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Commons Chamber

Volume 180: debated on Monday 12 August 1907

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House Of Commons

Monday, 12th August, 1907.

The House met at a quarter before Three of the Clock.

Rivate Bill Business

Oxford and District Tramways Bill [Lords]. Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Glasgow Corporation Bill [Lords] As amended, considered; to be read the third time.

Colne Valley Water Bill [Lords] (by Order). As amended, considered: Amendments made. Bill to be read the third time.

Kilmarnock Corporation Water Order Confirmation Bill. Considered; to be read the third time upon Wednesday.

Message From The Lords

That they have agreed to—Post Office Sites Bill, with an Amendment.

Probation of Offenders (No. 2) Bill, with Amendments.

Amendments to—Aberdeen Corporation Electricity Bill [Lords].

National Trust for Places of Historic Interest or Natural Beauty Bill [Lords], without Amendment.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Law with respect to the Assessment of Damages under the Fatal Accidents Acts," [Fatal Accidents (Damages) Bill [Lords].

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to Amend the Law with respect to Vaccination in Scotland by authorising a statutory declaration of conscientious objection." [Vaccination (Scotland) Bill [Lords].

And also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Merchant Shipping Acts, 1894 to 1906." [Merchant Shipping Acts Amendment Bill [Lords].

That they request that this House will be pleased to communicate to their Lordships a copy of the Report from the Select Committee appointed by this House on the Merchant Shipping (Tonnage Deduction for Propelling Power) Bill; together with the Proceedings of the Committee and Minutes of Evidence.

Petitions

Licensing Acts

Petition from Carlisle, for alteration of law; to lie upon the Table.

Returns, Reports, Etc

Tramway Orders

Copy presented, of Report of the Board of Trade of their proceedings under the Tramways Act, 1870, during the Session of 1907 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Merchant Shipping Acts, 1894–1906 (Vessels Detained)

Copy presented, of Return of all ships ordered by the Board of Trade or its officers, during the period from 1st July, 1906, to 30th June, 1907, to be provisionally detained as unsafe, together with Summaries, etc. [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Superannuation Act, 1884

Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 7th August, 1907, declares that John Crabtree, Steam Hammer Driver, Royal Gun Factory, War Office, was appointed without a Civil Service Certificate through inadvertence on the part of the Head of his Department [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Superannuation Act, 1887

Copy presented, of Treasury Minute, dated 6th August, 1907, granting to James Trotman Dean, Chief Clerk, Engineer-in-Chief's Department, Post Office, a retiring allowance under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Supreme Court Of Judicature

Account presented, of Receipts and Expenditure of the Paymaster-General on behalf of the Supreme Court of Judicature in respect of the Funds of suitors of the Court in the year ended 28th February, 1907, and of Account of the National Debt Commissioners for the same period in respect of funds held by them on behalf of the Supreme Court of Judicature, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 297.]

Imperial Institute (Indian Section)

Copy presented, of Annual Report of the Imperial Institute [Indian Section] for the year 1906–7 (by Command); to lie upon the Table.

Local Taxation Licences, Etc, 1906–7

Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 25th July; Dr. Macnamara]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 298.]

Technical Education (Agriculture, Etc) (Scotland)

Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 30th May; Mr. Munro Ferguson]; to lie upon the Table.

Casualties To Ships

Return presented, relative thereto [ordered 29th April; Mr. Bellairs]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 299.]

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copies presented, of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 3891 to 3896 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Transvaal

Copy presented, of the Transvaal Loan Act, 1907, with Papers respecting the Finances of the Colony [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

London (Equalisation Of Rates) Act, 1894 (Accounts Under Section 1 (7) Of The Act)

Return ordered, "showing, according to the accounts for the twelve months preceding the 31st day of March, 1907, furnished to the Local Government Board under Section 1 (7) of the London (Equalisation of Rates) Act, 1894—(1) The amounts paid during the year out of the Equalisation Fund under the Act to the Corporation of the City of London and each of the Councils of the Metropolitan Boroughs to whom payments out of that fund were made; (2) The amount of the expenses incurred during the year by each of these authorities ( a) under the Public Health (London) Act, 1891 (including expenses of scavenging streets); ( b) in respect of lighting; and ( c) in respect of streets (other than the expenses of scavenging); and (3) The amount expended during the year by each such authority out of the sums received by them under the Act (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 375, of Session 1906)."—( Dr. Macnamara.)

Poor Relief (England And Wales)

Copy ordered, of "Statement of the amount expended by Boards of Guardians for Poor Relief during the half-year ended Lady Day, 1907; and similar statement for the half-year ended Michaelmas, 1907 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 315, of Session 1906)."—( Dr. Macnamara.)

Questions And Answers Circulated With The Votes

Granting Of Probate By Inland Revenue Authorities

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that grants of probate and administration can be taken out by Inland Revenue officers when the gross value of the estate does not exceed £300, on deposit with him of 15s. for fees of Court and expenses; whether he is aware that the Inland Revenue officer at Ballyshannon, on application being made to him by Patrick Brown, who had previously obtained an order of the Court enabling him to obtain the grants of administration to Cornelius Clarke, whose assets for the purpose of administration were only valued at £5, referred the case to the district registrar of Londonderry, who replied that he could not deal with it through him, as the case was one for legal decision and not contemplated by The Customs and Inland Revenue Act, 1881, or The Finance Act, 1894; whether, having regard to the fact that Brown is a judgment creditor in a sum of upwards of £13 and the guardian of the estate, and that no question presenting any real difficulty arises, the grant in this case may be taken out by the Inland Revenue officer, and the costs and expenses incidental to its extraction through the district registry office thus saved; and whether some steps will be taken to secure that in such small cases the Inland Revenue, if it acts at all, should extract grants of probate and administration, and not take all the easy grants and leave grants presenting any questions of difficulty, however slight, to solicitors. (Answered by Mr. Runciman.) I am informed that the functions of the Inland Revenue officer under Section 33 of The Revenue Act, 1881, are merely those of an agent acting as a channel of communication between the applicant for a grant and the officers of the Probate Court, and it is necessary that he should; refer to those officers in all cases where there is any complication in the circumstances of the application. That is what happened in the case referred to, and the action taken by the officer was correct and necessary. Similarly the district registrar acted strictly in accordance with a rule of Court which provides that "applications for grants of probate or administration in cases which have already been before the Court (on motion or otherwise) must be made through a solicitor." As regards the last part of the Question, I beg to refer the hon. Member to the reply given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the 2nd ultimo to ray hon. friend the Member for the College Division of Glasgow.†

The Suez Canal Directors

To ask the Secretary of State

† See (4) Debates, clxxvii., 530.
for Foreign Affairs at what place and how often do the directors of the Suez Canal hold their meetings; by whom is the appointment made of the seven British directors who represent shipping; and for what term are they appointed. (Answered by Secretary Sir Edward Grey.) The directors of the Suez Canal Company meet, as a rule, at the offices of the company in Paris on the first Monday of every month, but meetings can at any time be summoned by the president should the business of the company require it. In accordance with the agreement come to in 1883, seven of the directors are chosen from among British shipowners and merchants and form a committee, who have an office in London and select a new member as a vacancy occurs, whose appointment is submitted to the council and ratified, as in the case of all other directors, by the general body of shareholders. The directors are appointed for eight years, but may be re-elected at the expiration of this period.

Claim Against United States Government For Damage To Steamer "Eastry"

To ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether a claim for damages sustained by the British steamship "Eastry," belonging to Messrs. Sivewright, Bacon, and Company, in a collision at Manila in June, 1901, with certain coal hulks belonging to the Government of the United States of America, has been recommended for payment in messages from the President of "the United States to the Senate and House of Representatives, dated 19th January, 1903, 20th January, 1904, and 8th January, 1906, respectively; whether the said claim remains unpaid; and whether His Majesty's Embassy at Washington have been instructed to take any, and what, steps in the matter. (Answered by Secretary Sir Edward Grey.) The Answer to the first and second parts of the hon. Member's Question is in the affirmative. The claim is included amongst a number of claims which have been submitted to the United States Government in accordance with proposals made for a settlement of all claims outstanding between them and His Majesty's Government.

Exclusion Of Children From Hawkwell School, Essex

To ask the President of the Board of Education whether his attention has been called to the circumstances under which twelve children in Standards IV. to VI., residing in the parish of Hawkwell, Essex, have been excluded from Hawkwell school, and thereby lost three months' instruction; whether he is aware that the parents of such children refuse to send them to the school in the adjoining parish on the alleged ground that such school is in an insanitary condition and their children would be obliged to walk about four miles extra per day; whether the scheme of reorganisation of the schools under which these children are excluded has received his sanction, and is in all respects regular; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter. (Answered by Mr. McKenna.) My attention has been called to the exclusion of certain children from the Hawkwell parish school with a view to the reorganisation of that school as one for younger children only. I am also aware that certain parents have objected to send their children so excluded to the Hockley council school on the ground of distance and of the insanitary condition of the school. In consequence of these representations the Board wrote to the local education authority asking for further information, and intimating that in any case the change in the organisation should not be carried out until the Hockley school had been made sanitary. In reply the local education authority have stated that they see no reason for changing their decision. Under these circumstances I propose to inform the local education authority that the Board are unable to regard the exclusion of these children as reasonable under Article 53 of the Code, and to point out that the grant to the school is liable to forfeiture in consequence.

Upkeep Of Roads In Scotland—Grants From Motor Car Licence Fees

To ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he has given consideration to the Report of the Motor Car Commission; whether in view of the largely increased cost of the upkeep of roads in consequence of motor car traffic, which is specially felt in the Highland and other sparsely populated counties with extensive road mileage, he will consider the necessity of giving effect to the recommendations of the Committee, especially as to a more equitable distribution of the revenue derived from motor-car licences, and a contribution from the Treasury towards the maintenance of main roads in such counties; and whether he will communicate with the Chancellor of the Exchequer with a view to this grievance being dealt with next session. (Answered by Mr. Sinclair.) I fully appreciate the importance of the question raised by my hon. friend. The matter is in view of the Government, and, so far as the interests of Scotland are exceptional, I shall endeavour to see that they are specially considered.

Army Expenditure—Excess Over Estimate

To ask the Secretary of State for War whether, in view of the fact that certain War Estimates have been exceeded by supplemental expenditure to the amount of £690,000, arrangements will be made to prevent such an excess of expenditure over military Estimates in future. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Haldane.) The hon. Member apparently refers to the Estimates of 1905–6, but he is under a misapprehension in believing that they were exceeded. There is, on the contrary, a considerable surplus which has been surrendered to the Exchequer. The figure mentioned in the Question represents the surplus anticipated in March, 1906. The actual surplus proved to be greater.

Transvaal And Orange River Colonies Claim For Customs Rebates

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether any portion of the claims for Customs rebates against the Transvaal and Orange River Colonies, referred to in the 6th paragraph of the Third Report of the Committee of Public Accounts for the year 1906, and in paragraph 13 of the Second Report of the same Committee for this year, has been admitted by the Governments of the Colonies in question. (Answered by Mr. Churchill.) The hon. Member will observe, on reference to the second passage which he mentions, that on further consideration it was decided by the Treasury that it was not open to His Majesty's Government to press the specific claims in question. A general settlement of claims as between the War Office and the new Colonies has been effected, and it was contended on behalf of the Colonies that the terms of this settlement must be held to cover all such claims.

South African Compensation Claim—Case Of Mr Keeve

To ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that Mr. Keeve, of Mooidam Farm, District Kroonstad, served in a corps of Boer scouts in aid of the British forces in South Africa; whether he is aware that his sheep were commandeered and his plantation and homestead destroyed; and whether he has received any compensation. (Answered by Mr. Churchill.) The Secretary of State has no information as to the facts of the case mentioned by the hon. Member, but, while I am not able to hold out any hope of reopening the question of compensation claims, inquiry will be made if desired for the information of the hon. Member.

Re-Organisation Of Audit Office Staff

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that the abolition of the post of chief clerk in the Audit Office, and the granting of £100 per annum additional to each of three principal clerks for performing part of the duties of chief clerk when the then occupant of the post retired on pension, were decided on as part of the reorganisation scheme which came into force on the 1st of November, 1905; and whether he will give the date from which £50 of the private secretary's non-pensionable private allowance of £150 per annum was merged in the annual salary of the private secretary for pensionable purposes. (Answered by Mr. Runciman.) The grant of £100 to the principal clerk at the headquarters of the Exchequer and Audit Department, and the alteration of the emoluments of the private secretary, both took effect from the 1st October, 1906, the date of retirement of the chief clerk.

Promotion In The Customs Service

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether, seeing that in making promotions to the more highly paid collectorships and other positions in the Customs Department, the Board of Customs has given prior consideration to the claims of certain persons and has ignored the seniority and efficiency claims of collectors who are Irishmen, he will give instructions that in future promotions the seniority and efficiency claims of all collectors should be considered irrespective of nationality. (Answered by Mr. Runciman.) There is no foundation for the statement in the Question.

Irish Land Purchase Act Rules

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he has consulted the Irish Law Officers or other legal authorities as to the alleged difficulty of drafting the rules required by Section 2 of the Purchase of Land (Ireland) Act to enable purchasers to pay portion of their purchase annuities in Guaranteed Land Stock. (Answered by Mr. Runcimcm.) No, Sir.

To ask the Secretary to the Treasury if he will state when rules, if any, were made enabling purchasers under the Purchase of Land Act, 1891, to redeem their annuities by Guaranteed Land Stock; have such rules been published or made known to the purchasers; and where and how can a copy of them be obtained. (Answered by Mr. Runciman.) As I explained in my Answer to the hon. Member for Carlow on the 9th ultimo, to which the hon. member has already been referred, no rule is required to enable the redemption of an annuity to be made in stock.

Royal Marines—Rations For Married Men

To ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, with regard to the issue of rations (meat and bread) to the men of the Royal Marines quartered ashore, he will consider the possibility of reverting to the old conditions under which married men had the option of drawing their rations for a consideration or of catering for themselves. (Answered by Mr. Lambert.) It would not be in the interests of the men of the Royal Marines to reintroduce the old system under which a man who did not draw his ration in kind received no money allowance in lieu. At present, if a man is permitted not to draw his bread and beef ration in kind, he is allowed 6d. a day in lieu.

Post Office—Salary Of Chief Medical Officer

To ask the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the Report of the Select Committee on Post Office Wages, paragraphs 43 to 47; whether the officer of the Post Office thus mentioned has, since giving his evidence before the Select Committee, been given a considerable increase to his salary; whether he will state the reasons leading to the additional emoluments being paid to this official after tendering such evidence; and, in view of the Report, what steps are to be taken to ensure efficient service in the Post Office Medical Department. (Answered by Mr. Sydney Buxton.) I have read the paragraphs referred to. As the hon. Member was informed in reply to a Question asked in this House on 29th April last, the increase in the salary of the chief medical officer was authorised, before he gave evidence before the Committee, on the ground that the salary was not considered to afford adequate renumeration for the duties of the post. The recommendations of the Select Committee will receive the most careful consideration.

Coal Borings On Common Land At Ashdown Forest

To ask the hon. Member for South Somerset, as representing the President of the Board of Agriculture, whether he is aware that Lord De la Warr has lately made experimental borings in the open common land of Ashdown Forest with the view of finding and working coal and iron; and whether, seeing that Ashdown Forest is a regulated common under a Provisional Order and award by the Board of Agriculture made under the Commons Act, 1876, under these circumstances, and having regard to the rights of the commoners, he will say what steps the Board propose to take in the matter. (Answered by Sir Edward Strachey.) We have no official information on this matter and the Board have no power to intervene. The Provisional Order and award vest the management and control of Ashdown Forest in a body of thirteen conservators, one being the lord of the manor or his representative, and the remainder being elected by the commoners. It rests with the conservators to take any steps that are necessary to protect the interests of the commoners.

Staffing Of Penarth School

To ask the President of the Board of Education if the recommendations of his Majesty's inspector, subsequently approved by the Board, as to the staffing of Penarth School have been carried into effect; and if not, what steps are being taken by the Board to secure that their recommendation shall be fulfilled. (Answered by Mr. McKenna.) His Majesty's inspector's recommendations made in February, 1906, in regard to the staffing of this school were not adopted by the local education authority, who suggested an alternative scheme of staffing which the Board were able to approve in July, 1906. Since that date the Board have received no complaints that the staff is in any way unsatisfactory.

Pay Of Staff Of Landaff Non-Provided School

To ask the President of the Board of Education if the teachers in the Landaff non-provided school receive salaries on the same scale as the teachers in the Glamorganshire council schools; and whether, having regard to the difficulty which appears to have been experienced in obtaining a suitable staff for the school in question, the Board will now ensure that the staff is suitably paid. (Answered by Mr. McKenna.) I have no information on the first point raised in the noble Lord's Question, and, in regard to the second part of the Question, I am unaware that there has been any such difficulty as he refers to.

Tramway Brakes

To ask the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the recent serious tramway accidents; and whether he will consider the advisability of referring the question of brake power to the Committee now sitting to inquire into railway brakes. (Answered by Mr. Lloyd-George.) I must refer my hon. friend to the reply I gave to a Question on the same subject which the hon. Member for Great Yarmouth asked on Thursday last.†

The Edalji Case—Sir A Conan Doyle's Memorandum

To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the statements and materials furnished by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle in connection with the Edalji case, which were submitted to the Attorney-General, have now been considered by the Attorney-General; and, if so, with what result. (Answered by Mr. Secretary Gladstone.) The statements and materials referred to were submitted by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle as disclosing a case against a person whom he suspected of having been concerned in the cattle-maiming outrages, of one of which Mr. Edalji was convicted, and also of having been the author of certain anonymous letters which have been attributed to Mr. Edalji. The Attorney-General and Sir Charles Mathews have advised that these statements and materials disclose no case even of a prima facie character against the individual indicated by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, and that no action can be taken thereon.

Pauper Lunatics In London

To ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he can state the number of men and women, giving the number of each sex, who are detained in the London workhouses as harmless lunatics on account of senile decay or

† See (4) Debates, clxxx., 325–6.
imbecility; if he can state whether any children, and, if any, how many, are detained in the London workhouses because of imbecility or idiocy; whether he is aware that no child under five years of age can be admitted into one of the imbecile asylums of the Metropolitan Asylums Board; and whether he will consider the desirability of altering this regulation. (Answered by Mr. John Burns.) The number of the insane in the London workhouses on 1st January last was 322, of whom 159 were men, 149 women, and 14 children. The nature of the lunacy from which these persons were suffering is not specified in the Returns. The rule that children under five years of age should not be admitted into the institutions of the Metropolitan Asylums Board for imbecile children was made because it was felt that a trustworthy judgment cannot be formed as to the intellectual condition of very young children. The Local Government Board have, however, intimated to the managers that they would favour arrangements for the reception of children of the kind in question in such a way that they might be carefully observed by an expert before being finally drafted into an asylum.

Mountjoy Prison Staff

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that since the 2nd July the system of performing the night duty in Mountjoy Prison has been changed, and one warder is now detailed to discharge the same duty that formerly was always carried out by two warders; whether it has been reported to the Government that there is now an extra warder on the staff since the introduction of this new method and the curtailing of a warder off the night staff; whether in future the warder who is detailed to perform night duty will be allowed off the whole day after performing this nine hours' duty, upon which he is not relieved to partake of any refreshments; and whether, in view of the number of warders who are now exempt from night duty, he will arange that they shall take their turn of night work, as they can be granted fourteen days' leave of absence at a time. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) The fact is as stated in the first part of the Question. Such changes are to the advantage of the warders as lessening the amount of night duty. No extra warder has become available for duty since the change was made. Warders detailed for night duty are allowed off duty from 2 p.m. before taking up night duty, and are also off duty on the following day until 2 p.m. It is not proposed to make any change in this practice. Warders on the night duty have facilities for taking light refreshments. Certain officers holding special positions as clerks, storekeepers, and tradesmen are exempted from night duty, and it would not be desirable to alter this practice. All warders may be granted fourteen days' leave of absence.

Irish Schools Taken Into Connection

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will ascertain from the Commissioners of National Education the number of schools taken into connection since 1903; how many of these schools have or are expected to have an average attendance of between 10 and 20, between 20 and 30, between 30 and 50; and how many above 50. (Answered by Mr Birrell.) Since 1st. January, 1903, the Commissioners of National Education have taken into connection 83 new schools, classified as follows:—

Average Attendance.Number of Schools.
10 and under 2027
20 and under 3021
30 and under 5010
50 and upwards25

Purchase Of Holdings By Tenants On Lawlor Estate

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Estates Commissioners can take any steps to enable the tenants on the Lawlor estate, near Muckross, Killarney, to purchase their holdings, as the remainder of the estate has already been sold. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) No proceedings for the sale of this estate are pending before the Estates Commissioners and they are not aware that any negotiations for purchase are in progress. The case, therefore, does not appear to be one in which they can take any action.

Evicted Tenants—Claim Of Mrs M D Herlihy

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Estates Commissioners have made inquiries into the claim of Mrs. Mary D. Herlihy, of Glandagh, Killeentierna, Farranfore, county Kerry, as an evicted tenant; and what has been the result of the same. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) Mrs. Herlihy's application was received on 7th June last, that is to say, after the special staff of inspectors appointed to inquire into evicted tenants' applications had ceased work. The Estates Commissioners have, therefore, bad no inquiries made into the case, and have not yet decided whether they will take any action upon the application.

Civil Rights Of Irish School Teachers—Decision Of Commissioners

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has yet ascertained if the Commissioners of National Education were unanimous in their decision to refuse to change the rules dealing with the civil rights of teachers in Ireland. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) The Commissioners of National Education inform me that, in their opinion, it is undesirable, in the interests of the public service, to give information such as is asked for in the Question.

Promotion Of Irish School Teachers—Inspectors Reports

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland what is the numbers who, for the triennial period ending 31st March last, are to be disallowed promotion to second-of-first grade and first-of-first respectively through the adverse Report of a new inspector on his first visit to a school, though the two preceding Reports were up to the required standard of proficiency; and if the National Board take into account the representations made, on different occasions during the past two years, by the central executive committee of the National Teachers Organisation, and protesting against teachers being so deprived of promotion by investigating all cases of this sort in which the managers requested a re-inspection and were refused. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) The Commissioners of National Education inform me that the promotions of teachers who may be eligible by service are at present being made. It would be impossible, at the present stage of the work, to furnish the information asked for in the Question, but if the Commissioners should be supplied with particulars of any case involved in the terms of this Question the matter will be fully considered. No teacher is refused promotion without a careful investigation of all the circumstances of the case.

Persons Disfranchised For Non-Payment Of Rates

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland if he will direct the Poor Law officials in attendance at the forthcoming revision of the lists of parliamentary and local government electors to keep, according to each constituency or parliamentary division, a record of the number of persons disfranchised by reason of the non-payment of the poor rate within the statutable period, and of the receipt of union relief within the qualifying period. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) It has already been decided to make arrangements with the object of securing that the record suggested in the Question shall be kept at the approaching revision.

Provision Of Additional Accommodation For School At Ballyforan

To ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland have taken any steps to ensure the immediate provision of the additional accommodation recommended by the head inspector for the school at Ballyforan, county Roscommon, of which Mr. P. J. Geoghegan is teacher. (Answered by Mr. Birrell.) The manager of this school applied to the Commissioners for a grant towards the erection of a new school-house for the accommodation of the girls and infants attending the present mixed school. Owing, however, to the smallness of the attendance at the present school the formation of a separate school as proposed would not be admissible under the rules now in force. The question of providing suitable accommodation for the pupils in attendance, having regard to all the circumstances, is under consideration by the Commissioners.

Questions In The House

Greenwich Generating Station

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty if he can now state the result of the negotiations between the Admiralty and the London County Council with reference to the generating station at Greenwich, having regard to the fact that the Committee appointed to inquire into the matter reported on 17th December last.

I cannot add anything to the Answer given to the hon. Gentleman last Monday. † I understand the Council has now risen, and the question cannot come before them again till their next meeting at the beginning of October.

Naval Gun Sights

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether the position occupied by the Channel Fleet in reference to other fleets in the recent gun-layers' test was wholly or partly due to the deflection dials of the gun-sights of the heavy armaments being incorrectly marked in the case of new ships, the bulk of which have been placed in the Channel Fleet.

The reply is in the negative. The "King Edward VII.," with the same deflection dials used in 1906, was second ship in the Navy in the previous year in the Heavy Gun-Layers' Test.

† See (4) Debates, clxxix, 1530.

Naval Crimean Veterans

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty whether, having regard to the small expense involved, the Board will consider the advisability of placing the surviving Crimean veterans of the Navy on at least as good a footing as those of the Army; and, if this cannot be done from the charitable funds of Greenwich Hospital, whether it can be done by Order in Council.

It is not proposed to differentiate between men with war service in the Crimea, and others with equally meritorious service elsewhere. On the whole the Navy pension system is substantially more favourable to the men than the system in force in the Army.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the War Office has differentiated, and that the effect has been to put the men on an unequal footing? I can give him specific instances.

Any instances which the hon. Gentleman can give me I shall be glad to have considered.

Gun Practice In The Moray Firth

On behalf of the hon. Member for Elgin and Nairn, I beg to ask the Secretary to the Admiralty if complaints have reached the First Lord of the Admiralty as to the loss incurred by salmon-fishery lessees along the shores of the Moray Firth through movement of the salmon to deeper waters owing to big gun practice of the fleet; and whether orders can be given that this gun practice should take place in the Moray Firth only after the close of the salmon-netting season or, alternately, that it should take place in the open sea.

The Admiralty are giving careful attention to representations made to them, and the Commanders in Chief of the Fleets which visit Scottish waters will be requested to bear them in mind in future years.

Admiralty Dredgers In Egypt

I beg to ask the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that for the two years ending June, 1907, two Admiralty dredgers were lent to the Egyptian Government without any payment being exacted for their services; that Lord Cromer states in his annual Report that they rendered very effective assistance in deepening the channel at the port of Alexandria; and whether he can explain the circumstances which induced the Treasury to sanction the loan of these dredgers free of charge for so long a period to a rich port which, in 1906, is stated by the Foreign Office Report on the trade of Alexandria to have dealt with entrances and clearances amounting to 7,800,000 tons of shipping.

It was considered by the late and the present Boards of Admiralty that as the improvement of the port would largely benefit the mercantile marine, and to a certain extent the Navy, the loan of these two dredgers was justified. The whole cost of their maintenance was borne by the Egyptian Government.

Could not the same thing be said of every port around the British coast? What induced the Treasury to sanction this?

[No Answer was returned.]

Chinese Labour In The Transvaal

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Transvaal Government has introduced a Bill to prolong the restrictions of the Chinese Labour Ordinance after that Ordinance expires in March next; and, if so, what action His Majesty's Government intends to take.

The policy of the Transvaal Government, so far as I understand it, is to repatriate the Chinese labourers at the termination of their indentures, without permitting those indentures to be renewed. Under the Letters Patent the existing Labour Importation Ordinance lapses on 21st March, 1908. An interval will therefore arise during which some provision for the government of the Chinese who are awaiting their turn to go is indispensible to the order and security of the Colony and, indeed, to the complete termination of the Chinese labour experiment. His Majesty's Government have always recognised that some measure of this kind would probably be necessary as part of the machinery of repatriation upon expiry of contract, and the Secretary of State explained the necessity in his place in Parliament in reply to a question on 17th June last. I have as yet no official information upon the provisions of the Bill which is said to have been introduced to that end, and in the absence of the full text it would be premature to express an opinion.

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May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether there is anything in the law of the Transvaal which will make it impossible for the Kaffirs who take the place of the Chinamen to compete with skilled European labour?

asked whether the Transvaal Legislature would have to make a new Ordinance to carry on the contracts of the Chinese labourers after the expiration of the time fixed in March next for the completion of those contracts?

I fail to distinguish between the substance of the hon. Member's supplementary Question and that of the Question on the Paper.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the present Bill introduced into the Transvaal Legislature will cover the finishing contracts from the time of expiration in March next and also provide regulations or Chinese labour after March next?

Though I am not informed of the precise conditions of the measure, I presume it will provide for the government of those Chinese who are awaiting the expiry of their indentures. It is certainly not advisable that they should be turned loose.

May I ask whether this Bill will contain regulations dealing with restrictions on Chinamen after March next, and, if so, whether His Majesty's Government will take these restrictions under review and, if they contain conditions of slavery, veto the Bill now before the Transvaal Legislature?

I think it would be very inadvisable for me to express an opinion as to that hypothetical question.

It is a question very largely of opinion as to the extent to which Kaffir labour will come into competition with skilled white labour, and whether that labour will compete to a greater or a less extent than the Chinese labour.

When does the right hon. Gentleman expect to have a draft of the Bill in this country?

I do not think it has yet passed the Legislative Assembly, and after that it has to go to the Legislative Council, and then come here.

Have the Government been consulted in this matter, as the Bill practically re-enacts the Ordinance which the Government said they would not enact?

The hon. Gentleman has the advantage of me. I do not know what the effect of the Bill is. It is not the practice of self-governing Colonies to submit their Bills to the Home Government before passing them.

Native Access To The Transvaal Law Courts

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the draft of a Bill, published in the Gazette of the Transvaal Government, which would deprive Natives of the Transvaal of the right of access to the Courts of law in certain cases, and render them dependent in such cases upon the arbitrary will of the Transvaal Ministry; and what action His Majesty's Government proposes to take.

At the same time may I ask the Under-Secretary, of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the proposed legislation in the Transvaal Legislature which is intended to abolish access of Natives to the Law Courts in the case of certain decisions of the Governor in Council, and to establish the right to depose, remove, and intern chiefs and headmen, and to transfer tribes and individuals from one district to another upon such conditions as the Governor may determine; and whether these conditions are in keeping with the principles embodied in the Transvaal Constitution for the protection of Native rights as to reserves, habitation, and the paternal care of this Government.

I would refer the hon. Member and the hon. Member for Gravesend to the Answer to Questions on this subject on Thursday the 8th instant.† The Secretary of State does not think that any opinion as to the Bill can be usefully expressed till he is in possession of its detailed provisions and of the reasons for which it has been introduced.

Is there any reason why all human beings in our Colonies should not be equal before the law?

That is rather an extensive programme to be dealt with by way of question and answer.

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether His Majesty's Government have now received from the Transvaal any I reply to their telegraphic inquiry as to the Bill published in an extraordinary Government Gazette of Saturday, 3rd August, abolishing the access of Natives to the Courts of Law in respect of decisions administratively taken by which individual natives or whole tribes can be transferred against their will from one district to another.

Transvaal Field Cornets

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he has received any information to the effect that the Government

† See (4) Debates, clxxx., 315–6.

of the Transvaal Colony proposes to reestablish the field cornets as part of the administrative machinery of that Colony; and, if so, will the field cornets hold the same positions that they held prior to the war.

I beg also to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether the Bill introduced in the Transvaal Legislature for the re-establishment of the field cornet system was laid in draft before this Government previous to its introduction; what will be the duties and responsibilities of the new organisation; and whether it is intended to have any military functions.

The Bill in question was not laid in draft form before His Majesty's Government: it is one which is fully within the competence of the responsible Government of the Transvaal. The Secretary of State has no information as to the details of the Bill beyond what is contained in Press telegrams, not always conceived with the intention of representing the legislative projects of the Transvaal Government in the most favourable light.

Has not the field cornet system always prevailed in the South African Colonies since they were settled?

Panama Canal Labour

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if his attention has been called to the loss of life that occurred at the Isthmus of Panama during the construction of the works by the original French company among the labourers recruited from Jamaica and the other West Indian islands; and whether, under the circumstances, the Colonial Office will recommend that the greatest circumspection should be employed with regard to any contracts or attempts to recruit labourers from any of our Colonies for the new Panama Canal works.

The Secretary of State has every reason to believe that the Governors of the various West Indian Colonies are acquainted with the past history of the works on the Isthmus of Panama, and that they are alive to the exigencies of the present situation. A copy of the hon. Member's Question, and of my reply, will be forwarded to the Governors.

British-Indians In The Transvaal

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether it is the intention of His Majesty's Government to protect British-Indian subjects who are lawfully resident in the Transvaal Colony from the identical disabilities imposed upon them by the still unrepealed Law 3 of 1885 of the late Republic, against which protests were then urged.

It is impossible to deal adequately with the matters raised by the hon. Member within the limits of an Answer to a Question; but I may observe, first, that Law 3 of 1885 of the late South African Republic was amended in important respects in 1886. Secondly, that the Supreme Court of the Transvaal has put upon a very important section of that law a construction more favourable to the British-Indian than that which the Courts of the late South African Republic gave to it, holding that the law did not compel Asiatics to trade in locations. Thirdly, that the Asiatic Law Amendment Act passed this year is regarded by Lord Selborne as securing a permanent and substantial improvement in the position of Asiatics settled in the Colony by definitely recognising their rights in respect of residence, and by allaying the dread entertained by the European community of a large increase in the Asiatic population, and thus leading to a more favourable attitude on the part of the European community. Full information upon all these matters will be found in the Papers laid before Parliament; but it should be understood that His Majesty's Government have no power to protect British-Indians in the Transvaal from the operation of a law in force in the Colony.

I beg to ask the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the published draft Immigration Restriction Bill of the Transvaal, which threatens to inflict additional disabilities and humiliations upon His Majesty's Indian subjects; and whether he proposes to take any steps to protect them.

The Secretary of State has seen the draft Bill referred to by the hon. Member. It will be reserved for the signification of His Majesty's pleasure, but no statement can be made as to the action of His Majesty's Government with respect to it pending its receipt in the form in which it is passed by the Transvaal Legislature, when its provisions will receive attentive consideration.

Is it not the case that in some instances Bills are submitted by the self-governing Colonies to the Home Government before being discussed by the Colonial Legislature?

It is done sometimes as a matter of convenience. It all depends on the arrangement between His-Majesty's Government and the self-governing Colonies.

Russia And Persia

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I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information which can properly be made public showing that the Persian Government has appealed to the Russian Government for assistance in consequence of internal disorders, or that one of the princes has raised an army against the Persian Government.

THE FINANCIAL SECRETARY TO THE TREASURY
(Mr. RUNCIMAN, Dewsbury; for Sir EDWARD GREY)

No such information has reached His Majesty's Government.

Sir Harry Maclean

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information as to the present position and whereabouts of Sir Harry Maclean; and whether there is any immediate prospect of his release.

Sir Harry Maclean is believed to be somewhere in the vicinity of Al-Casar, but we have no information as to his exact whereabouts. His Majesty's Minister at Tangier is doing all he possibly can with the view of obtaining his release.

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Have the terms of the release been communicated to His Majesty's Government?

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British Commercial Attachés

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Trade whether the commercial attaches have been withdrawn from Berlin and other Continental capitals; and, if so, does this action mean an abandonment of the policy of commercial representation at embassies abroad.

My right hon. friend would refer the hon. Member to the Board of Trade Journal, No. 544, of May 2nd last, on page 213 of which will be found a statement giving the information desired. The new arrangements therein detailed took effect on July 1st last.

Small Holdings Bill Finance

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I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether the charge on the Exchequer, arising out of the Small Holdings Bill in the year 1907–8, is to be £100,000 for the quarter ending 31st March, 1908; whether it is contemplated that the charge arising in future years will be, for the four quarters, £400,000 a year; and whether this annual charge will be deducted from the nucleus available for old-age pensions.

The expenditure in connection with the Small Holdings Bill during the current financial year will be very small, as the Bill will not come into operation until the 1st January next. The sum of £100,000 is, as was stated by my right hon. friend in introducing the Bill, a contribution from Public Funds to the Small Holdings Account for the first year. Whether any, and if so what, further contribution will be required in future years is a question which can be considered when necessity arises.

asked if, for the whole year, other three-fourths would be added?

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I beg to ask Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that during the passage of the Small Holdings Bill through Committee upstairs a clause was added such as that any loss arising out of action under the Bill may be charged against the National Exchequer instead of against the county council making the loss, that this clause was added by the Committee against the wishes of the Government, that in spite of the numerical strength of the agricultural interest on the Committee no attempt is being made in the House to restore the Bill on Report to its original condition; and whether, in view of the fact that no private Amendment to this clause can be reached under the scheme of closure by compartments, he will represent to the Board of Agriculture the advisability of putting down an official Amendment to prevent this application of public funds.

The attitude of the Government in regard to this matter will be fully explained, should the occasion arise, by my right hon. friend in charge of the Bill.

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Motor Bus Speed

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to any apparatus for controlling the speed of motor omnibuses so as to prevent the possibility of their travelling beyond a fixed maximum; and, if so, whether he will cause experiments to be made with such apparatus with a view to its application to motor omnibuses within the Metropolitan area.

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I understand that there is no such contrivance actually in use, but it is possible that mechanism which would effect the object proposed may be invented. In that event the Commissioner of Police will carefully consider the question of requiring such apparatus to be fitted to motor omnibuses in the Metropolis.

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said it was rather difficult to say whether it would be within his power to do so.

London Police And Socialistic Meetings

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware of the action of the Metropolitan Police in picketing and taking the names of speakers at open-air Socialistic meetings and not at other open-air meetings; whether this action is taken on his authority or on the authority of the police authorities; and why such action is taken; and, if for no legitimate reason, will he cause this system of shadowing Socialists to be abandoned.

There is no picketing by the police at any open-air meetings, Socialistic or other. Some police are placed on duty near all meetings, with instructions to keep the peace and regulate traffic. On occasions a record of names is kept, but such action is not confined to any one class of meetings.

Manchester Building Bye-Laws

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether the Manchester Corporation have submitted to his Department new building bye-laws; whether he can state why they have not been confirmed; and is he aware that similar bye-laws have for some years been in force in Levensholme, a suburb of Manchester.

The corporation submitted the draft of bye-laws as to new streets and buildings to the Local Government Board, who returned it on the 15th June last for consideration of some notes and suggested alterations. The Board have not at present heard further on the subject. The draft differs in some respects from the bye-laws in force at Levenshulme. Moreover, since those bye-laws were made various modifications and improvements have been made in the Board's Model Series upon which they were founded.

Dust On Rural Roads

I beg to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that rural district councils desire to co-operate with county councils in the mitigation of the dust nuisance by spraying the roads with tar; whether the Local Government Board have decided that the rural district councils cannot incur expense in this direction; what are the grounds for this decision; and whether some modification of it is possible, in view of the fact that localities will be greatly benefited by this method of treating the roads.

I am aware of the desire referred to. I presume that the roads to which the hon. Member alludes are main roads. These in rural districts are maintained by the county council, and the question is whether a rural district council can legally contribute towards the cost of spraying them with tar. They could do so if the operation could be brought within the terms of Section 3 of the Highways and Bridges Act, 1891, but I am advised that it cannot safely be held that this is the case.

Yes; that is one of the matters I hope to go into during the recess.

Post Office Servants—Report Of Select Committee

I beg to ask the Postmaster-General when it is proposed to put into force such of the recommendations made by the Select Committee on Post Office Servants as have been accepted by his Department.

I am afraid I cannot say more at the present moment than that the recommendations of the Select Committee are receiving careful consideration.

Shall we have any pronouncement from the Postmaster-General before the end of the session?

I hope my right hon. friend will be in his place to-morrow, and he will then be able to answer questions on this subject.

Education Grant For New Schools

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Education when it is probable that the regulations governing the grant of £100,000 for new schools will be published.

I cannot yet fix the exact date, but I hope these regulations will be issued in the course of a few days.

Swansea Education Dispute

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Education whether he can say whether the Swansea local education authority have refused to pay the full salaries of the teachers in the non-provided schools; and if so, on what grounds; what was the date of his interview with the managers of those schools; what was the substance of his letter to the Swansea local education authority; when was it sent; whether he has received any reply; and, if so, what was the substance of such reply.

I understand that the local education authority have paid all the teachers' salaries on the scale which the authority has hitherto recognised, but not on the scale which the managers claim. I had an interview with the managers on 16th July, and on the same date wrote to the local education authority inviting the observations of the authority on the statements made by the managers. This letter was acknowledged on 18th July with an intimidation that the holidays would prevent an immediate full reply, but that as prompt attention as possible would be given to it.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the scale paid by the managers is the same scale as obtained in the council schools, and is the scale insisted upon by the National Union of Teachers; also whether this dispute has not been going on for some two or three years; and whether he does not see his way to induce the local education authority to arrive at a settlement?

I am most anxious to see a settlement attained. The dispute has been going on some considerable time, but not on the precise point now raised. I do not understand that any scale is required by the National Union of Teachers or exists in council schools. Every teacher is paid according to his own particular merits.

Does the right hon.; Gentleman know that these teachers were called out by the National Union on the question of pay?

Mortomley School Teachers' Salaries

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Education whether he is satisfied that the teachers of the Roman Catholic school at Mortomley have now been paid the salaries which have been overdue to them for some considerable time.

I understand that the matter referred to by the noble Lord is in the course of immediate settlement between the local education authority and the managers of the school.

If the matter is not settled before the end of the week will the right hon. Gentleman use his powers to being about a settlement?

Tweed Trout Fisheries

I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that, in spite of the recent deputation from the border towns to the Prime Minister on the subject of the trout fishings in the Tweed, and his reply thereto, the obnoxious trespass notices are still in existence, and the people of the district are thereby debarred from enjoying their traditional privileges; and whether, in view of the feeling entertained in regard to the combined action of the new riparian proprietors, he will, before the end of the session, make a statement as to the intentions of the Government in the matter.

As my hon. friend is aware, the duty of informing myself fully upon this subject was laid upon me recently by the Prime Minister, with a view to its further consideration by the Government, and I am taking the necessary steps to that end; but it will not be possible to make any further statement as to the intention of the Government before the end of the session.

House Letting In Scotland

I beg to ask the Secretary for Scotland if he can say when the Report of the Committee on House-letting in Scotland will be issued.

The Report has not yet been received; but I understand that it will be received shortly.

Coote Estate, Elphin, Roscommon

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that three years ago the contract was entered into for the sale of the estate of Stanley V. Coote, Esq., Elphin, Roscommon, to the tenants under the Land Act, that the cash to be paid to the landlord has not yet been advanced, and that consequently the sale remains incomplete; and whether, seeing that the cash necessary to complete the sale in the case of the King-Harman estate has been found some time ago, he will say whether there is any special reason for the delay in settling the Coote estate, which was listed at the same time as the other.

The purchase agreements in this case were lodged two and a half years ago. The advances would, in the ordinary course, have been made before now, but there has been some delay in connection with the allotment of turbary for the use of the purchasing tenants. Arrangements are now being made as regards turbary, and as soon as these are completed the Commissioners will be in a position to make the advancess.

Protestant Boys In Belfast Roman Catholic School

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has considered the statement on oath, sworn before a magistrate, of William Welsh, a Protestant, father and only surviving parent of the two Protestant boys, William J. Welsh and Samuel Welsh, who are detained in Nazareth Lodge Roman Catholic Industrial School, Belfast, against his expressed wishes and conscientious convictions; and whether he will now make the necessary order for their immediate discharge to their father's custody under the circumstances that he is anxious and well able to maintain them.

I have received from the hon. and gallant Member the statement referred to in the Question, but as I have informed him by letter, I have found it necessary to direct further local inquiries to be made before arriving at a decision in the matter.

Irish Untenanted Land

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland how many owners of untenanted land have refused to sell such land to the Estates Commissioners for the purpose of reinstating evicted tenants; and whether he will state, with reference to such cases, the acreage of the land which the Estates Commissioners desired to buy and the price offered per acre in each case.

The Estates Commissioners inform mo that in sixteen of the cases referred to in paragraph 41 of their special Report on Evicted Tenants the owners have refused to accept the Commissioners' offer for untenanted land, which was required for the purpose of reinstating evicted tenants and for the other purposes of the Act. The land comprised in these sixteen cases amounted t') 3,405 acres, and the estimated price, inclusive of the bonus, averaged £22 4s. an acre. A reference to paragraph 41 will show that a large number of the owners of untenanted land who were approached by the Commissioners either failed to reply or refused to sell upon any terms, and therefore no precise offers were, or could be, made. In the case of thirty-three evicted holdings which are in the occupation of twenty-two owners, the owners have refused to accept the Commissioners' offer. The land in these thirty-three cases comprised 1,787 acres, and the Commissioners' estimated price, including the bonus, amounted to an average of £12 7s. per acre. A reference to paragraph 23 of the Commissioners Special Report will show that in 290 similar cases the owners refused to allow inspection, with the result that no offer for purchase could be made.

Dickens' Estate, Ballybrood, Limerick

I beg to ask the Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieu-tenant of Ireland is he aware that on the Dickens' property in the townland of Crongheeveera, Ballybrood, county Limerick, there is a farm from which Thomas O'Brien was evicted some years since, but which has always been kept in the landlord's hands; and, now that the tenants have all purchased, will he ask the Estates Commissioners to open negotiations with the agent, Mr. Arthur White, of George Street, Limerick, with the view of admitting back to his father's farm, Patrick O'Brien, of Cloughadareen, Pallasgrean, county Limerick.

The eviction in this case did not take place within twenty-five years of the passing of the Act of 1903, and the evicted tenant's representative is, therefore, not eligible for reinstatement under Section 2.

The Secretary For Scotland

I beg to ask the Prime Minister why no Minister representing the Scottish Office was present when the financial Resolution relating to the Whale Fisheries (Scotland) Bill was considered in Committee of the Whole House early on Wednesday morning; and whether, when Members are kept here very late to discuss Scottish measures, he will take care that some responsible Minister shall also be in attendance to facilitate their progress.

I am sorry I was not present, but I was not aware that the Bill was coming forward. I will do my best to be present in future.

asked if there was any way by which the Prime Minister could let his Ministers know exactly what business was coming on.

THE PRIME MINISTER AND FIRST LORD OF THE TREASURY
(Sir H. CAMPBELL-BANNERMAN, Stirling Burghs)

Ministers are like other men, and not always infallible, and sometimes are mistaken in their estimates.

Can the Prime Minister ensure that Ministers shall be present when Questions relating I to their Departments are asked?

I do not think that such absence often occurs [Cries of "Oh, oh!"] except when the earlier Questions are rushed through, for some reason, at a greater pace than usual, and so upset calculations.

The Sittings Of Parliament

I beg to ask the Prime Minister whether he has been made aware that there is a widespread desire among Members of the House that Parliament, should not sit in the dog days, but should be prorogued about the end of June and meet again in the later months of the year; and can he undertake that the Government will consider during the ensuing recess whether this desire can be met.

I have repeatedly referred to this widespread desire, and am myself one of those to whom it has spread; and my hon. friend may be sure that it is always present to the mind of the Government in arranging the business of the session.

Expiring Laws Continuance Bill

I beg to ask the Prime Minister for what day it is intended that the Expiring Laws Continuance Bill shall be put down.

The Transvaal Loan

Petty Sessions Clerks (Ireland) Bill

Lords' Amendments to be considered forthwith; considered, and agreed to.

Merchant Shipping (Tonnage Deduction For Propelling Power) Bill

Lords' Message, requesting a copy of the Report from the Select Committee-appointed by this House on the Merchant Shipping (Tonnage Deduction for Propelling Power) Bill, together with the Proceedings of the Committee and Minutes of Evidence, considered:—

Printed copy to be communicated.

New Bill

Public Works Loans Bill

"To grant money for the purpose of certain local loans out of the local loans fund; and for other purposes relating to-local loans," presented by Mr. Runciman; to be read a second time to-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 310.]

Small Holdings And Allotments Bill

As amended (by the Standing Committee), considered.

, on Clause 1, moved an Amendment with the object of describing the officers of the Board of Agriculture to be set up for the purposes of the Bill as small holdings inspectors, and not Commissioners. He said his object in moving the Amendment was to point out that for the purposes of the Bill the appointment of a number of gentlemen who were to be called Commissioners appeared to him wholly unnecessary. For years past the Board of Trade, the Local Government Board, and the Board of Agriculture had been in the habit of appointing additional inspectors for any special purpose which might arise in connection with the working of their Departments, and he failed to see why it was necessary to depart from that well-recognised practice upon the present occasion. Some of these inspectors had been appointed for very long periods and for very important objects. He had one such occasion in mind when, a good many years ago, the Government of the day were employed in extirpating cattle disease from the country. The matter was considered with great care on that occasion by the Board of Agriculture, but it was not thought necessary to call the men who were appointed to deal with the matter by the name of Commissioners. The problem was one which affected the whole of the Kingdom, and was certainly not of less importance than the problem they proposed to deal with by the Bill before the House. These gentlemen, at the time he was referring to, were appointed simply as ordinary inspectors, but they were invested with novel and ample powers, and after many years, involving the expenditure of large sums of money, they were at last successful in accomplishing the object of their appointment. What he wished to know from the Government was whether there was any satisfactory reason or necessity for establishing gentlemen as Commissioners under the Bill. The objections to such appointments was that they gave the idea that for the purpose of the Bill there was to be established a new tribunal, which was to be to some extent, at all events, independent of the Board of Agriculture. He knew quite well that by the words of the Bill these gentlemen were called upon to act under the direction of the Board of Agriculture itself, but that, in his opinion, was but an additional reason for terming them by Some name such as inspectors. In view of the large expenditure the measure would involve, it was desirable to avoid the appointment of a novel tribunal whose members were likely to receive larger salaries than were necessary for inspectors. Another point was that the Board of Agriculture was always represented in that House, but if any question arose in connection with the working of this measure in the country, and upon which hon. Members might wish information, instead of giving notice to the Board and getting an immediate answer, they would have to seek it of this Commissioner who might be miles away, and consequently it would take considerable time before a reply was obtained. He thought the House had a right to some explanation from the Government as to why these gentlemen should be appointed at largo salaries—higher than was necessary—to act as inspectors. For this reason he moved the Amendment in his name.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 8, to leave out from beginning of line to end of line 13, and insert the words, 'The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries (hereinafter referred to as the Board) shall appoint such inspectors for the purposes of this Act, to be called small holdings inspectors, (hereinafter referred to as the inspectors).'"—(Mr. Chaplin.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'shall,' in page 1, line 10, stand part of the Bill."

said the right hon. Gentleman and himself had discussed this question in that House and upstairs very frequently, and he was afraid he had no information which he could usefully add. The Commissioners appointed under the Bill would not act as a separate tribunal or an independent body, but would act under the direction of the Board of Agriculture. At the same time, they were people who might usefully and properly be invested with more dignity and importance than that implied in the word "inspectors." It should also be observed that these Commissioners were not only inquiry agents of the Government, but in certain circumstances they would exercise semi-executive functions. The right hon. Gentleman had afforded him a precedent for naming these gentlemen as inspectors, but in reply he would give him another, viz., the Commissioner of Labour under the Board of Trade. On the whole, and after most careful consideration, in the drafting of the Bill the Government felt that they must adhere to the description they had given these gentlemen.

said the Committee upstairs and the House at large wished to know what was to be the number of these gentlemen, and what were to be their actual duties. They had tried to ascertain these facts, but the right hon. Gentleman opposite had kept them very politely in the dark. The hon. Member for Barnstaple wanted to know whether these Commissioners were to be people whose duty it was to satisfy the Board of Agriculture as to the demand or otherwise for small holdings, and had pointed out that in his constituency there were a large number of villagers. Well, in most constituencies there were a good many villagers, and if these Commissioners had to go about the country inquiring into the demand for small holdings, it would be necessary to appoint, not two Commissioners, but 200. If it were necessary to appoint these gentlemen on so large a scale then they should not be called Commissioners but inspectors, because they would be simply carrying out the functions of inspectors. If, however, on the other hand, those gentlemen were to be persons of supreme power who could override the local authorities, then they ought to be people of considerable influence and position, and it should not be part of their duties to go about the country inquiring at each village as to the requirements of the inhabitants for small holdings and allotments. They must either be inspectors of the Board of Agriculture, or people of supreme authority, and he thought the right hon. Gentleman might take the House into his confidence and tell them what these people were really going to be, and also their salaries and their functions.

asked whether the time had not arrived when information upon the matter, which had been postponed in the Committee, might be forthcoming. It was the first opportunity the House and the country had had of ascertaining from the rigit hon. Gentleman what the intention of the Bill was. The whole crux of the measure was involved in the work and scope of these Commissioners, and the House had a perfect right to ask for a further explanation. It had been suggested that a large number of these Commissioners would be required. Anyone who considered the cost must see how important it was to the country that they should have further information. The whole thing had been referred to as an agricultural drama at Drury Lane, but he thought the House would agree that it had row become a farce. He appealed to the right hon. Gentleman to throw some light on the subject.

said the right hon. Gentleman had used a phrase which he seemed to have inherited from the Secretary for Scotland viz., that he could give no reason for their action except that the Government had carefully considered the matter and thought that what they were doing was the best. However satisfactory a ground to take up that might be for the Government, it did not by any means carry conviction to those who did not happen to see eye to eye with them in the matter. It had always been usual for a Government not only to inform the House that they were going to do a certain thing, but also to state the grounds upon which such action was to be taken. The right hon. Gentleman would see that under the working of the Bill two classes of officers were contemplated, viz., the Commissioners and another body of officers described as "other officers." Was he right in supposing that the last named were to be subordinate in rank and importance to the two or more Commissioners? He conjectured also that the idea of the Government was that the number of Commissioners would not be large—for "two or more" could not mean 200 or 2,000—not more than four or five, or some relatively small number. What was the kind of salaries the Government proposed to give to the Commissioners, and were the "other officers" to be, on the whole, a class that could be described as inspectors? It was essential that the House should understand these things. He quite agreed that it was not fair to press the right hon. Gentleman, until he knew the magnitude of the work, to give them the exact number of these Commissioners, but he thought it was not too much to ask for a general explanation of the Government's scheme—whether it was proposed to put a small hierarchy of gentlemen at the head of a large staff of subordinates, or whether the work was to be done by head officials, and also what salaries were contemplated. The question of salaries was of importance, not merely from the taxpayers' point of view, but because if the House knew the salaries which it was proposed to pay they could tell what class of men the Government thought of appointing to carry out the work. If this information were afforded he thought the House would have a very fair idea of the machinery of the Bill.

said the Government could not state the number of officials who would be concerned in carrying out the Bill until they knew what its scope would be, and the same difficulty confronted them when they came to the question of remuneration. At the present stage it was impossible to determine what amount of work would have to be grappled with, and they could not tie themselves down by statutory enactments which were not to be varied. The right hon. Gentleman had told them that the phrase "two or more" must mean not many more than two, but he thought that the proper legal construction upon such a phrase was that there should not be less than two, and no limit was put on the word "more." There might be two Commissioners or there might be more; how many more depended upon the work of the Bill as it developed. It was impossible to attempt to organise the staff until they knew the work that staff was required to carry out. The right hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment did not ask so much about the number and salary of the Commissioners; his desire was that they should be called inspectors. He thought, however, everyone would agree that the name "inspector" would not be appropriate to the class of men who would be set up under the Bill. Their duties would be of a character far beyond the work of an ordinary departmental inspector. They would have to inquire into the demand for small holdings and allotments, they would have to submit reports and advise the county council, and they might also be called upon to prepare schemes. Of course, whatever they did would be done under the direction and control of the Board of Agriculture. The whole question was one of organisation of the staff, and the real check upon the Board of Agriculture as to salaries and number of officers would be the Treasury, to whom such matters would be submitted, and by whom they would be closely scrutinised.

thought the Government might tell them whether the Bill was to be made operative throughout the country within a certain limit of time. If it was to come into operation within a few years then the country might reckon on an enormous expense. If all these elaborate inquiries were to be made in the counties and rural districts of England, inquiry after inquiry and report after report, and all within a reasonable time, then it was nonsense to talk about one or two Commissioners and one or two officers: an army would be required. It would be no difficult matter for the country to realise what the expenditure under the Bill would be if the measure were to become operative within a short period of time. The Bill had been described first as a drama, then as a farce, but he would call it a brilliant piece of political window dressing. The setting up of such a vast machinery at incalculable expense was wholly unnecessary. They might just as well throw the money into the sea. It was a curious thing that the Government, when it had to its hand machinery which only needed a little inexpensive reinforcement, should wish to set up all this remarkable new machinery which partook of the nature of a Land Court and a bureaucracy, and the extent of whose duties no one could define. With a little improvement of the existing machinery an effective system for providing small holdings wherever they were wanted throughout the country could be easily devised.

said he would like the Government to see to it that these Commissioners were not elected only for their technical knowledge of agriculture, which of course was essential, but also for their knowledge of the conditions of rural social life. There was also another point of great importance. He trusted that none of the officers appointed would have the smallest trace of Party connection. He could not imagine anything more hopelessly upsetting to the whole scheme of the Bill than that the Commissioners or whatever they were called, should be connected with any political Party. It would be impossible for them to carry out their duties properly if they were not absolutely free from political bias.

*

said that when the Bill was before the Committee he had expressed his regret that the right hon. Gentleman did not see fit to adopt a system of inspectors rather than of Commissioners, because if, to use a colloquial expression, he had "stuck" to inspectors, he had the machinery at hand at the Board of Agriculture. What happened under this Bill, however, was that the right hon. Gentleman started by appointing "two or more" Commissioners, the total number being unascertained. He was glad to see the Chancellor of the Exchequer present, because he was sure that with his ideas of economy he would be very much disturbed by the vista of extravagance which was opened up before him in this Bill. If Commissioners were appointed they would have to be paid £1,200 or £1,500 a year, and this sum was not confined to two Commissioners but to "two or more." Surely they were entitled to know how many of them there were to be. In regard to that matter he might remind the right hon. Gentleman of the Scottish Small Landholders Bill. A great deal of abuse had been levelled at the Scottish Bill, he had no doubt rightly, but even from the Scottish Bill they might learn something. What did the Scottish Bill say? Liberty was given to appoint not more than five persons as constituting the Scottish Land Court, and not more than three persons as the Agricultural Commissioners. He would like to pray in aid the provisions of the Scottish Bill, let alone all common sense, and ask why they could not settle in this Bill the number of Commissioners and their salaries. The Bill might say not more than three, or four, or five, but to say "two or more" left the whole matter in the region of speculation and the Chancellor of the Exchequer in absolute uncertainty as to how much expenditure was going to be thrown upon a particular year. His first point then was that it would be better to have inspectors rather than Commissioners. His second point was that they should know what limit there was going to be to the number of Commissioners and what their salaries were to be. As the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bordesley had said, the present proposal seemed likely to throw a huge expenditure upon the Exchequer.

thought the right hon. gentleman was not justified in keeping the House in the dark on this subject. Surely they had a right to know how many of these Commissioners there were to be. The Government might not be able to give the exact figures between two and 100, but at all events they ought to indicate some figure. Nor did he see why their remuneration should not be stated at this stage. They knew what their duties would be, and it ought not to be impossible to put some bounds to their remuneration. They had, he thought, a right to press for more information. He also agreed that these Commissioners should not be men who had been connected with any political Party warfare, because any appointments of that kind could not fail to wreck the Bill.

*

, in reply to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Bordesley, said the Government intended the Bill to be operative within a reasonable limit of time, but he did not share with the right hon. Gentleman the opinion that it would mean the employment of a huge army of officials, nor did he share the feeling that there would be pickings for Party politicians in country districts. He was sorry that the right hon. Gentleman allowed his mind to sink to that level of construction of an Act of Parliament. He was sure there would be no taint of Party considerations about those who were appointed. He would not be responsible for the appointments, but he was sure that the President of the Board of Agriculture and the Secretary to the Treasury would join in the hon. Member's political purism in order to secure an impartial tribunal. The hon. Member wished to know the number of the Commissioners but it was impossible to give it at this stage, but he could give an assurance that their number would be limited by the requirements of the time as they developed. Then the right hon. Gentleman wanted to know something about their remuneration. That was a matter which, of course, must excite the curiousity of the Commissioners themselves when appointed, but it was a question which must be decided by negotiation between the Board of Agriculture and the Treasury, and if the right hon. Gentleman knew as much about the Treasury as he did he need be under no apprehension that the taxpayer would be unduly mulcted.

said he was not a member of the Grand Committee, but he claimed that the Opposition had a right to be fully heard in regard to the Bill. The Amendment commended itself to him for this reason; "Commissioners" was a very large word and might mean anything. It might even mean a separate department, and the establishment of a Land Court. If the Amendment was accepted, these people would only be inspectors of a Department instead of forming a Department themselves. As a taxpayer, he feared he might have to pay more for Commissioners than he would for inspectors.

owned that he was not altogether free from the apprehensions expressed by the hon. Baronet, having failed to extract any information except that the right hon. Gentleman wished to add to the dignity and importance of the office, the duties of which involved not only judicial inquiry but some administrative functions besides. The speech of the right hon. Gentleman in which he informed them that the number of the Commissioners would be limited to the requirements of the time as they developed did not advance them one iota further than they were before. He would not detain the House as to the duties of the Commissioners, but they wished for some information as to their number and their salaries. In regard to this the right hon. Gentleman had told them nothing. Their number might be quite unlimited. Having done his best to extract information and failed, he had no alternative but to press the Amendment to a division.

, in supporting the Amendment, said the proposals of the Government seemed to lack elasticity. As for giving the House and country any idea of what the exact position of these gentlemen was to be, for all the information that had been given the right hon. Gentleman might as well not have spoken at all The House was in exactly the same position to-day as when the Bill was introduced. The Commissioners under this Bill could not be compared with the Commissioner of Labour. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman or some member of the Government would give the House some idea of the position I and status of these inspectors, and also I of the number of inspectors it was intended to appoint.

thought it was a pity that the House should go to a division without some explanation. As usual they had the Government speaking with half-a-dozen different voices. The House certainly ought to know more about these Commissioners. He personally thought the precedent of the Irish Land Acts should have been followed, and the names of the Commissioners put into the Bill. But at all events they ought to know how many there were to be and what their salaries were to be, and he hoped some member of the Government would give the information.

said that as the noble Lord who had just sat down had spoken with such an air of sincerity he thought a word or two in explanation ought to be said. If the noble Lord turned to Clause 3, Section 2, he would see: "If the County Council decline to undertake this duty … the Board may direct the Commissioners themselves to prepare one or more draft schemes." His noble friend would see very plainly from that that until it was known whether the county councils declined, it was impossible to say what number of Commissioners would be required.

said that what he desired to know was how the Government expected this measure to work. They were going to start two classes of officials, one obviously of a high class and one described as "such other officers as they think fit." It might be assumed, therefore, that the latter would be in a subordinate position. The leading Commissioners were to ascertain in the country districts whether there was any demand for small holdings. They were to report to the Government, and the Government in opposition to the wishes of the county councils might entrust these gentlemen with the preparation of a scheme and ultimately use them as instruments of coercion against the county councils. He therefore desired to know how their work was to be carried out. Was it contemplated by the Government that the Commissioners themselves would do this

AYES

Acland, Francis DykeFowler, Rt. Hon. Sir HenryMorse, L. L.
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Freeman-Thomas, FreemanMorton, Alpheus Cleophas
Ainsworth, John StirlingFuller, John Michael F.Myer, Horatio
Ambrose, RobertGladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert JohnNapier, T. B.
Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryGooch, George PeabodyNicholls, George
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Grant, CorrieNicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster
Baker, Joseph A, (Finsbury, E.)Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)Nolan, Joseph
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.)Hall, FrederickNorton, Capt. Cecil William
Beauchamp, E.Harcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisO'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)
Beck, A. CecilHardy, George A. (Suffolk)O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.
Bellairs, CarlyonHarwood, GeorgePaulton, James Mellor
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Haworth, Arthur A.Pollard, Dr.
Bertram, JuliusHazel, Dr. A. E.Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineHedges, A. PagetPullar, Sir Robert
Bowerraan, C. W.Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Radford, G. H.
Branch, JamesHenry, Charles S.Rea, Russell (Gloucester)
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnHorniman, Emslie JohnRees, J. D.
Byles, William PollardHoward, Hon. GeoffreyRichards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n)
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Isaacs, Rufus DanielRidsdale, E. A.
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Causton, Rt. Hn. Richard KnightJones, Leif (Appleby)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Cawley, Sir FrederickJones, William (CarnarvonshireRobertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Chance Frederick WilliamLaidlaw, RobertRobson, Sir William Snowdon
Cheetham, John FrederickLamb, Edmund G. (LeominsterRogers, F. E. Newman
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Lambert, GeorgeRose, Charles Day
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.Lamont, NormanRowlands, J.
Cleland, J. W.Lardner, James Carrige RusheRunciman, Walter
Clough, WilliamLeese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford)
Clynes, J. R.Lehmann, R. C.Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyLever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)Scott, A. H. (Ashton under Lyne
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Lewis, John HerbertSears, J. E.
Cooper, G. J.Lough, ThomasSherwell, Arthur James
Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinst'dLupton, ArnoldSilcock, Thomas Ball
Cox, HaroldLyell, Charles HenrySimon, John Allsebrook
Crooks, WilliamMacdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Sinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Crossley, William J.Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghs)Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie
Curran, Peter FrancisMacnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Snowden, P.
Dalziel, James HenryMacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.)Stanger, H. Y.
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)M'Callum, John M.Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)
Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.M'Killop, W.Stewart, Halley (Greenock)
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Maddison, FrederickStrachey, Sir Edward
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesManfield, Harry (Northants)Sutherland, J. E.
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessMarkham, Arthur BasilUre, Alexander
Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Marnham, F. J.Verney, F. W.
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Massie, J.Vivian, Henry
Essex, R. W.Micklem, NathanielWard, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Everett, R. LaceyMolteno, Percy AlportWard, W. Dudley (Southampton)
Fenwick, CharlesMontagu, E. S.Wardle, George J.
Ferens, T. R.Morgan, G. Hay (Cornwall)Warner, Thomas Courtenay T
Ferguson, R. C. MunroMorley, Rt. Hon. JohnWaterlow, D. S.
Ffrench, PeterMorrell, PhilipWedgwood, Josiah C.

work? Would they get into communication with the local people, and would they themselves report to the Government? If so, the Commissioners would have to be very numerous. If they were to act through other gentlemen, would the Government say whether those gentlemen whom the Commissioners were entitled to employ and pay would be local persons? He thought they were entitled to an answer on these points.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 159; Noes, 51. (Division List No. 401.)

White, Luke (York, E. R.)Wills, Arthur Walters

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr.

White, Patrick (Meath, North)Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)Whiteley and Mr. J. A.
Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)Winfrey, R.Pease.

NOES.

Anson, Sir William ReynellFaber, George Denison (York)Moore, William
Ashley, W. W.Fell, ArthurMorpeth, Viscount
Balcarres, LordFetherstonhaugh, GodfreyNicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield)
Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (City Lond.)Gardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Powell, Sir Francis Sharp
Baring, Capt. Hn. G (WinchesterGordon, J.Randles, Sir John Scurrah
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Ronaldshay, Earl of
Beckett, Hon. GervaseHelmsley, ViscountSalter, Arthur Clavell
Bowles, G. J. StewartHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Sloan, Thomas Henry
Bridgeman, W. CliveHills, J. W.Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Carlile, E. HildredHornby, Sir William HenryThomson, W. Mitchell-(Lanark)
Castlereagh, ViscountHunt, RowlandTurnour, Viscount
Cave, GeorgeKenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hon. Col. W.Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Kimber, Sir Henry
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Lane-Fox, G. R.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Sir Alexander Acland-Hood and Viscount Valentia.
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLong, Rt. Hn. Walter (Dublin, S.)
Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (BirminghamLonsdale, John Brownlee
Courthope, G. LoydMagnus, Sir Philip
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Mildmay, Francis Bingham

*MR. CHAPLIN moved to leave out the words "except as otherwise expressly provided by this Act." He explained that this was the first of a series of Amendments to the first five clauses, the object of which was to free the county councils from coercion by the Commissioners. The only exception in the Bill to which the words he proposed to leave out referred was where the Commissioners were acting in the case of any default by the county council when they were required to repay the expenses to the Board. The House was aware of the general effect of the first five clauses, which related entirely to the appointment of the Commissioners and the duties and powers vested in them. Having been appointed under Clause 1, their first duty was to ascertain the extent to which there was a demand for small holdings in the several counties, and also the extent to which that demand could be legitimately satisfied under the Act of 1892 and under the operation of this Act. This was done under Clause 2. Under Clauses 3 and 4 the Commissioners were invested with further powers and further duties; and under Clause 5, after all the necessary operations had been gone through, and the scheme had been presented for small holdings, with the approval and sanction of the Board, the county council were required to give effect to that scheme, and if they refused the Commissioners appointed under this Act were empowered and

would be instructed, muse in need be instructed, by the Board to carry out that scheme themselves. In these circumstances he had been considering in what way these difficulties could possibly be met, because it was to this provision for what he must call coercing the county councils and for spending—quite possibly, as they thought, for squandering—the rates, that they in that part of the House without a single exception took the greatest objection. They regarded it as a new and dangerous, and he believed he should not exaggerate if he said an unconstitutional, departure from all the traditions hitherto accepted in regard to-local government in this country, with the exception of one or two comparatively trifling matters relating to sanitary purposes and the public health. They thought it an entire departure that any Government Department should be empowered to over-ride the wishes and decisions of a great local body like the county council, which, they muse remember, were elected on the widest possible suffrage. The right hon. Gentleman might say, as he had said the other night in Committee, "Oh, but such extreme measures as this are not likely ever to be taken." But if they were not going to use these powers, why on earth should they begin by putting into the Bill such proposals, which were certain to put up the backs of the county councils and prejudice them both against the Government and against the measure

which they were proposing? And there was no use in it. He had pointed out this both on the Second Reading of the Bill, and again upstairs, and he had quoted the well-known case of the Forest of Epping, where powers of a similar character, which were in existence more than fifty years ago under the old Sanitary Act of 1866, were placed by the Secretary of State in the hands of a person with orders to carry out proceedings which the local authority of those days had already refused to undertake. That was attended with such disastrous results that no Government Department from that day to this had ever again attempted for a moment to enforce proceedings of that kind. The Leader of the Opposition had called attention to this, and again and again his right hon. friend had driven this argument home. Not a single Member on the other side of the House, and not a single Member on the Government Bench, had ever attempted to refute it. He felt, therefore, that he was justified in reminding right hon. Gentlemen opposite of the position with which they would be confronted if they ever attempted to coerce the county councils in earnest. He would be told that their Bill would be a failure, possibly a dead letter, without these powers. He thought himself that it was exceedingly probable that in its present form the Bill, even if it became law, was destined to have little, if any, success. He based his opinion on two points at least, though he would not confine himself to two. The principal one was that which they were now discussing, the coercion of the county councils, and the other was one on which he would also have something to say when they came to Clause 6 on compulsory hiring. He did not want to see this Bill a failure. Quite the opposite. He was as anxious as anybody in the House, if it were possible, to see a wise extension of the system of small holdings in all parts of the country wherever the locality and the conditions were favourable. He did not believe for a single moment that the county councils were in the least antagonistic to a reform of this character. On the contrary, he believed that if the Government gave up the attempt to coerce them, and they could see their way to carry out with success the scheme presented to them by

the Board of Agriculture and the conditions were favourable, the great majority of county councils would be just as ready, and willing to proceed in this matter as the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill, or even his right hon. friend the Member for the Bordesley Division himself. Why should it be otherwise? There were no people who were better acquainted with the agricultural conditions which prevailed in the whole of the counties of England and Wales than the members of the county councils. They knew just as well as Members of that House, and probably better, what the benefit would be to the interests of their own counties, the country, and the community as a whole, if the rural industry of the Kingdom could be supplemented, especially in certain localities, by the successful cultivation of small holdings in all the various parts of the country. Therefore, he held that the county councils, if they were properly treated, and they were afforded an opportunity of really judging for themselves when and how far schemes of this kind might be made with success, would go into the question with just as much zeal and energy as his right hon. friend opposite. But supposing he was wrong. Then he had placed on the Paper Amendments to several of these clauses to provide an alternative by which they could ensure making the Bill a success if they availed themselves of it. Clause 5, if amended in the way he suggested, would read—

"5. (1.) It shall be the duty of a county council to carry into effect any scheme prepared by them or which they elect as hereinafter mentioned to carry into effect, within such time as may be specified in the scheme, or within such further time as may be allowed by the Board, and for that purpose the council may exercise any of the powers conferred on them by the Small Holdings, Act, 1892, or by this Act.
"(2.) In the case of a scheme prepared by the Board unless the county council within six months after the confirmation thereof by the Board give notice to the Board that they elect to carry the same into effect the Board may take such steps as may be necessary for carrying the scheme into effect, and shall for the purpose have all the powers of a county council in relation to small holdings under the Small Holdings Act, 1892, and this Act, and those Acts shall apply as if references to the Board were substituted for reference" to a county council:
"Provided that the expenses incurred by the Board in the exercise of such powers in relation to any scheme shall be paid out of the Small Holdings account."

There was already in the Bill a clause giving very considerable powers in this direction. If his Amendment were adopted, the whole of the existing machinery for obtaining information, for the preparation of schemes, for obtaining the approval of the Board for these schemes, and for communicating them to the county councils of the country, would remain absolutely intact. If the change he suggested gave real promise of success and the people desired it, he was confident I the county councils would not decline to accept it, because in a matter of this kind they would infinitely prefer to have the control in their own hands rather than in the hands of any outside authority. If they declined, the remedy provided would be complete. In the first place, the people who desired an operation of this kind would be able to give effect to their wishes in the most legitimate and natural way, because at the next election they could turn out the recalcitrant members who had ignored their wishes and put others in their place. Meantime, the I Board could go on with their scheme with out any delay, and as the Bill was put I forward with the view of promoting a great national object, he could not conceive why there should be any objection I to its being done out of national funds. He believed his Amendment, if accepted, would do more to make the measure really operative and successful in the country than anything else that could be proposed. He hoped all sides of the House would take this question into their most serious and unprejudiced consideration. Unless the Bill were altered in the direction he had indicated, not withstanding all the hopes and anticipations formed of it by its author and his earnest desire for a considerable addition to the small holdings in this country, he was convinced that it would not achieve the object which they desired He begged to move the Amendment standing in his name.

*

I did not wish to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman on account of the position he occupies in regard to this question and because I desired to hear what he had to say upon this point. I have, however, come to the conclusion that this Amendment is out of order. This Clause lays down that—

"And all expenses incurred by those Commissioners and officers in the execution of their duties under this Act, to such amount as may be sanctioned by the Treasury shall (except as otherwise expressly provided by this Act) be defrayed out of money provided by Parliament."
That exception must refer to Clause 5, paragraph (2), which says—
"Provided that such expenses as the Board certify to have been incurred by the Commissioners in the exercise of such powers in relation to any scheme shall on demand be repaid to the Board by the county council in default out of the county fund."
That was the exception contemplated in Clause 1. This Amendment would cause those expenses instead of being charged on the county council rate, to come out of the Small Holdings Account, and it would relieve the rates at the expense of the national exchequer. That would involve an additional charge on the exchequer, and no such proposal as that can be made upon the Report stage of a Bill.

*

said with great respect he desired to call attention to the fact that there was already in the Bill a subsection which appeared to embody a great deal of what he had suggested in his Amendment. Sub-section (3) of Clause 5 provided that—

"If it appears to the Board that the carrying out of a scheme under this Act has resulted or is likely to result in a loss, the Board may, with the consent of the Treasury, pay or undertake to pay out of the Snail Holdings Account the whole or any part of that loss."
There was also a provision in the Act of 1902 which still held good, to the effect that the county councils were prohibited from acquiring land unless they saw the way to obtain it at a price which would prevent any loss whatever to them. If that provision was retained there could be no loss, and if there was no loss there could be no transfer of charge to Imperial funds. It was upon those two clauses that he desired to ask Mr. Speaker whether his Amendment might still be permissible.

*

I cannot get over the difficulty which the right hon. Gentleman suggested himself, that the effect of this Amendment, together with his other Amendments, is to transfer a charge which the Bill, as it now stands, lays upon the rates. That is the whole point. The right hon. Gentleman is anxious to transfer that charge to the Exchequer, and we cannot do that upon the Report stage of a Bill.

said the position in which they were placed was really very significant and serious. They had not been allowed to deal with this subject on the Committee Stage because the Bill was sent upstairs. In the opinion of hon. Members on both sides of the House this was the most important and crucial point in the whole measure, and many of I them thought it was on the decision the House came to upon this subject that the success or failure of the Bill was likely to turn. Could any means be suggested by which the enforced silence of the House as a whole might be got over? Could the Government, by recommitting the Bill or otherwise, give them a chance of debating and coming to a conclusion upon the most important, the most difficult, and the most crucial question in the whole Bill?

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said he would not now proceed to argue the merits of the Amendment. In replying on the whole question, he hoped to be able to say something which might relieve the difficulties which had been felt in this matter. The hon. Baronet the Member for the Chippenham Division had on the Notice Paper an Amendment on the subject with which they were now dealing. He was able to make an announcement to the House, which, he thought, would indirectly carry out the hon. Baronet's suggestion. He had been throughout in close communication with the representatives of the County Councils Association as to the proposals contained in the Bill generally. There were several points which they wished to have altered when the Bill was in Committee. He had met them on practically all those points except one. He had met representatives of the County Councils Association again to-day in conjunction with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and they had considered the Amendment of the hon. Member for the Chippenham Division, which contained the final request put forward by the County Councils Association. It was the only point which he had not been able to meet. He at once told the representatives of the association that it would be out of order to discuss it on the Report stage of the Bill, because it proposed to put a charge on the Executive. But ort behalf of the Government they would make a suggestion to the County Councils Association, and, though he did not wish to pledge them, they gave the Chancellor of the Exchequer and him self the impression that it was satisfactory to them The suggestion was that regulations should be passed in the form of a Treasury Minute, stating exactly the method of action Which would be taken by the Treasury under Subsection (3) of Clause 5. In Committee words were added to the sub-section which he had not intended should be put in, but he intended loyally to accept the Amendment which was made. That subsection dealt with the action which might be taken by the Board of Agriculture in either of two alternative cases. The words of the subsection were—

"If it appears to the Board that the carrying out of a scheme under this Act has resulted, or is likely to result in a loss, the Board may, with the consent of the Treasury pay or undertake to pay out of the Small Holdings Account the whole or any part of that loss."
What the County Councils Association had asked was that there should be some definite pledge that in cases where the county councils had acted themselves, and where they were able to obtain a certificate from the Board of Agriculture that they had acted reasonably, one half of the loss should be paid by the Treasury. He was authorised by the Chancellor of the Exchequer to say that, subject to the precautions and inquiry which would be taken by the Treasury in this matter, and, subject to the limitations they might lay down, they were prepared to issue a Minute which would go to the councils, saying that in those cases they would pay half the losses that might be incurred on receipt of a certificate from the Board of Agriculture that the county council had acted reasonably and taken due precaution, and that the Board were satisfied the loss was irrecoverable. It did not carry out all that was wished on the opposite side, but he thought it satisfied the County Councils Association, whose cordial help, he was most anxious to have after the Bill came into operation.

thanked the right hon. Gentleman for his statement and for the evident desire which moved him to meet the wishes on the Opposition side of the House. He submitted, however, that if the Bill already authorised a payment which was now fixed at a half by the arbitrary action of the Treasury, it was surely open to the House to fix it permanently at a whole.

, on the point of order, submitted that there was some difference, as regards the potential burden on the Exchequer, between the option the Bill now gave to the Treasury and a compulsion which would operate against the Treasury.

asked whether he was to understand from the hon. and learned Gentleman that it was within the power of the Treasury to make this concession even supposing it was not in the Bill. If that was so, could the power of the Treasury to pay a half not be extended to pay the whole?

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said the power was in the Bill at the present moment. The subsection which he had already quoted gave the power. What he had proposed to do was perfectly simple. It was to meet the desire of the County Councils Association that the Treasury should state beforehand how they would proceed under this clause. Where the Board were acting in default of county council, the Board of Agriuculture might, with the consent of the Treasury, pay the whole or any part of the loss.

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In regard to the point of order which has been put to me, on the face of it, so far as I have been able to understand it, I do not see how the Treasury can get over the proviso to; paragraph (2) which says—

"Provided that such expenses of the Commssiners the Board certify to have been incurred by the Commissioners in the exercise of such powers in relation to any scheme shall on demand be repaid to the Board by the county council in default out of the county fund, …."
I do not know how the Treasury can go behind that and say that, whatever, happens, they are to pay half.

asked whether it would he in order to endeavour to embody in Subsection (3) the substance either of the concession which the right hon. Gentleman had just very courteously made, or, even to go further and say that the concession should cover the whole of the loss to the county council in carrying out the provisions of the Bill. It seemed to him most natural to suppose that if the Treasury could pay a half they could also, if they were willing, pay the whole.

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It seems to me that when Subsection (3) is reached it may be possible to leave out "may" and insert—I put it in common parlance—"shall pay half."

Is it not equally open to the House to direct that they shall pay the whole?

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Perhaps we ought to reserve any more detailed questions until we come to the subsection.

said the right hon. Gentleman's proposal, if carried, would leave the matter in a worse position than it was in now. The Amendment would limit the power of the Treasury to pay less than the whole. A county council might undertake a scheme whereby a loss would be incurred, and it was conceivable that the council should bear either the whole or part of the loss. He sincerely hoped that power would be left to the Treasury to pay only part of the loss.

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said that the point had not yet been made quite clear. The right hon. Gentleman distinguished between the two cases, the case in which the County Council carried out a scheme and that in which the scheme was carried out by the Commissioners. Would the Treasury Minute apply to both?

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said that where the Commissioners had acted in default of the county council, then the sub-section of the Bill would become operative for this purpose, and there would be no Minute. The Minute applied to the case where the county council was acting without any default. The Minute would then be drawn up and, subject to proofs of due and reasonable precautions being forthcoming, there should be paid one half of the loss.

MR. HICKS BEACH moved an Amendment providing that the Commissioners, acting under the directions of the Board, shall, "on the application of any five or more county electors or of the council of any borough or urban or rural district, hold a local inquiry to" ascertain the extent to which there was a demand, either actual or prospective, for small holdings in the several counties, and the extent to which it was reasonably practicable to satisfy the demand. He thought it very important that the Commissioners should not go roaming about the country to see whether there was an actual or prospective demand for small holdings and allotments. It would, he contended, seriously reduce the expenses of the Commissioners if, instead of roaming about the country to stir up a demand for small holdings and allotments, they only went, as provided for by his Amendment, to those places where an application for small holdings or allotments had been made by any five or more county electors, or by the council of any borough or urban or rural district council to hold an inquiry in their locality. He did not think that that would in any way be detrimental to the interest of the Bill or the furtherance of the institution of small holdings and allotments. Unless some such restriction were put in the clause, there would be absolutely false and unreal demands in the country districts for small holdings and allotments. It must be very obvious that if a stranger went to a village and said that if anybody in the village wished to have a small holding or allotment, he thought he would be able to get it for him, everybody in the village would at once say that he would like a small holding or allotment, but the Commissioners would have no means of determining whether these men were in a fit position to take or were capable of working a small holding. It was well known that there were labourers who were perfectly capable of doing so, but, on the other hand, there were others who if put into a small holding or allotment would soon bring disaster upon themselves and on the holding. A public inquiry on the application of five or more county electors, or a borough, urban, or rural district council would be a check on a non-genuine demand. The parish councils knew everybody in the district and they would be able to place before the Commissioners and the County Council itself the names of the people who really wished for small biddings who were of sufficient standing and capable of working them to advantage He hoped the Government would consent to some such words as he had suggested in his Amendment being inserted in the clause. He begged to move.

seconded the Amendment. He was quite sure that the reason which the hon. Member for Tewkesbury had put before the House would appeal to the Solicitor-General. But there was a further reason why they should consider seriously the Amendment besides that it would lessen the expenses of the Commissioners, and that was that the electors of the county council and the borough and the urban and rural district councils would be better informed as to the reality of any demand for small holdings or allotments than gentlemen who came down from London in the guise of visitors and simply asked if the villagers wanted small allotments.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, line 24, after the word 'shall' to insert the words 'on the application of any five or more county electors or of the council of any borough or urban or rural district hold a local inquiry to.'"—(Mr. Hicks Beach.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said that the Amendment of the hon. Gentleman would complicate the machinery of the Act while it would be really superfluous. First of all, as the clause now stood, the Commissioners were to ascertain by means of letters, interviews, information from the local authorities, from electors and so forth, whether there was a demand for small holdings in a particular district. Instead of proceeding in this informal manner the hon. Member suggested that the Commissioners should stay their hand until they received an application from five or more electors of county or urban district councils. That would Certainly be a check on the official inquiry, and such procedure had not proved efficient in similar cases. The next point in the Amendment was that there should be a public inquiry by the Commissioners. He thought that would be very undesirable. Under the Bill the Commissioners were to report to the Board, then the county council were to prepare draft schemes, and afterwards a public local inquiry was to be held into the schemes. To introduce another public local inquiry into the machinery of the Bill would be detrimental to its working.

said it seemed to him that the Amendment was a thoroughly reasonable one. The hon. and learned Gentleman asked why they should make this measure more complicated than at present? But surely no complication would arise if there was an application by five or more electors for a public local inquiry. He could not sec that that procedure would be superfluous. It would be only human nature for the Commissioners to make business for themselves in order to justify their existence. If no application was made by five or more electors for an inquiry that would show that there was no demand in the district or parish for small holdings. Did any one mean to maintain that if there was a real demand for small holdings, five electors could not be got together to make it? If they could be got together there would be some confirmation of the action of the Comissioners. The hon. and learned Gentlemen had said that there were to be two inquiries—one when the schemes were being framed and the other when the land was to be taken. But that was a totally different thing. The local inquiry asked for by the Amendment was to ascertain from what transpired at the inquiry whether there was a real demand for small holdings in the district. What objection could there be to that? If it was desired that the Commissioners should get the best information on which to base their report to the Board there was nothing more certain than that they would get by such an inquiry a really true and reliable indication as to the actuality of the demand.

did not agree with the Solicitor-General in hoping this Amendment would not be pressed, because he-considered that it was essential that there should be a local inquiry. He rather agreed with the Solicitor-General on one point: he did not like the number-five. The introduction of the Bill would create a demand for small holdings, and it was necessary to know whether those who applied for them were able and fitting persons to carry them on. There were many people in the North of England, he knew, who applied, who were not fit to carry on small holdings, or to equip them. There were people who thought that the Government ought not only to give them the land but to equip it. Therefore he thought that there should be a local inquiry as to the fitness of those who came forward.

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thought that this somewhat specious Amendment deserved investigation. Of course, it seemed the most natural thing in the world that they should inquire as to which were the districts to which it was desirable that the Bill should be extended, and who were the persons to whom it should be applied. He had directed the attention of his hon. friend to the case of some land which was going into market, where the labourers in the district said they wanted this land cut up into small holdings. They sent to a friend of theirs and asked if he could not do something, this Bill not being passed giving the necessary powers. Their friend went down and saw them and told them that if they wished to get this land cut up into small holdings he would like to know how many of them were willing to sign expressive of a wish to take them. They said fifteen or sixteen. The gentleman undertook to lay the matter before the proper authorities, but in the result he-could only get two persons to send in their names. The reasons the others gave might or might not have been justified, but they said that if they gave in their names not only would they not get the holdings but they would be turned out of their cottages. As he had said, they could only get two-signatories, although in that district small holdings were desired. This, he thought, showed the necessity of an inquiry of such a carefully considered character that in the ascertainment of local needs labouring men should feel they might safely have a voice and opinion though it were against the opinions of the lord of the manor, the squire, or the local estate agent. The necessity for the Bill was shown by the fact that in his own county of Gloucestershire there were now 6,500 fewer people on the land than there were twenty years ago. If this apparently innocent proviso were put in it would, he thought, defeat the ends which they had in view.

said he had not had the advantage of being a member of the Committee, but he had listened with great interest to the speeches. The speech of the hon. Member for Cirencester led him to a conclusion diametrially opposite to that of the hon. Gentleman, that the labourers feared they would be turned out of their cottages. He was sure that the hon. Member would be the first man to tell the labourers that such fears were unfounded. But supposing there was this fear in the minds of some of the labourers, how were they going to ascertain the demands which existed without inquiry? The fact that these men were shy of expressing their opinion was the very reason for having an inquiry. The Commissioners had to say in what locality the land was desired, in what proximity to other holdings it was desired, and how could they inform themselves unless they had a local inquiry?

said that the fact that this matter had been discussed upstairs was no reason why they should not have a discussion upon it in the House. He wished to support the proposal of the hon. Member for Tewkesbury. The Bill, in the absence of local urgency, would stir up men to apply for holdings who could not work them. If a local committee were appointed such as that suggested they would find out more information than by the means laid down in the Bill.

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, denied that it was against the interests of landlords that small holdings should be created, and said he would like to come across a landlord holding that view.

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said he had never discussed the matter with the Crown, bun he had with individual landlords, and their view was not opposed to small holdings. Landlords wanted the men who had left the land back again and they would do any thing to get them back. The reason small holdings had not been established under the Act of 1892 was not that the landlords did not want them, but because owing to the heavy cost of equipment they could not let them at rents at which the would-be holders could make them pay. He was doubtful personally, but he hoped the Bill would bring men back to the land in their thousands and tens of thousands from the point of view of the interest not only of the nation but also of the landlord. He had the misfortune to be a landlord, and he spoke feelingly. It would save the landlord if they could bring the labourers and the yeomen back to the land, and he hoped the Bill would do this. He thought, however, that the demand for small holdings should proceed in the first instance from the locality. It should not be merely created and fostered by people coming from outside. He was perfectly certain that if the people in the locality believed they could profitably cultivate small holdings, they would apply for them, and any demand made in that way would probably be a sound demand after consideration of economic conditions. On the other hand, if Commissioners went from London into a locality and asked this and that person if he would like a piece of land they would perhaps create a false demand and be quite regardless of local and economical conditions. Small holdings would thus be set up which would never have the slightest chance of succeeding. It was in order to prevent that kind of thing that he thought some provision should be put in the Bill to ensure that the demand came from the people in the locality and was not created by Commissioners from outside suggesting to men that it would be nice for them to have a piece of land to cultivate.

expressed surprise at the observation of the hon. Member for Cirencester that he could not support the Amendment because he feared if labourers expressed their desire for small holdings they might be turned out of their cottages by their landlords.

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said he knew of a case, and he imagined there might be others, where it was feared that an inquiry might have that result.

said he could hardly follow the distinction, but he would remind the hon Member that Subsection (4) of the Bill provided that if in the course of their inquiries the Commissioners received any information as to the existence of a demand for small holdings they should communicate with the council, so that these unfortunate men, even under the Bill as it stood, would have their petitions made public and, according to the hon. Member, be turned out of their cottages by their landlords.

admitted that agricultural labourers, as a class, were very suspicious and extremely reluctant to commit themselves by putting their demands on paper, but it was not for the reason stated by the hon. Member for Cirencester. He however wished to draw attention to a point which had, he thought, been overlooked. Hitherto they had considered this matter from the point of view of those who supported small holdings; he reminded the House that there would probably be a certain number of labourers very much opposed to the acquisition of land for small holdings because it would deprive them of the occupation they already had; they would have in consequence to leave their cottages and find work elsewhere, and though they might be compensated under the Bill they might not think the compensation received as adequate. He therefore thought an inquiry of this sort was necessary because it would give the Commissioners some knowledge of those opposed to small holdings and enable them to hold the balance fairly and act in the interest of the bulk of the community. It was desirable in the interest of all parties that there should be some preliminary inquiry, because the great danger of the Bill was that it would stimulate desires and create false demands.

said that if the hon. Member for South-East Durham would go with him he could point out to him many landlords who spoke in the most unmeasured terms of the making of small holdings, and it was those gentlemen whom they had to deal with by legislation. The right hon. Member for East Worcestershire had said he was certain there were no villagers so nervous as to think of the results which would follow an agitation for small holdings. The right hon. Gentleman did not display much knowledge of the subject. It was exceedingly dangerous at times for any villagers to take a prominent part. [Cries of "Portsmouth."] Hon. Gentlemen opposite quoted one case where a Liberal landlord had been indiscreet, but how many cases were there where the friends of hon. Gentlemen opposite had been more than indiscreet. [Cries of "Name."] It would take him much too long to give the full catalogue. He believed that a local inquiry would not be the best means of ascertaining the real wishes of the villagers. Villagers who wished to obtain small holdings would have to go before the Commissioners and at a local inquiry would be cross-examined as to their financial means, &c. It would be far better for the Commissioners to go round the district and find out in private conversation if there was a desire for small holdings. A local inquiry would enormously add to the complication and the expense of the Act while the villagers present at it would not be able to do themselves justice.

suggested that if the Commissioners were to go round the country conversing with all those who might want small holdings there would need to be two or three hundred of them. It would certainly be difficult to calculate the number that would be required. He did not think the hon. Member for Cirencester quite understood the point of his hon. friend's Amendment. He had used this opportunity to raise the question of bad landlords who would illtreat anyone who allowed his voice to be heard. No doubt there would be some such cases. He also agreed that it was not easy to persuade agricultural labourers to put their name to anything on paper. He pointed out that under the Amendment the five requisitionists for a local inquiry need not be actual applicants for small holdings. The object of it was merely to secure that there should exist a bona fide and serious demand.

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said there were cases where he thought the Commissioners might wisely move without waiting to be approached by five county electors. He would give the House an example of what had occurred within the last fortnight. He was chairman of the Lincolnshire Small Holdings Committee, who had just taken 700 acres of land from the Crown in a district where he very much questioned that there were five voters to move in the matter of small holdings. The moment they took the farm they received applications by post from people of the surrounding villages desirous of getting small holdings. He conceived that it would be the duty of the Commissioners when they knew that land was coming into the open market or otherwise to visit the surrounding district to find out whether small holdings were wanted, instead of waiting to be moved by five county electors. It would be a pity to tie the hands of the Commissioners in such a case as that. He did not see the value of the Amendment, and he thought the hands of the Commissioners should not be unnecessarily tied.

said that the hon. Member described what the Bill ought to do, but did not. The whole difficulty was that in the mind of the hon. Member, and in the mind of the Government, they mixed up allotments and small holdings. Allotments must always be in the localities where the men were at work. No such conditions applied to small holdings. Therefore instead of making all these elaborate inquiries, let the Commissioners or the county councils do what the hon. Member had just described—let the supply precede the demand. Let them get 600 or 700 acres of land, or whatever was the quantity required, and divide it into small holdings, with homesteads on them, and they would then have nothing to do but publish the conditions on which they were to be sold. Let them do that, and let them have the holdings and houses all ready for occupation, and they would have twenty applicants, ten of whom would be men brought up on the land, and thoroughly good cultivators and suitable men. What they had to do was to see that there was a colony, so that they should have a little community; that was all they had to do; but the supply must precede the applications. If they had waited for Commissioners and inquiries they would not have seen Catshill, which was the bête noir of hon. Members opposite, because it defeated their arguments. He had received scores and scores of letters from all classes of men who had been brought up on the land, but who were now employed as cabdrivers, caretakers, coachmen, etc., in towns. These men all wanted to get back to the land. Some of then, perhaps, had saved a little money, which they were prepared to invest in a holding, but they did not want to be the tenants of any one. They wanted their own land and homesteads to which they could take their families, where they could work and save money, and which they could hand down to those who came after them.

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said it had struck him as a very interesting feature of the debate that the landlords should evince such a great love for the labourer. For his part he agreed that there might be good landlords as well as bad landlords, but he would respectfully point out that the good landlords had nothing to fear under this Bill. It was not good enough to tell them there were no such persons as bad landlords in existence. Some of them knew that there were landlords who exercised their powers in a very arbitrary fashion. He was reminded of one remark made by the hon. Member for the Rye Division. In conjunction with other Members the hon. Gentleman sadly lamented the migration of agricultural labourers into the towns and presumably into other countries.

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The hon. Member is going a very long way beyond the Amendment, which simply lays down that application is to be made by five county electors.

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said the Amendment proposed that the incentive must come from within the parish itself. For his part, one of the most attractive features of the Bill was the provision for the work of the Commissioners. He thought they were all agreed there was great national need that the land of the country should be cultivated, and he hoped that the appointment of Commissioners would have the effect of creating a demand for land and that they would not need to wait for the demand first to emanate from the labouring classes. He agreed that it was a great disaster that the agricultural population should be so depleted, but he felt that had the landlords made the lot of the agricultural labourer more attractive, and given him better remuneration, they would not be lamenting to the same degree the migration from the rural districts to the towns. The labourer was reticent and diffident, which was largely due to the fact that he had been kept in a state of subjection. Those who were acquainted with village life knew full well that there was a strong objection on the part of the agricultural labourer to communicating with the powers that be; but if Commissioners made inquiries he thought they would be enabled to find out that the labourers wanted land. He believed that they would be quite willing to take small plots of land and cultivate them. The duty of these Commissioners should be to help to create a desire on the part of the agricultural population to till the soil, which, in his opinion, was essential for the well-being of the community.

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said he was afraid there was not much hope of inducing the hon. Member to withdraw his Amendment, which he ventured to think would really serve no useful purpose in the Bill. As the hon. Member had shown, there was hardly any county in England in which five electors would not be willing to come forward and ask that there should be such an inquiry. That condition being so easily fulfilled, rendered the Amendment useless for the purpose for which it was designed. He suspected that the emphasis should be put on the words "local inquiry." The Amendment would make a local inquiry compulsory in every case, but there must be cases within the experience of hon. Members where it was more desirable that there should be private than public inquiry. It would be wiser that the Commissioners should be left free to get their information in their own way. There could be no earthly object in forcing a public inquiry in every case. The Commissioners would be sensible men with agricultural knowledge, and if they could get information in other ways without holding an inquiry why should they not be allowed to do so? Another argument against the Amendment was that it would insert another cause of delay in the Bill. The danger was that too long a time might elapse between the demand for holdings and the getting of them. They wanted to shorten the process and not to lengthen it. He appealed to the House to reject the Amendment.

said the hon. Gentleman who had just sat down thought the Amendment was not likely to have any effect; if that were so, he failed to see why there should be such extraordinary opposition to it.

thought it was more likely to expedite matters than not, because five county electors, if they had anything to do with the land, could ask for an inquiry at once. If, on the other hand, the Commissioners went about until somebody approached them, and until something had been said, the probability was that greater delay would occur. But a little side-light had been thrown on the matter by the hon. Member for Norwich, who said the Commissioners would help to create a desire for small holdings among agricultural labourers. He thought the object of the Bill was to satisfy a great desire already existing among the people to get land, which desire could not be satisfied. But if the desire did not exist what was the use of creating it? Did the hon. Member opposite want the Commissioners to run about trying to induce people to take land? They appeared to be so afraid that the demand for small holdings would be so small that, to quote an elegant phrase used by the Under-Secretary for the Colonies, unless the people were well gingered the results of the Bill would not be satisfactory. It had been said that there was a danger of the agricultural labourer being turned out of his cottage. Even when this scheme had been set up the agricultural labourer would be exposed to the same danger, because if he took a holding there would still be the extraordinary hostility of the powers that be. He did not think there was anything in that argument at all. He should support the Amendment of his hon. friend.

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hn. Sir Alex. F.Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. AkersMiddlemore, John Throgmorton
Anson, Sir William ReynellFaber, George Denison (York)Mildmay, Francis Bingham
Aubrey-Fletcher, Rt. Hon. Sir H.Fell, ArthurMoore, William
Balcarres, LordFetherstonhaugh, GodfreyMorpeth, Viscount
Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (City Lond.)Fletcher, J. S.Nicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield)
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeForster, Henry WilliamPease, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Baring, Capt. Hn. G (WinchesterGardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Powell, Sir Francis Sharp
Bowles, G. StewartGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Randles, Sir John Scurrah
Boyle, Sir EdwardGordon, J.Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Bridgeman, W. CliveGretton, JohnRonaldshay, Earl of
Butcher, Samuel HenryHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Salter, Arthur Clavell
Carlile, E. HildredHelmsley, ViscountScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Castlereagh, ViscountHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staffs'h.
Cave, GeorgeHornby, Sir William HenryTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Hunt, RowlandThomson, W. Mitchell (Lanark)
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Kenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hon. Col. W.Turnour, Viscount
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Worc.Keswick, WilliamValentia, Viscount
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Lane-Fox, G. R.
Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (Birmingh'm)Long, Rt. Hn. Walter (Dublin, S)TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Hicks Beach and Mr. Beckett.
Courthope, G. LoydLonsdale, John Brownlee
Craik, Sir HenryMagnus, Sir Philip

NOES.

Abraham, William (Cork, N. E.)Cleland, J. W.Fullerton, Hugh
Acland, Francis DykeClough, WilliamGibb, James (Harrow)
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Clynes, J. R.Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert John
Ainsworth, John StirlingCobbold, Felix ThornleyGlover, Thomas
Alden, PercyCollins, Stephen (Lambeth)Gooch, George Peabody
Ashton, Thomas GairCollins, Sir Wm. J. (S. Pancras, W.Grant, Corrie
Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryCooper, G. J.Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Corbett, C. H (Sussex, E Grinst'd)Hall, Frederick
Baker, Joseph. A. (Finsbury, E.)Cox, HaroldHarcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Cremer, Sir William RandalHarvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.)Crooks, WilliamHaworth, Arthur A.
Beauchamp, E.Crossley, William J.Hazel, Dr. A. E.
Beck, A. CecilCurran, Peter FrancisHedges, A. Paget
Bell, RichardDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Bellairs, CarlyonDickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Henry, Charles S.
Bertram, JuliusDilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesHigham, John Sharp
Bethell, Sir J. H. (Essex, Romf'rd)Duckworth, JamesHope, W. Bateman (Somerset, N.
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessHorniman, Emslie John
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineDunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Howard, Hon. Geoffrey
Black, Arthur W.Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Hudson, Walter
Bowerman, C. W.Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Hyde, Clarendon
Bramsdon, T. A.Erskine, David C.Isaacs, Rufus Daniel
Branch, JamesEssex, R. W.Jardine, Sir J.
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnEsslemont, George BirnieJohnson, John (Gateshead)
Byles, William PollardEverett, R. LaceyJones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Fenwick, CharlesJones, Leif (Appleby)
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Ferens, T. R.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire
Causton, Rt. Hn. Richard KnightFerguson, R. C. MunroKearley, Hudson E.
Cawley, Sir FrederickFfrench, PeterKekewich, Sir George
Chance, Frederick WilliamFindlay, AlexanderKelley, George D.
Cheetham, John FrederickFowler, Rt. Hon. Sir HenryLaidlaw, Robert
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Freeman-Thomas, FreemanLamb, Edmund G. (Leominster
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.Fuller, John Michael F.Lambert, George

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 62; Noes, 221. (Division List No. 402.)

Lamont, NormanNorton, Capt. Cecil WilliamSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Lardner, James Carrige RusheO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie
Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.)O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Snowden, P.
Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)O'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Stanger, H. Y.
Lehmann, R. C.O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N. W.)
Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)Paulton, James MellorStanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)
Lewis, John HerbertPearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Steadman, W. C.
Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidPearce, William (Limehouse)Stewart, Halley (Greenock)
Lough, ThomasPearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)Strachey, Sir Edward
Lupton, ArnoldPhilipps, Owen C (Pembroke)Summerbell, T.
Lyell, Charles HenryPollard, Dr.Sutherland, J. E.
Lynch, H. B.Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)Taylor, John W. (Durham)
Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Pullar, Sir RobertThorne, William
Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghs)Radford, G. H.Torrance, Sir A. M.
Mackarness, Frederic C.Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Ure, Alexander
Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Verney, F. W.
MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.)Rees, J. D.Vivian, Henry
M'Callum, John M.Rendall, AthelstanWalker, H. De R. (Leicester)
M'Kenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldRichards, Thomas (W. Monm'th)Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)
M'Killop, W.Richards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'nWard, John (Stoke upon Trent
M'Micking, Major G.Ridsdale, E. A.Wald, W. Dudley (Southampton
Maddison, FrederickRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Wardle, George J.
Manfield, Harry (Northants)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)Warner, Thomas Courtenay T.
Markham, Arthur BasilRoberts, John H. (Denbighs.)Waterlow, D. S.
Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston)Robertson, Sir G. Scott (BradfordWedgwood, Josiah C.
Marnham, F. J.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Weir, James Galloway
Massie, J.Robson, Sir William SnowdonWhite, Luke (York, E. R.)
Masterman, C. F. G.Rogers, F. E. NewmanWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Micklem, NathanielRose, Charles DayWhitley, John Henry (Halifax)
Molteno, Percy AlportRowlands, J.Wiles, Thomas
Montagu, E. S.Runciman, WalterWills, Arthur Walters
Morley, Rt. Hon. JohnRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Morrell, PhilipSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Morse, L. L.Scott, A. H. (Ashton under LyneWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Morton, Alpheus CleophasSears, J. E.Winfrey, R.
Myer, HoratioSeely, ColonelYoxall, James Henry
Napier, T. B.Sherwell, Arthur James
Nicholls, GeorgeShipman, Dr. John G.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncast'rSilcock, Thomas Ball
Nolan, JosephSimon, John Allsebrook

MR. COURTHOPE moved to amend that part of the clause which provides that the Commissioners shall ascertain the extent to which there is a demand, "either actual or prospective," for small holdings by leaving out the words quoted. The House had just decided that the initiation should come from the Commissioners, and they had now to consider the scope of the inquiry which they desired them to carry out. The Bill would read better if the words "either actual or prospective" were omitted. On the Committee the Solicitor-General said that the words were necessary because it was not sufficient that there should simply be a locally expressed demand: they should find out whether there was a want, a desire, or a need. All those things were included in the simple words "a demand for small holdings." Who could say that in the future there would not be a prospective demand for small holdings? They might come down to Sussex or Kent and say, "Before very long there will be a protectionist Government in power, hops will be protected, and everyone will want small holdings." It ought not to be possible for the Commissioners to base their report upon the dim possibilities of the uncertain future. The words "either actual or prospective" were unnecessary, and he thought it would be dangerous to leave them in the clause. He begged to move.

said that the omission of those words was moved in Committee, but the right hen. Gentleman in charge of the Bill told them there was need for the words, because if once the opportunity was given for considering the prospective demand that demand would soon become an actual demand. But surely the demand for these holdings existed without the insertion of such words as these? Unless a demand was an actual demand it should not be considered at all. No one could possibly tell what the prospective demand was going to be. A great many people thought that they wanted land, but when it came to a concrete case and they were asked if they were prepared to pay for it their opinion very rapidly changed. He would like to know how the Government thought a prospective demand was going to be gauged. They might get a good season when everybody supposed that agriculture was the best thing in the world, but then might come a bad season when nobody would want to take land. They had a curious illustration of this in the Allotments Act. When that Act was passed everyone wanted allotments. But what had happened now? In a vast number of cases the allotments had gone begging. People had taken them for a year or two and then, finding that the land was not fertile and the allotments did not pay, had given them up. He could give them many instances of this nature. They were very clear cases of the way in which a demand might at one time look very promising and at another time be almost nonexistent. If the Commissioners only had to consider the existing demand it would be far more satisfactory than the provisions of the clause. The clause, as it stood, put a duty upon Commissioners to consider prospective demands, and it would almost compel them to create a demand. He differed from hon. Members who said they wished to see a demand created; he did not believe that at present a demand existed in the sense that some Members believed. To create an artificial demand would be a most unfortunate thing, and inflict a great injustice and hardship upon those concerned.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 1, lines 24 and 25 to leave out the words 'either actual or prospective.'"—(Mr. Courthope.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

*

hoped the House would retain these words because they were of a wide and embracing character, and he believed they would be of great advantage to the Commissioners and villagers concerned. It was desirable that the Commissioners should take a general view of the wishes of the districts to which they went. It was quite true that in Committee he spoke of the prospective demand crystallising into an actual demand. If the hon. Member opposite knew something of chemistry he would know that before a body crystallised it was in solution. He wished to avoid any hard legal definition which might cause difficulty hereafter as to what was and what was not a demand. He wished the Commissioners to take the whole circumstances into con sideration. He was sure that the hon. Member for Barkston Ash was a faithful follower of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Bordesley Division. The right hon. Gentleman said on the last Amendment that the supply of small holdings and allotments should precede the demand; he therefore went further than the clause as drawn at present. It was of great importance that the Commissioners should inquire whether Mr. Smith and Mr. Brown wanted small holdings, and whether they would take them if they could get them.

said this matter had been discussed before, but they had never been able to got a definition of what was meant by a prospective demand. The right hon. Gentleman liked the words "either prospective or actual demand" because they were of a wide and embracing character. What was a prospective demand and how was it to be ascertained? He thought the Government were proposing to put a difficult duty on the Commissioners.

*

said he would give the right hon. Gentleman a definition of a prospective demand. He would suggest that a prospective demand was not very different from a present need. Barefooted children constituted, he thought, a prospective demand for boots. [An HON. MEMBER: They have a present demand.] That depended on whether there were boots to be bought, and means to buy them with. A good healthy thirst would in the eyes of some hon. Members indicate a prospective demand for beer. All manufacturers set themselves to supply a prospective and not an actual demand. That was precisely what the Commissioners would do under this Bill. They would consider all the circumstances of the case, and they would not establish a scheme until they saw that there was a prospect of an actual demand for small holdings.

asked whether the Solicitor-General adopted the definition of a prospective demand which the hon. Member had given. He would have thought that each of the cases instanced by the hon. Member represented a present need. When the Commissioners visited a district they would say: "This is a desirable spot. The land hereabout is suited for small holdings and we do not doubt that applicants for small holdings can be found in the district or imported from elsewhere. We shall establish fifty or sixty small holdings to meet the prospective demand which we think will arise." Did the "prospective demand" cover such speculative possibilities? If so, it was very wide, and he would like the Solicitor-General to give on his legal authority a definition of what a "prospective demand" in law was.

said there was not very much law in the phrase at all. The word "demand" without the qualifying words "actual or prospective" would be very vague, and it would be susceptible of an extremely narrow construction. It might perfectly well be that the Commissioners without the directions contained in the clause might take into account only such demand as had explicitly expressed itself. They might say that there must be certain specified persons making a perfectly explicit demand for small holdings, and that was the only kind of demand which they could take into account. With the words "actual and prospective" in the clause the Commissioners would not merely take into account the demand, which might be, if he might so say, lying in wait, but also the fact that when once the supply was indicated a great many persons who had not expressed a demand would begin to make a demand. They would take that into account in determining their scheme. There might, no doubt, be a demand in several counties, but there was nothing to prevent them making inquiry in different villages round about. The Commissioners might see that there was very little local demand in one place, but that there was a demand elsewhere in the county. For instance, there might be a demand in the neighbourhood of industrial centres on the part of townsmen for small holdings and allotments, and the Commissioners would consider it part of their duty to inquire into that demand, and that demand ought to be reported to the Board for consideration.

*

said that the reasons which the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the measure had given for adhering to the words of the Bill were, amongst others, that they were wide and embracing, and that he objected to give a legal definition of them. The right hon. Gentlemen had on a previous Amendment pathetically be seeched him not to take him across the border; and he almost trembled in venturing once again to allude to the Scottish Small Holdings Bill. He would refer the right hon. Gentleman to Clause 7, Subsection 3 of that Bill. Scotsmen were a canny race and understood how to deal with facts. The words of that subsection were: "If the Commission is satisfied that there is a demand for small holdings"—that the demand existed. There was nothing about "a prospective demand." The Minister in charge of this Bill evidently knew nothing about that clause in the Scottish Bill. The Minister in charge of the Scottish Bill had no desire whatever that there should be any question of a "prospective demand." Why should the principle adopted in the two Bills be different? They had been discussing the meaning of the words "prospective demand." The hon. Member for the Appleby Division had put it in a most interesting way when he said that when children were barefooted there was a prospective demand for boots. He himself would put it that there was an actual demand for boots. He would say that where a young man and a young woman got married there would be a prospective demand for boots. [Cries of "Oh, oh.]" He would not pursue that illustration further. The next illustration used by the hon. Gentleman was that where any one wanted a glass of beer—

*

said that he put it that some hon. Gentleman might regard thirst as a prospective demand for beer; he should regard it as a demand for water.

said that he knew the hon. Gentleman himself was enamoured of water; but he must say that if a man was thirsty there was an actual not a prospective demand for either beer or water. Surely these Commissioners ought to deal with actualities: they should go about the country and ascertain whether there was a demand and deal with facts. Otherwise the authorities would involve themselves in speculation and perhaps in danger. He would take another illustration. The Chancellor of the Exchequer a month ago talked about the value of Consols, which were then standing at 84¼, and said that they had touched bottom and that they would go up. That was a prospective sise, but to-day so far from finding that Consols had gone up they were now quoted at 81¼. Surely, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer was liable to err, the Commissioners might be liable to err if they came to the conclusion that there was a prospective demand for small holdings. The Commissioners would make a Report to the Board that there was a prospective demand for small holdings, and schemes would be directed to be made. The local authority might entirely disagree with the Commissioners and with the Board and say that there was no such demand, but the local authorty, according to the machinery of the Bill, would be obliged to go on. An order would be made for the acquisition of land, tenants would be given notice to quit their holdings and then suddenly the Board would turn round, after all this expense had been incurred, and say that a mistake had been made, and there was no actual but only a prospective demand for small holdings. He was not putting an exaggerated case. It would involve the local authorities in a jumble and a mess and perhaps in heavy loss. In toe name of common sense they should content themselves with dealing with facts. Let the Commissioners deal with facts and say yes or no whether there was an actual demand, and not dip into the future. He venture to impress on the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the measure that he should accommodate this section to the section in the Scottish Bill and strike out the word "prospective."

thought the right hon. Gentleman had given no answer at all to the arguments in favour of the Amendment, and even after the speech of the hon. and learned Solicitor-General the Government had not made out the slightest reason for the retention of these words. The hon. and learned Gentleman told the House that "prospective" was a very vague term. [MINISTERIAL cries of "No."] He certainly thought that the hon. and learned Gentleman said so. He asked the right hon. Gentleman to reconsider his verdict. If he declined to do so, why did he refuse the last Amendment? He defied anyone to know whether there was likely to be a "prospective demand" unless a local inquiry were held.

said that as to "prospective demand" there might be a general idea in a certain neighbourhood that a railway was likely to be run through the district, and based on that possibility a certain number of applications might be made for small holdings. But would the Commissioners be entitled to report that there was a genuine prospective demand for small holdings? Or supposing a new market was opened up in the neighbourhood of a port or some large local development took place which would create in the future a demand for land for small holdings, would that be a prospective demand which the county council ought to provide for? Or if there was an idea in a district that a large measure of tariff reform was likely to come into existence, he could understand that there might be a large demand for allotments. Would the Commissioners be entitled to say that based on such a possibility, if not the certainty in the future, small holdings should be created? He thought that the demand for small holdings ought to be based on existing facts, and that they should not go into the realms of the future. He therefore thought there was a good deal to be said for the Amendment.

said the Tariff Commission existed, as he understood, to create a supply of labour. The point of this Bill was to create a supply of land for small holdings. He wondered the hon. Gentleman should object to provide for a prospective demand for land for small holdings when they asked for tariff reform to create a prospective demand for labour.

said it would be a cruel thing to keep this power of taking land hanging over the heads of people who were at present cultivating it. These

AYES.

Abraham William (Cork, N. E.)Fuller, John Michael F.M'Kenna, Ht. Hon. Reginald
Acland, Francis DykeFullerton, HughM'Killop, W.
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert JohnMaddison, Frederick
Ainsworth, John StirlingGlover, ThomasManfield, Harry (Northants)
Alden, PercyGoddard, Daniel FordMarkham, Arthur Basil
Ashton, Thomas GairGooch, George PeabodyMarks, G Croydon (Launceston)
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)Marnham, F. J.
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir EdwardMassie, J.
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Hall, FrederickMasterman, C. F. G.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Harcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisMontagu, E. S.
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)Morrell, Philip
Beauchamp, E.Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r.)Morse, L. L.
Beck, A. CecilHarmsworth, R. L. (Caithn'ss-sh.Morton, Alpheus Cleophas
Bell, RichardHarvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.Myer, Horatio
Bellairs, CarlyonHaworth, Arthur A.Napier, T. B.
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.)Hazel, Dr. A. E.Nicholls, George
Bertram, JuliusHedges, A. PagetNicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster
Bethell, Sir J. H. (Essex, Romf'rdHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Nolan, Joseph
Black, Arthur W.Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)Norton, Capt. Cecil William
Bowerman, C. W.Henry, Charles S.O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Bramsdon, T. A.Higham, John SharpO'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)
Branch, JamesHobhouse, Charles E. H.O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnHolden, E. HopkinsonO'Donnel, C. J. (Walworth)
Byles, William PollardHolland, Sir William HenryO'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Hope, W. Bateman (Somerset, N.Paulton, James Mellor
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Horniman, Emslie JohnPearce, Robert (Staffs, (Leek)
Causton, Rt. Hn. Richard KnightHoward, Hon. GeoffreyPearce, William (Limehouse)
Cawley, Sir FrederickHudson, WalterPearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)
Chance, Frederick WilliamHyde, ClarendonPhilipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)
Cheetham, John FrederickIsaacs, Rufus DanielPollard, Dr.
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Jardine, Sir J.Price, C. K. (Edinburgh, Central)
Cleland, J. W.Johnson, John (Gateshead)Radford, G. H.
Clough, WilliamJones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)Raphael, Herbert H.
Clynes, J. R.Jones, Leif (Appleby)Rea, Russell (Gloucester)
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyJones, William (CarnarvonshireRea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Kearley, Hudson E.Rees, J. D.
Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinst'dKekewich, Sir GeorgeRendall, Athelstan
Cox, HaroldKelley, George D.Richards, Thomas (W. Monm'th
Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Laidlaw, RobertRichards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n)
Cremer, Sir William RandalLamb, Edmund G. (LeominsterRidsdale, E. A.
Crooks, WilliamLambert, GeorgeRoberts Charles H. (Lincoln)
Crossley, William J.Lamont, NormanRoberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Curran, Peter FrancisLardner, James Carrige RusheRoberts, John H. (Denbighs.)
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'rd
Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Lehmann, R. C.Robson, Sir William Snowdon
Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir CharlesLever, A Levy (Essex, Harwich)Rogers, F. E. Newman
Duckworth, JamesLevy, Sir MauriceRowlands, J.
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessLewis, John HerbertRunciman, Walter
Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)
Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Lough, ThomasSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Erskine, David C.Lupton, ArnoldScott, A. H. (Ashton under Lyne
Essex, R. W.Lyell, Charles HenrySears, J. E.
Esslemont, George BirnieLynch, H. B.Seely, Colonel
Everett, R. LaceyMacdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Sherwell, Arthur James
Fenwick, CharlesMacdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghsShipman, Dr. John G.
Ferens, T. R.Mackarness, Frederick C.Silcock, Thomas Ball
Ffrench, PeterMacnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Simon, John Allsebrook
Findlay, AlexanderMacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.Sinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Fowler, Rt. Hon. Sir HenryM'Callum, John M.Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie

people should know exactly how they stand.

Question put.

The House divided—Aves, 216; Noes, 63. (Division List No. 403.)

Snowden, P.Vivian, HenryWiles, Thomas
Stanger, H. Y.Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)Wilkie, Alexander
Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N. W.)Walters, John TudorWills, Arthur Walters
Stanley, Hn. A. Lyluph (Chesh.)Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Steadman, W. C.Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Stewart, Halley (Greenock)Ward, W. Dudley (SouthamptonWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Strachey, Sir EdwardWardle, George J.Winfrey, R.
Summerbell, T.Waterlow, D. S.Yoxall, James Henry
Sutherland, J. E.Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Taylor, John W. (Durham)Weir, James GallowayTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Thorne, WilliamWhite, George (Norfolk)
Torrance, Sir A. M.White, Luke (York, E. R.)
Ure, AlexanderWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Verney, F. W.Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)

NOES.

Acland-Hood. Rt. Hn. Sir Alex. F.Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Lonsdale, John Brownlee
Anson, Sir William ReynellCraik, Sir HenryMagnus, Sir Philip
Ashley, W. W.Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Middlemore, John Throgmorton
Aubrey-Fleteher, Rt. Hon. Sir H.Du Cros, HarveyMildmay, Francis Bingham
Balcarres, LordFaber, George Denison (York)Moore, William
Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (City Lond.)Fell, ArthurMorpeth, Viscount
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeFetherstonhaugh, GodfreyNicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield
Baring, Capt. Hn. G (WinchesterForster, Henry WilliamPease, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksGardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Powell, Sir Francis Sharp
Beckett, Hon. GervaseGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Randles, Sir John Scurrah
Bowles, G. StewartGordon, J.Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Boyle, Sir EdwardGretton, JohnRonaldshay, Earl of
Butcher, Samuel HenryHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Salter, Arthur Clavell
Carlile, E. HildredHelmsley, ViscountScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Castlereagh, ViscountHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Starkey, John R.
Cave, GeorgeHills, J. W.Thomson, W. Mitchell-(Lanark)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Hornby, Sir William HenryTurnour, Viscount
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Kenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hon. Col. W.Valentia, Viscount
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Worc.Keswick, WilliamWilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryLambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Lane-Fox, G. R.TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (Birmingh'mLong, Rt. Hn. Walter (Dublin, S.)Courthope and Mr. Hunt.

Mr. HARCOURT moved an Amendment providing that the Commissioners in ascertaining the demand for small holdings "shall confer with the county councils and" may employ or co-operate with such authorities, associations, and persons as they think best qualified to assist them.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 3, after the word 'purpose,' to insert the words 'shall confer with the county councils and.'"—(Mr. Harcourt.)

Question proposed, "That those words be their inserted."

asked whether the expression county, councils would include the councils of county boroughs. He would like to allude to the case of a place in his own constituency known as Catshill, where small holdings were being carried out. As soon as the local demand in that district was satisfied there was a demand from people in Birmingham who had been born at Catshill but had come to Birmingham, worked and saved money, and who would like to go back to the land. Which council was intended to work this Bill, and on whose behalf would action be taken? Would the city authority or the county authority take action for the reinstatement of these people on the land, and on which authority would the risk fall? His desire was, and he was sure the House would appreciate it, that these people who came from Catshill should get their small holdings if they were shown to be suitable, and they might through this clause get in them the most excellent class of tenant. Surely if there was any risk or speculation about it their own county councils ought to take the risk and not the county council into whose district they were moving. Would the risk fall on the Birmingham authority in whose district there was this prospective demand or the County Council of Worcester on whom the liability would fall?

Mr. HARCOURT said that for all the purposes of the Act the council of a county borough was a county council. It was necessary that a city like Birmingham should be able to provide small holdings for its own people beyond its own area, and for that purpose there was a clause put into the Bill permitting them to acquire land outside their own boundaries. Of course the liability would be its own. The words he had put in were to allow the Commissioners to work freely with all and every county council.

Amendment agreed to.

*VISCOUNT MORPETH (Birmingham, S.) moved to leave out the words "employ or" in that part of the clause which provides that, in order to ascertain the demand for small holdings, the Commissioners may employ or co-operate with authorities, associations, and persons. He said that these words might have a most undesirable result if left in the Bill. He and those who thought with him had no objection to the Commissioners cooperating with county councils or with associations, but that they should have a right to employ them left the door open to all sorts of abuses. It was conceivable that there might have been an election in the district fought upon the question of small holdings, and that the party which advocated small holdings had been beaten The Commissioners might come into that district and employ those in favour of small holdings over the heads of the electorate who in the main were against them. Such a possibility clearly showed that the Government had no regard for the wishes of the electorate and did not trust them in the least. The right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill had found fault with the right hon. Member for the Bordesley Division because he suggested there might be pickings in the Bill, but in this clause there certainly might arise scandals of that sort, and it was the duty of the House so to legislate as to prevent any such scandal taking place. While the county councils, the representatives of the people, would not be empowered to pay their sub-committees, persons who were not representative of the locality might be paid by the Commissioners. "How would the appointments be made? The Com- missioners must depend on local advice—probably that of the local Member of Parliament. It was already claimed that Members of Parliament should have the right to recommend for the commission of the peace persons who had assisted them in their contests, but here men were to receive money payments. There was the gravest danger that the persons appointed would not be those whom the locality would have selected.

seconded the Amendment. He thought payment and voluntary cooperation should not be mixed up in this way. If there was a power to employ and pay he was perfectly certain that situations would arise in which persons who otherwise had voluntarily assisted would naturally, when they saw they could get something out of it, stand out and refuse to do anything unless they were paid. It would be better that this clause should be confined to voluntary cooperation with those who were able and willing to give assistance.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, lines 3 and 4, to leave out the word 'employ or.'"—(Viscount Morpeth.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

thought the noble Lord had taken a very highly coloured view of what was possible under the Bill. The Amendment, if accepted, would have the effect of robbing the Commissioners of any power to employ a person who they thought would be able to assist them. Nothing was further from the minds of those who drafted the clause than that it should carry such extraordinary powers as the noble Lord thought it would. He could not accept the Amendment, as he did not think it would be reasonable to deprive the Commissioners of this power.

said the hon. and learned Gentleman had confined himself entirely to the employment of persons and had said nothing as to the employment of associations. The hon. and learned Member was aware that there were associations in existence, for assisting people to small holdings, which were now frankly political. Was it comtemplated that it should be possible to employ an association of that kind, that the Government should pay what was practically a subsidy to what had hitherto been a voluntary association acting in harmony with the views of one political party. By employing such an association the Government would be practically making a subscription to the organisation of one Party. The right to employ and pay ought to be confined to persons.

said the right hon. Gentleman opposite had been rather sarcastic with regard to some remarks which he had made as to the danger comprised in such a section as this. He had no desire to cast any reflection on the Commissioners of the Board of Agriculture, but appointments would be made in many centres if the Bill was to be operative, and the Commissioners of the Board of Agriculture could not know what was going on. The appointments made would not be by the Commissioners directly but by sub-Commissioners who occupied an inferior position to the Commissioners. Therefore he asserted that the appointments would be political, and though the payment would be small the appointments would follow the political complexion of the Members of Parliament or the organisation. They were dealing with public money. It was not like the case in which a committee of the county council was appointed, because that committee was not paid. The committee, in this instance, was indirectly appointed from London. Very few knew anything about it, and consequently somebody in a district might be appointed to a position for which he was perhaps not qualified, at any rate in the eyes of those who were politically opposed to the class to which he belonged. The words might not only give rise to a vast expenditure of public money, but open up unnecessary expenditure. He hoped that hon. Gentlemen opposite would try to justify such a feature as this. They had been silent, nearly every one of them, about the objections which had been offered, but their silence was the best admission of the justice of those objections. The guillotine stifled discussion in that House and in the Committee upstairs, but they could not stifle discussion in the country. All these things would have to come out. But he urged, in the case of these expenses, that the greater part of them would fall on the rent which the poor agricultural labourer had to pay; therefore the less they could make those expenses the better, and there was no necessity whatever for them. All his hon. friends opposite bad been voting to pile up the burden of expenses on the backs of the men who would have to pay it in the form of rent. The proposal was another illustrasion of what they had been engaged in doing for some time past—piling up a burden for the poor agricultural labourer to bear.

said the expenses of the Agricultural Commissioners would be paid out of the Small Holdings Fund.

said that came on the taxes; they could not dispute it. His hon. friend was perfectly right—it was a perfectly unnecessary expense. They were opening the door to an immense amount of expenditure and political demoralisation, and therefore he hoped that the Government would consent to this Amendment.

*

said the right hon. Gentleman had read into the words something which they really did not imply. To his mind it would be a great pity if, in trying to focus the demand for small holdings, and to secure suitable land, the Commissioners were not permitted to employ persons to assist them. It had fallen to his own lot the other day to have personal experience in this matter. He had to look over a farm with a view to letting it out for small holdings. It struck him that the land was very suitable for fruit culture, but he dared not on his own initiative declare it to be so. Therefore he called to his assistance a practical man, who came a distance of fifty miles to examine the subsoil. He was advised by him that the soil was suitable for strawberry and raspberry growing. He paid the man a guinea for his day and his expenses. It would be a man of that class, he imagined, whom the Commissioners would employ from time to time to assist them in getting hold not only of the right holdings but also the right class of men to cultivate them. He thought it would be a great pity if the words "may employ" were left out of the Bill, and he hoped the noble Lord would not press his Amendment.

said he did not think the hon. Member who had just sat down had at all met the objection raised to these words. The argument might have been more appropriate if it had been a question whether the land was suitable for small holdings or not. But the object of this clause was something totally different. What in this case had to be inquired into was the demand there would be for small holdings in any district, and how far that demand could be reasonably satisfied under the existing Act. He did not see that it was necessary for that purpose to employ associations, for instance. There were many associations for the promotion of small holdings existing in the country, and he knew that they entered into their work with great zeal and earnestness, and with the idea, in which they always believed, that it was probably the object of the greatest importance in the present day. He did not think that by employing associations of that kind they were sure to get very reliable information as to the demand that existed in different parts of the country. He thought that it was hardly within the limits of human nature, occupied as they were, that they should not take a rather highly coloured view, he would not put it higher than that of the situation, and with their ardent aspirations for the promotion of the system, he thought it was quite possible they might be likely to give an exceedingly misleading description to the Commissioners. For that reason he thought it desirable to remove the words "may employ" from the clause, and in any case he would move with regard to the word "associations."

asked whether the this clause the Commissioners might employ county authorities, or the education authority, or the finance committee, or highways board, or any other committee of the county council. He maintained that as the clause stood they might employ any county authority.

said the hon. Member had put a practical question as to the assistance to be given to the Commissioners. Under the very next sub-section it was the duty of the local authorities, county councils, committees, and so forth, to give the Commissioners all the assistance and information in their power.

said that, having heard the answer of the hon. and learned Gentleman, it seemed to him that the question arose why it was necessary to insert the word "authority." If the authorities had to co-operate with the Commissioners, why put it in the Bill? It had no meaning, and it ought to be eliminated. He did not think that anyone on the Government side of the House had in any way answered the argument of the noble Lord who moved the Amendment, or had attempted to show that great abuse and evils would not flow from the use of the power to obtain help. It was not only a waste of money, but it seemed to him that it opened the door very widely to a great amount of jobbery and of fictitious work to keep the movement alive merely for the purpose of giving, jobs to these men. All Members of that House knew very well the sort of society which existed merely for the purpose of paying the secretary's salary, and he was afraid that posts might be created, if this power were given, the only advantage of which would accrue to the persons who were paid salaries. The Solicitor-General seemed to imagine that if these words were deleted from the clause it would not be within the competency of the Commissioners to employ anybody in any capacity, not even a cabman or anyone to run errands for them. He was sure that was not the fact, and that it was not necessary to provide by Act of Parliament for the ordinary spheres of employment which such a body as the Commissioners would have to use. Having regard to the fact that this provision might cause great abuse in the rural districts, and also weaken the value of the information, which would be much bettor if voluntarily given, he sincerely supported the Amendment.

said he heartily associated himself with his hon. friend who had moved the Amendment. He thought that it was most dangerous to offer this employment, and, that it would result in numerous people being sent about. Surely if there was any great desire in the country for small holdings people would not hesitate to come forward and make their applications.

*

said that no one would suggest that a Government Department should waste money in employing anybody who would not be a substantial advantage. If it was suggested that the Commissioners were going to roam about the country employing anybody they liked on all sorts of occasions, and associations besides, that was something which it had not entered into the brain of the wildest opponent of this Bill to imagine. What was meant was that the employment should have reference to one thing only, and that was the inquiry as to what demand there was for small holdings. Surely when these gentlemen were to come under the Board of Agriculture, that Department might be trusted as to their employment. He could quite imagine a small association of a very humble kind, the secretary of which would be a person of great importance in prosecuting such an inquiry as was contemplated, and he could not understand what harm would arise when it was realised that such employment would be "under the direction of the Board of Agriculture."

said it would be undesirable to debar the Commissioners from employing people who had been formed into an association for the purpose of assisting them in this inquiry. It would indicate distrust of the Commissioners, which should be avoided.

*

AYES.

Acland, Francis DykeBertram, JuliusCollins, Stephen (Lambeth)
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Bethell, Sir J. H (Esex, Romf'rdCollins, Sir Wm. J (S. Pancras, W
Alden, PercyBlack, Arthur W.Corbett, C. H (Sussex, E. Grinst'd
Asquith, Rt. Hn. Herbert HenryBowerman, C. W.Cox, Harold
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Brace, WilliamCremer, Sir William Randal
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Bramsdon, T. A.Crooks, William
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Branch, JamesCrossley, William J.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnCurran, Peter Francis
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Carr-Gomm, H. W.Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.Causton, Rt. Hn Richard KnightDavies, Timothy (Fulham)
Beauchamp, E.Cheetham, John FrederickDavies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)
Beck, A. CecilCherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.
Bell, RichardCleland, J. W.Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.
Bellairs, CarlyonClough, WilliamDilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets. S. GeoClynes, J. R.Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness
Berridge, T. H. D.Cobbold, Felix ThornleyDunn, A. Edward (Camborne)

Amendment, and he did not need any question of authorities or associations to justify him in supporting this proposal. They all desired that this Bill should work with as little difficulty and friction and as much success as possible. If they wished the Bill to be a failure and a source of bitterness and strife, they could not do better than retain the words which it was proposed to omit. Quite apart from these words the practical working of the measure would be attended with much heart-burning, jealousy, and personal difficulties of all kinds in the country districts, not only on the part of those from whom the land was taken, but also of those amongst whom it was going to be divided. He referred to such questions as how was the land to be divided? Who was to have the largest piece? Who was to have the best piece, or the best equipped piece? Personal feelings of bitterness would be engendered, and political questions would arise. All that was inevitable; but if they desired to multiply those evils tenfold they only needed to add to them the possibility of making personal profit by the transactions. A small minority would be able to override the desires of their neighbours, and insist upon small holdings at the expense of their neighbours. If they wanted to make this a perpetual fount of bitterness, they could do so by making it possible for a person not only to override his neighbours, but also to put money in his own pocket at the same time.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 209; Noes, 57. (Division List No. 404.)

Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'rd
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Lever, A. Levy (Essex, HarwichRobertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Erskine, David C.Levy, Sir MauriceRobson, Sir William Snowdon
Essex, R. W.Lewis, John HerbertRogers, F. E. Newman
Esslemont, George BirnieLloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidRowlands, J.
Evans, Samuel T.Lupton, ArnoldRunciman, Walter
Everett, R. LaceyLyell, Charles HenryRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)
Fenwick, CharlesLynch, H. B.Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Ffrench, PeterMacdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Scott, A. H. (Ashton-und.-Lyne
Findlay, AlexanderMacdonald, J. M (Falkirk B'ghs)Sears, J. E.
Freeman-Thomas, FreemanMackarness, Frederic C.Seely, Colonel
Fuller, John Michael F.Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Sherwell, Arthur James
Fullerton, HughMacVengh, Jeremiah (Down, S.Shipman, Dr. John G.
Gladstone, Rt. Hn Herbert JohnM'Callum, John M.Silcock, Thomas Ball
Glover, ThomasM'Kenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldSimon, John Allsebrook
Goddard, Daniel FordMaddison, FrederickSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Gooch, George PeabodyMallet, Charles E.Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie
Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)Manfield, Harry (Northants)Snowden, P.
Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir EdwardMarkham, Arthur BasilStanger, H. Y.
Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston)Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N. W.)
Hall, FrederickMarnham, F. J.Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)
Harcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisMassie, J.Steadman, W. C.
Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)Masterman, C. F. G.Stewart, Halley (Greenock)
Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)Micklem, NathanielStrachey, Sir Edward
Harmsworth, R. L (Caithn'ss-sh.Molteno, Percy AlportSummerbell, T.
Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. EMontagu, E. S.Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Haworth, Arthur A.Morrell, PhilipTaylor, John W. (Durham)
Hazel, Dr. A. E.Morse, L. L.Thorne, William
Hedges, A. PagetMorton, Alpheus CleophasTorrance, Sir A. M.
Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Myer, HoratioUre, Alexander
Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, WNapier, T. B.Verney, F. W.
Henry, Charles S.Nicholls, GeorgeVivian, Henry
Higham, John SharpNicholson, Charles N (Doncast'rWalker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Hobhouse, Charles E. H.Nolan, JosephWalters, John Tudor
Holden, E. HopkinsonNorton, Capt. Cecil WilliamWalton, Joseph (Barnsley)
Holland, Sir William HenryO'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent
Hope, W. Bateman (Somerset, NO'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.Ward, W. Dudley (South'mpton
Horniman, Emslie JohnPaulton, James MellorWardle, George J.
Howard, Hon. GeoffreyPearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)Waterlow, D. S.
Hudson, WalterPearce, William (Limehouse)Weir, James Galloway
Hyde, ClarendonPearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)White, George (Norfolk)
Isaacs, Rufus DanielPollard, Dr.White, Luke (York, E. R.)
Johnson, John (Gateshead)Price, C E. (Edinb'gh, Central)White, Patrick (Meath, North)
Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (SwanseaRadford, G. H.Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)
Jones, Leif (Appleby)Raphael, Herbert H.Wiles, Thomas
Jones, William (CarnarvonshireRea, Russell (Gloucester)Wilkie, Alexander
Kearley, Hudson E.Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Wills, Arthur Walters
Kekewich, Sir GeorgeRees, J. D.Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Kelley, George D.Rendall, AthelstanWilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Laidlaw, RobertRichards, Thomas (W. Monm'thWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Lamb, Edmund G. (LeominsterRichards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'nWinfrey, R.
Lambert, GeorgeRidsdale, E. A.
Lamont, NormanRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Whiteley and Sir. J. A. Pease.

Lardner, James Carrige RusheRoberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.)

NOES.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hn. Sir Alex. F.Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (Birningh'mHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)
Anson, Sir William ReynellCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Hills, J. W.
Ashley, W. W.Courthope, G. LoydHornby, Sir William Henry
Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (City Lond.)Craik, Sir HenryHunt, Rowland
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Keswick, William
Beckett, Hon. GervaseDu Cros, HarveyLambton, Hon. Frederick Wm.
Bowles, G. StewartFell, ArthurLane-Fox, G. R.
Boyle, Sir EdwardFetherstonhaugh, GodfreyLonsdale, John Brownlee
Carlile, E. HildredFletcher, J. S.Magnus, Sir Philip
Cave, GeorgeForster, Henry WilliamMiddlemore, John Throgmorton
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Gardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Mildmay, Francis Bingham
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Moore, William
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Worc.Gordon, J.Nicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Peace, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Helmsley, Viscount

Powell, Sir Francis SharpStarkey, John R.Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Randles, Sir John ScurrahTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Rawlinson, John Frederick PeelThomson, W. Mitchell-(Lanark)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.

Ronaldshay, Earl ofTurnour, ViscountViscount Morpeth and Mr. George D. Faber.
Salter, Arthur ClavellValentia, Viscount
Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)Wedgwood, Josiah C.

MR. CHAPLIN moved to omit "associations" from the bodies whom the Commissioners may employ or co-operate with in ascertaining the demand for small holdings and the extent to which it can be satisfied.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 4, to leave out the word 'associations.'"—(Mr. Chaplin.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'associations' stand part of the Bill."

said he had no doubt that what was contemplated by the draftsmen was that it should be in the power of the Commissioners to co-operate with those associations, and the effect of the Amendment would be to deprive them of that power, which was undesirable.

hoped the Government would reconsider this point. He did not know what associations the Government had in their minds, but there were a number of associations which were distinctly political organisations, and it should not be open to the Commissioners to employ these associations or to the Government to subsidise associations of a political character. In connection with the work of placing the names of qualified voters on the register, associations and individuals Were allowed to co-operate, and to spend money if they liked, but I public authorities were not allowed to pay to political associations the expenses they incurred in so doing. There was no more reason why they should allow a Government Department to subsidise a political association in this case than in the other. It might be answered that a county association was not a political association. That might be so, but what he did know was that there were allotments associations which were distinctly political organisations. His right hon. friend the Member for the Bordesley Division was the founder of an association, and when he had the misfortune to differ from the Liberal Party on the subject of Home Rule he was turned out of the chairmanship of the association which he had formed. The right hon. Gentleman formed another association, and he himself was the first hon. secretary of it. Both of these associations were of a political character. Would it not be a scandal that either should be subsidised by the Government? These associations had done good work hitherto with the voluntary subscriptions they had been able to get from people interested. Let them continue to do that work, but subscriptions of public money should not be given to political associations under cover that it was payment for the work they did in the spread of small holdings. He thought words could be introduced to make it possible for the Commissioners to co-operate with the associations, while not leaving it in their power to pay them.

said the right hon. Gentleman had assumed that all these associations were political. [AN HON. MEMBER: "Not at all."] He had admitted that the two allotments associations to which he referred were political. He reminded the right hon. Gentleman of a large organisation which existed merely for the purpose of promoting agriculture. Upon that organisation there were men of all shades of political opinion.

said that was true, and the co-operation of that body could be secured without any payment. He did not wish to prevent the Government or the Commissioners cooperating with any of these bodies. What he said was that it would be a scandal that they should pay political associations.

said there was one large body, and there were probably more, which would co-operate helpfully when the Bill came into operation, and which could not by any stretch of imagination be called political He did not wish to make any political capital out of this. He was very glad that the Solicitor-General had not consented to take out the word "associations." There were undoubtedly associations connected with agriculture which could not by any stretch of imagination be called political.

*

suggested that in order to carry out what they all desired, namely, that there should be no opportunity for giving a subsidy to any political association, the word "co-operate" should alone be used. He deeply regretted that the right hon. Gentleman should have left it open to the Commissioners to pay money to an association.

said he was strongly inclined to support the view expressed by the hon. Member for Burnley. In recent years tenant farmers' associations had been formed, and they had a lot of valuable information concerning the position of agriculture in their districts. He failed to see why the Commissioners should not be in a position, not only to invite all the information these associations could give, but to call them to any inquiry which might be held. These were not rich associations like trade unions; they were dependent on the contributions of their own few members, and occasionally, he was sorry to say, on the patronage of some of the agents of the lauded interest in their particular districts. But still they were trying to do good work for agriculture. He thought the Commissioners should have power to pay the necessary train fares in order to secure the attendance of the representatives of the associations at any inquiries hold for the purpose of getting information. He would say that in some cases not only the train fares should be allowed, but also a day's pay. He thought if the word "employ" were struck out, and only the word "cooperate" left, there might be an opportunity to quibble over the payment of such expenses as he had referred to.

said he would like to re-echo what the hon. Member had said about tenant farmers' associations. The associations in their corporate capacity did not want to be paid. They would gladly co-operate with the representatives of the county councils. He appealed to the Government to introduce some change into the clause in another place, so that there might be no confusion between co-operating with and employing an association. There were many urgent reasons why confusion should not be introduced between co-operating with and employing an association.

said that the Amendment related not to the employment, but to the associations themselves. In his opinion it was most vital for the successful working of the Act that every encouragement should be given to people who were enthusiastic believers in small holdings, and who thought that a new heaven was to be brought down to a new earth by getting the land into the hands of small men. There were economic difficulties in the way of that, and every moral assistance and enthusiasm would be required behind the Act to make it largely and successfully operative. In his opinion those people in every county who believed in the gospel of small holdings should be encouraged to associate themselves in the work of organisation, and in teaching the people the right lines on which to proceed. On these grounds he thought they must retain the word "associations" in the Bill.

*

said he had not the slightest objection to associations, but to their employment for money. The reason why he objected to the Commissioners employing these associations for money was that the Commissioners were not local men, but would move everywhere, north, south, east and west, to ascertain what was the demand for small holdings. In the course of their peregrinations they might employ an association to co-operate with them. But there were many different kinds of associations—political and agricultural—and there was no harm in any of them in themselves; but the point was, was it desirable by this Bill to enable the Commissioners to employ them for money? The Commissioners would be strangers to the locality, and they might in ignorance employ for money an association having a distinct political flavour about it. He wanted the Bill to work; but human beings were human beings, and it was much better to stereotype in an Act of Parliament what might or might not be done. The Commissioners would be as liable to err as anyone else; and if they employed to co-operate with them associations which had a political flavour about them, then "the fat would be in the fire." People would be sure to say that the Commissioners had come down to employ for money associations of such and such a political Party. That was not desirable in the interests of anyone when they wanted the Bill to work peaceably. He thought that "associations" might with propriety have remained in the clause, if the previous words "may employ" had been struck out, but this had not been done.

said he rather sympathised with the hon. Member, and was gratified that he objected to employ associations for money. He hoped the hon. Member would pursue the same idea, and let them have the land, of which there was plenty to spare, without the money.

pointed out that there was another clause in the Bill which dealt directly with the promotion by county

AYES.

Acland, Francis DykeDavies, Timothy (Fulham)Hobhouse, Charles E. H.
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.Holden, E. Hopkinson
Alden, PercyDickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, NHolland, Sir William Henry
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Hope, W. Bateman (Somerset, N
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Dobson, Thomas W.Horniman, Emslie John
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-FurnessHoward, Hon. Geoffrey
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Hudson, Walter
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.)Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Hyde, Clarendon
Beauchamp, E.Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Johnson, John (Gateshead)
Beck, A. CecilEssex, R. W.Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea
Bell, RichardEsslemont, George BirnieJones, Leif (Appleby)
Bellairs, CarlyonEvans, Samuel T.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire
Benn, W. (Tw'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Everett, R. LaceyKelley, George D.
Berridge, T. H. D.Fenwick, CharlesLaidlaw, Robert
Bertram, JuliusFerens, T. R.Lamb, Edmund G. (Leominster
Bethell, Sir J. H. (Essex, R'mf'dFfrench, PeterLamont, Norman
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Findlay, AlexanderLardner, James Carrige Rushe
Black, Arthur W.Fuller, John Michael F.Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.
Bowerman, C. W.Fullerton, HughLeese, Sir Joseph F. (Accringt'n
Brace, WilliamGlover, ThomasLever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich
Bramsdon, T. A.Goddard, Daniel FordLevy, Sir Maurice
Branch, JamesGooch, George PeabodyLewis, John Herbert
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnGreenwood, G. (Peterborough)Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. David
Byles, William PollardHall, FrederickLough, Thomas
Cheetham, John FrederickHarcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisLupton, Arnold
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)Lyell, Charles Henry
Cleland, J. W.Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)Lynch, H. B.
Clough, WilliamHarmsworth, R. L. (Caithn'ss-shMacdonald, J. R. (Leicester)
Clynes, J. R.Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghs
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.
Collins, Sir Wm. J. (S. Pancras, WHaworth, Arthur A.M'Callum, John M.
Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grn'st'dHazel, Dr. A. E.Maddison, Frederick
Cox, HaroldHazleton, RichardMallet, Charles E.
Cremer, Sir William RandalHedges, A. PagetManfield, Harry (Northants)
Crooks, WilliamHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Markham, Arthur Basil
Crossley, William J.Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston)
Curran, Peter FrancisHenry, Charles S.Marnham, F. J.
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)Higham, John SharpMassie, J.

councils of societies whose object was to further the system of small holdings. He thought their object would be equally gained if "associations" were omitted from the present clause. Clause 39 set forth that "a county council may promote the formation of and assist cooperative societies and credit banks, or societies having for their object, or one of their objects, the furtherance of the provision and successful cultivation of small holdings or allotments." He thought that when they were considering the general question as to the extent to which there was a legitimate demand for small holdings, if they were to ask for information from associations for the promotion of small holdings, that would not unnaturally lead to very highly coloured and misleading representations being made to the Commissioners.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 195; Noes, 44. (Division List No. 405.)

Masterman, C. F. G.Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)Ure, Alexander
Micklem, NathanielRoberts, John H. (Denbighs.)Verney, F. W.
Molteno, Percy AlportRobertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'dVivian, Henry
Montagu, E. S.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Montgomery, H. G.Robson, Sir William SnowdonWalters, John Tudor
Morse, L. L.Rogers, F. E. NewmanWalton, Joseph (Barnsley)
Morton, Alpheus CleophasRowlands, J.Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Myer, MoratioRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Ward, W. Dudley (South'mpton
Napier, T. B.Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Wardle, George J.
Nicholls, GeorgeScott, A. H. (Ashton under LyneWaterlow, D. S.
Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncast'rSears, J. E.Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Norton, Capt, Cecil WilliamSeely, ColonelWeir, James Galloway
O'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Sherwell, Arthur JamesWhite, George (Norfolk)
O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, NShipman, Dr. John G.White, Luke (York, E. R.)
Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)Silcock, Thomas BallWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Pearce, William (Limehouse)Simon, John AllsebrookWhiteley, John Henry (Halifax)
Pearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)Smeaton, Donald MackenzieWiles, Thomas
Pollard, Dr.Snowden, P.Wilkie, Alexander
Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, CentralStanger, H. Y.Wills, Arthur Walters
Radford, G. H.Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N. W.)Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Raphael, Herbert H.Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Rea, Russell (Gloucester)Steadman, W. C.Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'Stewart, Halley (Greenock)Winfrey, R.
Rees, J. D.Strachey, Sir Edward
Rendall, AthelstanSummerbell, T.TELLERS FOR THE AYES—. Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Richards, Thomas (W. Monm'thTaylor, Austin (East Toxteth)
Richards, T. F. (Wolverh'mp'nTaylor, John W. (Durham)
Ridsdale, E. A.Thorne, William
Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Torrance, Sir A. M.

NOES.

Ashley, W. W.Fell, ArthurMorpeth, Viscount
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksFetherstonhaugh, GodfreyNicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield
Beckett, Hon. GervaseFletcher, J. S.Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlingt'n
Boyle, Sir EdwardForster, Henry WilliamPowell, Sir Francis Sharp
Bridgman, W. CliveGardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Randles, Sir John Scurrah
Carlile, E. HildredGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Cave, GeorgeGordon, J.Ronaldshay, Earl of
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Wor.Harrison-Broadley, H. B.Salter, Arthur Clavell
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryHelmsley, ViscountStarkey, John R.
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Hill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (BirminghamHornby, Sir William HenryThomson, W. Mitchell- (Lanark)
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Hunt, RowlandTurnour, Viscount
Courthope, G. LoydLane-Fox, G. R.
Craik, Sir HenryLyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Sir

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Magnus, Sir PhilipAlexander Acland-Hood and
Faber, George Denison (York)Middlemore, John ThogmortonViscount Valentia.

MR. LANE-FOX moved to amend Clause 2 by inserting at page 2, line 21, after "urban," the words "or rural." He merely wished to move this as a protest, and for the purpose of contending that rural councils were quite as capable of receiving information and assisting in this work as any urban district council. He knew that it had been the object of hon. Gentlemen opposite to make out that the work of the rural councils had been retrograde and of very small value, and he quite admitted that some of the evidence which came before the Committee which sat last year went to establish that, and that in consequence the recommendation taking away the power from the rural councils was passed. He, however, was one of the Members who differed from that recommendation; it seemed to him that the rural councils were a valuable asset. Later on in the Bill there was a proposal to take away power from the rural councils and transfer it to the urban district councils. He could not discuss that now, from the point of view of order, but they might not reach that provision under the peculiar arrangements of the Government in regard to business, and the debate of it might be shut out by the guillotine. He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would see that it was worth his while to secure the co-operation of all the elected bodies in the country, and he thought he would do far better under the rural district councils than under the urban district councils, especially if he enlisted the sympathies of the farmer class on the first-named authorities.

seconded the Amendment, which, he said, could not do any harm and would probably do a great deal of good. He objected to this invidious distinction being drawn between the higher and the lower bodies. If the right hon. Gentleman could not accept the Amendment he hoped he would give some good reason for not doing so.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 21, after the word 'urban,' to insert the words 'or rural.'"—(Mr. Lane-Fox).

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

*

said he had attempted to make it quite clear to the House why the rural district councils must be omitted from the Bill. The Commissioners acquired information, and as under the Bill the rural district councils were deprived of their powers it would be useless to send that information to them. The reason why the rural district council had been deprived of its small holdings powers was that it had been unable or unwilling to exercise them to any considerable extent. During the period that rural councils had established small holdings to the extent of 243 acres, the parish councils had provided 15,000 acres. It was therefore desirable that this power should be removed from; the rural councils.

thought the Amendment should not be proposed at this particular point, but considered that the right hon. Gentleman was somewhat unfair to the rural district councils. He had quoted some figures, but appeared to forget that the rural district councils had not been provided with the powers of compulsion. Moreover, he had not done full justice to the work which the rural district councils had done either through their clerks or themselves. They had been instrumental in inducing landlords to provide allotments in a large number of cases of which no record was kept. He did not think the light hon. Gentleman, therefore, was entitled to throw any aspersions upon the rural district councils, and he wished to enter a protest against the statements which had been made.

MR. LANE-FOX said he did not wish to delay the House, but he had raised this point at this stage because they might not be able to discuss it later on He wished to say, however, that the aspersions which the right hon. Gentleman had passed upon rural district councils were entirely unfounded.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

*VISCOUNT MORPETH moved to substitute for the first subsection of Clause 3 a new subsection providing that when the Board state, or the county council are of opinion, that it is desirable that a scheme shall be made, the county council may prepare one or more draft schemes for the provision of small holdings in their county. The Amendment raised what he thought the right hon. Gentleman would admit was a vital point. The effect of it was to give the county council a freer hand by not requiring them (as the Bill proposed) to have regard to the proposals of the Commissioners in framing schemes, and provide that there should be no power to override the council and set up over them an authority which was non-elective. His contention was that if the right bon. Gentleman adopted the Amendment and gave the county councils real power to obtain small holdings and allotments he would obtain better results than by, in the first instance, trying to force them and then having recourse to a central authority. Speaking on a previous Amendment he had pointed out that there was a great deal of lip service about the local self-government of this country which was not carried out in actual practice. The county council under his proposal would be in the position of having the chief voice in the question of whether or not small holdings were to be set up in their area, whereas as the Bill now stood it was not administered by means of local self-government, the hand which worked the machine being that of the central authority. Anybody who had the slightest acquaintance with local government could detail many instances of the interference which took place with the decisions of the local authorities by the central authorities. There was no point too small for interference on the part of the central authorities, and local government, as now understood, appeared to be giving power to local authorities with one hand and with the other taking it away and handing it over to the central authorities. The right hon. Gentleman proposed in the Bill to give the county councils the power of preparing schemes, but he evidently mistrusted the county councils and thought it desirable to give the chief power to the central authority. If this power had been a concurrent power there might have been something to be said for it. The right hon. Gentleman having ostensibly given the control to the local authority had given power to the Commissioners acting under the Board of Agriculture to override the county councils and upon their own motion to say, "You shall do this, and if you do not we will do it, and possibly at your expense." Owing to the unfortunate position in which the House was placed they were debarred from discussing the financial question and could only refer to it. But if the right hon. Gentleman said in the minutes he proposed to issue that when the Commissioners acting after the default of the county council made a failure, they should pay the whole of the expenses of the experiment, which the ratepayers had already told them would not succeed, that would alleviate the position to some extent. He therefore urged the Minister in charge of the Bill to check any attempt to charge those who warned the central authority that they were making a mistake and whose warning was disregarded. If the whole of the cost of such an experiment was levied on the ratepayers it would give rise to such a spirit of discontent that the Bill would not come into operation in the country districts for many years. To attempt to coerce the authority when their opinion did not square with that of the Government could only lead to disappointment. Such a power was tried under the old School Board Act, but it was dropped under the Act of 1902. It was very singular that all attempts to whittle away the power of local authorities should come from the Government Front Bench. He disagreed with the argument that this was analogous to the working of the Act dealing with defaulting education authorities. In that case the defaulting education authorities had broken the law. In this case there was no question of violating a statute, it was merely a question of whether in the opinion of the local authority small holdings would be desirable in their locality and whether the the demand for small holdings could be met without loss to the ratepayers. Although he did not dare to hope that the right hon. Gentleman would accept the Amendment, they were bound to protest against the adoption of a principle which had been tried in the past and found to be unworkable and contrary to the principles of good self-government, and to warn the right hon. Gentleman that he was not adopting the right course to obtain the object he had in view. He begged to move.

, in seconding the Amendment, said he looked upon this as the second coercive step in the Bill. He had always understood the maxim of the Liberal Party to be "Trust the people." When the county councils and parish councils were first started everybody was lead to believe that the respective county councils represented the true wishes of the people. The right hon. Gentleman, when introducing the Bill, said there was no better landlords than the county councils, because they were the most popularly elected bodies in the county, and were the direct representatives of the people. That being so, why not trust them; but the Government, instead of trusting them, put this power in the measure to enable the Commissioners to coerce the county councils when their opinion did not coincide with that of the Board of Agriculture. The Commissioners were to go about the country and inquire as to the demand for small holdings and report to the Board of Agriculture. That report would be sent down to the county council, and in this section it was laid down that it was the duty of the county council to draft the scheme. If the Government trusted the county council, and the county council were to carry this out, the initiative ought to be left with them to see if there was a demand for small holdings. They ought to frame their own report and provide their own scheme, and only when they failed to produce a scheme ought the Board of Agriculture to step in. If it was neces- sary for the Board of Agriculture to step in and usurp the duties of the county council, the Commissioners ought to carry out their scheme out of the Imperial funds and not out of the rates. He therefore supported the Amendment of his noble friend, and trusted the Government would see their way to accept it.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 23, to leave out Sub-section (1) of Clause 3, and insert the words—'(1) When the Board state or the county council are of opinion that it is desirable that a scheme shall be made, the county council may prepare one or more draft schemes for the provision of small holdings in their county.'"—(Viscount Morpeth.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out, to the word 'after,' in page 2, line 23, stand part of the Bill."

said the noble Lord had moved an Amendment which omitted altogether from the Bill the duty imposed on the county council and would leave their action purely optional. The omission of the duty from the Bill would carry with it the omission of any action in default. This was a vital point in the Bill. What he desired was to get the work done where it was desirable and necessary. The noble Lord had spoken of over-bearing the county council by superior force, and of coercing the county council. The Government had done nothing of the sort. They had merely provided an alternative body to act where the county council declined. As he had already said on the introduction of the Bill, where the Board acted in default of the county council, and where it was proved the Board was wrong and the county council right, it was in the highest degree improbable that the expenditure would be charged on the rates; but there might be duties entailed on the central authority by default of the county councils. The noble Lord had said there had been a great deal of lip-service rendered to local self-government On these debates, but he believed the result of the Bill would be to render great and real service to the county councils. He hoped that the effect of the Bill would be to democratise the county councils and make them really representative. He was surprised that it should be said that his action on the Bill was designed to "put up the backs" of the county councils. The noble Lord was a member of the County Councils Association, and would admit that he had endeavoured to meet that body by making a practical concession to them, though not exactly in the form they wanted it; but they were satisfied with the considerable concession which by leave of the Chancellor of the Exchequer he had been able to make that day, viz., the payment by the Treasury of half of any loss which might be entailed upon county councils in acting on their own account. He could not say that he had deliberately, or intentionally, or even innocently "put up the backs" of the county councils against this scheme. He had been desirous throughout of consulting the county councils, and he wished to get the most support he could from the best representative body they had in the country in order that they might have local control and management of these matters. It was only for what he believed would be rare cases that he had provided this machinery.

said he agreed with part of what the right hon. Gentleman had said, that there should be power for the Commissioners to proceed in some other way if the county council refused to act or do their duty. If the right hon. Gentleman would frankly and fairly meet them with the promise that, where the central authority acted instead of the county council, and it turned out that they incurred a loss, the Treasury should pay that loss, then he would not vote for the Amendment, but as the right hon. Gentleman did not see fit to take what seemed to him to be the only fair course, he would support his noble friend's proposal.

said the right hon. Gentleman, he thought nor intentionally, had misrepresented the argument of his noble friend in moving the Amendment. His noble friend had not said that the right hon. Gentleman had "put up the backs" of the county councils. Everyone would admit that the right hon. Gentleman in the discussions on the Bill had been most anxious to meet them, and that he had done his best to meet the objections of the representatives of county councils. But nevertheless the right hon. Gentleman's proposal would have the effect of "putting up the backs" of the county Councils, and there he agreed with his noble friend. The right hon. Gentleman did not like the word "coercion," but he did not see how the operation could be otherwise described. As long as this position between the county councils and the central authority was retained there would be a tendency in individual cases to "put up their backs." He hoped the right hon. Gentleman would see his way to

AYES.

Acland, Francis DykeEverett, R. LaceyLyell, Charles Henry
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Fenwick, CharlesLynch, H. B.
Alden, PercyFerens, T. R.Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)
Ashton, Thomas GairFfrench, PeterMacdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghs)
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Findlay, AlexanderMacnamara, Dr. Thomas J.
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Fuller, John Michael F.MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Fullerton, HughM'Callum, John M.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Glover, ThomasM'Killop, W.
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Goddard, Daniel FordM'Micking, Major G.
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.)Gooch, George PeabodyMaddison, Frederick
Beauchamp, E.Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)Mallet, Charles E.
Beck, A. CecilHall, FrederickManfield, Harry (Northants)
Bell, RichardHarcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisMarkham, Arthur Basil
Bellairs, CarlyonHardy, George A. (Suffolk)Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston)
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)Marnham, F. J.
Berridge, T. H. D.Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithn'ss-shMassie, J.
Bertram, JuliusHarvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)Masterman, C. F. G.
Bethell, Sir J. H. (Essex, Romf'rdHarvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.Micklem, Nathaniel
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Haworth, Arthur A.Molteno, Percy Alport
Black, Arthur W.Hazel, Dr. A. E.Money, L. G. Chiozza
Bowerman, C. W.Hedges, A. PagetMontagu, E. S.
Brace, WilliamHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Montgomery, H. G.
Bramsdon, T. A.Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)Morse, L. L.
Branch, JamesHenry, Charles S.Morton, Alpheus Cleophas
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnHigham, John SharpMyer, Horatio
Byles, William PollardHobhouse, Charles E. H.Napier, T. B.
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Holden, E. HopkinsonNicholls, George
Cheetham, John FrederickHolland, Sir William HenryNicholson, Charles N. (Doncast'r
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Hope, W. Bateman (Somerset, N.Nolan, Joseph
Clarke, C. Goddard (Peckham)Horniman, Emslie JohnNorton, Capt. Cecil William
Cleland, J. W.Howard, Hon. GeoffreyO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Clough, WilliamHudson, WalterO'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)
Clynes, J. R.Hyde, ClarendonO'Kelly, James (Rosecommon, N.
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Jardine, Sir J.Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)
Collins, Sir Wm. J (S. Pancras, W.Johnson, John (Gateshead)Pearce, William (Limehouse)
Corbett, CH (Sussex, E. Grinst'd)Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)Pearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)
Cox, HaroldJones, Leif (Appleby)Pollard, Dr.
Cremer, Sir William RandalJones, William (CarnarvonshirePrice, C. E. (Edinb'gh, Central)
Crooks, WilliamKekewich, Sir GeorgeRadford, G. H
Crossley, William J.Kelley, George D.Raphael, Herbert H.
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)King, Alfred John (Knutsford)Rea, Russell (Gloucester)
Davies, Timothy (Fulham)Laidlaw, RobertRea, Walter Russell (Scarboro'
Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Lamb, Edmund G. (LeominsterRees, J. D.
Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, NLambert, GeorgeRendall, Athelstan
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Lamont, NormanRichards, Thomas (W. Monm'th
Dobson, Thomas W.Lardner, James Carrige RusheRichards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.Ridsdale, E. A.
Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Leese, Sir Joseph F (Accrington)Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Levy, Sir MauriceRoberts, John H. (Denbighs.)
Erskine, David C.Lewis, John HerbertRobertson, Sir (Scott Bradf'rd
Essex, R. W.Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. DavidRobertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Esslemont, George BirnieLough, ThomasRobson, Sir William Snowdon
Evans, Samuel T.Lupton, ArnoldRogers, F. E. Newman

eliminate as far as he could, even at that late stage, any question of the coercion of elective bodies, because he was perfectly certain that on the attitude which he adopted with regarded to those bodies depended the success of the Bill. He hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would reconsider the matter.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 208; Noes, 46. (Division List No. 406.)

Rowlands, J.Stewart, Halley (Greenock)Waterlow, D. S.
Rutherford, V. H. (Brentford)Strachey, Sir EdwardWedgwood, Josiah C.
Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)Strauss, E. A. (Abingdon)Weir, James Galloway
Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)Summerbell, T.White, George (Norfolk)
Scott, A. H. (Ashton under Lyne)Sutherland, J. E.White, Luke (York, E. R.)
Sears, J. E.Tayor, Austen (East Toxteth)Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)
Seely, ColonelTaylor, John W. (Durham)Wilkie, Alexander
Sherwell, Arthur JamesThorne, WilliamWills, Arthur Walters
Shipman, Dr. John G.Torrance, Sir A. M.Wilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Silcock, Thomas BallUre, AlexanderWilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Simon, John AllsebrookVerney, F. W.Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Smeaton, Donald MackenzieVivian, HenryWinfrey, R.
Snowden, P.Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)
Stanger, H. Y.Walters, John TudorTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N. W.)Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)
Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)Ward, John (Stoke upon Trent)
Steadman, W. C.Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton

NOES.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hn. Sir Alex. F.Faber, George Denison (York)Middlemore, John Throgmorton
Ashley, W. W.Fell, ArthurMorpeth, Viscount
Aubrey-Fletcher, Rt. Hon. Sir H.Fetherstonhaugh, GodfreyNicholson, W. M. G. (Petersfield)
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeFletcher, J. S.Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Beckett, Hon. GervaseForster, Henry WilliamRandles, Sir John Scurrah
Boyle, Sir EdwardGardner, Ernest (Berks., East)Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Bridgeman, W. CliveGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Ronaldshay, Earl of
Carlile, E. HildredGordon, J.Salter, Arthur Clavell
Castlereagh, ViscountHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Starkey, John R.
Cave, GeorgeHelmsley, ViscountTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (WorcHill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Thomson, W Mitchell-(Lanark)
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Hills, J. W.Valentia, Viscount
Collings, Rt. Hn. J. (BirminghamHornby, Sir William Henry
Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Hunt, RowlandTELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Courthope, G. LoydKenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hon. Col. W.Hicks Beach and Mr. Lane-Fox.
Craik, Sir HenryLyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Magnus, Sir Philip

pointed out that the clause gave the Board power to make such modifications in the report of the Commissioners as they thought desirable, and moved to substitute "observations" for "modifications." He thought the Board ought not to be allowed to alter the report before sending it on to the county council, but they might make observations upon it.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 27, to leave out the word 'modifications,' and to insert the word 'observations.'"—(Mr. Cave.)

Question proposed, "That the word 'modifications' stand part of the clause."

said it was very desirable in many ways for the Board to have power to modify the report. He would be willing to accept after "modifications" the words "or observations," if that would content the hon. Member.

said that surely the Board ought not to send to the county council as the Commissioners' report anything that was not their report, and perhaps to foist upon the Commissioners opinions which were not theirs.

reminded the right hon. Gentleman that he had altered several clauses on this point at the request of hon. Gentlemen opposite.

On the Committee. There he had altered the tenor of several clauses. The clause was left in the form in which it stood because it was considered that if the Commissioners' report contained any observations which might be true in themselves but offensive to the county council the Board should have power to modify it.

thanked the right hon. Gentleman, and said he considered that his explanation was quite satisfactory.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 27, after the word 'modifications,' to insert the words 'or observations.'"—(Mr. Cave.)

Question, "That those words be there inserted," put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 30, to leave out the words from 'aforesaid' to the end of the subsection."—(Mr. George Faber.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the clause."

said that even if these words were surplusage he did not think they could do any harm, and he would prefer to retain them.

Mr. GEORGE FABER said that although he could hardly accept the reason given for retaining the words as satisfactory he would ask leave to withdraw his Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Mr. BRIDGEMAN moved to leave out the words "if any" from the portion of the clause which provides that in preparing draft schemes the council shall have regard to the proposals "(if any)" of the Commissioners indicated in the Report. Those words were not only surplusage, but they were insulting to the intelligence of the Commissioners and the Board.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 31, to leave out the words 'if any.'"—(Mr. Bridgeman.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

thought the words might well remain. He could conceive of circumstances under which no definite proposal was likely to be made in the report. This was not a question of the details of a scheme; there might be cases in which county councils were per- fectly willing to act if they had a free hand, and in which they did not wish to have details prescribed to them.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

MR. LANE-FOX moved to leave out Subsection (2). He protested against the procedure proposed in the subsection for over-riding the county council. He was himself a member of a county council with the majority of which he sometimes could not agree, but at the same time he did wish that those who represented the voice of the people who sent them there should be over-ridden by any irresponsible body.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, line 33, to leave out Subsection (2)."—(Mr. Lane-Fox.)

Question proposed, "That the words of the subsection to the word 'to' in line 33 stand part of the Bill."

said that this subsection referred to a point which had been very much discussed, namely, the alternative action which might be taken by the Board where a council did not go on with seeking to provide small holdings. As the point had already been dealt with he would not repeat the arguments in favour of the subsection. The Government regarded it as providing alternative action. There was a great difference between alternative action and coercion. Under coercion they compelled a body to do that which they did not desire to do, but under the alternative action they were not compelled to do anything. The Board did it themselves and made the county council pay.

said that it was perfectly true that there was a difference between alternative action and coercion, but the hon. and learned Gentleman must remember that the whole of the scheme contained in the first five clauses of the Bill rested on the coercion which sooner or later he intended to apply to the county councils. That was a principle to which he and his friends were totally opposed. In the case of a body like the county council, elected on the widest possible suffrage, they thought it was totally wrong that any Government Department should over-ride them and set their

AYES.

Acland, Francis DykeFenwick, CharlesMacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.)
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Ferens, T. R.M'Callum, John M.
Ainsworth, John StirlingFerguson, R. C. MunroM'Killop, W.
Alden, PercyFfench, PeterM' Micking, Major G.
Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)Findlay, AlexanderMaddison, Frederick
Ashton, Thomas GairFuller, John Michael F.Mallet, Charles E.
Baker, Sir John (Portsmouth)Fullerton, HughManfield, Harry (Northants)
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Glover, ThomasMarkham, Arthur Basil
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Goddard, Daniel FordMarks, G. Croydon (Launceston)
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Gooch, George PeabodyMarnham, F. J.
Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset)Grant, CorrieMassie, J.
Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.)Greenwood, G. (Peterborough)Masterman, C. F. G.
Beauchamp, E.Hall, FrederickMicklem, Nathaniel
Beck, A. CecilHarcourt, Rt. Hon. LewisMolteno, Percy Alport
Bell, RichardHardy, George A. (Suffolk)Money, L. G. Chiozza
Bellairs, CarlyonHarmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)Montagu, E. S.
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithn'ss-shMontgomery, H. G.
Berridge, T. H. D.Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)Morse, L. L.
Bertram, JuliusHarvey, W. E. (Derbyshire. N. E.Morton, Alhpeus Cleophas
Bethell, Sir J. H. (Essex, Romf'rdHaworth, Arthur A.Myer, Horatio
Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon)Hazel, Dr. A. E.Napier, T. B.
Black, Arthur W.Hedges, A. PagetNicholls, George
Bowerman, C. W.Henderson, Arthur (Durham)Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncast'r
Brace, WilliamHenderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)Nolan, Joseph
Bramsdon, T. A.Henry, Charles S.Norton, Capt. Cecil William
Branch, JamesHigham, John SharpO'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnHobhouse, Charles E. H.O'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)
Byles, William PollardHolden, E. HopkinsonO'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.
Campbell-Bannerman, Sir H.Holland, Sir William HenryPearce, Robert (Staffs. Leek)
Chance, Frederick WilliamHope, W. Bateman (Somerset, N.Pearce, William (Limehouse)
Cheetham, John FrederickHorniman, Emslie JohnPearson, Sir W. D. (Colchester)
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Howard, Hon. GeoffreyPearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye)
Clarke, C. Goddard (Peckham)Hudson, WalterPollard, Dr.
Cleland, J. W.Hyde, ClarendonPrice, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Clough, WilliamJardine, Sir J.Radford, G. H.
Clynes, J. R.Johnson, John (Gateshead)Raphael, Herbert H.
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyJones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)Rea, Russell (Gloucester)
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Jones, Leif (Appleby)Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro')
Collins, Sir W m. J. (S. Pancras, W.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)Rees, J. D.
Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinst'dKearley, Hudson E.Rendall, Athelstan
Cox, HaroldKekewich, Sir GeorgeRichards, Thomas (W. Monm'th
Cremer, Sir William RandalKelley, George D.Richards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n)
Crooks, WilliamKing, Alfred John (Knutsford)Ridsdale, E. A.
Crossley, William J.Laidlaw, RobertRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Curran, Peter FrancisLamb, Edmund G. (Leominster)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)Lambert, GeorgeRoberts, John H. (Denbighs.)
Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Lamont, NormanRobertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'rd
Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.Lardner, James Carrige RusheRobertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Dickson-Poynder, Sir John P.Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.)Robson, Sir William Snowdon
Dobson, Thomas W.Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Rogers, F. E. Newman
Duncan, C. I (Barrow-in-Furness)Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)Rowlands, J.
Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Levy, Sir MauriceRutherford, V. H. (Brentford)
Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Lewis, John HerbertSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Lough, ThomasSamuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)
Erskine, David C.Lyell, Charles HenryScott, A. M. (Ashton-under-Lyne
Essex, R. W.Lynch, H. B.Sears, J. E.
Esslemont, George BirnieMacdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Seddon, J.
Evans, Samuel T.Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk B'ghs)Seely, Colonel
Everett, R. LaceyMackarness, Frederic C.Sherwell, Arthur James

wishes at naught by compelling them to pay for a project of which they entirely disapproved.

Question put.

The House divided:—Ayes, 215; Noes, 54. (Division List No. 407.)

Shipman, Dr. John G.Taylor, Austin (East Toxteth)Weir, James Galloway
Silcock, Thomas BallTaylor, John W. (Durham)White, George (Norfolk)
Simon, John AllsebrookThorne, WilliamWhite, Luke (York, E. R.)
Smeaton, Donald MackenzieTorrance, Sir A. M.Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)
Snowden, P.Ure, AlexanderWilkie, Alexander
Stanger, H. Y.Verney, F. W.Wills, Arthur Walters
Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N. W.)Vivian, HenryWilson, J. H. (Middlesbrough)
Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.)Walker, H. De R. (Leicester)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Steadman, W. C.Walters, John TudorWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Stewart, Halley (Greenock)Walton, Joseph (Barnsley)Winfrey, R.
Strachey, Sir EdwardWard, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)
Strauss, E. A. (Abingdon)Ward, W. Dudley (SouthamptonTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Summerbell, T.Waterlow, D. S.
Sutherland, J. E.Wedgwood, Josiah C

NOES.

Acland, Hood, Rt. Hn. Sir A lex. F.Courthope, G. LoydMagnus, Sir Philip
Anson, Sir William ReynellCraik, Sir HenryMiddlemore, John Throgmorton
Ashley, W. W.Douglas, Rt. Hon. Akers-Morpeth, Viscount
Aubrey-Fletcher, Rt. Hon. Sir HFaber, George Denison (York)Nicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield)
Balcarres, LordFell, ArthurPease, Herbert Pike (Darlington
Balfour, Rt. Hn. A. J. (City Lond.)Fetherstonhaugh, GodfreyPowell, Sir Francis Sharp
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeFletcher, J. S.Randles, Sir John Scurrah
Baring, Capt. Hn. G (WinchesterForster, Henry WilliamRawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksGardner, Ernest (Berks, East)Ronldshay, Earl of
Boyle, Sir EdwardGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Salter, Arthur Clavell
Bridgeman, W. CliveGordon, J.Starkey John R.
Carlile, E. HildredGretton, JohnTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Castlereagh, ViscountHarrison-Broadley, H. B.Thomson, W. Mitchell-(Lanark)
Cave, GeorgeHelmsley, ViscountTurnour, Viscount
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Hill, Sir Clement (Shrewsbury)Valentia, Viscount
Chamberlain, Rt. Hn. J. A. (Worc.Hornby, Sir William Herny
Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryHunt, RowlandTELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr.
Cochrane, Hon. Thos. H. A. E.Kenyon-Slaney, Rt. Hon. Col. W.Lane-Fox and Mr. Beckett.
Collings, Rt. Hn. J (Birmingham)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred

Amendment proposed—

"In page 2, lines 23 and 24, to leave out the words after considering the report and such representations as aforesaid, as respects any county.'"—(Mr. H. Chaplin.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

MR. A. J. BALFOUR said he hoped that this Amendment would be accepted without discussion. He made this appeal to hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House because there was an Amendment of great importance which ought to have received discussion, but which, owing to circumstances of which they were all aware, could not be discussed at all at present. He thought that they should leave without much debate other questions which were not of first-class importance.

Amendment agreed to.

Amendments proposed—

"In page 3, line 1, to leave out the word 'amount,' and insert the word 'quantity.'"
"In page 3, line 7, to leave out the word 'amount,' and insert the word 'quantity.'"—(Mr. Harcourt.)

Amendments agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 3, line 30, after the word 'and' to insert the words 'may in any case.'"—(Mr. Harcourt.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said that he proposed the insertion of these words in fulfilment of a promise made in Committee in order that the Board might hold an inquiry even if the county council did not ask for it.

Question put, and agreed to.

, in moving to omit Clause 5, said that the House would remember that at an earlier stage of the discussion that evening there was a debate upon the financial relations which might exist between the Board of Agriculture on the one side, and the county councils on the other, in relation to the creation of small holdings. Various points of great importance were raised before Mr. Speaker, who ruled that the Amendment was not one which came within the rule governing the procedure on the Report stage. He need not say that that was a ruling which had a most serious bearing on the debate, and it would no doubt be followed by rulings of similar tenor which would prevent the whole House, on the only occasion on which the details of a measure came before the whole House, from dealing with the matter at all. That was a most serious condition of affairs, especially considered in relation to the fact that questions of social reform would during this Parliament largely occupy the attention of the House of Commons. All questions of social reform must touch closely the relations of Imperial and local finance, and if such questions were really to be excluded from debate on the only occasion on which the House as a whole could discuss the details of a Bill, it was quite manifest that unintentionally and without any sinister design the new rules curtailed the liberty of hon. Members on both sides to a degree which was really of the most vital and serious import to those who desired to see the House have some control over its legislation. The Minister in charge of the Bill made a statement which could only be made by leave, and the substantial difference between the Government and a large section of opinion on both sides was this—Were they or were they not so to frame this Bill that its provisions were to be carried out over the head of the county councils, but at the expense of the ratepayers? If the Bill ceased to work, was the policy of creating small holdings to come to an end? He hoped not. But was there any way of avoiding that result except to say that where the Board of Agriculture, acting under the direct control of the Government, wished to carry out the creation of small holdings, and did not find a harmonious co-partner in that effort in the county council in whose district the land was situated, and the Board wished to overrule the county council, the only way to do it was at the cost of the general community? It was not for him to discuss that policy at the present moment, but he asked, could the Government, give the House an opportunity to discuss the point? The House was precluded by Mr. Speaker's ruling and by the traditions of the House from laying down the rule that the Treasury must do what in the Bill it might do. The Government should provide a chance of discussing what was the central problem of this agricultural question, for no point which had been raised in connection with the Bill was comparable in importance with the question now being discussed. He urged the Government, therefore, to consent to re-commit the Bill for the purpose of discussing this special question. They could not discuss it at that stage owing to their rules, and there was only one way in which they could debate it, and that was by the Government consenting to re-commit the Bill before their discussions upon it came to an end, and he earnestly pressed that policy upon them after the guillotine Resolutions had been carried out. It would not involve any waste of time if on Friday next the Government consented to re-commit the Bill. The Third Reading would have to take place under the guillotine rule at five o'clock, and therefore not by a single quarter of an hour would the proceedings on the Bill be prolonged if the Government made a favourable response to the appeal which he was then making. He thought they ought to make that favourable response. It was not in order for him to discuss the merits of the proposal, but it was in order for him, he thought, to ask the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill to give them, at length, his view of the present financial position under it and to say if he received with any favour the proposal that he should on Friday next re-commit the Bill for the purpose of meeting the views which were expressed in the Committee upstairs but which had never been before the House for five minutes. In order that the right hon. Gentleman might make a statement on the matter he begged to move to omit Clause 5.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 4, line 1, to leave out Clause 5."

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out to the word 'on' in page 4, line 1, stand part of the Bill."

*

said that this point was not a new one and had been prominent in their debates for many years. The matter was referred to the Grand Committees under their former rules, but of course it was obvious that certain proposals which had been suggested that afternoon which would impose fresh charges or rates would be beyond the scope of the Resolutions of the House regulating either the Committee or the Report stages. What the right hon. Gentleman specially desired was that he should describe the financial proposals of the Bill and the proposals which the Government had allowed him to make in respect of them. He could not assent to the right hon. Gentleman's proposal that they should recommit the Bill, but it would he open to the right hon. Gentleman to take a division later which would probably meet his views. The discussion on Clause 5 as it came from upstairs arose out of a concession made by himself. Subsection (3) was not in the Bill originally. It was introduced to make clear what he had always intended—that where the Board were acting in: default of a county council, the Board should have the power not to demand the repayment of losses. Then an Amendment was carried against the Government asserting the power of the Board to pay the losses incurred even by a county council acting on its own initiative, and he had accepted that decision of the Committee. A Treasury Minute, as he had stated that afternoon to a deputation of the County Councils Association, would be issued giving a general and detailed indication to the county councils of the lines on which the Treasury were prepared to act where a loss had been incurred by a county council acting on its own behalf. From the information which he had received, he was sure that this considerable concession would give great satisfaction to the representatives of the county councils.

said that the question now seemed to be merely one of drafting, and he thought the proposal thrown out for the consideration of the Government was an eminently reasonable one as it would not involve any extra expenditure of time. The Leader of the Opposition had said he would forego certain extra time for the discussion of other subjects in order to allow the Bill to be recommitted and Clause 5 drafted in a proper form taking it in conjunction with the Treasury Minute. At present the Bill was drafted in a very ambiguous form. It suggested that sums should be granted by the Treasury, and then that those sums should be refunded by the county council. Anyone who dealt with this clause from the point of view of the county councils would find themselves in great difficulty and confusion. He hoped that his right hon. friend would allow She Bill to be recommitted and redrafted in the spirit of the Minute, which he said was to be issued by the Treasury, so that the clause might not conflict with the Minute. It would be very much better from the drafting point of view and would save a great deal of confusion which might otherwise arise.

also joined in the appeal that the right hon. Gentleman Would allow the Bill to be recommitted for the purpose of dealing with this matter. It would be quite impossible for the county councils to deal with the question satisfactorily unless that were done. The right hon. Gentleman had stated that the question arose because he himself inserted Subsection (3), but that statement was not quite correct, because that subsection as it at present stood was due not entirely but in part, and in a very important part, to his hon. friend the Member for Kingston. It was moved in Committee, and carried against the Government.

said he did not understand the right hon. Gentleman to say so, but at any rate the result of the proceedings was that Subsection (3) was introduced in its present form, and that it was quite impossible to work Clause 5 as it stood; it was absolutely essential that it should be amended in some reasonable manner, so that it might be possible for the county councils to administer the Act as the House would wish them to administer it.

said that as one of the members of the deputation from the County Councils, he might say that they appreciated the substantial concessions which had been made by the right hon. Gentleman during the two discussions they had had. He was bound to say in fairness to the right hon. Gentleman that the Treasury Minutes mentioned by him were substantially in accord with the resolution passed by the County Council Association with only one dissentient. While expressing their view that they would be glad to get further concessions, they recognised that the pledge to all county councils that, if they obtained certificates from the Board of Agriculture, half any loss incurred would be met by the Treasury was a fair compromise. He thought the House should be satisfied with the assurance already received, and that the words of the First Commissioner should be interpreted as a pledge that he intended to carry out the suggestions made. Those who were prepared to acquiesce in the Treasury Minute did so because they knew they could trust those responsible.

*

said they entirely trusted the assurances of the right hon. Gentleman that a Minute would be issued dealing with cases in which a county council had carried out a scheme, but he was rather anxious about the position of a county council which had, as the right hon. Gentleman would say, "defaulted," and had thereupon had a scheme carried out by the Commissioners. As the clause stood, the whole expense incurred by the Commissioners in such a case would have to be repaid by the county council to the Commissioners, and it was not clearly stated that the board might remit a part of such expense. He thought that the clause should be modified so as to make the county council liable only for such expense as the board certified "to be properly payable by the county council." Further, if a county council refused to carry out a scheme because they expected that it would entail a loss and the Commissioners stepped in and carried it out, and if loss did occur, it was, as the clause stood, entirely within the discretion of the Board whether they allowed or repaid a farthing to the county council. He thought that in such a case the Board should be bound to allow or make good the loss.

said he was not prepared to make Subsection (3) manda- tory, because he thought the House might well be satisfied to leave the matter to the discretion of the Board and the Treasury. He had always held that under such circumstances as the hon. and learned Gentleman had just outlined it was impossible to imagine that the cost would be charged on or recovered from the county council by the Board and the Treasury. He would be prepared to accept the Amendment of the hon. Member for Kingston to insert after "scheme" the words "and to be properly payable by the County Council."

*

said he profoundly regretted that the right hon. Gentleman was prepared to allow an Amendment carried against the Government in Committee to remain part of the Bill. The Amendment, carried by twenty-two to twenty-one in Committee, enabled the Board of Agriculture, when they could get the assent of the Treasury, to transfer any loss which might arise under the Act from the ratepayers of the county to the taxpayers. On the broad ground that they ought not to transfer a charge from the ratepayers to the taxpayers he regretted that the Government were accepting the Amendment. If the charge was taken off the county ratepayers and transferred to the taxpayers, it meant that it was taken off the shoulders of the landowners and transferred to the shoulders of the working classes throughout the country. It had been a matter of debate in the House for many years as to who paid the rates in the country. Liberal Members, when sitting on the other side, maintained that the rates were paid by, and incident on, the landlords, although paid by the tenants in the first instance. He remembered ten years ago indignant protests being made by Liberal Members then in the House against grants by means of gold paid by the Exchequer for relief of the local rates, and now this was another case of transferring, as the Conservatives did when they were in power, charges which naturally and rightly fell on the ratepayers in country districts to the shoulders of the taxpayers. As a Liberal, when in power as in Opposition—and there were many Ministerialists in agreement with him—he protested against a Liberal Government transferring a charge which had fallen on the local rates and the landlords to the taxpayers.

said he could not help remarking what muse be obvious to everyone, what a commentary that discussion was upon the present system under which they prosecuted their business. Here they were engaged in discussing a subject in which both sides of the House were deeply interested, yet they had to deal with it under the pressure of the few minutes left to them before the guillotine was applied. He did not propose to dwell upon that; he rose to express the hope that the right hon. Gentleman in all the circumstances would reconsider his refusal to agree to the recommittal of the Bill. They all appreciated the right hon. Gentleman's readiness to make the Treasury Minutes on this subject, which, however, as he understood him, he might possibly be prevented from submitting to them at the present time; but he could not help recollecting that to some extent at all events the advantage of that offer was discounted by the statement of Mr. Speaker that afternoon—and he had the greatest respect for any statement which he offered to the House—that he at least was unable to see how that offer could be carried out within the terms of the Bill. If that were so—and he thought that they ought to pay great respect to that expression of opinion—surely it was an additional reason why the right hon. Gentleman should agree to the proposal made by his right hon. friend that the Bill should be recommitted on Friday next, in order that they might have an opportunity of carefully considering this question instead of having to dispose of it in a few minutes. He did not know whether the right hon. Gentleman had appreciated what had fallen from his right hon. friend that if the proposal were adopted to recommit the Bill not a single moment of time would be lost. They on that side of the House would be perfectly prepared and willing to sacrifice any time to which they might be otherwise be entitled for the discussion of the Third Reading of the Bill. Under all the circumstances he thought they were entitled to make this appeal to the Government, and he hoped the Government would not finally refuse.

said he quite recognised the moderation of what the right hon. Gentleman had said, but he would ask the House not to recommit the Bill. He did not know how far such a course would fit in with the guillotine Resolution, as it was called, but even assuming that it would, there was ample power under the Bill as it stood for the Treasury to do that which the right hon. Gentleman wished. No further statutory authority was needed to carry out what his right hon. friend, with his own assent on behalf of the Treasury, had undertaken to do in explicit terms. The time which remained would be better occupied, he thought, if the hon. and learned Member for Kingston would move his Amendment, which would make the clause clearer.

said he was very sorry that the right hon. Gentleman could not accept the Motion to recommit the Bill. It was quite clear from what he had said that both the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the First Commissioner of Works were prepared to meet the case and pay out of the Imperial Exchequer the expenses incurred by the Commissioners where the county council was in default.

MR. A. J. BALFOUR said he desired, with the leave of the House, to withdraw the Amendment he had moved, in order that the hon. Member for Kingston might move his Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 4, line 17, after the word 'scheme,' to insert the words 'and to be properly payable by the county council.'"—(Mr. Cave.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted "

said the Chancellor of the Exchequer did not seem to realise what he was doing. He was, in fact, giving a premium to a county council to go in default. ["No."] Yes, if a county council were obstinate and were in default and any loss were incurred, the Treasury would pay the whole of it, and therefore, instead of its being to the interest of every county council to work the Bill for all it was worth, it would be to their interest to allow themselves to be put in default. Whether the scheme turned out successfully or whether it turned out a failure, the loss might not fall on the ratepayers, but be borne by the Exchequer. That was the result of the clause in the form in which the Government had now cast it. He could only say that he regretted this equally from the point of view of the Exchequer and from the point of view of the smooth working of the Bill. Surely they wanted to see the county council put the Bill in force with a reasonable prospect of success rather than that an outside authority should come down and override them. And, it being half-past Ten of the clock, Mr. SPEAKER proceeded, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 9th August, to put forthwith the Question on the Amendment already proposed from the Chair.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill, as amended, to be further considered To-morrow.

Educations (Administrative Provisions) Bill

As amended (by the Standing Committee), considered.

said that on Clause 3 he had given notice of three Amendments, the object he had in view being to leave out the sanction of the Local Government Board. The object of the clause was to give the same rights to counties as to boroughs. That might be all very well in its way—

*

said that unfortunately he had been obliged to draft his Amendments on the old Bill before the Committee Amendments were inserted. [Cries of "Order."] Many hon. Members opposite were in a great hurry to deal with this question, and he would like to refer them to the communications they had received from various town clerks in which they had been requested to vote for this Motion, which provided that the term of sixty years should be applicable to the repayment of building loans under the Education Act. That was a matter of the very greatest importance to county and municipal boroughs, and one to which attention bad been drawn in the House for some considerable period. He would have thought the necessity of extending the period to sixty years would have been at once apparent, and would have been sanctioned by the Local Government Board.

*

said his object was to extend the period of repayment to sixty years.

*

So far as I can understand, what the hon. Member wishes to do is to take away the discretion of the Local Government Board, and to extend the period of repayment from thirty to sixty years in all cases. Does not that increase the charge on the rates?

submitted that the amount repaid must be larger on account of the interest having to be continued over a greater number of years.

said the repayment of £5,000 in a period of thirty years would fall more heavily on the ratepayers than if the repayment were spread over sixty years.

*

If the bon. Member would put himself in that position he would find that more money was taken out of his pocket in sixty years than in thirty years.

MR. RAWLIXSON (Cambridge University) moved to omit Clause 3. He protested against power being given to extend the period of repayment to sixty years. It was an excessive time over which to spread the repayment of money borrowed for the building of schools.

THE PRESIDENT OF THE BOARD OF EDUCATION (Mr. MCKENNA, Monmouth, N.) indicated dissent.

said the right hon. Gentleman shook his head, but looking to the progress which had been made in the last thirty or forty years in the construction of school buildings he held that sixty years was an excessive period to take as the life of schools which were being put up at present. This was thoroughly bad finance. Each generation should bear its own burdens.

seconded the Amendment. He considered that the clause was an absolute shame and a delusion and should be recommitted until it was made a real and proper clause. The provision for extending the period of repayment to sixty years was an imposture, because those who desired to extend the period were hampered and tied by I the necessity of obtaining the sanction of the Local Government Board. The Local Government; Board would say that they did not believe the schools would last for more than thirty years, while the Local Education Committee insisted that they would last for sixty years. Therefore, the Local Government Board would override the Local Education Committee. This was a very important matter to all counties and boroughs, for it meant excessive cost to them. Therefore, he contended that the clause ought to be eliminated from the Bill or made a really effective clause.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 3, line 4, to omit Clause 3."

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

said that the clause simply put the county council in exactly the same position as every borough and urban district council.

Question put, and agreed to.

*VISCOUNT MORPETH moved to omit Clause 5. The point he wished to raise was comparatively simple. A difficulty arose where the county council provided the furniture or buildings out of revenue and not by way of loan. It was argued by the Local Government Board that that was not capital expenditure, and that therefore the county council were not entitled to charge three-fourths of the cost on the parish as they would otherwise have been. But the Courts had given a decision which made it plain what was a capital expenditure and what was not. He was satisfied to rest himself on the decision of the Courts which rendered it quite unnecessary for the Local Government Board to say what was capital expenditure and what was not. He preferred to rely upon the decision of the Courts rather than upon what might be the varying decisions of the Local Government Board.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 3, line 31, to leave out Clause 5."—(Viscount Morpeth.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out to the word 'as' in page 3, line 34, stand part of the Bill."

said that the noble Lord was perfectly right in his reference to the decisions of the Court of law; but there were other decisions, and the hon. Member by his proposal would be depriving the local authorities of a really valuable power if he did not allow these authorities to be informed in advance by the Local Government Board what would be regarded as capital expenditure when the audit came to be taken.

said that as he understood the present situation it was that the question of capital expenditure was left to be determined by the Local Government Board, which had decided that nothing should be regarded as capital expenditure unless the money had been raised by way of loan by the local authority. The question had been already before the Courts of law which had decided in favour of the local authorities. If the local authorities desired to have access to the Courts of Law, he urged the right hon. Gentleman not to exclude them from their jurisdiction.

thought the Amendment would carry out the wishes of everybody and leave things as they were. As he understood the question it was that capital expenditure was confined to the expenditure of money raised by way of loan. That solitary question had been disposed of by the Courts, who said that capital expenditure was capital expenditure, and although it was not quite clear he agreed that it was sufficient for this purpose. He did not see the necessity for the clause, because it would give the local authority power to over-rule what the Courts had said, and to charge on a parish what the Courts said should not be charged. If the clause were struck out the position would be exactly defined by; the Court of King's Bench, which said that the fund which accountants said was capital expenditure was capital expenditure. The clause, however, instead of doing any good for the local authority would be likely in his opinion to add to the confusion of the law, and it seemed to him that in view of the decision of the Law Courts the right thing was to strike out the clause. He might point out, moreover, that the clause was drafted before the decision of the Law Courts was given, and since the Courts had spoken he could not see that the clause was needed.

pointed out that under the clause there would be an appeal to the Court if the necessity arose. The noble Lord appeared to think that the only dispute which would arise would be that which was dealt with by the decision he had quoted, but there were other cases in which it was desirable that the Courts should decide what was and what was not capital expenditure, and that contingency was dealt with under the words of the section.

Mr. ADKINS said the only question in the minds of hon. Members was whether this provision did really secure that appeal to the Court which they were desirous of having. If they were assured that it did there was no need for an Amendment, but if it did not he thought they should have an Amendment.

Amendment negatived.

MR. ADKINS moved an Amendment providing that no question should be raised "on audit" as to the treatment of expenses which, by order of the Local Government Board, it was declared might or might not be treated under Section 18 of the Education Act, 1902, as expenses incurred in respect of capital expenditure. He said the insertion of the words "on audit" would meet the desire of local authorities to have an appeal to the Courts of law.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 3, line 34, after the word 'raised' to insert the words 'on audit.'"

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

said that as a feeling had been expressed on both sides of the House that these words should be inserted he would accept the Amendment.

Question put, and agreed to.

MR. GEORGE WHITE (Norfolk, N. W.) moved an addition to Clause 9, which provides that the condition that the annual expenses of the maintenance of a school not managed by a school authority are, to the extent of not less than one-third, to be defrayed out of sources other than local rates or money provided by Parliament shall cease to be a condition required for the grant of a certificate under Section 7 of the Elementary Education (Blind and Deaf Children) Act, 1893, to such a school as a school suitable for providing elementary education for blind or (leaf children. The Amendment was to add the words "on condition that the local authority shall appoint one-third of the governing body."

Amendment proposed—

"In page 4, line 28, after the word 'children' to insert the words 'on condition that the local authority shall appoint one-third of the governing body.'"

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

objected to the introduction of the words as not being applicable to this class of school. Besides, he complained that the words not being on the Paper the House had had no opportunity of considering them.

argued that the words were quite unnecessary, and pointed out that there were not a great many of these schools. County councils had to send children to them a very great distance in another part of the country, and it might not be convenient for them to appoint representatives in regard to the management of schools which might be hundreds of miles away from their own county. He did not think the object which the hon. Member had in view would be obtained by this proposal.

said that hitherto these schools had been maintained out of private funds mainly on condition that one-third of the expenditure was provided from public funds. For the first time it was sought to relieve these schools from the necessity of being carried on by private enterprise and the whole cost of them would be paid for out of rates and taxes, whereas the management of them was carried on by an absolutely private body. It was therefore desirable that there should be some control on the part of the public. This was not a religious question at all, but a question of management, and as the request was only for one-third of the management acting on behalf of the public he did not see any objection. He admitted the administrative difficulty which had been raised by the noble Lord, and if the claim bad been for a majority of the members of the Board being nominated to represent the public it would no doubt have been difficult to work the provision. But all that was asked for now was that there should be some public representation to keep an eye on the expenditure of public money, and under those circumstances he thought the Amendment was a perfectly reasonable one.

said there might be several local authorities who sent children to these deaf and dumb schools. Were those local authorities to be represented?

said that that was not what the Amendment provided. The Amendment provided that each local authority should be represented.

said it did not appear that hon. Members quite understood what the Amendment was; perhaps Mr. Speaker would put the Question again.

Amendment proposed—

"Clause 9, to" add, 'on condition that the local authority shall appoint one-third of the governing body.'"

submitted that that meant each local authority. How did anyone know that the trusts of the school, if there were any trusts, would permit any such appointments to be made? If not, they would not be able to take advantage of this clause. Moreover, what provision was there for the appointment of these people? No such power was given, no machinery was provided. To put in these words in a casual kind of way in order to express the aspiration of the hon. Member for Norfolk was not good legislation. The terms of the Amendment ought at least to be carefully considered if the Government thought it was necessary.

said there was a great deal in what the noble Lord had said. He had words to propose which, he thought, would meet the case—"Provided that on the body of managers at least one-third are members appointed by the local authority." He would move those words or see that they were inserted in another place.

said that he accepted the wording suggested by the right hon. Gentleman. The clause dealt with national funds as well as with the local rates, and where institutions were maintained by public funds some public control should be claimed.

said that they must not be taken as assenting to the suggestion of the President of the Board of Education that this matter should be dealt with on a subsequent occasion. The hon. Gentleman who was responsible for the original proposal suggested that because these schools were paid for by public money, the local authority should have a share in the management, but the right hon. Gentleman opposite had contended times out of number that the main expenditure came out of the taxes, and not out of the rates. How then could it be contended that the ratepayers should be represented on the management? It was now suggested that the local authorities should have a share in the management. That could only be dope by a scheme which had been the subject of very careful consideration. He suggested that the hon. Member should not accept the suggested Amendment as it did not meet the view which he had put forward, and that the House should not be committed to the casual proposal of the right hon. Gentleman.

hoped that the right hon. Gentleman would adhere to the undertaking he had given, carrying out some measure of local control. It was hardly correct to say that the local authority represented the ratepayers and that this House represented the taxpayer. The local authorities represented the community generally, and he hoped that if the Amendment was not carried in another place the clause would be struck out, and that this serious precedent would not be created. Local oversight of a representative character was needed for the expenditure of this money.

said the right hon. Gentleman felt, and he thought rightly, that they could not deal with this difficult question to-night. It was admitted that the original Amendment would not do what was the Government substitute for it? It was that a third of the body of managers was to be provided by the county councils. But who was going to settle what county councils? It would be necessary to have an additional Amendment by which the Board of Education or Local Government Board could frame a scheme by which the various county councils might have their representatives, and rival claims might be settled. That was not beyond the powers of legislation of that House, but it could not be done that night, and he suggested that the point should be left over in order that the Government-might have time to consider it.

said that if this was a question so fraught with difficulty that it was not possible to frame an Amendment to meet the case then they must fall back on the other alternative and omit the clause altogether. There was this difficulty about accepting; the clause with some such qualification as had been suggested, that they would be granting a large sum of public money for the maintenance of these schools; they would be really dealing with one aspect of the question without dealing with the other at the same time. If they were going to grant an additional sum of money, surely at the same time they should have a provision for a larger measure of public control. Therefore, if the Amendment could not be dealt with now, he suggested that the clause should be omitted altogether.

pointed out that it ought to be possible to amend the Amendment in the form which had been suggested. Nobody had raised any objection on the other side of the House.

said the Amendment did not suggest what county councils; it suggested unknown county councils.

said that if the county councils were unknown, then instead of putting in the words "local authority" they might put "the county council in whose area the school is situated." That would give public control for the money given under the Bill The only other alternative was that the whole clause should be struck out, unless hon. Gentlemen opposite were willing to accept some form of words which would meet the case of the taxpayer and ratepayer.

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hoped that the suggestion of the hon. Member for the Brightside division would not be acted upon, and that the clause would be retained in the Bill. Anyone who knew anything of these schools knew what a valuable work they did; they were of the utmost importance for blind and deaf children. He trusted that, whatever happened, the Government would not part with this clause, whether they accepted the Amendment or not.

said he agreed with the hon. Member as to the value of these schools, but he would like to say that there had been a good many opinions expressed since this provision was put into the Bill in Committee. He was present in the Committee when it was submitted. The new clause came on just at the end when they were a little hurried, and he thought that perhaps the clause itself was accepted without full consideration. Since then there had been a considerable expression of opinion among his colleagues around him that some such provision as was suggested by the Amendment should be carried as a proviso to the clause. None of the speakers on the other side or in any part of the House had taken any objection to the essence of the Amendment, but only to the method by which it was proposed to be applied. He hoped that the clause would not he dropped, but that some provision would be made that where the total annual expenditure was provided for out of public money there should be some representative of the local authority to see to the administration of it. The committee or managing board of any of these schools would welcome the presence of the mayor or some competent local representative to assist them in the administration of these valuable institutions.

Leave to withdraw being refused, Question put, and negatived.

, on a point of order, asked whether it was too late for the clause to be withdrawn.

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said that if the Amendment had been withdrawn then it would have been possible to withdraw the clause, but as there had been a decision on the Amendment it was not possible to go back.

MR. McKENNA said he might state that in the proceedings on the Bill of 1902, it was intended to amend Section 23 in that direction, but owing to words of hasty advice by the hon. Baronet opposite that was not done. On the present occasion he proposed to repeal those words, which appeared to him to be the simplest form of dealing with the matter. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 4, line 35, to leave out subsection (1)."—(Mr. McKenna.)

Question proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Bill."

Amendment agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 5, line 13, at the end, to add the words 'and the words ordinarily resident in the area of the council," in subsection two of section twenty-three of The Education Act, 1902, are hereby repealed.'"—(Mr. McKenna.)

Question, "That those words be there inserted," put, and agreed to.

proposed to insert in line 25 after the first "the" the words "power, and where required by the Board of Education, the." In the past he had done all he could in favour of medical inspection, but he felt certain that the scheme which the right hon. Gentleman was now putting forward was fraught with danger. When the Government came forward for the first time to establish a great and noble work of the highest importance for the future of the the nation it ought to be done in a way that showed promise of working in a smooth and easy manner. What would be thought of a proposal under which, after asking local authorities to establish these schools and maintain and manage them they said "we have no help for you, but we shall probably give you directions and offer you grants, but not just now." That was practically what the right hon. Gentleman was saying. He was placing upon the local authorities a very heavy financial burden which would be very severely felt and would involve enormous difficulty, because it would require the highest scientific skill and direction at every step. To carry out this proposal the local authorities would be required to interfere very seriously indeed with individual liberty. In beginning the work they would have to face the fact that it would be necessary to deal with very serious prejudices. The difficulty was one which the Government ought not to place upon the local authorities without taking a large share of the responsibility both financially and in a scientific direction. By proceeding in the way now proposed they would perhaps do more harm than good. There was a precedent for what he suggested in a measure of a similar kind for Scotland at present before Parliament. That Bill proposed that "a school board may, and where required by the Department shall, provide for medical inspection." That was what he wished to be done in this Bill. They ought to give them this power before forcing them to take an over-zealous or mistaken step. The right hon. Gentleman might reply that he was going to have a medical department at the Education Department. He would like to know if that matter had been laid before the Chancellor of the Exchequer? [Cries of "Divide, divide."] Were hon. Members who were so impatient aware of what this proposal was going to cost? When the Government came forward with a scheme of this kind the House ought to see that it was a complete one. They were now proposing to enter upon the biggest work which the nation had to do. [A LABOUR MEMBER: "And the best."] If they began in a wrong wrong way they would probably do more harm than good. It was for these reasons that he moved the Amendment standing in his name, which would put the English Bill on the same footing as the Scottish Bill. His proposition would enable the local authorities to do what they wanted instead of forcing them to act prematurely.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 5, line 25, after the first the, 'to insert the words' power, and where required by the Board of Education, the.'"—(Sir Henry Craik.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

expressed the hope that the hon. Gentleman would not press the Amendment. The hon. Member said he wanted a more complete scheme but his words, instead of increasing the scheme would cut it down.

said he generally concurred with his hon. friend on education matters, but he confessed that on this occasion he entirely differed from him. What he proposed would be a great impediment to an important reform. Englishmen looked forward with the greatest interest to the work which was contemplated. This question was raised last week at the conference on hygiene, and opinion on it was practically unanimous. He hoped the House of Commons would sanction this proposal, and so give effect to public opinion as expressed by large bodies throughout the country. It was a good work which all civilised nations desired.

expressed the hope that his hon. friend would not press the Amendment. The Government were taking an important step in laying on local authorities a very serious duty and, if it was to be carried into effect, the means of giving proper guidance should be supplied. He felt sure that the resources of the local authorities-would have to be supplemented by a Government grant. He and his friends-would like to have an indication from the Board of Education as to whether that demand would be met by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. There were serious difficulties in the way of medical inspection, and he would like the Government to give some assurance that they were alive to the importance of the step they were taking, and that they were preparing the machinery for giving the step all the efficacy it was likely to demand.

supported the Amendment, believing that it was a proposal in favour of local and individual liberty.

asked whether there-was any prospect of the formation at the Board of Education of a medical department specially devised for dealing with this question. Apart from the question of assistance from the Exchequer towards the cost of this scheme, there was the far more important question of guidance and direction being given by skilled persons, so that the best value might be obtained not only from the expenditure of the money, but from the accumulated experience of those who would be engaged in the work.

said it had always been their object to establish a medical branch for the purpose of guiding local authorities in the new work they would have to undertake. The formation of that branch had been occupying the attention of the Board for some time. Their duties would be obviously to collect information and to give such instructions to the local authorities as would enable them to carry out the duties which were imposed upon them.

Question put, and negatived.

*SIR PHILIP MAGNUS (London University) moved an Amendment to provide for instituting a system of periodic measurement of the children which would afford definite information on their physical condition and development. In the second part of Subsection (b) of Clause 13 there was a permissive power given to the local authority to make such arrangements as might be sanctioned by the Board of Education for attending to the health and physical condition of the children. He had considerable difficulty in understanding the meaning of the words "for attending to the health and physical condition of the children." He hoped the President of the Board of Education would give some indication of the exact moaning. Did they mean that the medical officer appointed should give advice to the children, or the parents of the children, and, further, would he be permitted to supply medical treatment to the children? The words of his Amendment would enlarge the powers of the local authority, but they were purely permissive; if the local authority did not care to undertake the work, no obligation would be cast upon them. It had been pointed out at a meeting of the British Association and at the Hygiene Congress that very great advantage would be derived by the nation, by the individual children, and by their parents, if these measurements were taken periodically. They were the very best means of ascertaining whether any physical deterioration had taken place He wished to draw attention to a very important Report which had been presented to the Glasgow School Board by Dr. Leslie Mackenzie and Captain Foster, and issued by the Board of Education of Scotland. From that it appeared that the facilities now asked for in England already existed in Scotland. The results arrived at in the report were almost startling. They showed that the weight, height, and physical condition of the children depended absolutely on the home surroundings in which they were brought up. For instance, the average weight of a boy who lived in a family occupying one room was 52·6 lbs.; if he were one of a family living in two rooms he weighed 56·1 lbs.; if he were one of a family living in three rooms he weighed 60·6 lbs.; and a boy from a four or more roomed house weighed 64·31 lbs. The cost of these measurements would not be very great, and Dr. Leslie Mackenzie said that the teachers in the school took a lively interest in the measurements, and showed how they could be made by the ordinary teachers under the guidance of the medical inspectors. Last week a joint meeting of the Anthropological and Educational School Sections of the British Association adopted a resolution urging on the Government the pressing necessity of instituting in conneetion with the medical inspection of school children a system of periodical measurements. As this matter was under the consideration of the House for the first time, he hoped they would deal with it in a comprehensive manner. He begged to move.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 5, line 33, after the word 'schools' to insert the words 'and for instituting a system of periodic measurement of the children which will afford definite information on their physical condition and development.'"—(Sir Philip Magnus.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted."

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said that the hon. Member for London University had come back fresh from the British Association meeting imbued with ideas of a more scientific but less practical character than those which had engaged the attention of the members of the School Hygiene Congress which he (Sir William Collins) and the hon. Baronet the Member for Wigan had been attending. The latter Congress directed their attention to the practical work of the inspection of the school children rather than to the scientific investigation suggested by the British Association. What they had to consider were the practical needs of the children as ascertained by medical inspection rather than embark upon the scientific investigations advocated by the hon. Member. It should be remembered that 7 to 20 per cent. of the children suffered from ocular defects, which required treatment before they could gain the full benefit of their education, and 44,000 out of 199,000 children examined were found to have verminous or otherwise offensive heads. He believed that the practical way of dealing with the problem of these children would form a very good basis out of which the scientific investigations advocated by the hon. Member might incidentally arise. But the work must be approached tactfully and in a considerate and not a compulsory way, and the medical man must be a guide, philosopher, and friend, rather than a mere collector of statistics.

agreed with the hon. Gentleman who had just spoken that the primary object of this clause was not to arrive at scientific results, but to attain truly practical ends with regard to the children, and all he would ask the House was not to throw away the valuable results of this inspection, which, he hoped, would assist other scientific purposes. He ventured to hope that this clause, which at present was, he thought, very timid and very tentative, should be made more complete and more thorough going. He did not believe that by accepting the Amendment that had just been proposed anything whatever would be done to make medical inspection less effective. He thought quite the reverse, because medical inspection, which was very sketchily marked in this clause as it stood, would probably be more thorough-going if it were understood from the first that the results of the inspection were to be recorded systematically on a uniform plan for all parts of the country. There were three things, as he understood, which this clause proposed to do. First of all, there were compulsory powers for medical inspection, when a child first went to school. Next, there were compulsory powers for what he might call periodical inspection, and he was exceedingly glad that the Government had added powers of that kind, because he thought that inspection if not so conducted from the beginning to the end of the course would he very imperfect. Thirdly, there were optional powers for what was called attending to the health and physical condition of the children. In Committee upstairs it was explained that attending to the health of the children meant, or at least included, medical treatment for minor ailments. It did not mean what the words meant when originally introduced by an Amendment by the hon. Member for Berkwickshire, he thought in July, 1906. The words, as they had been told in Committee upstairs, now included medical treatment for all minor ailments. That was optional. He would pass on to the words which were the essential part of the Amendment. They might surely fairly add an optional power to the local authority of making scientific records. Personally he thought the whole clause ought to have been much more thorough and comprehensive in its character, and that it ought to have been more what the hon. gentleman the Member for Glasgow indicated in his speech—a thorough medical inspection followed by scientific records and accompanied by financial provisions which were absent from this clause. A subvention from the Treasury, he believed, was absolutely necessary in order to make the whole of this clause carry out its original purpose. He would only add in favour of the Amendment that what they wanted was not merely to attend to the minor ailments of the individual children at school, but to arrive at some scientific basis of knowledge as regarded the laws of health affecting populations in large towns, and to get some scientific data which would enable them to know something about what was called physical degeneration, and all those other questions which concerned the health of the people, as to which they were at present working in the dark. He admitted that the Amendment would require financial assistance from the Treasury in order to make it thorough and useful, but if inserted as something to be striven after it would be a very great gain and would in no way detract from the immediate primary purpose of looking after the individual children.

MR. McKENNA said he had listened to the speeches of the hon. Members, and he thought the existing words in the Bill appeared to cover every point that had been raised. He did not think the hon. Member who moved the Amendment would wish it to be understood that attending to the health and physical condition of the children would not afford information as to their physical development; if it did, the words were clearly covered by the Bill as it stood, and if they were not he must remind the hon. Gentleman that it would be imposing a new burden on the rates; but he believed the Bill as it stood was sufficient for the purpose.

Amendment negatived.

MR. LANE-FOX moved an Amendment to provide that the cost of any treatment consequent upon the medical inspection should be charged against, and recovered from the parent as an expense under Section 2 of the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906. He knew that he was laying himself open to the charge that he was not anxious to forward the medical inspection of children in elementary schools; but nothing could be further from the truth He was anxious to make the inspection thoroughly effective, but what he wanted to ensure was that a man who was taking care of his own children should not be penalised by having to pay for the treatment of children whose parents were neglectful. They must remember that they were not there as philanthropists. They were, or, at any rate, they liked to think they were, business men; it was one of the pet delusions of every Member of Parliament to pretend, at any rate, that he took a business view of things. All he wanted to prevent was that those who took care of their children should not be penalised. What they ought to guard against if they could was a, system springing up by which medical attendance, such as the parents ought to undertake themselves, would be undertaken at the public cost. In making that objection he was merely raising a point which was raised in connection with the Provision of Meals Bill last session, and he suggested that the remedy lay in the same direction. There was no doubt that a large number of the ailments from which children suffered, and which it was hoped to remedy by this clause, were the small ailments. He did not wish to prevent these being dealt with, and if dealt with on the spot they need not do harm. Therefore, if the Amendment he was moving could be improved by the addition of any such words as "conducted outside the precincts of the school," he would be very glad to accept it. Of course under this system what they would hope to see were village nurses employed to deal with small matters such as children arriving with dirty heads, which could be dealt with quickly. Very often the unhealthy condition of children in school was largely due to neglect, and therefore it would be manifestly wrong that some parents should be able to send their children, after being neglected at home, to be treated at school. What he wished to insist upon was that where a parent had deliberately neglected his children he should be in some way penalised. If any such words as he had suggested would be an improvement to his Amendment he would be very ready to accept them. Certainly it was not his desire to prevent proper medical inspection of children or that development which he was sure all thought to be so very desirable.

seconded, and thought there was one point not yet mentioned, and that was the important effect which the Amendment would have in making parents more careful to avoid during the early life of children things occurring which retarded their physical development. He did not think there was any hardship in the method laid down in the Education (Provision of Meals) Bill as to the means by which the money could be obtained from parents. The duty of attending to the physique of their children was a duty which should be impressed on parents in the strongest possible way. No one would deny the importance of having medical inspection, or the value which statistics as to the physique of the elementary school children would have if published, and if they were as clear and lucid as statistics in other countries generally were. The Amendment in no way affected the principle of the clause, but really brought the clause, he thought, more into accord with the principles which Parliament had hitherto laid down in matters of this kind. He could not conceive any case in which it was more desirable to carry out the principles originally laid down in the Education (Provision of Meals) Bill, and he believed the Amendment would do a great deal to bring about what both sides of the House desired.

Amendment proposed—

"In page 5, line 33, at the end, to add the words, 'Provided that the cost of any treatment consequent upon the medical inspection hall be charged against and recovered from the parent as an expense under Section 2 of the Educaton (Provision of Meals) Act, 1906.'"—(Mr. Lane Fox.)

Question proposed, "That those words be there inserted in the Bill."

said he regretted after much consideration of the proposed Amendment that he could not see his way to accept it. If the words suggested were adopted it would compel local authorities to make such a provision in every case. Under the circumstances of the case it was much more desirable to preserve a greater latitude. He asked the hon. Member not to press the Amendment, but to leave the matter in its present form, which was as fair as it could be.

said the Amendment provided that where parents could afford to pay they should be made to pay. So far as he could make out local authorities were not likely to provide very much medical inspection if they had to pay for it. Yet the opinion of the House was that there should be medical inspection. Certainly it was hard that the parent who looked after his children should have to pay for medical inspection which was necessary owing to the neglect of other parents who could afford to pay for their children but refused to do so. All hon. Members must know that there were a great many parents who did not do their duty in; respect of the health of their children. He hoped that his hon. friend would go to a division on the Amendment.

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submitted that while the medical inspection of children on their admission to schools was very proper, it was perfectly consistent with approving such inspection to lay it down that where a parent could afford to pay he should be made to pay for any treatment or inspection other than that at the time of admission into school. He could not see how hon. Members could otherwise argue at a time when the progressive increase in the rates so greatly neutralised the great advantage the country derived from free trade in the way of cheap food and clothing. The cheapness of these was almost counterbalanced by the dearness of lodging, and in rents, rates were, if not the dominant, at any rate, a dominating factor. In no other country was house rent so dear, he believed. He wished to urge that the proviso to this section, should be compulsory instead of permissive. He had good reason to speak in favour of this Amendment, because it ran on the same lines as one which he himself had put on the Paper, but having urged his views in Committee he thought it would be waste of time to move it. It was at his instance and on his motion that the proviso had been added to the hon. Member for Scarborough's Bill, which he presumed would now be dropped, and it was he who, had urged in the House that such an Amendment should be made to an identical clause in the Education Bill which passed the House last year. Such an Amendment was eventually made in another place, but of a permissive and not a compulsory character. He would like-to see it made compulsory that parents should pay where they could, and that local bodies should avail themselves of existing organisations, before calling on the rates. He realised, however, that the House was against him.

regretted very much that the right hon. Gentleman could not see his way to accept the Amendment or something like it—that was to say, the provision of any treatment outside school. He called attention to the extreme vagueness of the clause. In Committee the Parliamentary Secretary, when asked what was meant as an arrangement for the children, described a small hospital outside the school. He thought that the charge for treatment should operate on the parents of children who were treated. He agreed there would be some difficulty in arranging this, because it would be rather difficult to apportion the nurses' salaries in the charge on the parents concerned

assured the hon. Baronet that he had endeavoured with the greatest sincerity to find suitable words to carry out the object they had in view. He asked his hon. friend to withdraw his Amendment. He thought no other course was open to the House in order to attain the end they had in view but to accept the clause as it stood.

said he did not agree that the words as they stood in the Amendment could not be accepted. He saw no difficulty in working the proposal even in the extreme case of allocating the nurse's salary. He did not see what objection there was to carrying this out on the same principle as the provision of meals. He attached the greatest importance to the principle. He thought it very important to show to parents who did not fulfil their duty to their children that the children should be taken care of, but that the cost should be borne by the parents who should be made to pay. He knew that the vast majority of parents took proper care of their children, but on the other hand there were drunken and careless parents whom it was a scandal for the State to treat better than other people.

The Bill does not do that. It empowers the local authority to make charges, and the local authority can make suitable arrangements for a particular district.

said the experience of local authorities who had appointed medical officers was that they called the attention of neglectful parents to their children to induce them if possible to give them the necessary attention. Children with drunken parents in some few cases did fall on the ratepayers, but surely the interests of the children were enough to justify this. He thought that in cases whore there was a medical officer appointed it would be found that the benefits would in no way be abused.

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said that this was one of the most important principles they had considered in Committee. It was very disappointing to hear from the President of the Board of Education that he could not devise any form of words to meet the urgent ease set out, nor accept the words suggested by the hon. Baronet. The right hon. Gentleman said he could assure the hon. Baronet that his words were unsatisfactory, but no reason had been given to show why they were unsatisfactory. To his (Mr. Butcher's) mind they were eminently satisfactory—for this reason. There were a great many people who objected to having more serious medical treatment of children thrown on the rates when the parents of the children could afford to pay, but who at the same time did not object to paying for the services of a trained nurse to look after the minor ailments of children on the school premises. Such a case would be met by the suggested Amendment of the hon. Baronet. From experience in this country and elsewhere they knew there were many places where there was medical inspection out of public money. At the same time there were health-visitors or nurses, or whatever they might be called, whose function it was to look after the health of the children in the schools and who then advised the parents and often succeeded in inducing them to adopt the treatment recommended. That was the method he would have much preferred in the present instance. As it was, surely it was inconsistent to have laid down the principle in the Provision of Meals Bill that public money should not be given to provide even the necessaries of life for the children of parents who could afford to pay; and now to enact that public money should go towards providing what in some sense were merely the luxuries of life, such as a pair of spectacles. The precedent of the Provision of Meals Bill was one of the strongest arguments for the acceptance of this Amendment.

said he wished to reply to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who had spoken last on the opposite side of the House, a speech which he thought was exceedingly misleading. The hon. Member had said that local education authorities who had appointed medical officers had found that they were mostly employed in discovering the causes of illness and pointing them out to parents. But he would like to draw his attention to the wording of the Amendment, which was not designed for the medical inspection, but for the treatment consequent on medical inspection. They were informed in the Grand Committee, on behalf of the Government, that the kind of treatment that was expected was the washing of children's dirty heads, and the treatment of small sores and wounds. He wished to add his protest there, as in the Grand Committee, against the parent who looked after his child properly being compelled to contribute towards the treatment in the school of the child of the neglectful parent It was quite a wrong principle, it was surely right that some burden should be placed on the mother who neglected her child rather than that the burden and disadvantage should fall on the mother who treated her child properly and looked after it. He rather gathered, from the way his remarks, were received in Grand Committee, that the Government intended to give careful attention to this matter. He accepted the assurance of the right hon. Gentleman that he had done so, but he must express his regret that the result had been so small—in fact there had been no result. He was very glad to have had an opportunity of protesting in the House against the course the Government had pursued, and he hoped his hon. friend would go to a division.

said he could understand the impatience of hon. Gentlemen below the gangway, who were obviously quite anxious that the Amendment should be rapidly disposed of. The Minister in charge of the Bill had told them that the Amendment would not have the desired effect, but he did not tell them why. The situation before the House was a perfectly simple one. Clause 2, as amended, would do what most of them wanted, and would do it most efficiently. What they wanted was that where this medical treatment, consequent on the inspection, took place outside the school they should not take advantage of this proposal by a side wind to cast the cost on the rates. If the Amendment was not inserted the cost would have to be met out of the rates. This was the only method they had of protesting, and he trusted his hon. friend would press the Amendment to a division.

*

trusted the right hon. Gentleman would not change his mind. A good many Members who had spoken in support of the Amendment evidently had very little knowledge of the poor at all. He knew something about them, having lived amongst them a good many years. He believed a lot of the diseases of the poor which were complained of were due to the ignorance and poverty of the poor, and not to their carelessness and neglect. It would be almost impossible to discriminate between the cases due to wilful neglect and those due to ignorance. He hoped the Advisory Medical Board would act as generously as possible in laying down regulations for the guidance of medical authorities. He believed that if the Amendment were adopted all the parents would be immediately turned against medical inspection. What they wanted to do was to popularise the idea of medical inspection and of medical treatment. He trusted the right hon. Gentleman would stand firm in the matter.

asked leave to amend his Amendment so that it should read:—"Provided that the cost of any treatment conducted outside the precincts of the school, and consequent upon the medical inspection, etc." The remarks of the last speaker only bore out what he had said in moving the Amendment, that Members who supported him were liable to misrepresentation. He did not say the hon. Member had made that statement intentionally. They had no wish in any way to interfere with the medical inspection of the child, but they merely desired that those who had neglected their children should pay for them.

seconded the Amendment. Proposed Amendment amended by inserting after the word "treatment," the words—

"conducted outside the precincts of the schools, and"—(Mr. Lane-Fox.)

Question put, "That those words, as amended, be there inserted in the Bill."

AYES.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hn Sir Alex. F.Chance, Frederick WilliamMorpeth, Viscount
Anson, Sir William ReynellCorbett, T. L. (Down, North)Powell, Sir Francis Sharp
Arkwright, John StanhopeCourthope, G. LoydRawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Ronaldshay, Earl of
Banner John S. HarmoodFell, ArthurScott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Beckett, Hon. GervaseForster, Henry WilliamTalbot, Lord E. (Chichester)
Bowles, G. StewartGibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Turnour, Viscount
Boyle, Sir EdwardGordon, J.Valentia, Viscourt
Bridgeman, W. CliveGretton, JohnWalker, Col. W. H. (Lancashire
Bull, Sir William JamesHarrison-Broadley, H. B.
Butcher, Samuel HenryHelmsley, ViscountTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Lane-Fox and Mr. Hicks-Beach.
Carlile, E. HildredHills, J. W.
Castlereagh, ViscountHunt, Rowland
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Long, Rt. Hon Walter (Dublin, S.)
Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Magnus, Sir Philip

NOES.

Acland Francis DykeHall, FrederickMorse, L. L.
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Hardy, George A. (Suffolk)Nicholls, George
Ainsworth, John StirlingHarmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)Nicholson, Charles N (Doncast'r).
Alden, PercyHarvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)Norton, Capt. Cecil William
Asquith, Bt. Hon. Herbert HenryHarwood, GeorgeO'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)
Balfour, Robert (Lanark)Haworth, Arthur A.Paulton, James Mellor
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Hazel, Dr. A. E.Pearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek)
Beauchamp, E.Hedges, A. PagetPhilipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)
Beaumont, Hon. HubertHenderson, Arthur (Durham)Pollard, Dr.
Beck, A. CecilHenry, Charles S.Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S Geo.Higham, John SharpRadford, G. H.
Berridge, T. H. D.Hobhouse, Charles E. H.Rainy, A. Rolland
Bertram, JuliusHolt, Richard DurningRea, Walter Russell (Scarboro')
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineHorniman, Emslie JohnRendall, Athelstan
Bowerman, C. W.Howard, Hon. GeoffreyRichards, Thomas (W. Monm'th)
Brace, WilliamHudson, WalterRichards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'n)
Bramsdon, T. A.Hyde, ClarendonRidsdale, E. A.
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnJohnson, John. (Gateshead)Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Byles, William PollardJones, Leif (Appleby)Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)Roberts, John H. (Denbighs.)
Causton, Rt. Hn. Richard KnightJowett, F. W.Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'rd
Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Kelley, George D.Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.King, Alfred John (Knutsford)Rogers, F. E. Newman
Cleland, J. W.Laidlaw, RobertRowlands, J.
Clough, WilliamLambert, GeorgeRunciman, Walter
Cobbold, Felix ThornleyLamont, NormanSamuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.)Scott, A. H. (Ashton-under-Lyne)
Cooper, G. J.Leese, Sir Joseph F. (Accrington)Seely, Colonel
Corbett, CH (Sussex, E. Grinst'd)Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)Sherwell, Arthur James
Dalziel, James HenryLevy, Sir MauriceShipman, Dr. John G.
Davies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Lewis, John HerbertSimon, John Allsebrook
Dickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N)Lough, ThomasSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)Lupton, ArnoldStanger, H. Y.
Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Stanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh)
Edwards, Clement (Denbigh)Mackarness, Frederic C.Strachey, Sir Edward
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Strauss, E. A. (Abingdon)
Essex, R. W.MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.)Summerbell, T.
Evans, Samuel T.M'Kenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldSutherland, J. E.
Everett, R. LaceyM'Killop, W.Taylor, John W. (Durham)
Fenwick, CharlesManfield, Harry (Northants)Ure, Alexander
Ferens, T. R.Mansfield, H. Rendall (Lincoln)Walters, John Tudor
Fuller, John Michael F.Markham, Arthur BasilWarner, Thomas Courtenay T.
Fullerton, HughMarks, G. Croydon (Launceston)Waterlow, D. S.
Gladstone, Rt. Hn. Herbert JohnMarnham, F. J.
Goddard, Daniel FordMassie, J.Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Grant, CorrieMicklem, NathanielWeir, James Galloway
Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir EdwardMontgomery, H. G.White, George (Norfolk)
Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B.Morrell, PhilipWhite, Luke (York, E. R.).

The House divided:—Ayes, 39; Noes 149. (Division List No. 408.)

Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
Wiles, ThomasWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Wills, Arthur WaltersYoxall, James Henry

Amendment proposed—

"In page 5, line 37, at end, to add, '(2) This section shall come into operation on the first lay of January, nineteen hundred and eight.'"—(Mr. McKenna.)

Question, "That those words be there added," put, and agreed to.

Amendment proposed—

"In Schedule, page 7, line 27, at the end, to insert—

2 Edw. 7, c. 42.The Education Act, 1902.The words 'ordinarily resident in the area of the Council,' in sub section two of section twenty-three.'"—(Mr. McKenna)

Question, "That those words be there added," put, and agreed to.

Bill read the third time and passed.

Qualification Of Women (County And Borough Councils) Bill Lords

Order for Second Reading read.

*The PRESIDENT OF THE LOCAL GOVERNMENT BOARD (Mr. JOHN BURNS, Battersea) moved the Second Reading of this Bill, the object of which, he said, was to remove the disqualification of women from sitting on public bodies for which they were entitled to vote. The Bill enabled women, who were otherwise qualified, to sit on county and borough councils, and, if selected, as chairman of those bodies. It, however, did not entitle them to be Justices of the Peace by virtue of any such office. The House knew that women could be members and chairmen of parish councils, urban councils, and rural district councils or boards of guardians, and they could also vote for those bodies. Outside London, single women could vote for but not sit upon county councils or borough councils; married women could not vote and consequently could not sit. With regard to London Borough Councils, single women could vote but not sit by virtue of the Local Government Act of 1899, and for the London County Council single women could also vote but not sit. This Bill proposed that women should have the right to sit on provincial borough councils, Metropolitan borough councils, and county councils. But in establishing their right to this, the Bill proposed that they should not be Justices of the Peace by virtue of their being chairmen of borough or county councils. In this the precedent of Section 22 of the Local Government Act of 1894 was followed. The House of Lords had altered the Bill so as to exclude women from being chairmen of county councils or mayors of boroughs. The Government proposed to disagree with the Lords' Amendment. This Bill raised no new question of franchise. If it did he ventured to say that the Bill would be most probably rejected for this session. It removed a disability that had recently been imposed upon women who were able to be elected for school boards. The Bill re-established that right which had been taken away. It removed doubts in one or two other matters, and he asked the House to give it a Second Reading. At this moment there were something like 2,000 women members of various urban, rural, and parish councils, and boards of guardians. There were 615 co-opted women members on education committees, and a few on distress committees, whilst others were members of governing bodies of polytechnics. As the law now stood, however, women could not be members of 320 town councils of provincial boroughs, of 29 Metropolitan borough councils, and of 62 county councils. The Bill, without approaching the question of a new franchise, without raising a number of questions which at that time of the session and that hour of the night could not be embarked upon, extended to women a useful sphere of local government for which they were thoroughly qualified, and in which many had done good service for their fellows, the community, and the State, and he appealed to the House to confine the Bill to its present provisions and to give it a Second Heading.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."

said he was himself in favour of the extension to women of privileges they already enjoyed in a small portion of our local government, and of their being enabled to take that part in local affairs which their knowledge qualified them to take with advantage to the community and to their own credit. But he was surprised to hear that the Government were not satisfied with the form in which the Bill had come down to this House, because he did not think they would seriously quarrel with a decision which only seemed to take a common-sense view of the situation, namely, that women should not be qualified to sit as mayors of boroughs or as chairmen of urban district councils.

Women can now be chairmen of parish, rural, or urban district councils, or boards of guardians.

said that in that case the only effect of the proposal would be to extend the right of women to act as chairmen of county councils. [Several HON. MEMBERS: And borough councils]. He was not aware that there had been a case of a woman being elected as chairman of an urban council or board of guardians, but he could not help thinking it was undesirable that that particular privilege should be extended to them. He thought they ought to be members of these local bodies, because in all local government their special knowledge and experience were of very great value. He was rather surprised that the Bill did not extend to Ireland, because in this particular respect the local authorities in Ireland differed in no way from the local authorities in the rest of the United Kingdom, and he hoped that when the Bill got into Committee Amendments might be proposed to extend whatever privileges the House decided to grant to women, whether they were members of English, Irish, or Welsh local bodies. Subject to revision in the way he had suggested, he would be prepared to support the passage of this Bill.

MR. HARMOOD-BANNER moved the rejection of the Bill. He said that he did so for the very good reason that he had been ton years a mem- ber of a city council, and he considered that a more inappropriate proposal than that women should sit on such councils and take part in their deliberations was never brought before the House. It was quite possible that it should be appropriate in the case of small rural or parish councils, but where there were large councils like that in the City of Liverpool—with 120 members—quite as many as sat during many of the discussions in the House of Commons he did not think it was at all a proper thing to include women amongst the members. [An HON. MEMBER: Why?] For this reason: in the first place, the subjects discussed in a large council were with very few exceptions quite outside the scope of the work women could undertake. For instance, what had women to do with electric light, gas works, finance, the management of horses, tramways, and other similar work, which was essentially men's work? It was perfectly correct to say that the co-optation of women on certain committees bad been most valuable, and he would like to see the principle of co-optation extended. Women had done very good work for education. If they were co-opted on health committees and on bodies dealing with hospitals they would doubtless do work that would be very beneficial, but that they should take part in the work of large councils he could not consider right. If once they were admitted to city councils there was no doubt what would follow. They would come to Parliament. At once he would say he was in favour of women having the vote. The vote was a proper thing to give them. He had given every, assistance he could to support the cause of women's votes. He had no dislike to women's having votes, but only to their sitting and talking on a city council. Would it be nice, for instance, for women to sit there in Parliament and take part in that roar of laughter which had just been sent up? He would ask hon. Members to consider whether the empty benches in the House that night showed that there was any such demand for this concession to women as was indicated by the fulness of the benches when there was to be a discussion on the propriety of giving women the vote? When the question arose of giving women the vote the whole House was in a state of excitement; but the provision then before hon. Members was merely a sop to Cerberus, because women had kept guard in Cavendish Square outside the house of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, because they had caused great rows and troubles in Downing Street, and because they had required the services of the police outside the Houses of Parliament when demanding votes. It was now supposed that this Bill was going to give to women that sop which would content them. He would have thought that the President of the Local Government Board would have given an option to large city councils like that of Liverpool to adopt the principle of the inclusion of women if they thought fit. All those who had sat in such councils would know the work there was oftentimes of keeping order. It did not matter whether the council was that of Liverpool or Manchester or anywhere else. It would be most inappropriate for women to take part in those yells of laughter which sometimes arose in the House of Commons, and which they would certainly hear in city councils. [An HON. MEMEBER: Only in Liverpool.] No, Liverpool showed an example of the best civic work. He did not think it was either right or proper to put women on city councils. He could not understand the President of the Local Government Board, with his experience of municipal councils, asking city councils to take this on their shoulders: and, added to that, the possibility of women becoming mayors or chairmen of county councils was a greater wonder to him still. Let them imagine a lady taking the position of a mayor of a city council! [An HON. MEMBER: Why not?] Because she could not enforce order there. It would be most inappropriate. It was absolutely inappropriate that women should take part in the various questions that came up at a city council meeting, and he regarded it as an insult to the big city councils that such a proposal should have been brought forward. He hoped that before the Bill got to Committee the right hon. Gentleman would give to big city councils the option of adopting the principle or not as they thought fit. By all means let them give women votes, but hon. Members would agree it was inappropriate that women should sit in the House alongside hon. Members. Equally women would certainly not be in their proper place in city councils. Let women be put on health committees and on hospital boards, but let them not enter city councils upon which neither their counsel, their advice, nor their assistance was sought.

wished to call attention to a provision in the Bill which he very much regretted. He thanked the President of the Local Government Board for the way in which he had introduced the measure, but he doubted whether the right hon. Gentleman realised how far the Bill would go, or rather how far it did not go. The objection which he had to the Bill was that it did not qualify married women to sit on councils. He would not like, at that late hour, to enter into an argument to show that this was so. Though he would support the Second Reading of the Bill he hoped an opportunity would be given to amend this defect in Committee. Of all classes of women it was the married woman with broad sympathies who could best help forward the municipal work of borough I and city councils. He cordially supported the Second Reading, and he hoped that the defect he had pointed out would be I remedied.

asked whether, I if the Bill passed, a woman would be able to become Lord Mayor of London and could she sit on a county council.

A woman may sit on a county council under this Bill I doubt very much whether a woman will ever be Lord Mayor of London.

said he would like to support his hon. friend in objecting to the Bill. One of his reasons was that he very strongly opposed the Parliamentary franchise or anything approaching it being given to women. This, he considered, would be one of the first steps on the downward path to female suffrage. As women had the vote already for borough and county councils the time had come when they would be qualified to sit on them. He could not help thinking that it was a great mistake to qualify women in this way. He agreed that women could give-very useful service in certain local matters. No doubt the service which they had rendered to the school boards was of very great value, and the service they rendered on education committees at the present time was equally good. They might do good work respecting lunatic asylums, the Midwives' Act, and other matters, and he could not see why a Bill should not be introduced to extend power to co-opt women instead of allowing them to sit on councils. To do so was to put men and women in an unfair position, respectively: they might be placed face to face as contestants in an election. It was all very well to say that women already served on boards of guardians and parish councils. Everyone knew that the larger the body to which an election was being made, the greater the keenness and the rivalry that attached to the election. Very often elections to county councils were fought with great vigour, and he thought in some parts of the country it would be an unfair thing to ask women to stand for those bodies, whereas a man would not care to do things he might otherwise do in opposing a woman for the position. The suggestion in the Bill had the double disadvantage of putting women in a sphere for which they were not fitted, and of causing men to oppose women in a conflict which was not suitable. He believed it was not the function of women to take part in the rough and tumble of politics. It was inevitable, if they were to be allowed to sit on borough and city councils, that the time would come when they would be not only qualified to vote for Parliament but to sit in the House itself. The proposition that they should sit in the House seemed to be a reductio ad absurdum. It was a ridiculous and degrading proposal that women should sit in that Assembly; to no one more degrading than to the women themselves. Surely it was for men to govern the country of which they were citizens. The proposal that women should sit on borough and county councils seemed to him to divide the sexes into two hostile camps. It would not restore prestige to the House of Commons as the Prime Minister said so frankly he was going to do. That the Bill should be introduced for a Second Reading at that time of the year, and at that hour of the morning, he thought indicated a want of courtesy to the House.

said that at that late hour it was quite obvious they could not adequately discuss the Second Reading of a measure of that character, without trespassing, as they had no right to do, on the patience of hon. Members. He regarded the Bill as a great step in the direction of giving women the vote. A great many Members I of the House would probably vote for the Bill in the hope of hedging on the question of woman suffrage. With regard to the general question, he thought that in giving women the right of election and by placing on them the duty of becoming candidates for big bodies like the county councils, they were going much beyond all they had already done. It was quite true that women had done useful work as members of boards of guardians and of education committees—work properly within their sphere—but the House was now proceeding to give them the right to be elected. They could not be elected without coming down into the arena of conflict. The great local bodies wore, after all, the nearest approach to Parliament, and he could not understand what argument his hon. friends would be able to bring forward to prevent women coming into Parliament afterwards, if they were given the right to sit upon these bodies. The work of the county councils was very important; to a very large extent it was administrative, but it was also largely legislative in its character, as they framed by-laws in various directions, and it was well-known that these large public bodies were being intrusted with greater and greater powers every year by Parliament. Whenever anything had to be done, the county councils and the borough councils had to do it. Holding views that he did in regard to women taking part in public affairs, he regretted that the Government were asking the House, to give a Second Reading to this Bill at 1.30 in the morning on August 13th. He did not think it was treating the supporters of the Government properly to waste time on this Bill, when they might be doing something much more important. The Government had not the courage of their convictions in the matter. He could not understand why women should not be Justices of the Peace. There was no heated conflict in such work, and they would be there simply as Judges, if they were fitted by nature and training in every other way, either to be lady mayors or mayoresses, or chairmen or chairwomen—whatever they would be called—of county councils, what reason was there for saying that they were not fitted to be Justices of the Peace? The right hon. Gentleman gave as his reason for this the precedent under some Act of 1894, but he had never heard such a reason from a man of the robust intellect of the right hon. Gentleman. Someone had said that old precedents were made to be trampled on. The reason which lay at the bottom of the Bill was that there had been an agitation for the Parliamentary franchise. The Government said they would not let women sit in the House, but they would go as far as they could, and admit women to sit on the next biggest public body in the country, the county council. He saw no distinction at all, except in degree, between the cases. Therefore, holding the views he did, if this Bill proceeded to a division, he would certainly have the courage of his conviction, and vote against the Second Reading.

said that the House in voting for this measure would be practically voting for female suffrage. The Bill was only introduced with the object of attempting to delay for some time the agitation that had been gradually gathering against the Government on the part of the suffragettes. If he might follow a distinguished example, he would like to put certain questions to the Government. First question: Are you in favour of female suffrage? Second: Would you introduce that suffrage on the same footing and basis as male suffrage? Third: Will you introduce it next session? And fourth, Will you allow women a seat in this House? All these questions were Very germane to the agitation on this Bill, and if they were to read it a second time that night they ought to know what the Government's intentions were, not only as regarded women's status on local bodies, but as regarded Imperial Parliament also. It was ludicious to contend that the Bill could be considered apart from female suffrage and the question of women sitting in the House. It was very undesirable that such a Bill should be discussed at that late hour, and at that advanced period of the session. He Would have thought that this Government would have been the last to introduce such a Bill at this time, having regard to the statements made by the Prime Minister and others at the general election, and in the country, to the effect that they were going to restore be Parliament the dignity which it formerly possessed. Was it treating Parliament properly to introduce at that period of the Session a Bill of this sweeping character, which they knew very well would not be passed, and was only, as had been said earlier in the evening, a sop to Cerberus, and would only prevent, for a very short time, the agitation of the suffragettes from being carried on?

replied that he did not know. He could not speak for the House of Lords. He was, however, well aware that the House of Lords passed the Bill, and he would have thought that that would be just the reason why the Government would not pass it at that hour of the morning. He did not know why they should sit till 1.30 o'clock in the morning on August 13th to register the decrees of the House of Lords. Hon Gentlemen below the gangway had found themselves wrong in their calculations on several occasions during the last few months, but they had never been more wrong than now, when they were hoping by this Bill to propitiate the suffragettes. To make some slight protest against the way the Government had treated the House, he moved that the debate be now adjourned.

said he rather welcomed the introduction of the measure, and he would welcome it more strongly were he convinced that it was going to do that which it first conveyed to the mind of the House. He wished to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, if the Bill passed as it had been introduced, one married woman outside of London would be able to sit on either a county or borough council?

said the hon. Member for Liverpool seemed entirely to lose sight of the fact that he was sent to the House by his constituents, and also to the city council. If these constituents chose to send women to sit on the council, it was not the Liverpool City Council who would decide the question, but the electors of Liverpool city themselves. He therefore hoped the Government would keep a stiff back, and that his right hon. friend would not only pass the Bill, but that they would give full privileges to all married women.

*

said he would like, as one who had charge of a similar measure in the last Parliament, to correct one or two misapprehensions. One speaker on the Opposition side seemed to think that this subject was inextricably mixed up with the franchise question. It was absolutely distinct from it. Those who supported this Bill supported it because they believed it was for the benefit of the country that women should undertake administrative work. There were many who voted for the last Bill in the last Parliament who were quite as strongly opposed as the noble Lord to women having the franchise, and he had almost as many supporters from the Unionist side as from the Liberal side. Again, those who were working up, if he might use the term, the enthusiasm in the country necessary to carry this Bill had nothing whatever to do with those who were working on what were called suffrage lines. The reason was that this Bill represented an older form of thought than that which would give the vote to women at Parliamentary elections. A body of women had been working to achieve that which this Bill proposed. They had seen the absolute necessity of enlisting the interest of women in local government work. Notwithstanding that they had been urged to take extreme steps, they had worked to this end with patience and confidence. Objection had been made to the Bill because it did not allow married women to sit on the councils. It did allow, as had been pointed out, married women to sit on the London County Council and on the metropolitan borough councils; but there was a Bill on the stocks, so to speak, to remedy the defect complained of. The reason there had been no provision to allow married women to sit on the county councils had been the difficulty of getting this Bill through the other House. Some of them thought they would like a Bill which would establish the great principle that women should be directly elected to serve on the county councils, and that they should not suffer from the patronising condescension of men to co-opt them. That was one of the two principles they wanted to establish, and they congratulated the Government on having had the good sense and good taste to bring the matter before Pailiament this session even though it was rather late. They had established the principle, and they were determined that married women should be brought within it, but not necessarily in this Bill. [Several HON. MEMBERS: Why not?] It could be done by another Bill, on the same lines as the Bill of 1900, which enabled married women to serve on the London County Council. That was logical and created no anomaly whatever, and he would say to the hon. Member who described this as a leap in the dark that hon. Members knew perfectly well that ladies though, as it happened, without legal rights sat on the London County Council and did most excellent work on sixteen committees, and for years the London County Council had petitioned Parliament to give thorn the legal right. The Government intended to amend the Bill so that women could be lord mayors or mayors, and chairmen of county councils Women had done magnificent work. They had in every field of intellectual activity held their own with men, and in many cases beaten them. He thought an hon. Member opposite rather suggested in speaking of the electric light that in the dry field of mathematics or science they would not be able to hold their own. They knew, however, that a man had had to give way to a lady as Senior Wrangler. In every possible direction, women would be found holding their own, and they would be a restraining influence on the disorderly meetings such as the hon. Member opposite pictured in the Liverpool council chamber.

said he was rather disappointed at the attitude of the President of the Local Government Board on this question. So far as he understood the answer the right hon. Gentleman gave to the question addressed to him by the hon. Member for Barnard Castle, it was that the Bill would not allow any married woman to sit on any county council or borough council outside London. That took away in his view a great deal of the attraction of the Bill. Certainly it was a great disappointment to him, and he could not understand how the Government could make a point of altering the Bill in order to allow women to become mayors and chairmen of councils, and yet refuse to allow them to be elected to county councils all over the country. It seemed to him that if the Bill was to go on in that form it was hardly worth supporting, and he appealed to the right hon. Gentleman, and he believed that a large number of Members agreed with him, to alter the Bill in the direction he had mentioned.

thought the right hon. Gentleman might give some explanation on the point raised by his hon. friend, whether it was the intention of the Government to delete the proviso that women should not be elected as chairmen of county councils or mayors of boroughs. The right hon. Gentleman had told them that the Government proposed to delete it because women were now eligible to become chairmen of boards of guardians and district councils, but he had not given one instance in which that prerogative had been exercised. Under this Bill a woman might become mayor of a town and ex-officio she would be the chief magistrate of that town, [An HON. MEMBER: Why not?"]

said he was glad to have that announcement from the Government, but he still wished

AYES.

Acland, Francis DykeCecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.)Edwards, Clement (Denbigh)
Adkins, W. Ryland D.Chance, Frederick WilliamEdwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)
Ainsworth, John StirlingCherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.Everett, R. Lacey
Alden, PercyChurchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.Fenwick, Charles
Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)Cleland, J. W.Ferens, T. R.
Asquith, Rt. Hn. Herbert HenryClough, WilliamFuller, John Michael F.
Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)Cobbold, Felix ThornleyFullerton, Hugh
Beauchamp, E.Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Goddard, Daniel Ford
Beaumont, Hon. HubertCollins, Sir W. J. (S. Pancras, W.Grant, Corrie
Beck, A. CecilCooper, G. J.Hall, Frederick
Benn, W. (T'w'r Hamlets, S. Geo.Corbett, CH (Sussex, E. Grinst'dHarmsworth, Cecil B. (Worc'r)
Bowerman, C. W.Corbett, T. L. (Down, North)Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)
Brace, WilliamCourthope, G. LoydHaworth, Arthur A.
Bramsdon, T. A.Craig, Herbert J. (TynemouthHedges, A. Paget
Bridgeman, W. CliveDavies, W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Henderson, Arthur (Durham)
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnDickinson, W. H. (St. Pancras, N.Henry, Charles S.
Byles, William PollardDuncan, C (Barrow-in-Furness)Higham, John Sharp
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne)Hills, J. W.

to have some definite reason why ladies should become chairmen of city or borough councils at all. He could not imagine anything more inappropriate than that a woman should be asked to preside over a meeting of a great county council, city council, or borough council. His hon. friend below him had given a harrowing picture of what went on in the Liverpool council chamber, and he left the House to imagine what would be the position of a woman who had to preside over such a council. He thought the Government might give some better reason for their decision regarding the; proviso, and unless they did so he would support his hon. friend.

asked whether by deleting the proviso a woman would be eligible as a county magistrate?

asked the Government whether they considered it was right to bring such a Bill, which at its best was of a piecemeal character, before the House. They knew now that it was engineered with the intention of carrying it by degrees further and further. That was bad enough when confined to a private Member, but when the Government took up a Bill of this kind it was not the right way to deal with a question.

Question put, "That the Bill be now read a second time."

The House divided:—Ayes, 132; Noes, 13. (Division List No. 409.)

Holt, Richard DurningMarkham, Arthur BasilShipman, Dr. John G.
Horniman, Emslie JohnMarnham, F. J.Simon, John Allsebrook
Howard, Hon. GeoffreyMicklem, NathanielSinclair, Rt. Hon. John
Hudson, WalterMorrell, PhilipStanger, H. Y.
Hunt, RowlandNicholls, GeorgeStanley, Hn. A. Lyulph (Chesh.
Hyde, ClarendonNicholson, Charles N. (Doncast'rStrachey, Sir Edward
Isaacs, Rufus DanielNorton, Capt. Cecil WilliamStrauss, E. A. (Abingdon)
Johnson, John (Gateshead)O'Donnell, C. J. (Walworth)Summerbell, T.
Jones, Leif (Appleby)Paulton, James MellorSutherland, J. E.
Jones, William (CarnarvonshirePearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)Taylor, John W. (Durham)
Jowett, F. W.Pease, Herbert Pike (DarlingonUre, Alexander
Kelley, GeorgePhilipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)Walters, John Tudor
King, Alfred John (Knutsford)Pollard, Dr.Waterlow, D. S.
Laidlaw, RobertRadford, G. H.Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Lamont, NormanRendall, AthelstanWeir, James Galloway
Lane-Fox, G. R.Richards, Thomas (W. Monm'thWhite, George (Norfolk)
Lea, Hugh Cecil (St. Pancras, E.Richards, T. F. (Wolverh'mpt'nWhite, Luke (York, E. R.)
Levy, Sir MauriceRidsdale, E. A.Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)
Lewis, John HerbertRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)Wiles, Thomas
Lupton, ArnoldRobertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradf'rdWills, Arthur Walters
Lyell, Charles HenryRobertson, J. M. (Tyneside)Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.)
Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Rogers, F. E. NewmanWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Mackarness, Frederic C.Rowlands, J.
Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J.Runciman, WalterTELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. Whiteley and Mr. J. A. Pease.
M'Killop, W.Samuel, Herbert L. (Cleveland)
Maddison, FrederickScott, A. H. (Ashton under Lyne
Manfield, Harry (Northants)Seely, Colonel
Mansfield, H. Rendall (Lincoln)Sherwell, Arthur James

NOES.

Acland-Hood. Rt. Hn Sir Alex. F.Gordon, J.Turnour, Viscount
Beach, Hn. Michael Hugh HicksGretton, John
Castlereagh, ViscountMacVeagh,. Jeremiah (Down, S.)TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. Harmood-Banner and Viscount Holmsley.
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Evans, Samuel T.Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Bill read a second time.

Bill committed to a Committee of the Whole House for to-morrow (Tuesday)."—( Mr. John Burns.)

Qualification Of Women (County And Town Councils) (Scotland) Bill Lords

Order for Second Reading read.

, in moving the Second Reading, explained that the Bill was similar to that which had just been before the House, and provided similar privileges for the women of Scotland. It had been through the House of Lords.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."

said he could not understand why a separate Bill was need ed for Scotland unless there was some difference of which the House was not aware.

replied that as the noble Lord was probably aware there was a different system of local government in Scotland from that in England and a different Bill was necessary to effect for Scottish women privileges similar to those granted to English women. He could go into a general disquisition on the subject but he did not think that it would serve the interests of hon. Members at that hour of the morning.

could see no reason for Parliament having been troubled with two Bills where one would have sufficed. He would not delay the House at that hour of the morning, but he would ask one question respecting Sub-section (b) of Clause 1 Were the exclusions mentioned in that subsection precisely similar to those in the English Bill?

said he was of opinion that if there was a Bill specially referring to Scotland, there ought to be a Bill particularly for Ireland. If the right hon. Gentleman would give an assurance that this Bill coincided in every respect with the English Bill he would say no more, but he certainly thought that the right hon. Gentleman would have expedited business if he had included the Scottish Bill in the English Bill and had inserted separate clauses where necessary. He congratulated the right hon. Gentleman on having brought forward a Bill which apparently had the approbation of nearly the whole House.

Question put, and agreed to.

Bill read a second time and committed to a Committee of the Whole House for to-morrow (Tuesday).

Transvaal Loan Guarantee

Considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That it is expedient to authorise the Treasury to guarantee, on the security of the Consolidated Fund, the interest of a Loan to be raised by the Colony of the Transvaal, not exceeding in the aggregate an amount sufficient to raise five million pounds, and the principal of any such Loan by means of the guarantee of Sinking Fund payments, and also to guarantee the payment of any sums temporarily raised by the Colony of the Transvaal in anticipation of the Loan, with interest thereon."

said it was generally agreed that the main debate should take place on the Second Reading. Still he thought the House might have some statement from the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies.

explained that it was not with any desire of concealing anything that he had not risen to speak. The question raised by the Bill was one of principle, not of detail. It was not a complicated measure. Although the Session was so far advanced the Government had decided to give up a sitting to the consideration of the question. He thought it would be convenient to bring the question forward on Monday next. This was to be done to Suit the convenience of hon. members. As the Second Reading would be a more convenient stage he would not go into the merits of the Bill then The House was familiar with many of the arguments.

said it would be possible to issue stock at eighty which would be a guarantee for as much as six and a half millions. The Committee ought to know whether they were to guarantee five millions or some larger sum.

replied that the actual arrangement made with the Transvaal was that our liability should not exceed five million pounds worth of stock, no matter at what price it was raised.

said that no one would quarrel with the reason the right hon. Gentleman had given for not discussing the matter at that stage. But would he tell them if the whole of the amount to be raised would be devoted to the matter which came under the Bill? Could the Chancellor of the Exchequer, between now and Monday, issue a Memorandum dealing with the question, and, as was the case with the Territorial Army Bill, distribute it with the Papers?

said the Bill would be taken as the First Order on Monday, when the discusstil eleven o'clock if necessary. Papers had been printed, and would be issued on Tuesday or Wednesday.

said he only raised the point because he felt that a loan of this great importance should not be passed without one word of discussion in the House, and he did not want the right hon. Gentleman to say, at two o'clock in the morning, that he had not had an opportunity of expressing his views.

Question put, and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported to-morrow (Tuesday).

Whereupon Mr. SPEAKER, pursuant to the Order of the House of the 26th day of July last, adjourned the House without Question put.

Adjourned at Four minutes after Two.