ThomasPhilipps, J.Wynford(PembrokeWalker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Lundon, W.Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)Walters, John Tudor
Lupton, ArnoldPickersgill, Edward HareWalton, Sir John L.(Leeds, S.)
Lyell, Charles HenryPollard, Dr.Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)
Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Cent.)Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Macdonald, J.M. (FalkirkB'ghsPrice,Robert John (Norfolk,E.)Ward, W.Dudley) Southampton
Maclean, DonaldRadford, G. H.Wardle, George J.
Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Raphael, Herbert H.Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.
MacVeagh.Jeremiah (Down,S.Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan)
MacVeigh, Chas. (Donegal, E.).Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro.Wason, Jn. Cathcart (Orkney)
M'Callum, John MRedmond, John E. (Waterford)Waterlow, D. S.
M'Crae, GeorgeUses, J. D.Wedgwood, Josiah C.
M'Hugh, Patrick A.Renton, Major LeslieWhitbread, Howard
M'Killop, W.Richards, Thomas(W. Monm'thWhite, J. D. (Dumbartonshire)
M'Laren, Sir C. B. (Leicester)Richards, T. F.(Wolverh'mpt'nWhite, Luke (York, E.R.)
M'Laren, H. D. (Stafford, W.)Richardson, A.White, Patrick (Meath, North)
M'Micking, Major G.Rickett, J. ComptonWhitehead, Rowland
Manfield, Harry (Northants.)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Markham. Arthur BasilRobertson, Rt.Hn.E. (Dundee)Whittaker, Sir Thomas Palmer
Marks, G. Croydon(LauncestonRobertson, SirG.Scott(Bradf 'rdWiles, Thomas
Marnham, F. J.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Wilkie, Alexander
Mason, A. E. W. (Coventry)Robinson, S.Williams, J. (Glamorgan)
Massie, J.Robson, Sir William SnowdonWilliams, Osmond (Merioneth)
Masterman, C. F. O.Roe, Sir ThomasWilson, Hn. C.H.W. (Hull, W.)
Meagher, MichaelRogers, F. E. NewmanWilson, Henry J.(York, W.R.)
Menzies, WalterRose, Charles DayWilson, John (Durham, Mid.)
Micklem, NathanielRowlands, J.Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Molteno, Percy AlportRunciman, WalterWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Money, L. G. Chiozza.Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Winfrey, R.
Montagu, E. SSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Yoxall, James Henry
Mooney, J. J.Schwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)
Morgan, J Lloyd(CarmarthenScott,A.H.(Ashton under Lyne

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.

Morrell, PhilipSears, J. E.
Morse, L. L.Seely, Major J. B.
Morton, Alpheus CleophasShackleton, David James

said that what he proposed by the next Amendment on the Paper was that instead of providing that an elector should only vote in a selected constituency, he should not be allowed to vote in more than one constituency during the same year. He proposed to do away with the whole of the complicated machinery of selecting a constituency, and to provide that a man entitled to vote in several places must vote in one place, and one place only, during the same year. If a man made up his mind that he would vote in constituency A, and if a general election or a by-election occurred and he voted in that constituency, that would be his constituency for the year. If there was the least ground for suspecting a voter, the question could be put to him "Have you voted in any other constituency during the present year?" There were precedents for this proposal, a similar proposal having been made in a Bill brought in by Mr. Shaw Lefevre in 1892, and in the Bilk subsequently introduced by the Liberal Government of 1892. The same principle was now in force in county elections, whore a voter might make his own selection, and having done that he could not vote in any other constituency. The plan worked quite smoothly, and he did not see why it could not be carried out in this Bill. It had been said that there was a risk of a man with several votes losing them all under this Bill, and if hon. Members examined the question closely they would at once see that that was so. If a man was an occupier, he was often put upon the list of electors without his knowledge and without any initiative on his part. It was the overseers' duty to put him on the register. The ordinary elector, who was not very particular about his voting powers, did not often go through the list of electors, and a man might well be a plural voter without being conscious that he was guilty of that crime, and under this Bill as it stood such a man would lose his vote. Then again a voter might not know the date upon which he had to send in his notice and in that way he might very easily be disfranchised. Or he might not know where to send his notice to, and in that case too he might lose all his votes. The fact was that it ought not to rest with the voter to take the first step in the matter. Under the Bill as it stood many voters would be disfranchised, but if they accepted his Amendment there would be no need for the precautions which had been discussed in these debates. He ventured to suggest to the Committee that this was a very simple proposal and one which would get rid of many of the difficulties of the Bill. There was also a chance of votes being lost under the Bill in another way. For some reason which he did not understand a voter had to send in his selection notice before the 1st September. The revision of the list of electors took place between the 8th September and the 12th October, so that this notice must be sent before the list of Parliamentary electors commenced to be revised. Surely that was a ridiculous state of things. Supposing a man was under the impression that he had a vote in constituencies A, B, and C, before the revision, and he sent in his selection notice and selected constituency A. The revising barrister might receive an objection from the Party agent and strike the name off altogether. In that case it would be too late for the voter to say that he would choose constituency B or C, and so the unfortunate man who had committed no crime known to the law would lose the whole of his three votes. Anything more unjust than that he could not conceive. If there was to be a selection, it ought not to be made before the revision, but after it, when the man knew upon which lists his name was to be found. He contended that his Amendment embodied an intelligible alternative to the Bill and one which would work smoothly. Some further amendment might be required later on in order to give his proposal full effect, but he trusted that he had made his meaning perfectly clear. He begged to more. Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, to leave out the words 'except in that' and insert the words 'in more than.'"—(Mr. Cave.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'except' stand part of the clause."

said he perfectly understood the view taken by the hon. Member, and his main object was to get rid of selection. He thought that if they were going to leave a choice of qualifications to the voter they were bound to have some notification of where he was going to vote, and it was not much to ask him once a year, or, if he preferred it, once only in a life-time, to make a selection, and to write a short note, or fill up a form and send to the clerk. The hon. Member said that the proposal in the Amendment appeared in previous Bills, but it was exactly because that proposal appeared in those Bills and was met by such strong opposition from people who understood the working of the register, that it had not been adopted in this case. They had, he thought, adopted a simpler and a fairer method. The hon. Member had referred to the suggestion that an elector might not know that he was a plural voter. He, however, thought it was impossible that any man should not know that he might be a plural voter. He could hardly believe that a man could have property which would qualify him for a vote without his being conscious of it. He might perhaps not know he had been put on the register. As to the suggestion that under sub-section 2 a plural voter would not be unable to send in his notice, if it would be a satisfaction to hon. Members, he would put in words to make it additionally clear that he could make a selection. An hon. Member had referred to the hardship of the plural voter's having to make this selection, but he had forgotten, he thought, that the ledger was compelled to make a claim, not once in his life but every year, and a lodger was presumably a man who knew much less about electoral law, and had much fewer facilities for making claims, than the man dealt with by this Bill. The hon. Member had again raised a point referred to yesterday, and to meet which his right hon. friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised that something should be done. It was the case of a man who, after having sent in his selection, was struck off the register. He must say that he assumed the plural voter would always select in the first instance the vote he was perfectly certain of. In accordance with the promise given, however, he thought he would be able to devise a clause to bring up on Report which would enable a man who had selected a qualification which he was ultimately deprived of to change his selection without any troublesome process. But the principle of selection was essential to the Bill and he must retain it.

said the right hon. Gentleman had claimed for his plan among other things that it was simpler than a residential plan It might have certain advantages, but simplicity could not be claimed for it by anyone who knew our electoral system. The right hon. Gentleman thought that the plural voter was a person who knew he was a plural voter and was known as such, but the majority—and he had tested the question very carefully by the registers of three adjoining counties—did not, in the agricultural parishes tested by him, answer to that description. Delicate researches would have to be made in order to find them out, and he would come to a proposal on the next Amendment by which he thought the difficulties would be diminished. The right hon. Gentleman had said that the voter would be certain to know in every case whether he was really qualified, and if he were not qualified he would be removed from the register. That was an ideal state.

I said I thought any man would know whether he had any qualifications which might enable him to be put on the register.

said he had mentioned the case of a gentleman who had sat in this House and who had only one legal qualification, though he was in possession of thirty-six or thirty-eight qualifications, none of which were legal, which he was not aware of. Cases, however, in which a man was on one register legally and on another illegally were common enough. The right hon. Gentleman had said that the plural voter would only have to write a letter to notify the clerk of his choice, and that the lodger voter had to do the same thing now. That, however, was not the case, though he used to do so. In order to save the lodger who had once established his claim from the necessity of re-claiming every year, what was known as the "old" lodger was invented, and only the "new" lodger now had to make his claim. The old lodger made a solemn declaration. In the great majority of revision courts the lodger claims were now allowed on evidence altogether different from that which formerly prevailed. Claims in general were in a vast number of cases made on behalf of the claimants and not by the claimants themselves. He must enter a caveat against the suggestion that the plural voter would do all the things that were required of him. There were many points requiring to be cleared up and on which they would have to press the Government very closely or else the Bill would break down in working. Only in one case had revising barristers recently returned to the Letter practice, namely, the form of allowing the owner to select his polling place. Only two clashes could do that, namely, the owner and the policeman on duty. Unfortunately this power had occasionally been used by Party agents to make people vote at the wrong place, and so disfranchise them. Some revising barristers had insisted upon receiving a letter from the voter clearly stating his wishes.

said that two blacks did not make a white, and the arguments put forward in defence of this Bill upon this point had been demolished by the right hon. Baronet the Member for the Forest of Dean, and it was well known that the lodger had not to make any claim at all. The lodger was generally resident in one place only for a short time, and when the lodger vote was introduced there was some ground for insisting that he should make a claim. With regard to the question of qualification, the right hon. Gentleman had said that although a man who had two qualifications might not know he was on the register in both instances, it was impossible for him to know that he was not-qualified. He had himself two qualifications, or thought he had, and he was on the register for both. A general election came round and he went to vote in both places and he found in one of them that his name was not on the register, it having been removed without his knowledge. A year of two afterwards he went to a parochial election in the same constituency and he found that he was on the register for the local election and also upon the Parliamentary register, and it was quite possible under this Bill that in such a case he would have lost his vote altogether. That showed that there were cases where a man did not know whether he was actually one he register or whether he was qualified. The Amendment they were discussing was one that made for simplicity, and it did away with a very great hardship with regard to the penalty. He instanced the case of a plural voter who having made up his mind to select a certain district forgot to make his selection. If, under the impression that he had done so, he went to the place which he thought he had selected and asked for a voting paper, the clerk might say to him "Have you another vote?" The elector would reply, "Yes, I have." The clerk would then reply, "But you are not starred." That voter would have committed an offence, because he would have asked for a voting paper in a constituency in which he was not starred, and it would be absolutely impossible that he had not acted knowingly. Consequently he would be liable to two years hard labour. If this Amendment were carried, all that would disappear. It would be absolutely unjust to compel a man who had made such a slight error as that to pay such a penalty as was provided under the Bill. There was no doubt that a great many voters would not give the necessary notice of selection, and if it was the desire that a good House of Commons should be chosen, and if it could not be shown that the voters be referred to were not fit to have a vote, the only course open to the Government was to accept this Amendment.

thought the Committee would feel after the speeches which had been delivered that they had come to a very critical point in the discussion. The Amendment was concerned not with mitigating the principle of the Bill, but with the machinery by which the view of the Government was to be carried out. He did not think that any one who had heard the debate was likely to deny that the plan of his hon. and learned friend was incomparably more simple and was open to far fewer machinery objections than the plan of the Government. The right hon. Gentleman who had replied had not given a single reason why this plan should be considered inadmissible. What the Government had done was simply to defend their own plan, but that defence had been knocked to atoms by the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Forest of Dean. It was said, in the first place, that no greater hardship was inflicted on the plural voter than was inflicted on the lodger voter. That, the Member for the Forest of Dean had pointed out, might be so according to the letter of the law, but was not necessarily so according to practice. Speaking broadly, the practice was not that described by the Minister in charge of the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Forest of Dean, who brought these facts before the Committee did not express approval or disapproval of the general practice which now prevailed. He did not think the authority of the right hon. Gentleman could be challenged when he said that the practice did prevail. So much for the first part of the argument. Now they came to the second part of the argument of the Government in favour of their own proposal, which was that every man really knew, and always knew when he had alternative qualifications, and that therefore he was always in a position to make his selection, or to know that he must make a selection if he wanted to vote, and that he had no right to make complaint if the duty of making a selection was cast upon him. That argument had been met by the facts which had been brought forward showing that every man did not know when he was qualified as a voter in certain constituencies. The right hon. Baronet had gone the length of saying that in some cases it was impossible to find out, and that, as it were, no industry on the part of the voter could easily make him acquainted with the fact that he had a qualification to be placed on the register. Was that true or was it not? The Government had not met the contention of high authorities that it was a fact known from the actual practice of the electoral law that a man did not always know whether or not he had qualifications for the franchise in more than one constituency, and therefore, was not always in a position to make his selection of the place in which he wanted to vote. It was quite possible that a man, without the slightest knowledge on his own part, might find himself on the register of a constituency in which he had not the faintest idea he possessed the qualification for a vote. How, thon, could any man on going to the polling booth to vote say, in answer to the question of the presiding officer, that he had no qualification in any other constituency? If he should say so innocently it might turn out not to be true, and he would thereby expose himself to a penalty. But if the man said he did not know whether or not he was qualified elsewhere, what was the presiding officer to do? It was clear that, in such a case, under the Bill the presiding officer could not allow the vote. He asked in all seriousness, was the voter to be disfranchised because he had not this knowledge as to his qualifications elsewhere, which no research on his part could enable him to possess?

said it was asked, why should not the plural voter be allowed to go to the polling booth without having previously indicated in any way in respect of which of his numerous qualifications he intended to vote? The answer was that it was in the public interest to have it known, when the register came into operation, how many of these people were going to vote in each constituency. The Bill proposed to lay upon the plural voter, as his right hon. friend the Member for the Forest of Dean had pointed out, a much lighter burden than the present law imposed upon the lodger. The lodger had to make a declaration; the plural voter had only to give notice. It was quite true that a lax practice had been allowed to prevail in regard to the lodger in most of the Revision Courts. But no amount of hugger-mugger on the part of the political agents, oven though it were sanctioned by the revising barrister, would get rid of the fact that it was contrary to the law to put a lodger on the register unless he had made a declaration. The Government had guarded, to the best of their ability, against any such laxity springing up in the case of plural voters by providing I that the notice of selection should be signed by the voter himself. The Leader; of the Opposition brought forward the; case of an unfortunate man who, without; any knowledge of his own, by the action of Providence, or the mistake of an overseer, had been endowed with a qualification in more than one constituency. He was very sceptical about the existence of such a class to any large extent in the community. No man was qualified to be put upon the register, which was prepared in September and came into operation on 1st January, unless his qualification had been matured from the 15th of the preceding July. It was impossible to suppose there were a considerable section of the community in possession of this matured qualification and yet ignorant of the fact that they did possess it. In his view, no one could have any difficulty in answering the question of the presiding officer in the polling booth, whether he was on the register of any other constituency than that in which he proposed to vote. [Cries of "Supposing you do not know?"] In that case the answer would be "So far as I know I am not." Was it seriously contended that if such an answer were given the presiding officer would reject the vote? [OPPOSITION cries of "Yes."] The Leader of the Opposition also advanced the argument that such a man would expose himself to the penalties provided. That could not be so.

Will the right hon. Gentleman read Clause 2, line 15?

said they would discuss that when they came to Clause 2, line 15. The hon. and learned Gentleman seemed to think this was a serious point. The other objection stated by the Leader of the Opposition was that such a man would expose himself to the penalties provided. But that could not be so, because the only legal offence created by the section was that of knowingly acting in contravention of it, and the burden of proving active knowledge rested upon the prosecution. Therefore, in the case which the right hon. Gentleman had put, the penalty could not possibly be inflicted upon him.

That was the outside of what might be inflicted upon him. Let them not be told that a man might be sentenced to two years imprisonment with hard labour because he had quite innocently voted in one constituency and did not know that he had a qualification in another. It must be admitted that there were practical difficulties connected with any process of selection that could be adopted; but, on the balance, he urged that the plan adopted by the Government, having regard to the interests of the community, was the most practical and the least inconvenient.

said that in the case of a lodger a declaration was put in every year. But as regards other classes of voters assistant overseers could place names on the register, not only without any claim on the part of voters, but even against their wish. There was another class of persons who were on the register without knowing it. He meant wandering agricultural labourers, thousands of whom, having got on the register, remained there because neither of the political Party agents knew anything about them. Many of them were unconscious pluralists.

said that this clause would seriously affect a much larger number of people than the Government imagined. Instead of applying to rich men who possessed wide information, the Bill would deal hardly with poor men who had no opportunity of knowing how matters stood as regarded registration. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said that the worst that could happen to the plural voter was that he would be disfranchised. That might be the object of the Government; he thought it was, and it was because the Bill would attain that object that the hon. Member for Prestwich had supported the measure on the previous day. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had said that it was not a hardship that people who had more than one qualification might be disqualified. That was a monstrous proposition. How were any of them to know on what register their names appeared? He might have had a qualification once, but he did not know, for example, whether the overseers had done their duty and removed his name from his service qualification in Downing Street. After all, he was not be und to make inquiries, and the fact that he had been on the register for the past five years might have passed from his recollection. There were countless cases in which without making inquiry they could not find out whether they were on the register or not, and so they would very likely lose their vote altogether. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Forest of Dean, who was one of the highest authorities on questions of this kind, had admitted that it would require in scores of instances the utmost care to trace voters on different registers. The whole of this difficulty would be removed by the Amendment. The solitary objection taken by the Chancellor of the Exchequer was that it would be inconvenient in many constituencies not to know how many people were going to vote; but they could not have accuracy of that kind in any case, because there were men on the register who would not come and vote. He appealed to the Chancellor of the Exchequer on behalf of the voter himself. Surely some consideration ought to be given to him, and he should be allowed to choose the district in which he could vote for the candidate for whom lie had the most personal respect Let them take the casts of an elector, a member of the Liberal Party, having a qualification in Midlothian and also in London. Supposing he discovered immediately before an election that a man for whose political life work he had the highest respect had consented to stand for Midlothian, why should he be prevented from voting in Midlothian for the man who best represented his views? Accepting the principle of the Bill he maintained that the particular method of carrying it out which the Government had chosen inflicted unnecessary hardship on the plural voter, forced upon him a risk of losing his vote altogether, and restricted him in the choice of the Parliamentary candidates for whom he should vote.

considered that the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer was no doubt right in saying that many of the electors who would come to the poll would not be able to answer the question of whether or not they had another vote. But whether that was so or not the point was not of importance, because the Party agents, the moment these registers were compiled, would carefully go through them mid find out those who had a double qualification, and serve them with a notice to that effect, with the result that unless they took the necessary steps they would be unable to exercise their votes in any other place whatever. That was the answer to the question which the right hon. Gentleman had put, and they all knew that the practical result would lie that every plural voter who had not made a declaration would find himself absolutely debarred from exercising the franchise. But it was said that this was a very small grievance and that, after all, as it affected a very few people, it was a case of de minimis, and therefore they need say nothing about it. He would like to give his right hon. friend the result of some of his practical experience, because for many years before he entered this House it was his lot to act as a revising barrister. He could therefore tell his right hon. friend that this was not a question of a double qualification, but a question of being doubly registered. It a man was doubly registered he was a plural voter, whether he had a plural or double vote or not. In his own experience he knew of hundreds and thousand of people who, although they were put down as having a double qualification, had no qualification at all. He would tell his right hon. friend how it came about. This was a question which affected a very large number of poor as well as rich people. The working classes, who were constantly moving about in London, were frequently not aware of the fact that they had acquired a new qualification for a vote, and they were left on the register-in regard to their former residences. There were, as he had said, hundreds and thousands of these people, because no man was going to take the trouble to have his name removed from the list, his Party agent was not going to get him removed if he was sure of his vote, and it was only the opposing agent who, if he knew the facts, would do so. But if the latter did not discover the fact of his removal he remained upon the old register while he had acquired a now qualification. What was his position? Why, having got on the register for his now residence, that, according to this Bill, would disqualify him from voting in respect of his old abode. He had had no desire to intervene in the debate, but he felt it his duty to speak of the experience which he had had in these matters. He was not quite sure that the Amendment as it stood would meet the case, but speaking for himself personally and not as a politician he could not see the objection to leaving the elector to vote upon any qualification which existed, with this proviso, that if he voted twice he should be subject to the penalties of the Bill. It appeared to him to be the simplest question in the world. No man was likely to vote twice with the knowledge, which he would receive from the Party agent, that he would thereby subject himself to two years imprisonment. There was no advantage in pressing the present provisions of the Bill, and every object which it was desired to accomplish could be gained by leaving that point open and thus avoiding all these practical difficulties which so many hon. Members had pointed out.

said that everybody agreed that a plural voter who voted twice ought to be subject to penalties and be disfranchised. But if this Bill became an Act a man would be disfranchised not because he was a plural voter, but because he had a plural qualification, which would not be owing to his own fault, but because of the action of the revising banister, the election agent, or some other person connected with the registration. He therefore thought the Amendment ought to be accepted, unless the Government wished to pass a Bill not to do away with plural voting but to disfranchise certain people who happened to have a plural qualification.

said he personally felt very strongly the difficulties which had been pointed out in connection with the Government scheme. He had himself endeavoured to find a better plan, but he admitted that he could not do so, and after balancing the difficulties of the scheme of the Government and those of the plan suggested by the hon. Member for the Kingston Division he had come to the conclusion that that of the Government was the only workable one. He felt the difficulty of the persons who did not know that they had two qualifications, and he was sorry to say that he was very much in their position himself. He was, indeed, one of the persons whom the Chancellor of the Exchequer rather ridiculed as having any difficulty on the subject. He believed that if the Bill were amended in the spirit of the Amendment now before the Committee, it would in many instances be practically useless. It was idle to tell him that people would not commit a breach of the law because there was a penalty, unless that penalty could be enforced; and in nearly even-case it would be impossible to discover the duplicate voter and enforce the penalty. It was easy enough to have a machinery in be roughs, and even in divisions of counties, which would enable one to trace the duplicate voter, but it was impossible to have any such machinery in regard to the whole of the United Kingdom. If the register was "starred" in regard to the places in which the elector was not entitled to vote, it was true it could be taken by the personating agents, and they could compare the lists. The hon. Member for Perth had said the penalty was sufficient to deter a man from voting twice. There was the agent to challenge the man who was going to give a duplicate vote, but how could that apply to the whole country? In many cases ardent politicians would vote in London one day, and the next week they would travel to John o' Greats to record another vote. Under no system applied to the United Kingdom could such plural voters be traced, and unless they had some scheme such as that which the Government proposed, under which a man made a selection beforehand, the Bill would be unworkable. As he understood it, the Bill, provided that a man with a duplicate qualification should indicate the constituency in which he desired to vote, and when a man came up to vote, if there was the necessary star against him in the register, the presiding officer knew that he had elected to vote in that division. If there was no star then he put the question. It might be that it would be better to go even farther, as he had indicated, and as had been mentioned by the right hon. Member in charge of the Bill, and "star" where a man was not entitled to vote, but at all events, the Bill went some length towards meeting the question, and, as he had shown, that was most desirable having regard to the whole of the Kingdom. The Bill enabled personation to be detected to some extent, and it was because he believed that if some precautions of this kind were not taken that a man would vote first in one place, and then in another, that he supported the proposals of the Government. He quite recognised the points made by the ex-Chancellor of the Exchequer, and saw that in whatever way they attacked this question there were difficulties, but he did not believe that a penalty, no matter how great it was, would prevent ardent politicians from voting in two places. There were difficulties in the way of every solution of the question, but he felt that the one proposed by the Government would be the most effective in achieving the desired end. He felt that under the circumstances the Government proposal was the fairest.

said it was not until he heard this discussion that he was aware that working men so easily got upon the voting register of the division in which they lived. The complaint that he had heard was of the great difficulty the working men had to get upon the register at all, and the almost insuperable difficulty of getting upon it unless they were resident a long time in one locality. He would require far more definite evidence than the assertion made this afternoon, before he was convinced that there were many plural voters among the working men. He ventured to point out that this Amendment was a trap, and some of the supporters of the Government seemed likely to fall into it. They did not appear to appreciate that this was an attempt to get behind what the Committee had decided on the previous day. What would happen would be that in the case of a by-election every out voter could choose the particular constituency as the selected place at which he should record his vote. The Amendment was a mere trick to get behind a previous decision of the Committee. They had only to look at it to see that at once. There was an alteration in the words, but in practice it was the same proposition as had been put before the Committee once before and rejected.

said he was glad to be able to give a complete confirmation to what had been said by the hon. Member for Perth. The statement the hon. Member made to the Committee was absolutely true, that in large working class constituencies where workmen were moving constantly about as they did in the course of their work they wore frequently to be found to be registered in more than one district. He thought the simple way of dealing with this matter would be for the presiding officer to ask a man when he came up to register whether he had voted in any other constituency during the current year. The interval of time which was now taken up in turning up the register, or even the time taken by the presiding officer to impress the seal would be amply sufficient to ask the voter if he had voted before. He could quite appreciate the fact, as stated by the hon. Member for East Manchester, with regard to the penalties not being sufficient to deter many enthusiastic politicians from voting in more than one place. He had heard of a constituency where the Liberals, early in the day, polled all the Conservative deads and absent and when those had been exhausted, proceeded to poll all their own deads and absent so that if by any chance a doubt was thrown upon the genuineness of the votes by one of the supposed absentee voters turning up later and claiming to vote, it was impossible to check or otherwise examine these votes, except by the expensive method of an election petition and a scrutiny. In practice, therefore, they had all those false votes adopted. In a case of that kind some protection was certainly needed. It was not the man who went, at the risk of a prosecution, from London to John of Groats to poll a second vote against whom protection was needed. There was another point: if a person had two qualifications it implied that he had more or less substantial interests in each district where he was qualified to vote. Why in a case of that kind should not he, perfectly honestly, exorcise an alternative vote provided that he did not claim to exercise the second vote upon the current years' register? To make a man select some months in advance would not only disfranchise him in the case instanced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but also disfranchise him over and over again through the accident of not being able to get to the place where he had elected to vote on a particular day. He hoped for the sake of fairness the Government would consider whether or not, after all, they could not obtain their object by less drastic measures than those proposed in the sub-section now under discussion.

expressed the opinion that no sound argument had been adduced against the proposition of the hon. Member for Kingston. The hon. Member for East Manchester had made a speech to which he evidently saw the answer when halfway through. If his statement was correct, it was the most scathing indictment against the Bill that could possibly be conceived, because his contention was that, however severe the penalities might be, men would risk their liberty for two years in order to record a vote in Manchester and other places as well as London at the time of an election. He did not think it was likely, but if it was true, how did the Bill deal with it? Let them assume that a plural voter had a vote in six constituencies. As the hon. Member for East Manchester had pointed oat, the only place at which he could be detected was the place at which he was entitled to vote; that if he polled at each of the other five places there was nothing to differentiate him from any other voter. That was a most scathing indictment of; the Bill, and the reason of it was obvious. The right hon. Gentleman, as well, in all probability, as those who drafted the Bill, had been misled by a knowledge of the principle of municipal voting where every place in which a man was not allowed to vote was starred, and the only place which was not -starred was that where he was allowed to vote. What was the argument put forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer why this simple scheme should be chosen? The right hon. Gentleman had said it was necessary in the constituency at the beginning of the year to know the number of people who were likely to vote. That was the fallacy into which the hon. Member for East Manchester had been betrayed, in a different form. The plural voter with six votes would star himself in the constituency in which he elected to vote, but in the other five constituencies there was nothing to differentiate him from any other voter. And who was going to total up the available number of, voters in a particular constituency on the 1st of January? Even if some ardent politician did so, he would find nothing at all to differentiate the plural voter from anybody else. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would consider these matters and would bear in mind that the endeavour of the Committee was so to send this measure from this House as to carry out the straight forward principle which was in the mind of the Government, namely, to prevent people voting in more than one place during one election.

considered the Committee was entitled to an answer, if not to the arguments adduced on the Opposition side, at any rate to the arguments addressed to the Government by their own supporters. The hon. Member for Perth had stated from experience that hundreds and even thousands of working men might be upon a register without their knowledge, and no contradiction or attempt at contradiction to that statement had been made. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had admitted that if a man was not able to answer the question as to whether he was on any other register he would be disfranchised; therefore the effect of this Bill in its present condition would be to disfranchise in a wholesale manner. The hon. Member for East Manchester had indicted the Bill most severely, and had pointed out that the only way to prevent the mischief at which it was aimed was that there should be a negative declaration, namely, that on the lists in respect of the places where the elector was not entitled to vote he should be marked "not entitled to vote." One would have imagined that the Bill would have contained some such provision. He would ask the First Commissioner of Works whether he agreed with the Chancellor of the Exchequer that disfranchisement would ensue in such a state of things as had been pointed out by the hon. Member for Perth, and whether he contemplated leaving this Bill in such a condition that men of all classes might be disfranchised without any blame whatever attaching to them.

hoped and believed the right hon. Gentleman had rather exaggerated the danger to a very small class. He could not believe there were hundreds and thousands of working men who were plural voters without their knowledge. But assuming a working man did not know he was a plural voter and said "no" in answer to the question that was put, and a ballot paper was issued to him, there was no doubt that the man-had unconsciously committed an offence-under this Bill. If it were subsequently-discovered that he had a duplicate qualification, somebody might wish to proceed against him, but he did not think that he could do so, because the man was absolutely protected by the word "knowingly." The plural voter would be known, because in every case, except where he was on the register for his residence, his address would appear on the register, and the place would be different from that of the majority in that division. Therefore, although he was not starred, when he applied for a voting paper he would be a very proper person to whom to put the question. If, as he believed would happen in a great number of cases throughout the country, men selected to vote for their homes, it would be apparent in every other ease that they were plural voters.

thought that the right hon. Gentleman had succeeded in proving what was sufficiently obvious before, that anyone who was conspicuous would not vote more than once, but there were great numbers of people who would run no risk of detection in so doing. One of two things would happen. Either they would remain plural voters in spite of this Bill, or somebody would discover the fact, and then, although fully qualified, they would be disfranchised. Was the Government really going to leave the Bill in that position. What would be the result? In every closely-fought election it would become worth while, as it had never been worth while before, to have a scrutiny. The services of every available agent would be utilised in tracing men who had possibly not had their names removed from registers in other constituencies, and although their votes probably turned the election they might be disqualified on a scrutiny, and the real voice of the constituency vitiated, not because they were not entitled to a vote or because the Government wished them not to have a vote, but because the Government had blundered into a mess, to get out of which they had not the courage. That was not the end of the trouble. Hitherto in cases where the register had been sharply fought by political agents those agents had endeavoured to strike off anyone they knew to be an opponent. It would now be to their interest to keep him on. He would take his own case to illustrate his remarks. He had himself changed his residence, but all books of reference still gave his address as 11, Downing - street. The

AYES.

Abraham, William (Cork N.E.)Agnew, George WilliamAshton, Thomas Gair
Abraham. William (Rhondda)Alden. PercyAsquith, Rt. Hn. HerbertHenry
Acland, Francis DykeAllen, A. Acland (Christchurch)Astbury, John Meir

Liberal agents might tell the Home Secretary who now inhabited that house that it was useless for a Liberal to elect to vote in Westminster, and they would leave the register unamended. They would also say, "We will take care, if Mr. Austen Chamberlain goes to vote anywhere else and says he is not a plural voter, to let it be known he has committed an offence." Thus by the oversight of an overseer he would stand liable under this Bill to be sent to prison for two years hard labour, and, if he survived the sentence, he would be deprived of all civil rights for seven years. The right hon. Gentleman told him he need not be afraid because he must "knowingly" commit the offence; but yesterday the right hon. Gentleman told him that ignorance was no excuse in the eyes of the law, and he carried that doctrine to the point of saying that in a particular case he ought to be well informed of the provisions of some law because a relative of his took a part in the making of that law. If Judges and magistrates acted upon the principles of the right hon. Gentleman he did not think the word "knowingly" would give much protection. Why should a man be subjected to the worst penalties contained in the Bill, or even to such a penalty as disfranchisement, in connection with an offence against which he could not protect himself unless he went round to see that his name was removed from the voters' lists in places where he had had a vote? That was the obligation placed upon him.

said that he first needed to know whether he had any cause to make a selection. Was every voter to send in a declaration on the chance of that being the case? The Government were needlessly, for the purpose they had in view, inflicting hardship upon men possessed of more than one qualification.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 343; Noes, 83. (Division List No. 332.)

Atherley-Jones, L.Duffy, William J.Kearley, Hudson E.
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessKekewich, Sir George
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Kelley, George D.
Barker, JohnDunne, MajorE.Martin(WalsallKing, Alfred John (Knutsford)
Barlow, Percy (Bedford)Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Kitson, Sir James
Barnard, E. B.Edwards, Frank (Radnor)Laidlaw, Robert
Barnes, G. N.Elibank, Master ofLambert, George
Beauchamp. E.Ellis, Rt. Hon. John EdwardLamont, Norman
Beaumont,Hn W.C.B.(HexhamErskine, David C.Layland-Barratt, Francis
Bell, RichardEsmonde, Sir ThomasLeese,Sir JosephF.(Accrington
Bellairs, CarlyonEvans, Samuel T.Lehmann. R. C.
Benn, SirS.Williams(Devonp'rtEve, Harry TrelawneyLever,A. Lew (Essex,Harwich
Berridge. T. H. DEverett, R. LaceyLever, W. H. (Cheshire, Wirral)
Bertram, JuliusFaber, G. H. (Boston)Levy, Maurice
Bethell, J.H. (Essex Romford)Fenwick, CharlesLewis, John Herbert
Bethell, T. R, (Essex, Waldon)Kerens, T. R.Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. David
Billson, AlfredFlynn, James Chr'stopherLough, Thomas
Black,Arthur W.(Bedfordshire)Fowler, Rt. Hon. Sir HenryLundon, W.
Boland, JohnFreeman-Thomas, FreemanLupton, Arnold
Bolton, T.D.(Derbyshire, N.E.)Fuller, John Michael F.Lyell, Charles Henry
Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey)Fullerton, HughMacdonald,J.M. (Falkirk B'gha
Bower man, C. W.Gardner, Col. Alan (Hereford,S.)Mackarness, Frederic C.
Brace, WilliamGibb, James (Harrow)Maclean, Donald
Bramsdon, T. A.Gill, A. H.Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.
Branch, JamesGladstone, Rt. Hn.Herbert Jn.Macpherson, J. T.
Brigg, JohnGoddard, Daniel FordMacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.
Brodie, H. C.Gooch, George PeabodyMacVeigh, Charles (Donegal.E.
Brunner, J.F.L. (Lancs.,Leigh)Grant, CorrieM'Callum, John M.
Bryce, Rt.Hn. James(AberdeenGreenwood, G. (Peterborough)M'Crae, George
Bryce, J.A. (Inverness Burghs)Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir EdwardM'Killop, W.
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnGuest, Hon. Ivor ChurchillM'Laren, Sir D. H. (Leicester)
Buckmaster, Stanley O.Gulland, John W.M'Laren, H. D. (.Stafford, W.)
Burke, E, Haviland-Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.M'Micking, Major G.
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnHall, FrederickMaddison, Frederick
Buxton, Rt. Hn.SydneyCharlesHarcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisMallet,Charles E.
Byles, William PollardHardie, J.Keir(Merthyr TydvilManfield, Hairy (Northants)
Cairns, ThomasHardy George A. (Suffo'k)Mansfield, H. Rendall (Lincoln)
Campbell-Bannennan, Sir H.Harvey, A. G C. (Rochdale)Markham, Arthur Basil
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Haslam, James (Derbyshire)Marks, G.Croydon(Lavinteston)
Cawley, FrederickHaslam, Lewis (Monmouth)Marnham. F. J.
Chance, Frederick WilliamHaworth, Arthur A.Mason, A. E. W. (Coventry)
Channing, Arancis AllstonHedges, A. PagetMassie, J.
Cheetham, John FrederickHelme, Norval WatsonMasterman, C. F. G.
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Meagher, Michael
Churchill, Winston SpencerHenderson,J.M. (Aberdeen, W.)Menzies, Walter
Clarke, C. GoddardHenry, Charles S.Micklem, Natlhaniel
Celand. J. W.Herbert, Col. Ivor (Mon., S.)Molteno, Percy Alport
Clough, W.Herbert, T. Arnold. (Wycombe)Mond, A.
Coats, SirT.Glen (Renfrew, W.)Higham, John SharpMoney, L. G. Chiozza
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyHobart. Sir RobertMontagu, E. S.
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Hobhouse, Charles E. H.Montgomery, H. G.
Collins,Sir W. J.(S.Pancras, WHodge, JohnMooney, J. J.
Corbett,CH. (Sussex,E.Grinst'dHogan, MichaelMorgan, C. Hay (Cornwall)
Cotton, Sir H. J. SHope, John Deans (Fife, West)Morgan. J. Lloyd (Carmarthen)
Cowan, W. H.Hope, W. Bateman (.Somerset)Morley, Rt. Hon. John
Cox, HaroldHorniman, Emslie JohnMorrell, Philip
Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Horridge, Thomas GandnerMorse, L. L.
Cremer,William RandalHoward, Hon. GeoffreyMorton, Alphens Cleophas
Crombie, John WilliamHudson, WalterMurnaghan, George
Crooks, WilliamHutton, Alfred EddisonMurphy, John
Crossley, William J.Hyde, ClarendonMurray, James
Dalmeny, LordIdris, T. H. W.Myer, Horatio
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)Ilingworth, Percy H.Nannetti, Joseph P.
Davies, Timothy (Fulham)Isaacs, Rufus DanielNapier, T. B.
Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Jacoby, James AlfredNewnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw)
Delany, WilliamJohnson, John (Gateshead)Newnes, Sir George (Swansea)
Dewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.)Johnson, W. (Nuneaton)Nicholls, George
Dewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.)Jones, Sir D. Brynmor(SwanseaNicholson, Chas. N. (Doncaster
Dickinson, W.H. (St.PancrasN.Jones, Leif (Appleby)Nolan, Joseph
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Jones, William (CarnarvonshireNorton, Capt. Cecil William
Donelan, Captain A.Jowett, F. W.Nussey, Thomas Willans
Duckworth, JamesJoyce, MichaelNuttall, Harry

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Rogers, F. E. NewmanWalker, H. De R. (Leicester)
O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.Rose, Charles DayWallace, Robert
O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Rowlands, J.Walsh, Stephen
O'Doherty, PhilipRunciman, WalterWalters, John Tudor
O'Kelly, James(Roscommon,NRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Walton, Sir John L. (Leeds,S)
O'Malley, WilliamSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)
O'Shaughness, P. J.Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Palmer, Sir Charles MarkSchwann, Sir C. E.(Manchester)Ward, W. Dudley(Southamp'n
Parker, James;(Halifax)Scott,A.H.(Ashton under LyneWardle, George J
Partington, OswaldSears, J. E.Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.
Paul, HerbertShackleton, David JamesWason, Eugene (Clackmannan)
Pearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Shaw, Rt. Hon. T. (Hawick B.)Wason, John Cathcart(Orkney)
Pearce, William (Limehouse)Shipman. Dr. John G.Waterlow, D. S.
Pearson, W.H.M. (Suffolk, Eye)Sinclair, Rt. Hon. JohnWedgwood, Josiah C.
Philipps, Col. Ivor(S'thamptonSmeaton, Donald MackenzieWhitbread, Howard
Philipps, J.Wynford(PembrokeSnowden, P.White, J. D. (Dumbartonshire)
Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)Soames, Arthur WellesleyWhite, Luke (York. E. R.)
Piekersgill, Edward HareSpicer, Sir AlbertWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Pollard, Dr.Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph(Chesh.Whitehead, Rowland
Price, C. E. (Edinb'gh.Central)Steadman, W. C.Whitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Price, Robert John(Norfolk, EStewart, Halley (Greenock)Whittaker, Sir Thomas Palmer
Radford, G. H.Stewart-Smith, D. (Kendal)Wiles, Thomas
Raphael, Herbert H.Strachey, Sir EdwardWilkie, Alexander
Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Straus, B. S. (Mile End)Williams, J. (Glamorgan)
Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Stuart, James (Sunderland)Williams, Llewelyn(Carmarthen
Redmond, John E. (Waterford)Sullivan, DonalWilliams, Osmond (Merioneth)
Rees, J. D.Summerbell, T.Wills, Arthur Walters
Renton, Major LeslieTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)Wilson. Hn. C. H. W.(Hull, W.)
Richards,Thomas (W. Monm'thTaylor, John W. (Durham)Wison, Henry J. (York, W. R.)
Richards, T.F. (Wolverhampt'nTaylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.)
Richardson,A.Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)Wilson, J. H. (Middlesborough)
Rickett, J. ComptonThomas, Sir A.(Glamorgan, A.)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Tillett, Louis JohnWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)Tomkinson, JamesWinfrey, R.
Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.)Torrance, Sir A. M.Yoxall, James Henry
Robertson, Rt, Hn. E. (DundeeTrevelyan, Charles Philipps
Robertson, Sir G.Scott(Brad'rdVerney, F. W.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.

Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Villiers, Ernest Amberst
Robinson, S.Vivian, Henry
Robson, Sir William SnowdonWadsworth. J.
Roes, Sir ThomasWaldron, Laurence Ambrose

NOES.

Anstruther-Gray, MajorCorbett. T. L. (Down, North)Lockwood, Rt, Hn.Lt-Col.A. R.
Arkwright, John StanhopeCory, Clifford JohnLong, Col.Chas. W. (Evesham)
Balcarres, LordCourt hope, G. LoydLowe, Sir Francis William
Balfour, Rt.Hn.A.J.(CityLond.Craig, Capt. James (Down, E.)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCraik, Sir HenryMacIver, David (Liverpool)
Banner, John S. Harmood-Dalrymple, ViscountMeysey-Thompson, E. C.
Barrie, H. T.(Londonderry, N.)Dixon-Hartland, SirFredDixonMildmay, Francis Bingham
Beach, Hn. Michael HughHicksDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Nicholson, Wm. G.(Petersfield)
Beckett, Hon. GervaseDuncan, Robert (Lanark, GovanNield, Herbert
Bignold, Sir ArthurFaber, George Denison (York)Pease, HerbertPike(Darlington
Bowles, G. StewartFell, ArthurPowell, Sir Francis Sharp
Boyle, Sir EdwardFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.Randies, Sir John Scurrah
Bridgeman, W. CliveFletcher, J. S.Rawlinson, John FrederickPeel
Bull, Sir William JamesForster, Henry WilliamRoberts, S. (Sheffield.Ecelesall)
Butcher, Samuel HenryGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Ropner, Colonel Sir Robert
Carlile, E. HildredHaddock, George R.Rothschild, Hon. Lionel Walter
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Hay, Hon. Claude GeorgeRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)
Cave, GeorgeHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Salter, Arthur Clavell
Cavendish, Rt. Hn. Victor C.W.Houston, Robert PatersonScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Hunt, RowlandSmith, F.E.(Liverpool,Walton)
Kenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hn.Col.W.Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Kimber, Sir HenryStanley, Hn. Arthur (Ormskirk
Chamberlain, Rt Hn. J.A.(Wore.Lambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.Starkey, John R.
Coates, E. Feetham(Lewisham)Lane-Fox, G. R.Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staff'sh.)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Law, Andrew Bonar (Dulwich)Stone, Sir Benjamin
Collings, Rt.Hn.J.(Birmingh'mLiddell, HenryTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Thomson, W.Mitchell-(Lanark)Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Alexander Acland-Hood and Viscount Valentia.

Thornton, Percy M.Wilson,A.Stanley(York, E. R.)
Tuke, Sir John BattyWortley, Rt.Hon. C. B.Stuart-

*SIR CHARLES DILKE moved to insert after the word "except," in line 8, the words, "in a constituency in which he resides, or, in the event of his not residing in any of the constituencies in which he is registered, or of his residing in more than one constituency, then except." This proposal, he said, was entirely different from that which the Committee had just divided upon, though the arguments with regard to it followed the same line. Many of the difficulties had been anticipated in the speeches on the previous Amendment. A great many of the points which were material to the one debate were also material to the other. His proposal was as near to a residential proposal as they could come, in order to give effect to what the Government desired, namely, not to take away the vote from any person who had more than one vote at the present time. The difficulties of all the schemes came from the complexity of our franchise, and from the refusal of this country to consider a single and simple franchise. Almost every country in the world except our own had a simple franchise. Here there were seventeen well-known franchises, and as long as we piled one on the top of the other, these difficulties must continue. With one exception, involving a slight complication which he had guarded against, he proposed, by the Amendment, to make a man vote in the constituency where he resided. The elector would be automatically and effectively on the register there. Some people had several residences, and in these cases the provisions of the Bill would come into force in determining the constituency selected for the purpose of exercising the vote. "Residence," which was the feature of this Amendment, was not a vague word. It was used in a whole series of Acts of Parliament, it was the basis of a large number of the present franchises, and the exact sense of it had been decided by judgments in the Courts explaining the statutes in which it occurred. The exception which he had provided for by putting in words to cover it was the rare case of a man who was a plural voter and who had several qualifications, but no residence in any of the places where he had a qualification. The plan he suggested was simple as compared with the complicated plan of the Bill. The objection to the application of the machinery of the Bill was the want of knowledge on the part of the county clerk. That official would have no machinery by which he would be enabled to know how to discharge the duties which the House seemed to think he ought to discharge. Now he came to a question, which he could state briefly. There had been, not an absolute promise of acceptance of the proposal, but a promise that consideration would be given to the proposal that the Bill should state exactly what the duties of the county clerk were really to be. Under the present registration laws claims which were supposed to be signed by the voter himself were rarely so signed. They wanted to know what the county clerk would have before him. The difficulties in connection with the working of the Bill would be greatly diminished by confining the operation of the measure to the smallest possible number of cases. If they had an automatic moans of selection covering the great majority of the cases, then the danger of the Bill would be much less. What lie suggested was that under the scheme in the Bill it would really be impossible to enforce the law. There had been in the debate a fair amount of admission of the truth of the facts alleged against the complexity of the Bill. His hon. friend the Member for Stoke seemed to have some doubts as to the way in which the working-class would be placed in a difficulty by the Bill. He could understand how these doubts arose. In the building and some other trades, as in the case also of some Nonconformist ministers, people were not long enough in one place to qualify. One point which had not been thoroughly brought out was that the county clerk had no means of obtaining information where the notice was of a character to leave him in doubt. That objection would be diminished to an enormous extent by the adoption of some automatic machinery of the kind he referred to. The notice sent to the county clerk might be such as to raise doubts as to the identification of the voter. There were sometimes differences between a voter's description of himself and the description which appeared on the register. For example, there were many cases in which the addresses did not exactly tally, and many in which the Christian names slightly differed or contained one usually omitted. How in such eases was the county clerk going to be sure as to the person from whom he received a notice? There were often many voters of one name and address on the register. In an agricultural parish in his own division there were some voters who, much to their own offence, had to be distinguished by their nicknames. A man who had several residences was not the man as a rule in regard to whom these difficulties would arise. It had been suggested that those difficulties were unconsciously exaggerated by those who took part in the debates. He did not think the Committee quite realised the complexity of the work which our present franchise system involved, in respect of registration. There were a large number of cases of complexity disclosed by his examination in Worcestershire and Gloucestershire and Herefordshire parishes, and the danger was, that the county clerk, although written to about the choice of a constituency, would not take any action whatever where the matter was not clear. There were a great number of cases where sons had the same names as their fathers, although they might belong to two different political parties. He knew of two adjoining parishes in two counties where there were five duplicates on the register in which difficulties arose. The difficulty of sorting out these cases was exceedingly great. By the machinery of the Bill, as it existed in its present form, one of the greatest difficulties would be the cancelling of notice once given. There were 3,000 colliers freeholders in the division of Rhondda, and 200 out of these 3,000 worked in the Rhondda Valley of whom a few were on the register there, and if this Amendment was not carried these men would have to cancel their notice beforehand before they could give a vote. But if they gave a vote without notice he doubted whether any jury would convict them for personation. He admitted that this Amendment would require further machinery to carry it into effect. He had drawn Amendments to that end, but these would involve so much re-shaping of the Bill that he doubted if it would be possible for the Government to agree to them. He could not take the responsibility of trying to force this Amendment on the Government on the present occasion, but he hoped that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and the Government as a whole, would give their minds to the endeavour to meet, in some way or another, the many difficulties which surrounded this question. He saw no way of doing that unless some such machinery of residence as he had suggested were adopted. County clerks and others responsible for the register would have to give a somewhat wooden interpretation of the law, but if the liberty proposed were given to them the difficulties to which he had referred might be overcame to a large extent.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, after the word 'except' to insert the words 'in a constituency in which lie resides, or, in the event of his not residing in any of the constituencies in which he is registered, or of his residing in more than one constituency, then except' "—(Sir Charles Dilke.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said that the right hon. Gentleman know very well that personally and in theory he did not differ from his view, and that he would wish to found the franchise entirely on residence. But the Government had decided, and had given him instructions that he was not to introduce a disfranchising Bill. They would not quibble over words, but the purpose of the Bill was not to abolish the property qualification. He had not done it because any man who opted in that way might exercise his property qualification. The Amendment of the right hon. Gentleman, however, it was impossible to incorporate in this Bill, conceived as it was on a totally different plan.

said that he would give every man one vote, and that the object of his Amendment was to enable a man at once to exercise his vote.

said he had tried to be as tender as he could to the property owner while adhering to the definite object and principle of the Bill—that a man should only vote in one place during the calendar year. He quite agreed with the right hon. Baronet that their great object should be to have as clean a register as possible. He admitted that this Bill might not secure that object, but he thought it made an approach to it. He did not understand the anxiety of the right hon. Gentleman that a notice should be sent to the man himself. He had already promised to consider whether the notice should be changed to a declaration, although he did not know whether a declaration would confer any great gain. He had promised, however, to consider it.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman would consider the question of working this matter through the revising barrister's court, or whether it could be done through the assistant overseers.

said he could not do that, because the whole essence of this Bill was not to change the law in regard to registration. It was purely a question of typography and not of registration.

said the work of indicating the voting place of a plural voter was at present done by the revising barrister.

said he did not bring in the revising barrister at all. The revising barrister had no right to say where a plural voter should vote, or whether he should have a vote or not. The plural voter had a right to claim where he should vote, and the mark indicating where he should vote was put on by the printer. He understood from the right hon. Baronet that he wished for an expression of opinion on this subject, but it had nothing to do with the proposed Amendment.

said that, although he did not wish to bind anybody else, he should not press the Amendment to a division, but if anybody else forced a division he should, of course, vote for his proposal. He pointed out, as to the work falling on the county clerk, that the only work of a similar kind carried out at present was done in the revision court under the eye of the public. The county clerk had neither the machinery nor the knowledge imposed on the court of the revising barristers.

was glad that this proposal had been brought forward, because the residential vote was what they had been asking for for years and years. He contended that a man should vote where he lived, and nowhere else, a system that would pave the way for the abolition of the period of qualification. It had always been a great grievance, that if a man moved from one constituency to another he lost his vote for the year. If we had this residential qualification the register might be made up like the census, and no man would be disfranchised by his change of residence. He should have more respect for the contention of hon. Members opposite if they were bold enough to claim that a man should have so many votes for so many acres of land, or so many votes for so many hundreds of pounds a year. That would be logical, but the present system under which men obtained plural qualifications in different parts of the country was not logical at all. According to our constitution a man should only have one vote, and he thought the cases in which the dual residence difficulty would come in would be very few indeed, while the cases which had been alluded to of the men who had qualifications all over the country and no residence, might be counted upon the fingers of one hand. He recognised the difficulties which had been referred to, and that it was impossible for his right hon. friend to press his Motion to a division. He did hope, however, that residential suffrage would some day be the law of land.

said that the interesting discussions on the last two Amendments had put the Committee in a considerable difficulty. The speech of the right hon. Baronet had lent great weight to a number of conclusions. No man in the House, and he doubted whether there was a man in the country, had been able to devote the time to acquire the minute knowledge which the light hon. Baronet had displayed in the course of the discussion. No man was a greater authority than the right hon. Baronet on these questions, and he confessed that the wealth of the detailed information he possessed as to minute points of procedure made the right hon. Gentleman, in his judgment, an absolute master of the subject. But the conclusion to be drawn from the discussion of the last two Amendments was that the Bill as at present framed was unworkable. The scheme of the Government might be carried out on lines suggested by his hon. friend behind him (Mr. Cave), because the Bill would be modified to the extent of leaving all the existing franchises, restricting the power of any individual to one vote at one election. He did not agree with the plan of the right hon. Baronet, because in the first place it wholly destroyed the University vote, and it could not be incorporated in the Government Bill without revolutionising its whole structure and practically making it a new measure. But the alternative presented in the last two Amendments had been rejected, and the Government plan was left. By the admission of every competent speaker on the Liberal side of the House it was an unworkable plan. It was a plan which the right hon. Gentleman had riddled from top to bottom, and it was impossible to believe that the system they were about to adopt was a workable system. The hon. Member for North Norfolk had said that he welcomed the suggestion because he was in favour of giving a man a vote for the place in which he resided and for nothing else. By his own admission, however, it would be years before that was carried out. He dissented from the policy of the right hon. Gentleman, and ventured to point out to him that he himself had recognised that it could not be grafted on to the policy of the Government, and admitted that the plan of the Government was not a plan that could be worked at all. Was not that an extraordinary position for the Committee to find itself in after two days discussion upon this Bill, when they had not penetrated very far into its machinery and had no knowledge of that part of the machinery which was to be made public in the hitherto unpublished Order in Council. The present position was that the Government would not take the workable plan which could be drafted on to their Bill and which had been suggested in the Amendment; they could not take the suggestion of the right hon. Baronet, because it would destroy the Bill from top to bottom; and they were left with a plan of their own, which their own best supporters, and those who know most about the registration law, declared to be impossible in practice, as well as capable of working great injustice in the way of disfranchising perfectly competent electors and possibly bringing them within reach of the criminal law. That was an impossible situation. The Government must feel that they could hardly successfully proceed with the measure. The right hon. Gentleman in charge must feel that he had embarked on an impossible task; that he had undertaken to do that which could not be done, and which, at any rate, the Bill did not do. It was a waste of Parliamentary time to proceed with the consideration of a measure which its friends admitted no alteration could make a practicable and workable Bill.

thought that Members on both sides of the House would regret that the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill had not seen his way to lend a more sympathetic ear to the suggestions made to him. Had the right hon. Raronet pressed this Motion to a division, he should have supported him. Experience had shown that in all large towns people were continually moving out and residing in the suburbs at some considerable distance from their places of business. The result was that that class of duplicate voters tended largely to increase. The Amendment which had been moved with such lucidity by the right hon. Baronet at all events provided a remedy for the difficulty which arose with regard to them. It might not be the best remedy, but it was, at least, one remedy. The effect of the Bill as it stood would be that this increasing class of duplicate voters, if they did not send in their notice of selection, would be disfranchised. Hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite scarcely seemed to realise that fact.

called attention to the fact that there wore not forty Members present.

House counted, and forty Members being found present—

continuing, said his sympathy was not so much with those duplicate voters, who were keen politicians. Those gentlemen would be taken care of, and their claims sent in. His sympathy was with that large class who were not active politicians, who would forget or neglect to fill up these notices. There were upwards of 2,000 of these duplicate voters in a constituency which he had in his mind, and he was confident that at least half of them, not being keen and active politicians, would, through not filling up and sending in these notices, be disfranchised and lose their votes altogether. It was a monstrous proposition that a man should be disfranchised and deprived of his vote altogether in this way, when a man, qualified to vote only in one place, required to send in no notice at all. He contended that so long as the Bill was left in its present shape, and they were met with the position he had described, so long it would not be possible to introduce into it any reasonable Amendment to make it workable. He believed that this Amendment, which was to be withdrawn, would have done something to meet the difficulty, and he very much regretted that the right hon. Baronet had not pressed it to a division.

said they must regard the Amendment as the best of a bad thing. He was so convinced that this Bill would be a disfranchising measure that he preferred to accept the Amendment sooner than let the Bill go through in the way evidently intended by the Government, without any Amendment of any sort or kind.

said he desired to call the attention of the Committee to the conduct of Ministers during the very powerful and eloquent speech of the Leader of the Opposition. He thought it was unprecedented that the Treasury Bench should have been practically deserted. The right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill had fled from the attack of the Leader of the Opposition and left a subordinate Minister in his place. The Bill had been absolutely riddled by the criticism directed against it, both on the Opposition and on the Ministerial side, and in view of the extraordinary conduct of the front Government Bench he moved to report progress. It was little short of a scandal that there should not have been a single Cabinet Minister left in charge of the Bill.

*THE UNDER-SECRETARY OF STATE FOR INDIA
(Mr. JOHN ELLIS, Nottinghamshire, Rushcliffe)

said it would be within the knowledge of the hon. Gentleman, and particularly of that of the Leader of the Opposition, that there was usually a paucity of attendance, oven on the front Ministerial Bench, during the dinner hour. He could assure the hon. Gentleman that his right hon. friend in charge of the Bill, who it was generally acknowledged had met the Committee in a spirit of great assiduity and courtesy, would be back in a few minutes.

said everybody must recognise that a Minister, however zealous, must dine, and the strain of conducting a great Bill, as he himself knew, was very considerable, especially when it was carried on day after day. It was impossible under such circumstances to expect any Minister to sit there the whole time, nor would it be necessary if the Ministers who had been replying to the criticisms had come to some arrangement—as was made for instance that very evening between his hon. friend the Member for East Worcestershire and himself—so that both should not be absent from the House at the same time. He need hardly say that he had no personal feeling in the matter, but it was the fact that he made a speech twenty minutes ago based on the very important debate which had just preceded it, pointing out the impossible position into which the Government had got themselves, and the impracticability of their scheme. He was sure no discourtesy was meant towards him, but it certainly showed want of organisation on the Treasury Bench or the necessity for some improvement in the rules of the House. It was not proper that the Treasury Bench should at any time be left deprived of those in charge of the measure.

said that Mr. Massingham, writing a short time ago in the Daily News, had described the present House of Commons as the most strenuous that had ever been elected, and that it was determined to work at all cost. Yet on this Bill, which was one of the most important Bills of the session, there was only one Member of the Government on the Treasury Bench, and only three supporters behind. One of their supporters in a recent speech in the country said the Government ought to be congratulated for the number of Bills they succeeded in getting through Parliament during the earlier part of the session, and that they were largely enabled to do so because the Government and the Liberal Party did not hesitate to legislate during the dinner hour. If the Liberal Party, and especially the Government, wished to live up to the representation of being the most strenuous Government of modern times it would be as well if more than one Member of the Government could be present when the Leader of the Opposition was making an important speech on an Amendment to an important Bill. He sincerely hoped the Committee would accept the Motion to report progress.

said he should not have thought it was necessary to deal with a Motion to report progress, on the ground that a Minister was merely mortal.

said the Motion was not proposed because of the absence of the right hon. Gentleman, against whom they had no cause of complaint, but because a most elaborate and convincing speech was delivered by the Leader of the Opposition whilst the only occupant of the front Ministerial Bench was an Under-Secretary, and there were only three Members behind to support him.

said he was only mortal, and had found it necessary to leave the House for a short time. If he had known the Leader of the Opposition was going to speak he would have remained at whatever inconvenience. To say that his colleague, who had been rightly described as an Under-Secretary— that was no disgraco—was not associated with him in regard to the Bill merely because he had not taken part in debate was incorrect. The right hon. Gentleman had been associated with him from the first, and had equal knowledge with, in fact he believed superior knowledge to, himself of the details of the Bill. He could not allow for a moment a reflection for which there was no ground to be made against a right hon. Gentleman whose name was on the back of the Bill.

said he was sure nothing could have been further from his hon. friend's intention than to reflect on the competency of the right hon. Gentleman. At the same time the right hon. Gentleman who had had charge of the Bill would have felt a liberty in dealing with Amendments, and a power of accepting suggestions, that did not belong to somebody who was neither a Cabinet Minister nor the Minister directly in charge of the Bill. Had the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill or the Chancellor of the Exchequer been in the House when the Leader of the Opposition spoke, he could not conceive that the speech would have been allowed to pass without reply. He thought this incident illustrated the unsatisfactory character of the change abolishing the regular dinner hour. The House was not more industrious because it had no dinner hour. They worked no more hours. All the change did was to allow hon. Members to go home earlier. It simply meant that the Minister in charge of a Bill, who would be present during the whole of the discussion if he were allowed half an hour for his dinner, was now away for half an hour during the discussion, and was not therefore able to answer the criticisms made in his absence.

said that a most destructive, damaging criticism had been made of the Bill, and there had been no attempt to meet it. It must be clear to everybody that it was time the Government recast the Bill or put down some Amendments in order to meet this damaging criticism. Under the circumstances it would be in the best interest of all parties, and in the interests of the Bill itself, that this Motion should be accepted. The Government ought to have time to take the whole situation into consideration.

, in supporting the Motion, said that all this trouble would not have arisen if the Committee knew when the Order in Council was likely to be laid on the Table; it was perfectly clear it would be bettor for the Government to state when that would be done.

in asking leave to withdraw the Motion, said that in making it he had been influenced by the feelings natural to one who had heard the powerful speech of the Leader of the Opposition, and had seen that only one person on the Treasury Bench and three or four supporters of the Government appeared to listen to it.

said the grievance was not all on one side. Never during the evening had there been more than seven on the Opposition Benches.

said the Motion was made because, when an important speech was delivered, there did not appear to be any Minister present who had authority to deal with the Bill, and what other Members of the House were present was not to the point. All the Opposition asked for was——

rising to a point of order, asked whether arguments were not being unduly repeated, and whether the rules of the House did not come into operation to put an end to such repetition.

said he had been under the impression that the Motion was to be withdrawn, and that the matter would accordingly terminate. There had been some repetition by the last speaker, but he hoped the matter might terminate reasonably.

said he would not have spoken again but for the interruption of the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway. He had merely intended to express the hope that the Government would be able so to organise the dining arrangements that one of the Ministers in practical charge of a Bill should be in attendance in the House when important speeches were made.

considered that the Leader of the Opposition had been treated in an insulting manner, and hoped the Motion would not be withdraw). The Chancellor of the Exchequer came in behind the Chair, saw the Leader of the Opposition speaking, saw that there was no Cabinet Minister on the Treasury Bench, and then went out. Under the circumstances he was sorry that the hon. Member proposed to withdraw his Motion.

Question put, and negatived.

Original Question again proposed.

supported the Amendment. In his own constituency there were more than 5,000 voters who would be affected by this Bill, and of that number at least one half wore electors who took no particular side in politics, but were influenced on the questions of the day as they arose. Under the Bill as it stood those voter would undoubtedly be disfranchised, for it was absolutely impossible for an agent to take sufficient interest in them to put in their claims before an election came on. This Amendment distinctly protected those people by saying that they were to be on the list of voters where they had their place of abode. It was perfectly true that the University was to be put on one side, but he preferred the interests of a borough constituency even to those of a University. He totally objected to the wholesale disfranchisement which this Bill would effect.

Question put, and negatived.

MR. AUSTEN CHAMBERLAIN moved to insert in line 11, after "Act," the words "or in which he is registered as a voter in respect of his place of abode." He hoped that this was an Amendment which the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill would find himself able to accept. The right hon. Gentleman had refused to accept a large number of Amendments on the ground that they challenged the principle of the Bill. This Amendment did not challenge the principle of the Bill. It followed the established precedent in the case of borough voters who had more than one qualification in the same borough, and, therefore, he looked for a benevolent attitude towards it on the part of the right hon. Gentleman. The object of the Amendment was obvious. It was to prevent wholesale disfranchisement of voters who neglected to select. In the case of voters in boroughs who had more than one qualification they had only to exercise the power of selection if they desired to vote in some place other than that in which they resided. If they were content to vote in the constituency where they had their place of abode they were automatically placed on the register. He asked the right hon. Gentleman to apply that principle to this Bill. Not being a lawyer or a draughtsman he was aware that the words of his Amendment might not be sufficient to cover the purpose he had in view, but if the right hon. Gentleman accepted the proposal the words necessary to meet the case could be found by the right hon. Gentleman, who had the assistance of skilled draughtsmen. His proposal, which was absolutely just, would prevent the disfranchisement of those people who either had no knowledge of a second qualification, or had not taken the trouble to serve the necessary notices.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 11, after the word 'Act,' to insert the words 'or in which he is registered as a voter in respect of his place of abode.'"— (Mr. Austen Chamberlain.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

replied in the negative. He had consulted a legal friend as to whether a voter could possibly vote in both constituencies. His legal friend said that the voter could not. If that raised a difficulty he would gladly add to the Amendment "but not in both."

said he merely wanted to clear away that difficulty. The right hon. Gentleman's Amendment would destroy the necessity for selection —a question which the Committee had already decided on the previous Amendment. By this Amendment the right hon. Gentleman would not compel a voter to make a selection, and if the voter did not make a selection he must then vote in the constituency where he had his place of abode. It was obvious that as long as a man remained in his house he could vote on that residence qualification whether he resided in Worcestershire or whether he were in the unfortunate condition of the right hon. Gentleman of having a residence in London. The Amendment was directed entirely in favour of those who had the advantage of many residences. The Amendment meant that there should be a class distinction drawn between those people who had not influence or money, and those who in the counties or boroughs had a number of residential qualifications. He insisted that the Amendment ran counter to the principle of the Bill. Why should the revising barrister have to decide what was a permanent residence? When they tried to work the matter out, he hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would see that his Amendment was one which could not be accepted.

said that he was not trying to secure more than one vote for one man, but only that if that man failed in time to make a selection he should not on that account be disfranchised. In other words, he contended that a man with more than one qualification should not be placed in a worse position than a man with only one qualification, who was not required to do anything. Even in the case of a lodger, although the law said that the lodger must make application every year to be placed on the register, he was retained on the register, as a rule, unless someone objected. The right hon. Gentleman had complained that if they gave a vote to the occupier for every residence he possessed that man might have an unlimited number of votes; but, would the right hon. Gentleman accept the principle that if a man did not specially claim to be put on the register of a particular constituency, he should have the right to vote in the place where his principal residence and homo was? He was quite willing, although he had taken the words of his Amendment from the Registration Act of 1883, to add words which would make it perfectly clear that a man should only vote once. What he wanted was that a special disability should not be imposed on a man who had more than one residence.

said that it was absolutely impossible to accept the Amendment, which would run counter to the principle of the Bill. It would completely destroy the necessity of selection, which he regarded as of great importance.

said he could not understand why the right hon. Gentleman would not accept the principle of the Amendment. Did he contend that no one was to be entitled to vote unless he took the trouble to ask to lie placed on the register? If that were so, they must put some compulsion on every man to demand the right to vote. There was no justification whatever for enacting that a man who had two qualifications, if he did not make a selection as to where he would vote, should have no vote at all. The right hon. Gentleman had said that the Amendment would be perfectly unworkable, but he did not see how it would be more unworkable than the procedure to obtain a lodger vote, Really, hon. Gentlemen opposite seemed to think that in some way or other they on that side of the House were trying to get an advantage. Nothing of the kind. The Amendment of his right hon. friend amounted to this, that a man had a right to a vote without making a special claim to it. The refusal of the Amendment was absolutely indefensible.

said he could not see how the acceptance of this Amendment would in any way injure the principle of the Bill, and no good argument had been brought forward against it.

said that this was an exceedingly dangerous Amendment, for whatever might be the intention of the right hon. Gentleman in moving it, it would prove of considerable advantage to the plural voter. It was quite clear that by the Amendment when an election came on a plural voter would have a choice as to which constituency he should vote. The intention of the mover might have been to get away from it, but the result was to give a double vote to the plural voter, and such a course was dangerous in the eyes of those who desired to see these anomalies done away with.

said that during the last thirty years he had been engaged in making and using voting lists in almost every capacity, and he thought that further consideration should be given to the selection by the plural voter in an automatic way. In the City of London it would be found that far more than half the persons on the list had only business premises in the City but had a residence outside it. The registration officers, the overseers, and the revising barristers would, in spite of the fact that there were two qualifications, be obliged to put a person carrying on business in the City on the City List. The name of the person would, however, also appear on the lists of voters for the place in which he resided. By reference to the City list one should be able to know whether he had a vote for the City or not. The consequence of the proposed system would be that when an election took place everybody concerned would have to go through the list, and compare it with other lists and would have to strike out perhaps three-quarters of the names as being those of persons not qualified to vote. That would lead to great confusion, and omitting liverymen the list of voters would resolve itself into a mere list of the caretakers who had charge of the premises. At election times when people wore expected to vote for "Balfour" and "Banbury," they would not look out for qualifications which would interfere with their doing so. It seemed to him that the Government could hit upon a plan, though not by the words of the Amendment, by which the lists should still be conclusive. Whenever the address of the residence differed from that of the qualifying premises, a man would not be entitled to vote, and by omitting or marking that name they would get, if not a perfect list, an approximately perfect list which would be useful on the day of election and not a list which would be misleading. It was possible to have such a list in every constituency all over the country. He hoped that the Government, after the suggestions from that side of the House, would endeavour to secure some automatic mode of selection, so that at times of elections it would be known who was entitled to vote.

said hon. Members opposite had put a meaning into the Amendment which it did not bear. It struck at the root of the difference which existed between the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill and hon. Members on both sides of the House, because it was obvious that a large portion of the Committee were desirous of making it perfectly clear that a man, simply because he had a plural qualification, whether through defect of political organisation or any other cause, was not to be disfranchised altogether. He thought that the Amendment put it as clearly as it possibly could be put, that where a man happened to work in one place and to reside in another, and failed through absence from home or other cause to make a selection as to where he would vote, he should be put on the list in regard to his place of abode and would in any event find himself on the register and able to vote. He maintained that the Bill should be so worded that a man having a qualification in two places should not, because one or the other political organisation was inefficient, or because the clerk of the council was inefficient, lose his vote. They desired that every person, whether rich or poor, should be treated exactly alike, and if a man was entitled to two or three votes he should be assured that when an election came round that, neither through his own fault nor through the fault of other people, he would be debarred from going to the poll to record his vote. He thought it was very clear, from the voices that had been heard from the other side of the House as well as from that side, that some Amendment of this kind was necessary. The Amendment might possibly require some alteration in terms, but he hoped the Government would give an assurance that they would introduce something upon the Report stage to give the voter the protection which had been asked for.

said that so far as he was aware the Londoners' point of view had not been put in regard to this Amendment. The Londoner was not in the position of the man who lived in a large provincial town. He ordinarily worked in one place and lived in another, and was entitled to a vote in one or the other or both of the places with which he was associated. Under the obligation which this Bill would create, the Londoner would be in a still greater fog than at present, and whether he was an employer or a workman who lived in one place and worked in another, he ought not to find that by some oversight on his part, or on the part of the officials of the local authorities concerned, he was deprived of his vote, and not only deprived of his vote, but subjected to penalties and imprisonment if he voted without knowing that he was bound to make a selection. He believed he reflected the views of all Parties when he said it was the wish and desire of the House that every man in the country who was entitled to a vote should be able to record that vote. He therefore hoped his right hon. friend in charge of the Bill would either accept the Amendment or give an undertaking that at a later stage words should be inserted in the Bill, to ensure that a man should be entitled, notwithstanding his neglect to select under this Bill, to vote in the district in which he resided. An hon. Member had said it was a little difficult to realise why if the motives supposed to animate the authors of this Bill did really animate them, the right hon. Gentleman should resist the Amendment before the Committee, or not give some assurance that the Bill would be amended in the spirit of the Amendment. The essential object of the Bill was to prevent a man voting more than once in one election. All that this Amendment would do would be to bring this result about, that if a man failed to make a selection he would not thereby be disfranchised. If the object of this Bill was to disfranchise as many persons as possible, then the opposition to this Amendment could be understood, but if its object was what it purported to be, then the Amendment had every claim to sympathetic consideration even of the most earnest advocate of the Bill. The adoption of such an Amendment would have the effect of enabling a man to be placed automatically on the register of the district in which he resided. The saving thus effected in money and labour, the uncertainty and anxiety to many in this country no one in the House could fail to realise. Everyone knew how difficult it was to persuade people to make their claims. If that was so now, how much more difficult would it be to make them select the district in which they should vote.

complained that the hon. Member for the Camborne Division of Cornwall had inaccurately read the section to which this Amendment was moved and also the Amendment. If hon. Members would read the section and the Amendment in conjunction it would be found abundantly clear that the second alternative provided by the Amendment would not have any effect unless the plural voter had failed to make a selection It only applied in that one contingency. If he had made a selection, he had made it for good and had to abide by it for the year. If he had failed to make it, then the Amendment said he still had a right to that qualification which his residence gave him. If the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill was honest in his statement that this was not to be a Bill for disfranchisement, then he could not refuse this Amendment. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would consider this matter, and would admit that this Amendment would not damage the principle of the Bill in any degree whatsoever. If the right hon. Gentleman did not make that admission, the only conclusion they could come to was that he was not honest in his statement that the Bill was not intended to be a disfranchisement Bill.

said that if this Bill had been accompanied by a measure of redistribution he would have been an ardent supporter of it. Having admitted that, he could not understand why the Government did not endeavour to make the Bill just to all people alike. Surely the fact that a person happened to be on the register for five or six different places because he had either property or business interests in those places, should not be a disqualification, but rather a qualification for a vote. If he had only one qualification he would be placed upon the register without any difficulty, but if he had six qualifications then he had to select where he would vote, and if he did not make the selection, he was to be disqualified altogether from voting. Surely that was a wrong principle. It must appeal to the common sense of hon. Members opposite that if a man did not select he should at all events have the same qualification as that possessed by the man who only had a vote at the place where he resided. He regretted very much that the Law Officers of the Crown were not assisting the right hon. Gentleman with this Bill. He believed that the Solicitor-General, if he were assisting, such was his love of justice and his knowledge of what was right, would at once admit that the Government ought to accept this Amendment. But they had had no advice from the Law Officers of the Crown. He believed that the description of this Bill as a Liberal Registration Agents' Bill was a correct one. It seemed to him that there was someone behind the Chair pulling the strings with regard to the measure. Why should they not have a simple measure requiring that every voter should be on the register for the place of his abode? Whilst every man should have one vote, and no more, he ought not to have any less. The Bill as it stood would deprive thousands of individuals whose life was given to commerce or other pursuits, and who did not care much about politics on one side or the other, of the protection of the law if they had not selected one place in which to vote. That protection was given to the working man who could vote in the place in which he resided, whereas the merchant could not do so unless he made some arrangement previously.

said that as Members opposite would not deign to reply, being apparently inebriated with the exuberance of their own taciturnity, he proposed, as the Law Officers had been compelled to take no part in the discussion, to answer the speech of his hon. friend who had just spoken. His hon. friend seemed to think this was a Bill to put an end to plural voting. It was nothing of the kind. This was a Bill to amend the criminal law. The preamble did not say a word about plural voting. It was a Bill to impose a penalty on a Parliamentary voter registered in more than one constituency who voted in any constituency except that selected for the purpose. He might he perfectly bona fide, but the right hon. Gentleman opposite said that there was not criminal law enough, and although a man was only voting in one constituency, the right hon. Gentleman was determined he should be made a felon unless he made a selection. Before branding such a man as a felon, they ought at least to give him the vote that he ordinarily ought to have, namely, a vote for the residence he occupied. Unless he had served a notice, however, he was disfranchised oven as regarded the abode in which he was living. A more monstrous proposition was never put before the House of Commons, and when hon. Members opposite described this as a Bill merely to prevent plural voting, it was merely a dishonest pretence. Lot them face the facts. The Bill had boon truly described as a Liberal Election Agents' Bill. A man who was abroad serving his country at the time when he ought to be serving his notice, might come home to find, when an election took place, that though he had a residence in the constituency he was disqualified. What, also, was to be said of the man who recovered from sickness to find that he had been deprived of his vote? He supposed one could not say in Parliament all that had occurred to one to say in describing this Bill. But he hoped he was not going beyond Parliamentary language when he said that this was a mean and scurrilous attempt to deprive

AYES.

Anstruther-Gray, MajorCecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.Hills, J. W.
Arkwright. John StanhopeChamberlain, Rt.Hn.J.A.(WoreHouston, Robert Paterson
Ashley, W. W.Coates, K. Feetham(Lewisham)Hunt, Rowland
Balcarres, LordCochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. N.Kenyon-Slaney, Rt.Hn.Col.W.
Balfour, Rt. Hn.A.J.(CityLondCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Kimber, Sir Henry
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCourthope, G. LoydLambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.
Banner, John S. Harmood-Craig, Capt. James (Down, E.)Lane-Fox, G. R.
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.Dalrymple, ViscountLaw, Andrew Bonar (Dulwich)
Beach, Hn.MichaelHugh HicksDixon-Hartland, SirFredDixonLockwood, Rt.Hn.Lt, -Col. A.R.
Beckett, Hon. GervaseDoughty, Sir GeorgeLong, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham)
Bignold, Sir ArthurDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Lonsdale, John Brownlee
Boyle, Sir EdwardDuncan, Robert(Lanark,GovanLowe, Sir Francis William
Bridgeman, W. CliveFell, ArthurMacIver, David (Liverpool)
Bull, Sir William JamesFinch, Rt. Hon. George H.Magnus, Sir Philip
Butcher, Samuel HenryFletcher, J. S.Marks, H. H. (Kent)
Carlile, E. HildredForster, Henry WilliamMildmay, Francis Bingham
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Morpeth, Viscount
Cave, GeorgeHaddock, George R.Nicholson, Wm. G.(Petersfield)
Cavendish, Rt, Hn.Victor C.W.Harrison-Broadley, Col. H. B.Nield, Herbert
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Hay, Hon. Claude GeorgePease, HerbertPike (Darlington

political opponents of the franchise, and the Bill was not the Bill of a statesman but that of a sneak.

said he was sorry the right hon. Gentleman was not able to bring to the consideration of the Bill his own inebriate taciturnity and so save himself from the regrets which he was sure the right hon. Gentleman would feel in the morning. The right hon. Gentleman had charged him with thinking that there was not criminal law enough. He had never felt until that moment that they might have criminal lawyers too much. The right hon. Gentleman had said this was a Liberal Election Agents' Bill. He had chosen a bad day to make that statement when an hon. Member most experienced in registration and electoral law had stated that it was quite unsuited to agents' purposes. He would only say on this Amendment that he did not think they were asking too much of the plural voter that he should once in the course of his life make a selection. Under the Bill as it stood every man had eight months in which he might make his selection, and he had already determined to make a further concession, which would meet the case of persons absent abroad on any duty and those who might be sick at home or elsewhere.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 81; Noes, 326. (Division List No. 333.)

Percy, EarlSmith.F. E. (Liverpool.WaltonWalker, Col. W. H. (Lancashire
Powell, Sir Francis SharpSmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)
Randies, Sir John ScurrahStarkey, John R.Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E.R.
Rawlinson, JohnFrederickPeelStaveley-Hill, Henry-(Staff'sh.
Roberts, S.(Sheffield,Ecclesall)Stone, Sir Benjamin

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Sir Alexander Acland-Hood and Viscount Valentia.

Ropner, Colonel Sir RobertThomson, W. Mitchell-(Lanark
Rothschild, Hon. Lionel WalterThornton, Percy M.
Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Tuke, Sir John Batty
Salter, Arthur ClavellTurnour, Viscount

NOES.

Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N. E.)Cooper, G. J.Haworth, Arthur A.
Abraham, William (Rhondda)Corbett, C.H.(Sussex,E.GrinstdHazel, Dr. A. E.
Acland, Francis DykeCornwall, Sir Edwin A.Hedges, A. Paget
Agnew, George WilliamCory, Clifford JohnHelme, Norval Watson
Alden, PercyCotton, Sir H. J. S.Hemmerde, Edward George
Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)Cowan, W. H.Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Ambrose, RobertCox, HaroldHenry, Charles S.
Ashton, Thomas GairCremer, William RandalHerbert, Col. Ivor (Mon., S.)
Asquith, Rt.Hn.Herbert HenryCrombie, John WilliamHerbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe)
Astbury, John MeirCrooks, WilliamHigham, John Sharp
Atherley-Jones, L.Crosfield, A. H.Hobart, Sir Robert
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Crossley, William J.Hobhouse, Charles E. H.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Dalmeny, LordHodge, John
Barker, JohnDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Hogan, Michael
Barlow, Percy (Bedford)Davies, M. Vaughan-(CardiganHope, John Deans (Fife, West)
Barnard, E. B.Davies, Timothy (Fulham)Hope,W.Bateman (Somerset.N
Barnes, G. N.Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Horniman, Emslie John
Beauchamp, E.Delany, WilliamHorridge, Thomas Gardiner
Beaumont, HnW.C.B.(HexhamDewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.)Howard, Hon. Geoffrey
Bell, RichardDewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.)Hudson, Walter
Bellairs, CarlyonDickinson, W.H. (St.PancrasN.Hutton, Alfred Eddison
Benn, SirJ. WiIliams(Devonp'rtDickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Hyde, Clarendon
Benn, W.(T'w'rHamlets,S.Geo.Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesIdris, T. H. W.
Berridge. T. H. D.Dobson, Thomas W.Illingworth, Percy H.
Bertram, JuliusDonelan, Captain A.Isaacs, Rufus Daniel
Bethell, J. H. (Essex, Romford)Duckworth, JamesJacoby, James Alfred
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessJohnson, John (Gateshead
Billson, AlfredDunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Johnson, W. (Nuneaton)
Black, Arthur W.(BedfordshireDunne, MajorE.Martin(WalsallJones, Leif (Appleby)
Boland, JohnEdwards, Clement (Denbigh)Jones, William(Carnarvonshire
Bolton, T.D.(Derbyshire, N.E.)Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Jowett, F. W.
Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey)Edwards, Frank (Radnor)Joyce, Michael
Bowerman, C. W.Elibank, Master ofKearley, Hudson E.
Brace, WilliamEllis, Rt. Hon. John EdwardKekewich, Sir George
Bramsdon, T. A.Erskine, David C.Kelley, George D.
Branch, JamesEsmonde, Sir ThomasKincaid-Smith, Captain
Brigg, JohnEvans, Samuel T.King, Alfred John (Knutsford)
Brunner, J.F.L. (Lancs.,Leigh)Eve, Harry TrelawneyKitson, Sir James
Bryce, Rt.Hn.James(AberdeenEverett, R. LaceyLaidlaw, Robert
Bryce, J.A.(InvernessBurghs)Fenwick, CharlesLamb, Edmund G. (Leominster
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnFerens, T. R.Lamb, Ernest H. (Rochester)
Buckmaster, Stanley O.Flynn, James ChristopherLambert, George
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnFreeman, Thomas-FreemanLamont, Norman
Buxton, Rt. Hn. Sydney Chas.Fuller, John Michael F.Layland-Barratt, Francis
Byles, William PollardFullerton, HughLeese, SirJosephF.(Accrington)
Cairns, ThomasGibb, James (Harrow)Lehmann, R. C.
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Gill, A. H.Lever, A.Levy(Essex,Harwich)
Cawley, FrederickGladstone, Rt.Hon. Herbert J.Lover, W. H.(Cheshire, Wirral)
Chance, Frederick WilliamGoddard, Daniel FordLevy, Maurice
Channing, Francis AllstonGooch, George PeabodyLewis, John Herbert
Cheetham, John FrederickGrant, CorrieLloyd-George Rt. Hon. David
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Gulland. John W.Lough, Thomas
Clarke, C. GoddardGurdon, Sir W. BramptonLundon, W.
Cleland, J. W. Hall, FrederickLupton, Arnold
Clough, W.Harcourt, Right Hon. LewisLyell, Charles Henry
Coats,SirT.Glen (Renfrew, W.)Hardie, J.Keir(MerthvrTydvilLynch, H. B.
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyHarvey, A. G.C. (Rochdale)Macdonald, J.M.(FalkirkB'ghs)
Collins, SirWm.J.(S.Pancras,WHaslam, James (Derbyshire)Maclean, Donald

Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Partington, OswaldStewart-Smith, D. (Kendal)
MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.Paul, HerbertStrachey, Sir Edward
MacVeigh, Chas. (Donegal, E.)Paulton, James MellorStraus, B. S. (Mile End)
M'Callum, John M.Pearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Stuart, James (Sunderland)
M'Crae, GoorgePearce, William (Limehouse)Sullivan, Donal
M'Killop, W.Pearson, SirW. D. (Colchester)Summerbell, T.
M'Laren, Sir C. B. (Leicester)Pearson, W.H.M. (Suffolk, Eye)Taylor, John W. (Durham)
M'Laren, H. D. (Stafford, W.)Philipps, Col. Ivor(S'thamptonTaylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)
M'Micking, Major G.Philipps, J.Wynford(PembrokeThomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)
Maddison, FrederickPiokersgill, Edward HareThomas, Sir A. (Glamorgan, E.)
Mallet, Charles E.Pollard, Dr.Tillett, Louis John
Manfield, Harry (Northants)Price, C.E.(Edinburgh,Central)Tomkinson, James
Mansfield, H. Rendall (Lincoln)Radford, G. H.Torrance, Sir A. M.
Markham, Arthur BasilRaphael, Herbert H.Trevelyan, Charles Philips
Marks, G.Croydon(Launceston)Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Verney, F. W.
Marnham, F. J.Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Villiers, Ernest Amherst
Mason, A. E. W. (Coventry)Redmond, John E. (WaterfordVivian, Henry
Massie, J.Rees, J. D.Wadsworth, J.
Meagher, MichaelRenton, Major LeslieWaldron, Laurence Ambrose
Menzies, WalterRichards, Thos (W Monm'th)Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Micklem, NathanielRichards, T. F.(Wolverh'mpt'nWalters, John Tudor
Molteno, Percy AlportRichardson, A.Walton, Sir John L. (Leeds, S.)
Mond, A.Rickett, J. ComptonWard, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Money, L. G. ChiozzaRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Wardle, George J.
Montagu, E. S.Roberts, G H. (Norwich)Warner, Thomas Courtenay L.
Montgomery, H. G.Roberts, John H. (Donbighs)Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan)
Mooney, J. J.Robertson, Rt.Hn.E. (Dundee)Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney
Morgan, G. Hay. (Cornwall)Robertson, SirG,Scott(BradfrdWaterlow, D. S.
Morgan, J. Lloyd(Carmarthen)Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Whitbread, Howard
Morrell, PhilipRobinson, S.White, J. D. (Dumbartonshire)
Morton, Alpheus CleophasRobson, Sir William SnowdonWhite, Luke (York, E. R.)
Murnaghan, GeorgeRoe, Sir ThomasWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Murphy, JohnRogers, F. E. NewmanWhitehead, Rowland
Murray, JamesRose, Charles DayWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Myer, HoratioRowlands. J.Whittaker, Sir Thomas Palmer
Nannetti, Joseph P.Runciman, WalterWiles, Thomas
Napier, T. B.Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Wilkie, Alexander
Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw)Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Williams, J. (Glamorgan)
Nicholls, GeorgeSamuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)Williams, Llewelyn(Carmarth
Nicholson, Chas. N. (Doncast'rSchwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)Williamson, A.
Nolan, JosephSchwann, SirC.E.(Manchester)Wilson, Henry J. (York.W.R.)
Norton, Capt. Cecil WilliamSears, J. E.Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.)
Nussey, Thomas WillansShackleton, David JamesWilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Nuttall, HarryShipman, Dr. John G.Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
O'Brien, Kendal(TipperaryMidSimon, John AllsebrookWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Smeaton, Donald MackenzieWinfrey, R.
O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Snowdon, P.Wood, T. M'Kinnon
O'Doherty, PhilipSoames, Arthur WellesleyYoxall, James Henry
O'Kelly,James(Roscommon,N.Spicer, Sir Albert
O'Malley, WilliamStanley, Hn. A. Lyulph(Chesh.)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Peace.

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.Steadman, W. C.
Parker, James (Halifax)Stewart, Halley (Greenock)

On the figures being announced by the Chairman,

said: On a point of order. I was in the "Aye" lobby at the division, and when I came through the door I found that the tellers had gone. I spoke to the clerk and told him that my name had not boon recorded on the list, and he said he would try to find the tellers. I have reported it to the tellers on the other side, and I wish to know whether my vote can be recorded.

I told the tellers that I had seen everybody go through. I did not see the hon. Baronet.

MR. RAWLINSON moved an Amendment to provide that the penalties attaching to any one knowingly acting in contravention of the clause should only be incurred if he acted corruptly This Amendment would merely carry out what he understood was the intention of the Government. There could not be the slightest harm in adding the words "corruptly and." If the words were added there would then be no doubt that it would not be an offence for a person innocently and unintentionally to demand a vote in contravention of the words of the section. There was the ambiguity which had been referred to by hon. Members on both sides of the House as to the meaning of the words in the clause which ran "and if a person knowingly acts in contravention of this section, he shall be guilty of personation." Therefore, as the clause stood, a person who innocently demanded a vote in one constituency while holding a qualification in another might be held to be guilty of personation if by inadvertence he had not sent notice to the county clerk in order to be properly entered on the register. But a voter in such a case would not be acting corruptly. He could not believe that the Government intended that a person who was not acting corruptly should be punished under this Act.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 11, after the word 'person,' to insert the words 'corruptly and.'"—(Mr, Rawlinson.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said he did not think there would be any advantage in inserting these words. In fact the hon. and learned Gentleman might take it from him that there was no word more difficult of definition in law than the word "corruptly." The word "knowingly" was quite sufficient, and he could not see what possible purpose would be served by the addition of the words of the Amendment.

said the Government had put this somewhat drastic provision in the Bill merely because it was following existing legislation. It was quite true that the existing statutes were not very differently worded from what was proposed to be enacted by this clause, but the Courts had held that in order that the offence should be complete the action must be corrupt. That was held in the Stepney Case—the only case decided on this point at all. He quite agreed that there was a certain ambiguity about the word "corruptly." It had received a great deal of consideration by the Judges, and although the sense of the word was indefinite it had a fairly well-known sense in the legislation on this subject. It meant that a man who claimed a vote not only knew that he was not entitled to vote, but that he had the corrupt intention to cheat the legislature and to cheat the opponent of the candidate whom he supported. He wished to point out that by the clause as it stood if a man merely knew that he had a vote elsewhere.—[Dissent from the GOVERNMENT Benches.] Well, they were agreed that it was presumed that a man know the law, and that if lie had property in another constituency which would give him a vote, he could not exercise that vote except in that constituency in which he was "starred." If the Government did not want to make the Act more drastic than the existing law they should insert the word "corruptly" or some word to indicate a dishonest intention on the part of a man to steal a vote. Personally, he did not feel very much moved by the action of the Government in proposing this legislation; but he strongly urged them to reconsider this matter of drafting, and if they did that they would agree with him that the word "corruptly" should be inserted in this clause.

said that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said that the language in the Amendment had very little meaning. No one knew better than the right hon. Gentleman what certain words meant, and there were no words in the English language which could raise a clearer meaning than the word "corruptly." Unless some such word were inserted in the clause very considerable hardship would be imposed on many people in this country. Why should not the two eminent lawyers on the Government Bench be able to devise a word instead of "corruptly" which would be understood by the Law Lords on a final appeal to the House of Lords? This was not a Party question. Nobody wished to convict a man unjustly, and what he wanted was that when this Bill passed into law it should not operate detrimentally to an innocent man. They had seen within the last few years what might occur through careless legislation in this House. As instances of the evils of legislating in a hurry he would quote the Taff Vale decision and the West Riding judgment. There was not a single Member who sat in the last Parliament who would not admit that what the lawyers said they had said was not what they meant to say. They should not put themselves in the position of being subjected to any such experience again.

said it had been suggested that they should insert the word "corruptly," but the gist of the matter was that according to the Judges an act was done "corruptly" if it was done knowingly in contravention to the law. That was to say that the person who did the act knowingly intended to break the law. That was the best definition of the word "corruptly" that he could find, and the question of whether a man acted corruptly was one for the jury. Therefore a man who gave an improper vote would not be liable to the penalties of the Act unless he did so knowingly in contravention of that section. It must be found that he knew the law and determined to break it. That was electoral corruption, and it was, therefore, unnecessary to insert the word "corruptly" in the clause.

said that if he agreed to the hon. and learned Member's construction of the word "knowingly" he should say that an Amendment of the clause was not necessary. But he did not think that the hon. and learned Gentleman would on consideration think that his definition of what would be held to be "knowingly" was accurate. Everybody must be assumed to know the law, and up till then he had never heard that it could be a defence for a man to say that he did not know the law. Supposing a man knew that he had two qualifications and that he did not serve the notice. Supposing that he did not know that it was necessary under the law to serve that notice, would he not be liable to conviction? They assumed that everybody knew those franchise laws, whereas he did not suppose there was one in a hundred who knew anything about them, and if a man did not serve the notice he was bound to be, and must be, convicted if prosecuted. It was no use for him to say he did not know the law. If he could avoid conviction by saying so the clause would be quite illusory, because then in every case a man might say he did not know the law and would escape conviction. If the word "corruptly" were put in it would make no difference, and he should advise his hon. friend to withdraw his Amendment because no such argument in regard to the word "knowingly" would hold water in a law Court. He himself had an Amendment down which was intended to deal with the real offence, viz., that of a man trying to vote twice, and it was important to define what this offence was. A man came forward and the officer at the polling booth under this Bill had a right to ask him "Are you registered in any other constituency?" If so he did not get a vote. He must answer the question put to him before he voted, and the very answer which he gave under the provisions of an Act of Parliament might prove the case against him if he were proceeded against criminally. Such a provision was excessively unfair, because not only did they obtain an admission from the man that he had two votes, but that he knew that he had two votes when he came into the booth. They could not be too careful in inserting words of this character which defined the offence which they wished to punish, so that a man should only be punished if he voted or wished to vote twice when he knew that the law only allowed him to vote once. A man ought not to be made a felon unless it was shown that he had an intention to defeat the Act.

said he was a layman and therefore, according to the noble Lord, he was not entitled to take any part in the discussion.

remarked that he did not say that laymen were incompetent to take part in the discussion. He should not like to say that the hon. Member for Northampton was incompetent to take part in any discussion. What he said was that laymen when they discussed points of law were more technical than lawyers.

continuing, said that if he were to take the right hon. Gentleman's umbrella there was not a judge on the Bench—not oven Mr. Justice Grantham— who would not hold that he had taken it designedly and corruptly. ["Order."]

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Rt.Hn.SirAlexFBull, Sir William JamesCraig, Capt. James (Down, E.)
Anstruther-Gray, MajorBurdett-Coutts, W.Dalrymple, Viscount
Arkwright, John StanhopeButcher, Samuel HenryDixon-Hartland, SirFredDixon
Ashley, W. W.Carlile, E. HildredDoughty, Sir George
Balcarres, LordCarson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edw. H.Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-
Balfour, Rt.Hn.A.J.(CityLond.Castlereagh, ViscountDnncan, Robert(Lanark,Govan
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeCave, GeorgeFell, Arthur
Banner, John S. Harmood-Cavendish, Rt. Hn. VictorC. W.Finch, Rt. Hon. George H.
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Fletcher, J. S.
Beach, Hn. MichaelHughHicksChamberlain, Rt.HnJ. A. (WorcForster, Henry William
Beckett, Hon. GervaseCoates, E. Feetham (LewishamGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)
Bignold, Sir ArthurCochrane, Hon. Thos. H.A.E.Harrison-Broadley, Col. H. B.
Boyle, Sir EdwardCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Hay, Hon. Claude George
Bridgeman, W. CliveCourthope, G. LoydHills, J. W.

in debate the name of one of His Majesty's Judges in the way of attack.

who was received with cries of "withdraw," said he was not attacking any Judge. He thought that if he were to take the right hon. Gentleman's umbrella knowingly, there was no Judge who would not hold he had taken it designedly and corruptly.

The hon. Gentleman has named a particular Judge, and I think he ought to withdraw.

said that if the hon. Gentleman took his umbrella, which he hoped he would not, merely to shelter himself home on a rainy night, and intended to return it next day, no jury would convict; but if he took it to annex it permanently, there would be a question for the jury, and that was the question the Committee were now discussing.

Question put.

The Committee divided:—Ayes, 80; Noes, 330. (Division List No. 334.)

Houston, Robert PatersonNicholson, Wm. G. (PetersfieldStaveley-Hill, Henry (Staff'sh.
Hunt, RowlandNield, HerbertTalbot, Lord E (Chiehester)
Kenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hn. Col.WPercy, EarlThomson, W. Mitchell.(Lanark
Kimber, Sir HenryPowell, Sir Francis SharpThornton, Percy M.
Lambton, Hon. FrederickWm.Randies, Sir John ScurrahTuke, Sir John Batty
Lane-Fox, G. R.Roberts, S. (Sheffield, EcelesallTurnour, Viscount
Law, Andrew Bonar (Dulwich)Ropner, Colonel Sir RobertValentia, Viscount
Long, Col. Chas. W. (Evesham)Rothschild,Hon. Lionel WalterWalker, Col.W. H.(Lancashire)
Lonsdale, John BrownleeRutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)
Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. AlfredSalter, Arthur ClavellWilson,A. Stanley (York, E.R.
Magnus, Sir PhilipScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Marks, H. H. (Kent)Smith, F. E.(Liverpool,Walton

TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Rawlinson and Lord Robert Cecil.

Mildmay, Francis BinghamSmith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)
Morpeth, ViscountStarkey, John R.

NOES.

Abraham, Wm. (Cork, N.E.)Cleland. J. W.Gooch, George Peabody
Abraham, William (Rhondda)Clough, W.Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward
Acland, Francis DykeCoats, SirT. Glen(Renfrew, W.Gulland, John W.
Agnew, George WilliamCobbold, Felix ThornleyGurdon, Sir W. Brampton
Alden, PercyCollins. SirWm.J.(S.Pancras,WHaldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.
Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)Cooper, G. J.Hall, Frederick
Ambrose, RobertCorbett,CH.(Sussex,E.Grints'dHarcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis
Ashton, Thomas GairCornwall, Sir Edwin A,Hardie, J.Keir(MerthyrTydvil)
Asquith, Rt.Hn. HerbertHenryCory, Clifford JohnHardy, George A. (Suffolk)
Astbury, John MeirCotton, Sir H. J. S.Hart-Davies, T.
Atherley-Jones, L.Cowan, W. H.Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Cox, HaroldHarwood, George
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemonth)Haslam, James (Derbyshire)
Barker, JohnCremer, William RandalHaworth, Arthiir A.
Barlow, Percy (Bedford)Crombie, John WilliamHazel, Dr. A. E.
Barnard, E. B.Crosfield, A. H.Hedges, A. Paget
Barnes, G. N.Crossley, William J.Helme, Norval Watson
Beauchamp, E.Dalmeny, LordHemmerde, Edward George
Beaumont, Hn. W. C. B(HexhamDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Bell, RichardDavies, M. Vaughan-(CardiganHenry, Charles S.
Bellairs, CarlyonDavies, Timothy (Fulham)Herbert, Col. Ivor (Mon. S.)
Belloc, Hilaire Joseph Peter R.Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Herbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe)
Benn, SirJ. Williams (Devonp'rtDelany, WilliamHigham, John Sharp
Bonn, W. (T'w'rHamlets, S.GeoDewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.)Hobart, Sir Robert
Berridge, T. H. D.Dewar, John A. (Inverness-sh.)Hobhouse, Charles E. H.
Bertram, JuliusDickinson, W.H.(St.Pancras.NHogan, Michael
Bethell, J. H. (Essex, Romford)Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Hope, John Deans (Fife, West)
Billson, AlfredDilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesHope, W. Bateman(Somerset, N.
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineDobson, Thomas W.Horniman, Emslie John
Black, Arthur W. (BedfordshireDuckworth, JamesHorridge, Thomas Gardiner
Boland, JohnDuncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessHoward, Hon. Geoffrey
Bolton, T. D.(Derbyshire, N.E.Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Hudson, Walter
Boulton, A. C. F. (Ramsey)Dunne, MajorE.Martin(WalsallHutton, Alfred Eddison
Bowerman, C. W.Edwards, Clement (Denbigh)Hyde, Clarendon
Brace, WilliamEdwards, Enoch (Hanley)Idris, T. H. W.
Bramsdon, T. A.Edwards, Frank (Radnor)Illingworth, Percy H.
Branch, JamesElibank, Master ofIsaacs, Rufus Daniel
Brigg, JohnEllis, Rt. Hon. John EdwardJacoby, James Alfred
Brunner, J.F.L. (Lancs., Leigh)Erskine, David C.Johnson, John (Gateshead)
Bryce, Rt.Hn.James (AberdeenEsmonde, Sir ThomasJohnson, W. (Nuneaton)
Bryce, J. A. (Inverness Burghs)Evans, Samuel T.Jones, Leif (Appleby)
Buchanan, Thomas RyburnEve, Harry TrelawneyJones, William (Carnarvonshire
Buckmastcr, Stanley O.Everett, R. LaceyJowett, F. W.
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnFenwick, CharlesJoyce, Michael
Buxton, Rt. Hon. Sydney Chas.Ferens, T. R.Kearley, Hudson E.
Byles, William PoliardFlynn, James ChristopherKekewich, Sir George
Cairns, ThomasFreeman-Thomas, FreemanKelley, George D.
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Fuller, John Michael F.Kincaid-Smith, Captain
Cawley, FrederickFullerton, HughLaidlaw, Robert
Chance, Frederick WilliamGibb, James (Harrow)Lamb, Edmund G. (Leominster
Cheetham, John FrederickGill, A. H.Lambert, George
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Gladstone, Rt. Hn.HerbertJohnLamont, Norman
Clarke, C. GoddardGoddard, Daniel FordLayland-Barratt, Francis

Leese, SirJosephF.(Accrington)O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Spicer, Sir Albert
Lehmann, R. C.O'Doherty, Philip.Stanley, Hn.A.Lyulph(Chesh.)
Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Har'chO'Kelly, James (Roscommon,NSteadman, W. C.
Lever, W.H.(Cheshire, Wirral)O'Malley, William.Stewart, Halley (Greenock)
Levy, MauriceO'Mara, JamesStewart-Smith, D. (Kendal)
Lewis, John HerbertO'Shaughnessy, P. J.Strachey, Sir Edward
Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidParker, James (Halifax)Straus, B. S. (Mile End)
Lough, ThomasPartington, OswaldStuart, James (Sunderland)
Lundon, W.Paul, HerbertSullivan, Donal
Lyell, Charles HenryPaulton, James MellorSummerbell, T.
Lynch, H. B.Pearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Taylor, John W. (Durham)
Macdonald,J. M. (FalkirkB'ghsPearce, William (Limehouse)Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)
Maclean, DonaldPearson, Sir W. D. (Colchester)Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)
Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Pearson, W.H.M.(Suffolk, Eye)Thomas, Sir A. (Glamorgan, E.)
Macpherson, J. T.Philipps, Col.Ivor (S'thamptonTomkinson, James
MacVeagh, Jeremiah(Down,S.)Philipps,J.Wynford(PembrokeTorrance, Sir. A. M.
MacVoigh, Chas. (Donegal, E.)Philipps, Owen C (Pembroke)Trevelyan, Charles Philips
M'Callum, John M.Pickersgill, Edward Hare-Verney, K. W.
M'Crae, GeorgePollard, Dr.Villiers, Ernest Amherst
M'Killop, W.Price, C. E. (Edinb'gh, Central)Vivian, Henry
M'Laren, Sir C. B. (Leicester)Radford, G. H.Wadsworth, J.
M'Laren, H. D. (Stafford, W.)Raphael, Herbert H.Waldron, Laurence Ambrose
M'Micking, Major G.Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Maddison, FrederickRea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Walters, John Tudor
Mallet, Charles E.Redmond, John E. (WaterfordWalton, Sir John L. (Leeds, S.)
Manfield, Harry (Northants)Rees, J. D.Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Mansfield, H. Rendall (LincolnRenton, Major LeslieWard, W.Dudley(Southampton
Markham, Arthur BasilRichards, Thos. (W. Monm'th)Wardle, George J.
Marks, G.Croydon(Launceston)Richards,T.F. (Wolverhampt'nWarner, Thomas Courtenay T.
Marnham, F. J.Richardson,A.Wason, Eugene (Clackmannan)
Mason, A, K. W. (Coventry)Rickett, J. ComptonWason, JohnCathcart (Orkney)
Massie, J.Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Waterlow. D. S.
Meagher, MichaelRoberts, G. H. (Norwich)Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Menzies, WalterRoberts, John H. (Denbighs)Whitbread, Howard
Micklem, NathanielRobertson, Rt, Hn. E.(Dundee)White, J. D. (Dumbartonshire)
Molteno, Percy AlportRobertson, SirG.Scott(Bradf'rdWhite, Luke (York, E.R.)
Mond, A.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)White, Patrick (Meath, North)
Money, L. G. ChiozzaRobinson, S.Whitehead, Rowland
Montagu, E. S.Robson, Sir William SnowdonWhitley, J. H. (Halifax)
Montgomery, H. G.Roe, Sir ThomasWhittaker, Sir Thomas Palmer
Mooney, J. J.Rogers, F. E. NewmanWiles, Thomas
Morgan, J. Lloyd (CarmarthenRose, Charles DayWilkie, Alexander
Morrell, PhilipRowlands, J.Williams, J. (Glamorgan)
Morton, Alphens CleophasRunciman, WalterWilliams, Llewelyn(Carmarth'n
Murnaghan, GeorgeRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Williams, Osmond (Merioneth)
Murphy, JohnSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Williamson, A.
Murray, JamesSamuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)Wilson, Hon.C.H.W.(Hull, W.)
Myer, HoratioSehwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)Wilson, Henry J. (York.W. R.)
Nannetti, Joseph P.Schwann, Sir C. E.(ManchesterWilson, John (Durham, Mid.)
Napier, T. B.Scott, A.H.(Ashton under LyneWilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Nownes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw)Sears, J. E.Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Nicholls, GeorgeShacklcton, David JamesWinfrey, R.
Nicholson, Chas. N. (Doncast'r)Shaw, Rt. Hon. T. (Hawick, B.Wood, T. M'Kinnon
Nolan, JosephShipman, Dr. John G.
Norton, Capt. Cecil WilliamSimon, John Allsebrook

TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.

Nussey, Thomas WillansSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Nuttall, HarrySmeaton, Donald Mackenzie
O'Brien, Kendal (TipperaryMidSnowden, P.
O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Committee report Progress; to sit again to-morrow.

Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER adjourned the House without Question put, pursuant to the Resolution of the House of the 4th August last.

Adjourned at one minute before Eleven o'clock.