House of Commons
Monday, March 15, 1909
Private Business
Cork, Brandon, and South Coast Railway Bill.
Harrogate Gas Bill.
Read a second time.
( Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899. )
Zetland Masonic Sick and Widows and Orphans Fund Order Confirmation Bill [Lords] .
Read a third time.
Agriculture and Technical Instruction Schemes (Ireland)
Return ordered of all moneys contributed out of the rates by the county council and other local bodies in each county in Ireland during the financial year 1907–8 for the purposes of Schemes under The Agriculture and Technical Instruction (Ireland) Act, 1899 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 174, of Session 1907).—( Mr. Ginnell. )
Return ordered of all moneys contributed out of the rates by the county council and other local bodies in each county in Ireland during the financial year 1908–9 for the purposes of Schemes under The Agriculture and Technical Instruction (Ireland) Act, 1899 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 174, of Session 1907).—( Mr. Ginnell. )
Revenue (Collection of Taxes)
Return ordered showing for each of the three Kingdoms (1) the amount charged for Income Tax, Land Tax, and Inhabited House Duty for the financial years 1907, 1908, and 1909; and (2) the amounts and per centage of the same collected in each Country by the 31st day of January and the 28th day of February, respectively, in each of the said years (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 103, of Session 1908). —( Sir George M'Crae. )
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Captain Gorges, alias Gaudeons
asked the Secretary of State for War if he will state the date and cause of dismissal of Captain Gorges, alias Gaudeons, from the Army in the course of the last South African war; if that person was in the service of the War Department in 1907, in what country, and in what capacity; when, and at whose instance, has he been re-admitted to the Army; and what are his present rank, functions, and pay?
A gentleman called R. H. Gorges was appointed to the Border Scouts as a lieutenant in December,1901, and was permitted to resign his appointment on account of ill-health in April, 1902. He subsequently joined the 3rd Battalion, Royal Irish Regiment, as a captain, in November, 1902, and resigned his commission in August, 1908. He performed the annual training with that unit in 1907 as a company officer. He was appointed at the instance of the responsible commanding and general officers in Ireland.
Where was he in 1907?
He was with his unit.
Inns of Court Corps
asked the Secretary of State for War whether, seeing that there is only a fortnight before the time for enlistment of members of the corps expires, he can state the day on which the scheme for the Inns of Court corps will be issued?
The scheme is very nearly ready for issue, and I hope it will be issued within the next few days.
Royal Garrison Artillery (India)
asked the Secretary of State for War, whether there has been any reduction in men, guns, or horses, in horse, field, or garrison artillery in India during the year 1908; and whether any reductions in this behalf are contemplated during 1909.
A reduction of 107 men is contemplated in the Royal Garrison Artillery in India during 1909. The establishment of horses is being increased by 558 owing to the formation of Ammunition Columns. I am not aware of any reductions in guns or horses.
Why are the men reduced?
It is merely a re-arrangement.
Army Horses (Prizes at Agricultural Shows)
asked the Secretary of State for War, whether he is going to continue to give prizes for horses suitable for the Army at agricultural shows this summer; and, if so, what class he proposes to encourage.
Yes, Sir. I propose to give prizes for all classes of horses suitable for military purposes.
Will some of these prizes be given to Ireland—to the agricultural districts?
I hope so, but I cannot say definitely at present. It might be made the subject of a special question.
I shall put a question down.
Should the societies apply, or will they be notified?
They must take the usual course?
Ammunition (Condemned and Remade)
asked the Secretary of State for War, whether 1,246,600 rounds of ammunition, valued at £5,907, have just been returned to the Royal Laboratory at Woolwich, having been condemned as unsafe for use; and if ammunition collected from South Africa and remade was afterwards found to be unsafe?.
The question refers to the statement made in paragraph 2 of the report of the Controller and Auditor-General on the Store Accounts of the Army for 1907–8. This report will come before the Public Accounts Committee and I am not therefore in a position to anticipate any discussion on the point by making any statement in reply to the question.
Was this ammunition made at the Royal Arsenal?
I cannot say; possibly it was re-made after the war.
Ballooning and Aeroplane Experiments
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he can see his way to appoint a Joint Committee composed of Naval and Military engineers, in conjunction with engineers other than those employed by Government, to carry out experiments in ballooning and aeroplane construction?
It is not considered that any advantage would be gained at present by the appointment of such a Committee as is suggested in the question.
Gymnasia Apparatus (Swedish v. English)
asked the Secretary of State for War, if any of the English firms tendering for the supply of wall-bars and beams, for which tenders were recently invited by the War Office, offered to fit up, free of charge at any depot in the British Isles, a complete set of wall-bars and double beams in order to demonstrate their ability to execute the order to the exact specifications and drawings furnished; and will he say if this offer was refused; and, if so, for what reason?
One such offer was made, but the price quoted was much above the accepted tender, and the offer was refused.
asked the Secretary of State for War if, in asking for tenders for the gymnastic apparatus for the military depots in the United Kingdom recently supplied by a Swedish firm, exact specifications and drawings of the apparatus required were furnished by the War Office, or were the tendering firms asked to submit samples of their own design?
Specifications and drawings were issued at the tendering.
Does the right hon. Gentleman adhere to the accuracy of the answer he gave to a similar question last week that the principle of the Swedish firm, or the models of the Swedish firm, were more suitable for the purpose than the models of the English firm?
I said "Swedish apparatus."
asked the Secretary of State for War if the tenders of any English firms for the supply of gym- nastic apparatus required by the War Office for the military depots in the United Kingdom were refused on account of price; and, if so, will he give the names of the firms whose tenders were so refused?
The prices of certain of the English firms tendering were higher than those in the accepted tender. It is contrary to the practice of the War Department to disclose the names of unsuccessful tenderers.
Aldershot Gymnasium
asked the Secretary of State for War if his attention has been called to the fact that the foreign-made beam supplied to the headquarters gymnasium at Aldershot badly collapsed in practice shortly after its installation, owing to its light construction; and will he take steps to have the defective beam replaced by a beam of British make, with a view to obviating a similar accident in the future?
The Noble Earl has been misinformed. The Inspector of Gymnasia reports that there is no truth whatever in the statement made in the question.
Horses for Military Purposes
asked the Secretary of State for War if he can state how the Army Council have arrived at the conclusion that one horse in four in this country is suitable for military purposes?
I explained fully in the debate on Army Estimates that this was only a rough calculation, and I gave the grounds on which it was based. It is, of course, impossible to verify such a calculation without statistics, and these, it is hoped, will be secured in the manner which I explained to the House.
When will they be secured?
We have already begun in certain experimental counties.
Cavalry Depots (Commandants)
asked the Secretary of State for War what will be the rank of the commandants of the future cavalry depots; and if he can indicate, approximately, the strength of the staffs they will have under them?
The officers in command of the cavalry depots will have the rank of major. In. the case of those depots to which six regiments are affiliated there will be five officers and 103 other ranks on the permanent establishment, and in the case of those to which four regiments are affiliated four officers and 82 other ranks.
Assistant Financial Secretary, War Office
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will explain why the Order in Council of 15th February, 1909, defining the duties of the Assistant Financial Secretary to the War Office, is not, as the House was assured on 16th December last it would be, exactly similar in terms to the Order in Council of 10th August, 1904, defining the duties of the Director of Army Finance; and will he state what is the purpose and effect of the change of language introduced into the first-named document?
asked whether it is part of the duty of the Accounting Officer of Army Votes as such to offer to the administrative officers at the War Office and in commands independent advice on all questions of Army expenditure; and whether it is intended so to alter his functions that in future such advice shall be offered by him not in virtue of his independent position as accounting officer, but in virtue only of his position as deputy and assistant to, and the subordinate of, the finance member of Council?
I will reply to these questions together if the hon. Member will permit me. The Assistant Financial Secretary deals with all questions of the regularity of expenditure in his capacity as Accounting Officer, and in this capacity can only be overruled by the Secretary of State. With questions of economy or merit of expenditure he deals as deputy and assistant to the Finance Member of Council. This involves no departure whatever from past practice; but as the arrangement of the Order in Council of 1904 was liable to misunderstanding in this respect, the distinction was made clear in the new Order. My hon. Friend the Financial Secretary explicitly stated in the debate on the 16th December last that there would be some rearrangement of the wording.
Soldiers' Kit
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will consider the advisability of substituting a flannel shirt for the shaving appliances carried in the knapsack, which would give the soldier a change of clothing without materially increasing the weight?
This question was very thoroughly considered, and it was held that in view of the weight carried by a soldier a shirt should not be added. The weight of a shirt is lib. 1½oz., and that of razor and shaving brush is 4ozs. Further, the question of bulk must not be lost sight of.
Quarter-Masters and Riding-Masters (Retired Pay)
asked the Secretary of State for War whether the question of an increased scale of retired pay for quarter-masters and riding-masters, who retire with the honorary rank of major after 20 years' commissioned service, has been under the consideration of the Army Council; and if they have come to any decision in the matter?
The question is under consideration.
Balloon Department, Aldershot
asked the Secretary of State for War, what are the terms of agreement, if any, existing between Mr. Cody and the War Office; and whether he will permit English civilian engineers to co-operate with the balloon department at Aldershot in constructing air vessels?
Mr. Cody's present engagement terminates on 30th March, 1909. This engagement is being extended until 30th September, 1909, and no further extension is contemplated. As regards the second part of the question, permission cannot be granted to civilian engineers to co-operate in the construction of balloons at Aldershot.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether Mr. Cody has been paid by results?
Army Aeroplane Experiments
asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will advise His Majesty's Government to Vote a substantial sum in this year's Estimates for the purpose of carrying out experiments in aeroplane construction.
I have nothing to add to the statement which I made in introducing the Estimates. The Army Council propose, during the ensuing year, to consider the machines of private inventors and to direct the attention of special officers to the study of the subject. What experiments may be made, or machines bought, as the result, it would be premature to forecast.
Is the subject receiving further consideration?
The whole thing is in the hands of the General Officer Commanding, with full power to deal with it.
Cavalry Recruits (Extra Drills)
asked the Secretary for War whether he will so modify the Territorial Army regulations that it shall not be necessary for groups of cavalry recruits, consisting of not less than five recruits in a group, to travel considerable distances in order to put in their 10 extra drills where this arrangement, involving as it does unnecessary expense to the taxpayer, can be avoided if the squadron sergeant-major were allowed, with the approval of the officer commanding the regiment, to attend at a convenient centre to give the required instruction; and whether he is aware that, under the existing regulations, the squadron sergeant-major is only permitted to attend outlying troops once a week?
The General Officer Commanding is permitted to send at his discretion the instructor to visit outlying detachments oftener than once a week if necessary. This arrangement should solve the hon. Member's difficulty.
Sentence on Dinizulu
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether the Government will recommend the remission of the sentence of four years' imprisonment on Dinizulu, in view of the fact that he was not found guilty of the more serious charges against him, and the fact that under the circumstances his imprisonment may lead to unrest amongst the native population?
The only information at present at the disposal of the Secretary of State on the point raised in this question is a few sentences received from the Governor by cable. The Governor will send full information home by mail, but this cannot be available for some two weeks, and it would therefore appear to be premature to consider the question raised by my hon. Friend.
Straits Settlements Opium Farm
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether the opium farm of the Straits Settlements provided last year nearly half of the revenue, and is estimated to provide $4,505,000 out of a total of $9,646,832 in the current year; whether the action of the Government will affect the revenues of the Colony to such an extent as to make the continuance of its contribution to the War Office of 20 per cent, of its receipts impossible; whether the present contribution is more than sufficient to meet the cost of the defences of the port of Singapore, and of the garrison and military works; whether a preventive service is to be established to carry out the new policy; whether such service will cover the Federated Malay States as well as the Straits Settlements; and whether he can state what sums will be required to recoup the Colony's loss, to provide for its defence, and for the preventive service, and how the necessary funds are to be raised?
The figures given by my hon. Friend are not quite accurate, as he has taken the revenue for last year, but the proportion between the opium receipts and the total revenue is not materially affected thereby. According to the figures supplied by the War Office, the cost of the garrison largely exceeds the amount of the Colonial contribution. His Majesty's Government have come to no final conclusions as regards the opium question in the Malay Peninsula, nor will they attempt to do So until after consultation with the Governor and consideration of the report of the Shanghai Commission. In these circumstances my hon. Friend will understand that it is impossible for me to give any fuller answer to his question.
Use of Opium
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether he had any official medical reports upon the results of the cessation of the opium-using habit; whether such cessation is reported by experts to result in the increased use of alcohol and other stimulants; and, if the answer be in the affirmative, will he make such reports available for perusal by Members of the House?
No such reports have been made so far as I am aware.
Major Trenchard's Expeditionary Force
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies if he was aware that local explanations of the official statement that no military expedition against the Munshis or neighbouring tribes in Nigeria has been suggested or sanctioned, assume that an expedition against the Munshi and other tribes, stopped by the Secretary of State, has subsequently taken place; whether there has in fact been warfare between Major Trenchard's expeditionary force and the tribes, in spite of the most explicit instructions to the contrary; or whether the House may be assured that on this occasion there has been no breach by the local authorities of Northern or Southern Nigeria of the direct instructions of the Secretary of State.
I have no knowledge of the local explanations referred to in my right hon. Friend's question. The action of the local authorities and of Major Trenchard has been, as far as I am aware, in complete accordance with the policy explained by me in this House on the 24th of November. Major Trenchard's force has encountered some opposition, but not of a serious nature. From the information received at the Colonial Office I am confident that Major Trenchard endeavoured to avoid the use of force by every possible means in accordance with the instructions issued to him.
Mauritius Legislative Council
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether the members of the Indian community, who form a large majority of the population of Mauritius, are represented in the legislative council of the Colony; and, if not, whether their claims to recognition will receive favourable consideration from the Government?
Yes, Sir. Dr. Nallet-amby, a gentleman of pure Indian descent, is a nominated member of the Council of Government.
Lagos Hinterland (Duty on Spirits)
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether he was aware that owing to the high price of spirits caused by the increased duty the natives of the Lagos hinterland refuse to buy spirits at all; and that the spirit trade is thus at a complete standstill, and the outlook for the revenue is serious; and whether the Secretary of State has any intention of altering his policy so as to make it easier for the natives of West Africa to obtain spirits at a lower price?
I have seen a statement in the Press of the nature referred to in the first two paragraphs of the question. With regard to the last paragraph of my hon. Friend's question, the answer is in the negative.
Is it the fact that the spirit duties have been largely increased lately?
Oh, yes; they have been increased.
Ekoi and Firearms
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether, on the plea that some gun-running has been carried on from our territory into the Cameroons, the Colonial Secretary has, on the demand of the German Government, forbidden purchase or possession by the Ekoi on our side of the frontier of guns or ammunition, although the Ekoi on the German side are allowed to possess both; whether he is aware that our Ekoi are a race of hunters and depend on their guns for the greater part of their food, and that the prohibition is a hardship to them and is causing discontent, all the more because deserters from the German side frequently cross into our territory in search of loot; whether, if there has been any gun-running, it could be easily prevented by stationing a few guards along the three or four passes across the frontier; and whether, in view of the irritation caused among our people and of the opinion of some of the local authorities, the Colonial Secretary can see his way to modify the prohibition and restore to our Ekoi, under strict conditions and supervision, the right to possess firearms and ammunition?
No such demand on the part of the German Government has been put forward. The question would appear to refer to the Protocol signed by the delegates of the Powers at the International Arms Conference at Brussels in July last. Under this Protocol the importation of arms and ammunition for the use of natives is suspended for four years, with certain exceptions, within a specified area, which includes the Ekoi district. The restrictions are equally applicable to the tribes inhabiting German territory.
But is it at all certain that the German Government apply these rules to the people of their own territory?
That raises a question of fact of which I should like to have notice.
East Africa and Uganda Protectorates
asked the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies if he will take into consideration the advisability of bringing the East Africa and Uganda Protectorates under one administration?
Yes, Sir; but the Secretary of State doubts whether it will be feasible to make the arrangement at present.
Will the Government take into consideration the question of the appointment of a Royal Commission to inquire into the whole subject?
I hardly think that arises out of the question on the Paper. If my hon. Friend will put down a question I will give him the fullest information I can.
Oba of Aye (Timber Concession)
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies if he has considered the petition of Sumonu Ewumi, alleging that he has been deprived of a concession properly and legally granted him by Lapoki, the Oba of Aye, by the negligence of a sub-commissioner representing His Majesty's Government; and, in view of the fact that the acting Governor refused inquiry into the case on 2nd January, 1908, referring the petition to the Court, and that on 21st January, 1908, the acting Chief Justice held that the Court had no jurisdiction to entertain the action, will he inquire whether Lapoki, the Oba of Aye, had the right to grant a timber concession to the petitioner, Sumonu Ewumi, was permission granted to another person to cut the mahogany logs out of the concession in question, and what price such person paid for such permission; and, if inquiry shows that the petitioner has suffered wrong, in view of our national responsibility towards the natives of the country, will adequate compensation be granted from the revenues of Nigeria?
The petition has been received, and the Governor will be requested to furnish a report for the consideration of the Secretary of State.
Dinizulu
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether he has any information regarding the costs of Dinizulu's trial, particularly whether the Chief will have to pay the costs of his defence upon points that were included in the charges against him without evidence, or whether the Natal Government will have to pay such costs?
Telegraphic inquiry has been made of the Governor, who replies that the trial being for criminal offences no order was made as to costs, from which I infer that the defendant pays the whole of his own costs. The Governor adds that evidence was led as to every count of the indictment.
How is it possible that this unfortunate man can pay the costs out of his very bare allowance of £500?
We shall be laying papers on the subject, but in any case I shall be able to make a statement regarding it.
We all hope so.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that if it had not been for the munificence of a lady, Miss Colenso, Dinizulu could not have been defended at all; and will the Government take into consideration that fact, and reimburse the lady for the great sacrifices she has made?
We are aware that Miss Colenso has spent a great deal of money for various purposes in his defence, and the whole matter is receiving the earnest consideration of the Government.
Will the hon. Gentleman also take into consideration other persons who have been recently prosecuted by the Government?
Since the signing of the Indemnity Act is it a fact that we have no means whatsoever of coercing the Natal Government or exercising any control over her?
The hon. Gentleman must give notice of that question.
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether his attention had been drawn to a statement made by a Natal Minister that Dinizulu would not be allowed to return to Zululand; and whether that statement was made with the knowledge of His Majesty's Government and with its consent?
I have seen the statement referred to in the Press. It was not based upon any communications on the subject between the Natal Government and His Majesty's Government.
I hope no pressure will be placed on the Natal Government to do anything that is in any way unwise in this respect.
It is plainly undesirable to make any statement on this subject.
You can still keep on hoping.
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies when he will be in a position to lay Papers regarding the trial of Dinizulu, or when he expects to be able to give information regarding the decision of the authorities responsible for arranging the conditions of Dinizulu's imprisonment, and for settling what is to happen to him after his term of imprisonment expires?
The Governor is reporting fully by mail, and Papers will be laid as soon as his report and record of the trial have been received. I understand that Dinizulu occupies a cell in the block of the Pietermaritzburg Gaol appropriated to European and Indian prisoners, and that he is allowed to have diet, certain articles of clothing, and a bedstead, like a European prisoner. Otherwise his treatment is in accordance with the gaol rules for native prisoners not sentenced to hard labour. He is, I am assured, in good health. It would appear to be premature to discuss at present the point raised in the last part of my hon. Friend's question.
I should like to know whether this Chief has been deprived of his own clothing, and whether the convict's uniform has been forced upon him?
I do not know about that, but I will inquire if the hon. Gentleman wishes to be informed about it.
As there is widespread interest in this matter, will the hon. Gentleman ask the Secretary of State to try and get the Papers laid as soon as possible?
I will tell the Secretary of State what my right hon. Friend has said.
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether Dinizulu was arrested in 1907 on charges of treason and murder, was subsequently indicted on over 20 charges, and has been acquitted on all except three trivial ones; and, if so, whether he can say on what grounds a sentence of four years' imprisonment has been passed upon him?
I cannot say until the judgment of the Court has been received on what grounds the punishment awarded was fixed.
Bambaata's Family
asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether, on Wednesday last, two Zulu chiefs were convicted in Natal of having harboured Bambaata's family and were sentenced to eight months' imprisonment and small fines; whether this is the same offence for which Dinizulu was convicted; and, if so, whether he can say why a much severer sentence was passed upon Dinizulu?
I have seen a Press report of the sentences, but no official information has yet been received. It is not possible, without having seen the evidence or read the judgments either in these cases or in that of Dinizulu, to compare the various sentences awarded.
Death Rate (England, France and Germany)
asked the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he can state the death-rate per thousand in England and Wales, France, and Germany respectively; and whether he can also give the respective death-rates in London, Berlin, and Paris?
The following are the figures for the year 1907:—
Will the hon. Gentleman tell us whether or not it is the fact that the death-rate in London has gone down in the last few years?
That does not arise out of the question, but I believe it is so.
asked the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he can give the percentage of infants who died within a year of their birth during the year 1907, or during any year for which the figures are available, in Germany, France, and England and Wales; and whether he can give similar figures for Berlin, Paris, and London respectively?
The following are the figures for the year 1907:—
Exeter Provisional Order
asked the President of the Local Government Board when he proposes to take action in reference to the application of the guardians of the city of Exeter for a Provisional Order annexing the parish of St. Thomas to the city for poor law purposes; and what is the reason for the delay that has taken place, seeing that a Provisional Order was applied for in November, 1907?
There has been a difficulty in dealing with this matter, partly on account of a case in the Courts involving a question as to the powers of the Local Government Board in connection with the alteration of areas where there is a Local Act, and partly as to the procedure applicable in this instance. The case in the Courts has now been finally decided, and I am in communication with the Exeter Guardians as to the course which they should, adopt in the matter.
Is it a fact that the case in Court to which reference has been made has been decided as long ago as November last?
Yes; but since then we have had to adjust the procedure to the conditions of all other cases similar to Exeter, and we are doing so as quickly as we possibly can.
Has he communicated with Exeter to that effect?
Yes.
Speed Limit (Newmarket)
asked the President of the Local Government Board if he could state when the application of the local authority at Newmarket for a speed limit of ten miles was granted; and if he will make inquiry if it has been enforced?
An Order was issued by the Local Government Board on 19th January, 1907, fixing a speed limit of 10 miles an hour as regards certain roads in the Newmarket district. The Order came into operation on 1st February following. The enforcement of the Order does not rest with me, but with the police. I gather, however, that proceedings have been taken against a number of motorists for exceeding the limit prescribed.
Unsound Meat (Re-Exportation)
asked the President of the Local Government Board if he will state what quantity of meat alleged to be unsound was re-exported from England in 1906–7–8; if this class of unsound food be destroyed when does this take place, and under what supervision; if it be re-exported what steps are taken to secure that this actually takes place, and is it necessarily despatched to the place where it was originally sent from and will he state if it is in any way marked as to its alleged character, such as unsound or diseased?
I have no information as to the re-exportation during the period referred to of meat alleged to be unsound. The Public Health (Foreign Meat) Regulations, which deal with unsound meat imported into this country, did not come into operation until 1st January in the present year. Any destruction of foreign meat under the Regulations must take place under the supervision of the medical officer of health, and after the importer has failed to comply within 12 hours with a notice from the sanitary authority requiring him to give a written undertaking to export the meat at his own expense or prove before a justice that it is not intended for human consumption. If the importer undertakes to export the meat, it rests with the sanitary authority to satisfy themselves that the exportation takes place. If within three days after the receipt of the undertaking the meat is not exported, the sanitary authority must cause it to be destroyed. The meat need not necessarily be despatched to the place from which it was originally sent. It is not required to be marked in any way before it is re-exported.
What measures are adopted for the destruction of this meat?
In the majority of cases it is taken to the local dust destructor.
Boarded-Out Children (Lady Inspectors)
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has decided to appoint ladies as inspectors of children boarded out within the unions; and, if so, when such appointments will be made and the new system initiated?
The matter is under consideration, and I have not at present arrived at a decision with regard to it.
Captain Gorges, alias Gaudeons
asked the Secretary to-the Treasury if he will ascertain and state from what Government source the person styling himself Captain Gorges, alias Gaudeons, was paid when in Ireland in 1907, the dates of the payments, the amounts, and through whom made?
I have no-information to give the hon. Member on this subject.
Customs and Excise Amalgamation
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the undertaking which he gave to this House on the amalgamation of the Departments of Customs and Excise under The Finance Act, 1908, he can now inform the House of the number, age, and period of service of officers of all grades who have been retired from each of the said Departments before reaching the age of compulsory retirement; in how many cases the retirement of these officers has reduced the period of service which would have entitled them to the full scale of pension; and whether any officers in any grade have been continued in the service after reaching the age of compulsory retirement?
No officers have yet been retired in consequence of amalgamation, but 44 officers of Customs and 116 officers of Excise have been, or will be, called upon to retire during the financial year 1909–10, their ages ranging from 61 to 64 years and their length of pensionable service from 33 to 40 years; 94 of these will not have completed 40 years' pensionable service. The only officer continued in the service after reaching the age for compulsory retirement is Mr. Henderson, the new Commissioner, who, while still Secretary, was continued for two years from his 65th birthday (12th September, 1907).
Deportation of British Subjects (India)
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that early in December, 1908, the Government of India deported and imprisoned, without charge or trial of any kind, nine British subjects, and that these persons are still lying in prison and banishment, uncharged and untried; and whether, in view of the legal and constitutional responsibility imposed upon Parliament for the maintenance of law and order in India, he will inform the House upon what evidence His Majesty's Government have sanctioned what has taken place, and for how long it is intended to deprive the persons deported of their liberty?
I am aware that these British subjects are suffering detention under the Regulation of 1818. The action taken by the Government of India, within the terms of that law, has had the approval of the Secretary of State, and His Majesty's Government takes full responsibility. All the information on the subject that can be given con- sistently with the public interests has been already furnished by the Under-Secretary.
May I ask whether he thinks in cases where British subjects have been imprisoned without charge or trial in parts of the Empire for which the Government and this House has direct responsibility, there is any precedent for refusing to give to this House information as to the nature of the offences with which they are charged?
All the information has been given consistent with the public interest.
I desire to ask whether it is a fact that it has been stated quite recently in another place, on the authority of Earl Minto, that there was no such thing as an insurrection in India; and that at a native meeting political leaders have denounced outrages, especially the murder of a late Crown Counsel?
The hon. Member should give notice. He is asking the Prime Minister to refer to some statement made elsewhere, and there is no opportunity of doing so without notice.
Allow me to say what I stated was merely with reference to the question I wanted to ask.
It would be necessary to verify it to see whether the statement the hon. Member makes is correct. If the hon. Member gives notice in the ordinary way the Prime Minister will have an opportunity of considering it.
The statement was made a few days ago in another place.
I have said the hon. Member should give notice.
If the Government of India has evidence against these gentlemen, will His Majesty's Government ask them to be tried without delay, and if there is no evidence, or not sufficient evidence, will His Majesty's Government request their release?
I can add nothing to the answer I have already given.
May I ask whether he has information as to the extent to which the Native States of India have availed themselves of the like powers which they all possess?
The hon. Member should really put the question on the Paper.
May I ask the Prime Minister, with great respect, arising out of his reply, whether he adheres to the statement he made in this House a few days ago that no man ought to be convicted of any offence, even by drumhead court-martial, without evidence; and if so, will he state the evidence on which those men are being detained?
No, Sir.
Relations of the Two Houses of Parliament
asked the Prime Minister if he will state, in view of recent utterances by Ministers, if the question of the relations of this House with the House of Lords takes precedence in importance with the Government as a dominant issue above that of Home Rule.
I do not know to what utterances in particular the hon. Member refers; but in any case I am afraid I must leave him to draw his own inferences from them.
Shanghai-Hang-chau-Ning-po Railway
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has received any reports with reference to the construction of the Shanghai-Hang-chau-Ning-po Railway; is he aware that stipulations in the loan contract that material for construction should be purchased by tender, with a preference to British goods, have been violated; and whether, in view of the fact that the construction and control of this railway were to be entirely vested in the Imperial Chinese Government, he intends to take any action to secure that British money lent to China shall be employed for th9 furtherance of British trade?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part of the question, I am not aware that any purchases have yet been made of railway materials out of the loan funds, but it seems clear that, in other respects, the terms of the contract as to the disposal of these funds are not being observed; and His Majesty's Minister at Peking has, therefore, been authorised to make a formal representation to the Chinese Government in regard to the construction of this railway. In answer to the last part of the question, I must point out that whether money should be lent to China, and if so, on what terms, is primarily a question for those who have the money to lend; but we are anxious to do all in our power to secure that, when money has once been lent, the conditions on which it is lent should be observed. I would point out that for money to be borrowed and wasted is not in the interest of the lenders, and still less so in that of China herself, whose credit will certainly suffer thereby.
Will the hon. Gentleman agree that in this case export of capital to China will be bad?
Treaty with Siam
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he is in a position to communicate to the House the terms of the new treaty concluded with Siam?
The text of the Treaty as signed has not yet been received; but as soon as it is received it shall be laid on the Table.
Canton (Han-Kau Railway)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the agreement provisionally concluded between the Chinese Government and the Deutsch-Asiatische Bank for the construction of the northern half of the Canton-Han-Kau Railway violates the assurance given by the Viceroy, Chang-Chih-tung, to the British Consul-General on 9th September, 1905, that should it be necessary to borrow funds abroad for the construction of the Canton-Han-Kau Railway British financiers should have the first option of undertaking the business, and if bought abroad British firms should have the first option of supplying the machinery and materials; and what action is being taken by His Majesty's Government in reference to this matter?
Negotiations with regard to the loan for this railway are still proceeding, and, meanwhile, we think it is better not to make any statement on the subject.
India Councils Bill
asked the Prime Minister if he could now say on which day he proposed to introduce the India Councils Bill?
I hope I may be able to put the Bill down for its second reading before the House adjourns for the Easter Recess, but I cannot at the present time name a definite date.
Houses of Parliament Bill
asked the Prime Minister whether he could grant facilities, by suspending the Eleven o'Clock Rule, at an early date for the purpose of taking the second reading of the Houses of Parliament Bill, owing to the public interest on that subject?
I hope that an opportunity will be found to-day of securing the second reading of the Houses of Parliament Bill before 11 o'clock, but I may perhaps point out to my hon. Friend that the suspension of the Eleven o'Clock Rule would only become effective in securing the second reading if the Bill were under discussion at 11 o'clock.
May I ask the Prime Minister if he is aware that this question is one of very great importance to the country, and that the people seem to think—
The hon. Member should wait until the Bill comes on before he makes a speech.
Trawling in Prohibited Areas
asked the Prime Minister if he was aware that the numbers of the so-called Foreign trawlers were increasing in those northern waters in which trawling was prohibited to British vessels; and if, in order to allay the discontent arising from the present position, he would consider the introduction in another place of the Trawling in Prohibited Areas Prevention Bill?
The Bill to which my hon. Friend refers will be introduced in this House within the next few days by my right hon. Friend the Lord-Advocate.
Milk Bill
asked the Prime Minister when he could arrange that the Milk Bill should be introduced and printed; and whether, having regard to the discussion on the London County Council Bill he would have the Bill proceeded with on a very early day?
The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to this question. I cannot at present fix a day for the introduction of the Milk Bill, but I hope to bring it in early in the Session, and, so far as I am concerned, I shall do all I can to press it forward.
Is my right hon. Friend aware that this is a matter of urgent importance to many local authori- ties, and may not my request that the Bill should be read a first time and printed for discussion be complied with within a reasonable time—certainly before Easter?
We will do our best to comply with the request.
Will the Bill apply to Scotland?
As at present advised, no.
Canadian Aerodrome
asked the Prime Minister whether His Majesty's Government had received any official communication from the Government of the Dominion of Canada calling attention to the possibility of utilising a recently invented Canadian aerodrome for Imperial purposes?
An official communication has been received from the Government of Canada by the Secretary of State for the Colonies, and has been transmitted by him to the War Office, where it is receiving attention.
Examinations for Women Clerkships
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether it had been the practice of the Civil Service Commissioners for a number of years to hold annual examinations for women clerkships; whether a like examination was to be held this year; and, if not, would he, having regard to the time and preparation which a great number of young women spend with a view of competing, consider the advisability of holding an examination this year, so that those who approached the age limit should not be excluded, to their loss?
The holding of open competitive examinations for situations in the Civil Service must depend upon the needs of the public service. It is not considered that the requirements of the Post Office render a competition for women clerkships in that Department necessary in the spring of this year. Whether such an examination will be held in the autumn of this year will depend upon the requirements of the Post Office.
Wages in Dublin Parks
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he would state whether the rate of wages given to gardeners and labourers in the parks in and around London was from 27s. to 30s. a week, excepting Kew Gardens, which was 21s. a week; and whether, if that were so, he would recommend the Board of Works to give to the gardeners and labourers in the Dublin parks an increase in their present rate, which was only 16s. a week, and also having regard to the fact that the Board of Works when fixing it took into account the rate of wages in the county of Dublin instead of in the city?
The rate of wages given to gardeners and labourers (including gangers) in the Royal parks is:—
was understood to ask whether the Dublin rate could not be brought up to the country rate in England.
reply was inaudible in the Gallery.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that two Dublin parks are now within the city area?
I understand that the men employed in them are in receipt of the city rate of wages.
Does the hon. Gentleman consider 15s. a week a living wage?
Assistant Clerks (Leave)
asked why assistant clerks were not granted 21 days' leave after five years' service, as recommended by the Tweedmouth Commission for all permanent Civil Servants, seeing that this concession was granted to officials of inferior rank to assistant clerks.
The Report of the Tweedmouth Committee referred to Post Office servants only. I am not prepared to increase the annual leave of assistant clerks, the amount of which was fixed after careful consideration.
Territorial Army (Position of Civil Servants)
asked what decision had been come to with reference to the position of Civil Servants, members of the Territorial Army, on embodiment of that force; would they have their posts kept open for them; and would their Civil promotion be in any way affected?
Their posts will be kept open for them, and their Civil promotion will not be affected.
Agricultural Education (Scotland)
asked what sum was expended in Scotland last year in promoting agricultural and dairy education?
Grants for the promotion of agricultural and dairy instruction in Scotland are made through the Scotch Education Department. The total expenditure in respect of which these grants were made amounted, in the latest year for which figures are available, to upwards of £18,000.
Vatersay Farm
asked from what fund the purchase price of Vatersay farm and the cost of the supply of water to the intended crofters would be taken; under what Vote these expenses would appear in the Estimates; and when an opportunity would be afforded this House of discussing the whole transaction?
The expenditure referred to will be payable out of the funds of the Congested District Board for Scotland. The annual grant to that body appears on the Vote for the Secretary for Scotland's Office, and discussion will be competent when that Estimate comes before the House for consideration.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the Congested Districts Board have power to purchase and hold land, or have they to sell it again?
I think they can purchase and hold.
Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake that that particular Vote shall be put on the Paper, so that it may be discussed?
Rates in Island of Lewis
asked whether the Secretary for Scotland was aware, that the rates for the parishes of Uig, Lochs, and Barvas, island of Lewis, had increased since last year from 16s. 3d. in the pound, 15s. lid. in the pound, and 17s. 9d. in the pound respectively, to 19s. 2d. in the pound, 25s. 2d. in the pound, and 28s. lOd. in the pound respectively; and, in view of the breakdown of local government in the island, in consequence of owners and occupiers being unable to meet their share in these heavy assessments, would he state what action the Government proposed to take in the matter?
The increase in the rates, as stated in my hon. Friend's question, is, as he is doubtless aware, in great part due to a decision of the Sheriff-Substitute altering the method of ascertaining the assessable rental, and to that extent does not imply a corresponding increase in the amount payable. The decision being at present under appeal, the Secretary for Scotland, as I have already stated, cannot utilise it as the basis of Government action.
Will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to answer my question?
I have answered it.
Will the right hon. Gentleman answer this part of the question: "In view of the breakdown of local government in the island, in consequence of owners and occupiers being unable to meet their share in these heavy assessments, will he state what action the Government proposes to take in the matter?"
Until the appeal is decided the Government cannot take any action.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that last year advances had to be made by the Government to the local authorities to save them from bankruptcy; and if a similar state of things arises this year, will he state what action the Government propose to take?
While the matter is sub judice we cannot take any action.
Is it not the case, apart altogether from the decision to which the right hon. Gentleman refers, that the rates in these parishes, and in many others in the western islands, are perfectly impossible, and that neither landlords nor tenants can pay them? Does he not propose to take some action in the matter?
The rates are very high, but until this question—which is a very important one indeed—has been decided, it will be impossible for the Government to take any action.
Naval Short-Service System (Pensions)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he could state the estimated saving in pensions due to employing short-service men instead of long-service men; and whether this saving and that on training-ships were an important factor in favour of the short-service system?
A continuous-service sea man or stoker who completes time would receive a pension of about £20 per annum apart from addition for petty officer time. A short-service man at about the same age would receive a gratuity of £50. It is not possible yet to give a reliable figure to-represent the total annual saving. I am therefore unable to determine the degree of importance of the factor of economy in the matter of the short-service system.
May I ask why it is that every effort is being made to reduce expenditure so far as the cost of the men is concerned, whilst the utmost extravagance is displayed in reference to the building of ships?
I am afraid I could not assent to either of the observations of the hon. Gentleman.
Channel Fleet Command
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty on what date it was decided to vary the usual term of tenure of the command of the Channel Fleet; and when was that decision first communicated to the Commander-in-Chief of that fleet?
The expression "usual term" in the question is misleading. There has only been one Commander-in-Chief of the Channel Fleet prior to Lord Charles Beresford, i.e., Sir Arthur Wilson, who was appointed Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleet in May, 1903, and continued in chief command of that and the Channel Fleet for a period of nearly four years. Previous to Sir A. Wilson's appointment to the Home Fleet, the only fully manned fleet in home waters was the Channel, which was commanded by a Vice-Admiral who was not a Commander-in-Chief; the usual duration of this appointment was two years. There are now three Commanders-in-Chief afloat in home waters, i.e., in the Atlantic, Home, and Channel Fleets; the duration of the Atlantic command was fixed at two years in 1905; that of the present Home and Channel Fleet commands was fixed at two years in December, 1908. The two Commanders in-Chief affected were informed as soon as this decision was arrived at.
May I ask whether it is not a fact that, although in the case of the Channel Fleet the average period may have been two years during which a command was held, in every case an officer was promoted to a higher and more important command, and not turned out at the end of his command?
I stated that the Channel Fleet had only one Commander-in-Chief prior to Lord Charles Beresford's command. Before the appointment of Sir Arthur Wilson it was held by a Vice-Admiral, but he was not a Commander-in-Chief, and the command was always held for two years. I have explained that the command of the Atlantic Fleet was fixed at two years in 1905. The same limit has been put on the other commands.
Is it not a fact that these Vice-Admirals were promoted to higher and more important commands, and did not have their active service terminated, as was the case with Lord Charles Beresford?
It is impossible to say of any naval officer who is available for a further command that his active service has been terminated at any given period.
Has any further command been offered to Lord Charles Beresford?
No, Sir.
asked what are the grounds for curtailing the tenure of the command of the Channel Fleet; and were they at any time communicated to the Commander-in-Chief of that Fleet?
I am unable to discuss the grounds on which the Admiralty either extend or terminate flag-officers' periods of command. The Commander-in-Chief of the Channel Fleet received the usual intimation of the date on which his term of command would expire.
Is the right hon. (Gentleman prepared to lay on the Table of the House the general rules which guide the decisions of the Admiralty in these matters?
No, Sir; it would be impossible to lay the rules on the Table.
Would it not be possible for the Admiralty to say that this is so important and so secret that it is not in the public interest to state the grounds for the action taken in such cases?
asked whether the decision as to the tenure of the command of the Channel Fleet is applicable only to the present Commander-in-Chief, or is it to be of general application for the future; and is it also to apply to the command of the Home or main Fleet?
The present Commander-in-Chief of the Home Fleet will hold that appointment for two years. I am unable to state what will be the view of future Boards of Admiralty as to the duration of these commands.
Rosyth Dockyard (Granite)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the Scottish Granite Company, Limited, Creetown, Kirkcudbrightshire, asked for the names of the firms which had been invited to tender for the Rosyth contract and were refused; and, if so, whether he would say why this was done, and why a similar request by the Member for Kirkcudbrightshire was also refused?
The information was refused in each case, as it is contrary to Admiralty practice to furnish such particulars.
May I inquire whether the right hon. Gentleman will consider the desirability in the public interest of altering the practice?
No, Sir; I think it would be strongly against the interest of contractors to alter it. A contractor might find himself opposed by a ring the moment it was known that he had obtained an order from the Admiralty and was therefore bound to buy goods.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether his attention has been called to a statement by the secretary of the Settmakers' Union in Scotland to the effect that the Scottish Granite Company, Limited, of Creetown, in Kirkcudbrightshire, have offered to supply Messrs. Easton, Gibb, and Company, the contractors for the Rosyth Docks, with Scottish granite at £13,000 less than the contract price for the Scandinavian granite; whether he will say if that Scottish granite is equal to the Scandinavian; and, if so, will he ask Messrs. Gibb to alter the contract so as to save £13,000 to the national exchequer?
The question of the prices paid by Messrs. Easton, Gibb and Son, Limited, to their granite merchants for the granite to be used at Rosyth is not now one for the Admiralty. The contractors were invited to tender for the Rosyth works as a whole, and alternative tenders were called for the works executed in British granite, and for the works executed in foreign granite. The contractors quoted a reduction in price of nearly £30,000 if foreign granite was allowed, and on this basis the Admiralty accepted their tender. There are many varieties of Scottish and Scandinavian granites, and I am unable to make a comparison between unspecified examples of each kind.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether this particular granite is equal to the Scandinavian granite in the contract?
I am not prepared at the moment to enter into any question as to the relative merits of particular kinds of granite.
Did the right hon. Gentleman also ask for alternative tenders for foreign granite to be dressed at home instead of abroad?
No, Sir, the alternative tenders were only in respect of home and foreign granite.
Is there any objection to taking the other course, and ascertaining how much it would cost to have the granite dressed at home?
:I think the hon. Gentleman is fully aware of the fact that it would add enormously to the expense to dress the granite at home.
May I ask whether it is not a fact that in this matter the Admiralty has acted according to precedent?
Yes, absolutely according to precedent.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what firm have been engaged to do the measuring work at Rosyth, and where is their place of business; will he say why measurers, with their places of business in Scotland, were not given the opportunity of this work; and will he, in future, see that Scotch measurers get some share of the Admiralty's work in Scotland, seeing that they are more conversant with the methods of the various tradesmen there?
Messrs. George Corderoy and Company, 21, Queen Anne's Gate, Westminster. It was considered the above firm had the largest experience of great engineering works. Scotch surveyors have been employed for building-works in Scotland, and will be so employed in future.
Will the right hon. Gentleman see that when these surveyors are employed the work is properly distributed and not put into the same hands over again?
Apparatus for Gymnastic Purposes (Navy)
asked if the-Royal Naval colleges, barracks, training ships, and depots are supplied with British-made wall-bars and beams for gymnastic-purposes; and, if so, if the apparatus has proved to be satisfactory?
The establishments referred to are supplied with British-made wall-bars and beams for gymnastic purposes, and no complaints have been received in regard to them.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what is the difference in the nature of the training which accounts for the fact that apparatus used for this purpose and suitable in the Army-is not suitable in the Navy?
The right hon. Gentleman has no control over the Army.
Sir Francis Bridgeman's Command
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty when was the decision as to the termination of Sir Francis Bridge-man's command communicated to that officer?
I have already answered this question in reply to a previous question asked to-day by the hon. Member.
Supernumeraries on Nucleus-crewed Ships (North Sea)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty how many supernumeraries are serving on each of the nucleus-crewed ships now cruising in the North Sea; and what is the proportion of seamen, stokers, and mariners in each of these ships?
I propose, if the hon. Baronet will allow me, to circulate with the printed Papers the detailed reply to his question, as it involves four sets of percentage figures in the case of each of 14 different ships.
Buoy at Ballyquinton Point (County Down)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that a French barque has been recently wrecked in the vicinity of Ballyquinton Point, county Down; whether the vessel was misled by the temporary buoy having teen moored in the wrong place off Strangford Bar; whether, in consequence, the buoy will be moved to within a mile and a-half of the bar mouth, as recommended by the local pilots, fishermen, and coasting captains; and, if not, can he state how many more wrecks are to be allowed to take place off that part of the coast before the buoy is removed from its present position of danger to passing shipping?
I am aware of the wreck mentioned in the hon. Member's question. The vessel left Hobart before the buoy was placed, and therefore the master was unaware of its existence. It cannot, therefore, be accepted that he was misled by the buoy being in any particular place. The best place for this buoy was carefully considered beforehand, but I am in communication with the Irish Lights Commissioners on this point.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman to answer the last part of the question?
I am afraid that point has been omitted from the answer put into my hand. I will have inquiry made.
May I ask whether it is not a fact that neither he nor any other official of the Board of Trade has any responsibility for or control over the Irish Lights Commissioners; and whether in view of that fact it is not about time that some representative official should be placed upon the Commission?
The answer is that the Board of Trade has some authority, but not complete authority, over the Lights Commissioners, inasmuch as once a year we have a conference with them at Trinity House and with the Scottish Lights Commissioners.
Is it not a fact that in this House over and over again it has been stated that the President of the Board of Trade has no more control over the Irish Lights Commissioners than I have?
When this question has been raised have not the statements about the control over the Irish Lights Commissioners been absolutely denied?
Order, order. We are getting a long way from the original question.
Steamship "Surrey" (Charges against Master)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the inquiry recently ordered by the Board of Trade into certain charges brought by seamen of the s.s. "Surrey" against the captain and officers of that vessel; whether he is aware that, while the men who brought these charges were paid by the Board of Trade 5s. a day for their attendance at the inquiry, the accused officers have received no compensation for the loss of time, employment, and reputation occasioned to them; whether the Board of Trade propose to continue the practice of paying 5s. a day to seamen who may bring false charges against their officers in like manner; and, if so, can he state by what authority and out of what moneys these payments will be made; whether he has any power to pay compensation to persons wrongfully accused in such cases; and, if so, whether and to what extent he will exercise that power in respect of the captain and officers of the s.s. "Surrey"?
Serious charges affecting the masters and officers of the "Surrey" were investigated by a Local Marine Board in the manner provided by the Merchant Shipping Act, and were found "not proven." The witnesses were paid during the time of their detention, in accordance with the scale sanctioned by the Treasury, under Class 2, Vote 8, sub-head 1 (Law Charges), and I see no reason for altering the scale of payments to witnesses in these cases. Every effort is made by the Board of Trade to eliminate frivolous and vexatious cases3 but serious charges against officers of ships can only be satisfactorily dealt with as in this case by a regular Court of Inquiry. There are no funds available out of which compensation could be paid to accused persons when the charges are found "Not proven."
British Exports to Norway
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can state the value of British exports to Norway of raw materials, of coal, and of articles wholly or mainly manufactured during the last three years?
The hon. Member further asked whether the President of the Board of Trade can state the value of Norwegian exports to Great Britain of raw materials, of coal, and of articles wholly or mainly manufactured during the last three years?
:I will have a statement giving the information asked for in these two questions printed in the Votes.
Will the hon. Gentleman give the figures relating to coal separately?
I will endeavour to have that done.
Street Accidents (Doctors' Fees)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, having regard to the fact that doctors receive 3s. 6d. only for attending casualties in the streets, whereas veterinary surgeons receive 10s. 6d. for attending injured horses, he will take such steps as may be necessary to secure the more adequate remuneration of doctors?
The cases are not parallel. The fee of 3s. 6d. (7s. 6d. after 7 p.m.) paid to medical men represents as much, or more, than the ordinary practitioner would receive for attending patients of the class whom he is called to attend by the police. For exceptional cases a special fee is sometimes paid. Moreover, the majority of these fees are paid to divisional surgeons, who receive them in large numbers, and are, besides, paid salaries from the Police Fund. Veterinary surgeons have far fewer cases to attend, and have generally greater distances to travel. I am satisfied that medical men in question do receive "adequate remuneration" for the services they render.
Are not the lives of three men or three women more valuable than that of one horse?
Territorial Force (Postal Employès)
asked the Postmaster-General if new arrangements have been made to meet the case of postal employès serving in the Territorial Army; and, if so, whether he will state the terms of such arrangements?
The Treasury have agreed to new regulations this year in reference to the grant of special leave for camp to members of the Territorial Force employed in the Post Office. Full time Post Office servants attending camp for as long as a fortnight will be granted six working days' special leave on full civil pay, the remainder (up to a maximum of eight days, including Sundays) being taken as special leave without civil pay. As an alternative, any period required in addition to the leave with pay may be taken as annual leave. In the case of officers who do not attend camp for a full fortnight, the whole period of absence will be taken either as annual leave or as special leave without civil pay. In no case will an officer be called upon to pay for a substitute or to suffer deductions in respect of military pay and allowances.
Lunacy Commissioners (word "Pauper")
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention had been called to the fact that the Lunacy Commissioners and poor law doctors continue the use of the word "pauper" in their official certificates to county coroners when certifying the deaths of inmates in workhouse hospitals and public asylums; and, if so, whether he can see his way to put an end to the use of this word?
The rules of the Commissioners in Lunacy, approved by the Lord Chancellor, require the managers of institutions for lunatics to send notice to the coroner of the death of a patient, and the form of notice prescribed under the rules distinguishes between "private"' and "pauper" patients. These terms are in common use to mark a necessary distinction, and they are defined in the Lunacy Acts. Any question of changing them would have to await legislation eon-sequential on the Report of the Royal Commission on the Feeble-minded. The rules in question do not apply to lunatics dying in a workhouse infirmary, and the practice of poor law doctors in notifying deaths in workhouses is not one which concerns my Department.
Is the right hen. Gentleman aware that there are a good many districts where the only place for obtaining surgical attention is the workhouse hospital, and whether the persons taken there in many cases are not anything in the nature of paupers, and that a great amount of feeling exists amongst the friends of the persons so treated when they are described as paupers?
That seems to me to be rather a fresh point. If my hon. Friend will give me notice I will look into it.
Military Transport (Motor Cars)
asked the Home Secretary whether he is aware of the inconvenience to the public that will be caused by 500 motor cars proceeding to Hastings next Wednesday; if he can state if the assent of the local authority has been obtained, and if the local authority will be reimbursed for the damage done to the roads and for any expenses it may incur for the protection of the public and the maintenance of the speed limit?
My hon. Friend is under some misapprehension. The arrangements for the transports are not being made by the War Office, but by an association under the public spirited effort of a Member of this House. The arrangement for the transport rests entirely with him, and not with my Department. My part is limited to the expression of the pious hope that the law will be observed.
Is it not a fact that the whole proposition is an advertisement for the Member for Hastings. [Loud cries of "Withdraw," "Manners."]
Steam Trawlers in Dundrum Bay
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether he is aware that steam trawlers have again been working inside the prescribed limit in Dundrum Bay, county Down, with consequent injury to the interests of the line fishermen, who have no other means of livelihood; whether the Department's cruiser has recently visited those waters; and, if not, will he order her there, or state what other steps he proposes to take?
One report of illegal steam trawling in Dundrum Bay was received three months ago. On the date of receipt the Department despatched a vessel to that Bay. No steam trawlers were, however, observed there. The Department's cruiser patrolled Dundrum Bay twice in December, three times in January, and three times in February. A steam trawler was detected in January within the prohibited area off the county of Louth (which is a little south of Dundrum Bay). The Department instituted legal proceedings, and a fine of £15 with £20 costs was imposed, and the net was ordered to be forfeited. No reports of illegal steam trawling have since been received, although the Department have special officers in the neighbourhood to report such offences.
Antrim Postal Facilities
asked the Postmaster-General if he is aware that the morning letters are delivered in Bushmills, county Antrim, between 10.15 and 10.45 a.m., while the mail for England and Scotland via Larne closes at 10.35 a.m., leaving no time for a reply to correspondents in Great Britain by return post; if he is also aware that the English letters; arrive in Coleraine, 10 miles off, at 10 a.m., but are not delivered in Bushmills till 2.15 p.m.; and if he could see his way to provide a mail car to deliver these letters about noon and to return after that with the letters now necessarily posted before 10.35, or make arrangement to remedy the existing inconvenience to the merchants and traders?
I am having an inquiry made.
Royal Assent
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners. The House went, and, having returned,
Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to—
Consolidated Fund (No. 1) Act, 1909.
Presentation of Bills
The following Bills were presented and read a first time:—
Mr. MICKLEM—Charitable Trusts.—Bill to amend the Charitable Trusts Acts, 1853 to 1894. (To be read a second time on 21st April.)
Captain Craig—Irish National Schools (Heating and Cleansing).—Bill to provide for the heating and cleansing of National Schoolhouses in Ireland. (To be read a second time 22nd March.)
Mr. WILLIAM THORNE—Nationalisation of Railways and Canals.—Bill to provide for the Nationalisation of Railways and Canals. (To be read a second time 16th April.)
Mr. BIRRELL—Irish Land.—Bill to amend the Law relating to the occupation and ownership of Land in Ireland, and for other purposes relating thereto. (To be read a second time 22nd March.)
Supply
CONSIDERED IN COMMITTEE.
[Mr. EMMOTT in the chair.]
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)
Civil Service Supplementary Estimates, 1908–9
(CLASS V.)
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a Supplementary sum, not exceeding £47,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1909, for sundry Colonial services, including certain grants in aid":—
Somaliland
The supplementary sum asked for is not a very large one, but, at the same time, it will perhaps be the wish of the Committee that I should give some explanation in regard to Somali-land, although I shall be glad to give any information which the Committee may desire on other points. In regard to Somaliland, the sum is a small sum by comparison with sums which have been asked for in other years in this House. We do not claim more credit for that, because a great deal depends on the activity of our old friend Mohammed Abdullah, commonly called the Mad Mullah—why mad I cannot conceive, because, from his own point of view, certainly anything less mad than that potentate I cannot myself imagine. The Committee would like me to explain in a word how the matter comes about. During the years 1900 onwards the expenditure for the first six years was very large, amounting to an average of no less than £465,000 a year. At the end of that period, and no doubt owing to the success of our Army at the only battle of any great importance in that period, we were enabled greatly to reduce the expenditure on military operations, so much so that for the past year, but for the circumstances which I am about to relate, the amount asked for would have been but £50,000. We are now asking the House for a slightly increased sum, and the Committee will ask, What has that sum been expended on? Up till last August the situation remained as it was finally settled, shortly before the present Government came into office. We held certain positions not a very long way into the interior, with political officers there much in the same way as we hold the greater part of the less civilised portions of our Empire. But last August the Mullah commenced collecting a considerable force, and sent us letters of a highly threatening character. Captain Cordeaux, the Commissioner, whom I think all parties would unite in praising for the very great skill with which he has effected the very difficult matters with which he had to deal in the past six months, considered the situation, although not desperate, was grave, and he so advised us. We, therefore, decided that we must reinforce the garrisons. At the time that Captain Cordeaux first apprised us of this state of affairs—of what I may call the recurring cycle of the Mullah's activity—we had about 700 troops, not a very large number, seeing that the Mullah has from time to time collected about 20,000 or 30,000 men to oppose us. We reinforced the garrison by some 1,100 men, and others are available if required.
I am sure the Committee will realise the very difficult position in which one stands in stating the facts of the case, because whatever I say at this box will naturally be known at once to the Mullah, with whom, although fortunately we are not at war, we are not on very friendly terms. However, I may say that we have reinforced the troops, with about 1,100 men, and the situation, although it is not entirely free from anxiety, is greatly relieved. The Committee will naturally ask what is to be the course of future events in Somaliland. I think hon. Members on both sides of the House will be glad that hitherto we have avoided any bloodshed in Somaliland. That has been no doubt due to the very wise procedure of Captain Cordeaux, whom I have mentioned before, but it is also due to the reinforcements, which have produced an equilibrium, or something like an equilibrium, between the hostile forces. I know that at the time that the late Government was in power it was considered by many that the only wise course was to build a light line of railway to Burao, which would be about 100 miles from Bohotle or to Harrar, which was about 200 miles from Berbera. It was not done, and I may say at once that the Secretary of State does not consider at present that His Majesty's Government are justified in the circumstances in asking the House of Commons to agree to the necessary expenditure of money.
How much would it cost?
I was coming to that. It is difficult to say what the precise sum would be, but in order to give some kind of an estimate, I would say, from estimates prepared, the cost would appear to be about £3,000 a mile, which would give for the line from Burao to Bohotle £300,000, and of that from Berbera to Harrar £600,000. His Majesty's Government did not consider that under present circumstances they would be justified in asking Parliament to go to this expense. I can imagine hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House, who have special knowledge of this matter—and we are glad to see the hon. Member for Winchester here, who has most intimate knowledge of the circumstances, as well as the hon. Member for Blackpool—they may say, if you are not going to do that, surely there is no good staying there at all. But is it quite the case that you can always divide up a course of action into everything or nothing? I think it is not the case here. Certainly there are two possible courses to take at the present time. One is to pursue the forward policy, the Mullah being undoubtedly hostile to us, having threatened us and having attacked friendly tribes, being a man of great ability and of a very cruel disposition, whose raids have been accompanied by circumstances of the most frightful brutality. It might be that is one course to take, and that we might fit out a great expedition and pursue the Mullah into whatever waterless waste he may go, building the railway at the same time, and endeavouring to establish order over the whole of the Eastern border of Africa.
That is one course. The other is to take such military precautions as are necessary to prevent disorder and to pursue the more cautious and defensive policy. His Majesty's Government are quite clear that they are not prepared— and they are advised by their military advisers that it would not be wise for them even if they were prepared to adopt the forward policy, and they are prepared to adopt the more cautious policy. Hitherto there has been no bloodshed, and we can only hope that that state of affairs may continue. Before I sit down a word or two of those who have managed under most difficult circumstances to keep our end up during the last six months—the affair was most critical towards the end of August. I have borne testimony on behalf of His Majesty's Government to the great skill of Captain Cordeaux, who has pursued a pacific policy with great care and skill; but I must say a word as to the white officers there, who at one time were in circumstances of considerable difficulty and danger, but who kept their heads cool, and dealt with the necessities of the situation. I must also say a word, too, about the seamen, for it was necessary to establish a blockade of the coast. The sailors, as they always do, behaved most admirably, and, in a dispatch, the officer in command of one of His Majesty's ships, writing with the greatest cheerfulness of the whole circumstances, endeavoured to show what a very good thing it was that they were there. He said there was no shelter of any kind upon this coast, and' it gave the officers and men excellent practice in using sea anchors, as the weather was very hard, and there was a high wind and a lee shore. They have all had a very hard time indeed; it has been very bad weather, and they have been in very considerable danger indeed. I do not know that I can add anything for the moment to this very brief explanation I have given of the circumstances.
We have decided not to adopt the policy of a great expedition and the construction of a railway. We have decided on the contrary to adopt a more patient policy of endeavouring to secure by pacific means as far as possible the safety of that part of His Majesty's Dominions.
I do not know whether my hon. Friends, who have minute personal knowledge of this country, desire to speak on this question. If they do I think the Committee will do well to give them its best attention. I do not rise to discuss details but merely, in the absence of the late Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to say how much I regret that this Somaliland difficulty has again occurred. No Government in this country passes through twelve months without having to consider subjects which cause the deepest anxiety, about which perhaps the country knows little or nothing, which do not come up for discussion in the House or make any show in the Blue Books, but which probably occupy the more anxious attention of the Cabinet than subjects which are more present to the popular imagination. I suspect Somaliland may count among these subjects. At all events I know, when we were in office, there was no more difficult and no more ungrateful task thrust upon us than that of dealing with disorder produced in that part of the Empire by the ambitious activity of the Mullah. The difficulty is the same there as it is in so many other parts of the world where a civilised State is in contact with a barbarous or semi-barbarous State in a country which is extremely difficult of military access. It is really not a different problem from that which the Germans have had to solve in some cases, and which we have had to solve from time to time though we come in contact with it in a more acute form and in a more ungrateful form in Somaliland than almost anywhere else. The difficulty of defence seems to be greater, the sacrifices involved seem to be more onerous, though the interests to be defended seem slight. And yet although it is undeniable that Somaliland is a country in which I do not believe even the most sanguine can expect, at all events in the immediate future, either a great development of agriculture or minerals, although I do not believe it will be a great market for European goods or a great outlet for British enterprise, I do not believe it is possible for this country to divest itself of the responsibility it has there. We have got it and we must keep it, if for no other reason, because there is a large number of those tribes especially along the coast, who believe in us, who have framed their policy because they know we can defend them, and whose fate would be disastrous indeed if we were to leave them in the lurch. No such policy is possible to any responsible Government.
That being so, and the present Government having come to precisely the same conclusion as their predecessors, how are you going best to carry out this onerous and unremunerative task which you cannot escape with credit or with honour or safety to the Empire? The hon. Gentleman divided the possible policies into two—the policy of a big expedition which is to overrun the whole of that portion of East Africa, and the more cautious and defensive policy which their military advisers have recommended the Government to take. I am far from saying the military advisers or the Government are wrong, but I should like to ask them to consider whether there is no policy between the two. The danger of a purely defensive policy is that a man of the ability of the Mullah can raise a conflagration beyond your sphere of action of such magnitude that ultimately your defensive policy may prove abortive. You deliberately cut yourself off by this policy from nipping his power before it reaches its extremest heights. You have deliberately said—"Let the Mullah do what he likes in the territory which he has assumed as being his own in this difficult and waterless country. It is very difficult to approach him. Let us leave him to himself." It is difficult to approach him, but let us count the cost. The cost may be that having left him you will find you have to carry on your defensive operations against a foe many times more powerful than he would have been had you been able to deal with him at an earlier stage of his career. It is costly to build a railway, and it may not be the best plan. Certainly in the present state of the public finances, no Chancellor of the Exchequer, no Government, no House of Commons, I will add no Opposition, looks cheerfully upon the idea of spending another £600,000 in making incursions into such territory.
The difficulty when you ask civilised and highly organised troops to deal with an enemy scattered over an immense area of barren and even waterless country, where supplies are extremely difficult or impossible to procure, where communications are extremely arduous, and where, therefore, it is very hard to keep your troops supplied from the base, is very great. The whole difficulty is one of communication. It always has been and always will be. Would it not be possible for the Government to do something short of a light railway—some rough road costing much less than the £3,000 a mile which a light railway costs, suitable to the modern military form of conveyance by liquid fuel. Steam traction engines are not the slightest use in a country of this sort because the great difficulty is to convey water, and a steam engine requires more water for itself than it supplies to the troops. Your only chance is some sort of waterless fuel.
I remember when the subject was discussed, when I was in office, being then told that the French had developed this form of traction for their Algerian work, and found it fairly successful and useful. Since then there has been enormous improvement in this method of traction. I believe the War Office themselves have been carrying on successful experiments at Aldershot, not for the purpose of working in waterless country, but for the purpose of traction over very rough areas. I should have thought it was within the resources of civilisation, to use Mr. Gladstone's classic phrase, to find something less elaborate than a light railway, something which did not use up water like a steam traction engine, something which could use a very rough road and which would cost nothing comparable to the £3,000 a mile which a light railway costs, and which would give your columns some of that mobility which it is the one difficulty to provide in this case, without which it is almost impossible to avoid small disasters, without which your troops may undergo immense hardship and suffering, but with which civilised, highly organised and highly efficient modern troops can deal with an enormous preponderance of enemy even under circumstances which would otherwise seem unfavourable. I rather earnestly press upon the Government the danger of carrying out too consistently and too rigidly the policy which they seem to have fixed on. They must not do anything which would give to the friendly troops the idea that the protecting Power is a weak one and the Mullah is the strong power. That would be fatal to themselves and it would be fatal to us. There is a great danger, if this defensive policy is too loudly announced and too rigidly pursued, that the Government may find themselves in that embarrassment now or at no distant period. In these circumstances I would appeal to them to consider whether, if they have finally brushed aside the more costly policy of building this light railway, they will at all events consider whether some public money might not be usefully and most economically spent in supplying this means of communication without which civilised troops are at a great disadvantage as compared with uncivilised troops, but with which we should be able to carry out, at no great sacrifice of life, these onerous duties which our position in this part of the world has, unfortunately, thrust upon us.
Before I deal with the military policy which has been outlined by the Under-Secretary, and which has been treated in a most interesting way by the Leader of the Opposition, I should wish to say one word on an aspect of this question which, though not nearly as important as the military one, does bear very considerably upon our policy in Somaliland, and that is the means that we have for getting troops there. We know that this extra sum of £52,000 is made up, as to a considerable part, of extra money which we had to pay for the transport of troops from the East African Protectorate, because there was not a proper English line to convey the troops to Somaliland. There are at present four lines running down that coast—two English and two foreign. There is the British-Indian and the British East African, and on the other hand there is the German East African and the Messageries Maritimes. When these troops were required to be sent from British East Africa, we found there was no English vessel available. And we had at very considerable cost, to bring German liners from their own district and pay extra for them to transport our troops. My hon. Friend, the Member for Aston Manor, who is here, will no doubt deal with this subject, and give us the benefit of his experience; but it is important to bear in mind that we have hardly any means of reinforcing our troops in Somaliland except by means of foreign ships from the nearest place from which we can get troops—that is from British East Africa.
We must also remember that the £52,000 which we are voting to-day is not the whole sum of money which we have got to pay for Somaliland. We are told by. the hon. Gentleman that considerable work and a not inconsiderable amount of danger was thrown on the Navy in blockading the coast to prevent gun-running. It may probably be true that that was the most efficient way of doing it, but this must lead to a great expenditure of coal, which costs money. We saw only a few weeks ago that one of the cruisers was engaged busily shelling the Mullah's followers. That also costs a good deal of money; so that not only must we face the £52,000 which we are asked to vote to-day, but also a substantial expenditure under the Navy Estimates. As has been stated, there is nothing on the Indian Vote for the Somaliland expeditions. In dealing with the general policy pursued with regard to Somaliland from the first, if I have to make remarks not in accordance with the policy carried out in Somaliland by the late Government, I must only remind the Committee that one has to buy one's experience. This is a very difficult problem. We undoubtedly committed many mistakes in the past, and to study these mistakes is the best way to avoid fresh mistakes in the future.
We took over the country in 1884 owing to the declining power of Egypt, as a result of which she was not able to hold the coast towns against the increasing activity of the tribes in the interior. As the Committee knows, the country is the most thinly populated country in our Empire. It is dried up for want of water for nine months of the year; the largest tree is a glorified thorn bush; it is a country inhabited by a few wild tribes and a great many wild animals. During nine months of the year you could often go 80 or 100 miles without finding any water. Naturally no agriculture is possible. The country is inhabited by nomad tribes. There is no chance of any-agricultural wealth coming to us, though there is the chance that some mineral wealth may come to us in the dim and distant future.
For better or worse—I think for better—we took over the country and administered it extremely well. We maintained a small garrison on the coast, a few companies of Indian troops, under the extremely able and foreseeing rule of the Government of India. In those days the Protectorate was run from India and not from Downing Street, with a very small expenditure of money; in fact, the revenues exceeded the expenditure, and so peaceful was the country that, although until we came these wild tribes knew no law at all, yet at that time it was absolutely safe for a white man and even a white woman to travel about, and they would not run the slightest chance of any harm or any insult. When I was there the hon. Member for Gainsborough was on a shooting expedition with his wife. He nearly lost his life, and so did she; but it was at the hands of wild animals and not of men. The country was absolutely peaceful when ruled by Sir John Harrington, who deserved great credit for the work that he did there. As an instance of the confidence of the natives in the English in those days I may mention that if a tourist in any part of Somaliland wrote on a piece of paper "pay bearer 10 or 20 rupees "at any town on the coast, the native, though he could not read, would take that instead of trade goods or cash—such was his confidence that the word of the Englishman would be redeemed. That was owing to the extremely able way in which the country was governed.
We may assume that the inhabitants at that time if they thought at all, which is extremely doubtful, were entitled to assume that as we had come there we intended to remain there, and look after and protect their interests, or that if we did not intend to remain and look after them we should allow them to regain their independence, and not hand them over to their hereditary enemies. This is a matter as to which we have some complaint against the Government of 1895–1900, because in the year 1897, for reasons of State policy, we made a treaty with the Abyssinians. That treaty may have been necessary to protect our interests before the fall of Khartoum in connection with the interests of Egypt in the Sudan, but it contained a clause which handed over to the Abyssinians a considerable proportion of the natives of British Somaliland. The natives had been disarmed. We had said to them: "We will protect you. It is not necessary for you to have fire arms because spears will enable you to protect yourselves against wild animals.; and we will not allow you to arm yourselves with fire arms because you may rise up against us." But if we prevented the Somalis from arming themselves I think it was a gross breach of faith with that nation to, as we did in 1897, hand them over to their hereditary enemies, the Abyssinians, and to put them absolutely in the power of the Abyssinians who, as we all know, especially then, were a totally uncivilised nation, and took care to pay off old scores with the Somalis with whom they had had differences in the past. That undoubtedly did away with the good work of the India Office and of Sir John Harrington. Those of the natives who did think must have concluded that it was not possible to trust to the word of Englishmen, and that we were treating their fellow-tribesmen very unfairly in handing them over to the Abyssinians. That was the position at the end of the year 1898. That was the time chosen to take away Somaliland from the care of the Government of India who had looked after it extremely well and hand it over to the Foreign Office. There may be excellent reasons for this, but personally I should have thought that the Foreign Office would be more usefully engaged in writing despatches to civilised Powers than in endeavouring—
I think that the hon. Member's remarks should have relevance to the Supplementary Estimate which is before us. He is discussing matters which happened a great many years ago and that do not seem to me to arise on this Estimate unless he brings in some connection between them and the Supplementary Estimate of this year.
Of course I bow to your ruling. What I was endeavouring to show was the mistakes we made in order that we might gain experience as to the course which should be pursued now; and to see from what has happened in the past what we should do in the future.
I understand that the hon. Gentleman was giving this preliminary sketch with a view to indicating the policy which he would wish to substitute for that which is covered by the Supplementary Estimates; and as long as he leads up to the Supplementary Estimates he would be in order.
In that view the remarks of the hon. Gentleman may have some relevance which I have not been able to see up to now. The reason I stopped the hon. Member was because he seemed to be discussing old and bygone things that could not possibly enter into the Supplementary Estimates now, and that did not seem to me to be relevant.
What I was endeavouring to do was to point out the mistakes of the past so that we might avoid them in future. After this distrust arising in Somaliland the Mullah, whom we are now discussing, appeared on the scene. He is a man who knows the English character, speaking English very well, and, judging by the letters referred to by the hon. Member, able to write a very fine literary letter. He considered it well to give up his position as interpreter and he took to religious preaching. Apparently it did not pay him very well, because the Somalis are not fanatical people like the inhabitants of the Sudan, and therefore he was not able to work them up into a state of religious enthusiasm against the English rule as the Sudanese were worked up. He thereupon appealed to a stronger passion—their cupidity—and incited them to rob the English, and also to rob their fellow tribesmen. Eventually he retreated into the bush with a considerable following, and became at last what I should call a robber chieftain. I will not go at length into the unfortunate campaign from 1900 to 1905, carried on under the late Government. I think we relied a great deal too much upon unmounted troops, and that we thought a slow moving column marching at the rate of 2½ or 3 miles an hour were likely to catch and beat Somalis who could march 3½ or 4 miles an hour, or were probably mounted on camels or ponies. After we found ourselves in that position we had to sustain a great number of unnecessary defeats, and, having spent many millions of money, we have lost many thousands of valuable lives. Eventually, though we gained some victories, we suffered a great many more defeats; and in the year 1904, when the field operations had come more or less to a conclusion, I find the Mullah described in despatches as a "discredited fugitive."
Had it been so, it would have been a very desirable ending to the military operations, but in December this "discredited fugitive," who was supposed to have been disposed of, had concluded with this country a convention by which we recognised the Mullah's sphere of influence, and recognised him as a man with whom a treaty could be made. The Foreign Office had a hand in these military operations, although they were not very successful. They have since done better in their diplomatic arrangements, and we have got rid of the Mullah by planting him in the Italian sphere of influence. After this the I Mullah left us alone for two years, and spent his time cattle-raiding in Italian Somaliland. In 1907 the Mullah, when he thought he had kept the treaty with us long enough, commenced to raid our people again. As the Under-Secretary for the Colonies has already pointed out, the Mullah has become increasingly a nuisance, and, if my information is correct, last year he came within 50 miles of Berbera, the chief town, and that is a state of things which the Government cannot contend should remain a permanent state of affairs.
Of course, we cannot abandon the country. At the present time trade is greatly interfered with. That trade used to pay its way in the past, before the Mullah rose, and I cannot see why if we get rid of him that trade should not be made to pay again. Aden draws its greatest supplies from Somaliland because she cannot draw them from Arabia; therefore we are compelled to fall back for cattle and fresh supplies from Somaliland. Then there is our position at the mouth of the Red Sea, which is of considerable importance, and it might be very unpleasant for us if that position fell into the hands of a European Power. A most important point is that we cannot possibly abandon those tribes who have assisted us: The tribes within our own sphere of influence have incurred the bitter and undying hostility of the Mullah, and if we left them he would slay every man and take the women into his harem; and, therefore, on every principle of national uprightness we are bound to stay in the country.
I now come to the question as to how we can deal with this very objectionable person. First of all, the most important thing is to stop the importation of arms. I know that is easier said than done, but we are doing all we can, the Abyssinians are very anxious to help us, and the Italians and the British East African Colony will not supply the Mullah with arms. Therefore the difficulty is not so great as the Under-Secretary seems to think.
But the hon. Member has not exhausted the sources of supply.
Perhaps not, but I think everyone agrees that the supply of arms should be cut off as much as possible. I am told on what I think is good authority that within the last year or two between 4,000 and 5,000 rifles have been distributed amongst the Somalis who live in our sphere of influence. I would like to ask the hon. Member if that is so?
It is quite plain that I ought not to say the precise number. Certainly some arms have been distributed amongst the Somalis.
Then the hon. Member agrees that some arms have been distributed to the Somalis in our sphere of influence. In my opinion that is very unwise. The Somalis are very brave individually, but they are uncommonly bad shots, and I have tried to teach them myself, with very little success. I am afraid they will take a long while before they are of any real service, and if the Mullah comes along he will take away their rifles and ammunition and arm his own men with them. Besides this, the Somalis are very keen traders, and I feel perfectly sure that nine-tenths of the rifles pot raided by the Mullah will find their way to the Mullah in return for value received. For these reasons this policy of arming the tribes instead of having proper troops there is an unwise one, and one which is sure to do much more harm than good in the end. I know we must hold the coast towns, because we cannot effectively control the importation of arms otherwise. I entirely agree that it is wise to have one or two posts inland to offer some sort of protection to the tribes under our care, and form an advance post in case we wish to make an expedition against the Mullah.
It seems to me that the policy of the Government in this matter is far too rigid. They say we must either build a railway at enormous cost, involving an outlay of between £600,000 and £1,000,000 and maintain 10,000 or 15,000 troops; or else we must sit still at these four posts and do absolutely nothing at all. Surely there may be a happy mean between spending about £1,000,000 and keeping 10,000 troops there and sitting still and doing nothing. We have before us a Supplementary Estimate of £52,000, and probably next year it will be £100,000. We may continue to write letters to the Mullah and receive letters from him in reply, but he has raided before, and will probably raid us again. There is only one way of settling this matter, and that is by capturing the Mullah and killing him. Judging from the past, I should say that the Mullah is not a man likely to sit still in his own sphere of influence. If he would do that I should entirely agree with the policy of the Government. What guarantee have we that he will not raid again? The Mullah lives by raiding, and he has no other means of satisfying the greed of his followers, who keep him in the position he is in.
Supposing the Government did take the offensive, what alternatives are before them? First of all, they can try what has been done before, that is, send an infantry column after the Mullah with a few mounted men on ponies to scout. That has been tried and found wanting. You will never catch a man like the Mullah in a country like Somaliland in that way, on account of the difficulty of the water supply. Another plan is that which was tried by General Egerton, which was very nearly attended with a successful result. General Egerton's plan is one which will probably appeal to hon. Members from Scotland, because it will remind them of what goes on upon the grouse moors. The plan was what I may call "a Mullah drive." We sent infantry columns to occupy all the water-holes for 150 miles inland. General Egerton had formed mobile columns of men and ponies, who drove the Mullah towards the places where these water-holes are situated, and we very nearly succeeded in capturing him. This plan is one which will take a long time, and is bound to cost a lot of money. Of course, it is a good plan if it comes off. There is another plan which has never been tried, and which a number of friends of mine who have had considerable experience in campaigns of this kind are strongly in favour of. It is to have a column of infantry 1,500 to 2,000 strong, who would endeavour to meet the Mullah or go after him. We should want in conjunction with that infantry column a force of 500 or 600 men mounted upon riding camels, and then we should be able to follow up any success we might achieve, and in that way bring the Mullah to book.
General Egerton very nearly succeeded after a big fight with the Mullah. He defeated the Mullah severely, and he fled with his chiefs and the remnant of his people. They were pursued by some of our men on ponies, but in a country like Somaliland it is no use trying to defeat the Mullah and his men from the back of a pony. Men mounted on ponies cannot go without water for more than 25 or 50 miles, whereas if they are mounted upon riding camels they can go 250 miles without water, and carry both men and provisions. Men mounted in this way might operate within a radius of 125 miles, and might go without fresh supplies of water or provisions for a distance of 250 miles. Under this plan you would get a force which would be able to deal effectively with such a man as the Mullah. This is a plan which has never been given a chance. We go on talking about building railways, but it would be much better to have a mobile force to seek out the Mullah in his own valley where he lives than to continue the policy which has been adopted in the past. There is only one other point which I wish to deal with. It is this: I am afraid that some hon. Members of this House seem to think that the Mullah is a sort of village Hampden—"The chieftain of a people rightly struggling to be free." That is not so, for of all the blood-thirsty, cruel, revengeful despots that ever lived' the Mullah is only equalled by the Khalifa that we smashed at Omdurman. Before the Mullah came there was certainly cattle-raiding in Somaliland, but it was done, if I may say so, in a more or less friendly way. If any man got killed the tribe paid blood money to his relations. What does the Mullah do? After he raids a tribe he kills every male, whatever his age, not leaving one alive. He leaves the little children, probably to die in the desert, and takes all the women off for his harem. I had a friend in the campaign, and he had a cook. That cook in one of the Mullah's raids lost six of his brothers, who were killed by the Mullah simply because they would not join him, and his wife was taken off. The only thing to do with the Mullah is to make an end of his power. He has committed so many murders that there should be no question of keeping him as a prisoner, or anything of that sort. We, therefore, must deal with this man not in the way you would deal with an ordinary foe. I cannot say that the statement of the hon. Member who has spoken for the Government has been very satisfactory. It seems to me that the Government policy is purely a policy of doing nothing. They have given us absolutely no information as to the advisability of a mobile column for dealing with the Mullah, after he raids Somaliland, or to deal with him in his own particular sphere of influence after he raids us. Therefore, I think the only result of that sitting still will be that hon. Gentlemen next year will have to come for a far larger sum of money from this House in order to strengthen our forces in Somaliland. The only way to deal with this question is to equip a mobile column to go and find out, and turn the Mullah out of the valley where he is now living, and put an end once and for all to these raids and cruelties which he is perpetrating. I beg to move the Amendment.
Motion made: "That the said sum be reduced by £100."—[ Mr. Ashley. ]
Question proposed: "That a sum, not exceeding £46,900, be granted for the said Service."—[ Mr. Ashley. ]
In the long, and. in some respects, important speech which the hon. Member has just made, we have listened with astonishment to some of the suggestions which he has put forward to the Government with regard to their policy. I think we were particularly astounded with his hope that the Government should seek—I do not know by what method exactly, but I presume by an expedition of "Confederates"—to capture the Mullah. I understand from the hon. Member's speech that that task would be no light or easy matter, very costly, and very difficult.
Excuse me. I did not say it would not be difficult, but it would not be very costly.
The experience of the late Government, of which the hon. Gentleman has already told us, was extremely sorry and disastrous. It cost this country infinitely more than it ought to have done. Well, we were very disappointed at the hon. Member when he suggested that when we capture the Mullah—
Attention called to the fact that 40 Members were not present. House counted, and 40 Members being found present,
continued his speech. He said: There is no need of kindness and leniency on the part of the British people. The Mullah should be shot. I sincerely trust that if this gentleman is ever captured that he, at any rate, will get a decent trial, and that we shall recognise that after all he is the leader of his own people, and I presume it is his own country. Well, the suggestion that he should be killed without trial—that is, so far as I can see, a "method of barbarism" which this country would not stand for a moment.
I rise really to congratulate the Under-Secretary for the Colonies and the Government on their policy. It is a great pleasure and a great joy to us to feel and to recognise that the Government in this respect are doing wisely and well. We are glad that they are restraining the "forward school," and that they are seeking, I think, in the wisest and best manner to play the defensive game. I sincerely trust that they will adhere to this policy, and that they will not be moved by the plea that has been put forward by the last speaker. Again, I should like to congratulate the Government on the fact that they are not going in for strategic railways. I was astonished at the Leader of the Opposition. He seemed at first to give his benediction to this policy. Then afterwards he insinuated that, after all, they might have tried some half-way house, might have built some military road. I trust, again, that the Government will not be captured by the blandishments of the Leader of the Opposition, but that they will hold and maintain their own policy. Might I take this opportunity of asking the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary for the Colonies what, after all, is the raison d'être of our occupation there. We have not had a straight answer to that. I know the last speaker has suggested some reasons for the occupation, but none of them seem to be satisfactory. He suggested that it was necessary to occupy Somaliland because of its proximity to Aden. After all, Aden is a point of 'vantage, and is a point which will always command control of the entrance to the Red Sea. Then the hon. Member suggested that trade might develop there, and in that way become of some importance to this country. I am not quite sure that I understood correctly from what he said that the Somalis were not only keen traders, but also Free Traders. With regard to abandoning friendly tribes, I quite understand that the Mullah will be free, in his wisdom, to come to terms with this country; to agree upon some convention in which the friendly tribes' freedom would be recognised, and in which there might be even co-operation between the various tribes in that part of the world. Lastly, I come to the conclusion, after all, after listening very very carefully indeed to the hon. Member, that the chief desirability in our retaining Somaliland was because it afforded very fine shooting indeed. I trust that will not weigh with the Government.
Will the hon. Member state what part of my hon. Friend's speech he bases that extraordinary statement?
In view of the words generally about shooting.
What is the context?
I am afraid my memory is not good enough to give the whole context, but if the hon. Member replies he will probably give the context himself. I would not desire—
Might I read—
I am only too glad to have the opportunity of dealing fairly and honestly, and if I misunderstood the hon. Member I am sorry. I understood that he mentioned that among other things he thought that it was desirable for us to retain Somaliland because it afforded good shooting.
The chief thing?
I gave as reasons: Trade, keeping Somaliland as a base for Aden, and last, but by no means least, we were there and had taken obligations upon us, and therefore we could not retire.
I am glad to accept what the hon. Member says. [Several HON. MEMBERS: "He did mention shooting."] But may I again thank the Government for their attitude, and appeal to them to retain that policy.
I do not wish to detain the House, but in this debate I would like to say a few words, as I may claim, perhaps, to be the only hon. Member who has had transactions with the Mullah himself. I entirely endorse what the hon. and gallant Member the Under-Secretary of State has said, that the Mullah shows no signs whatever of insanity. Well, I must say, I came down here prepared to curse, and I am not sure whether I am not prepared to bless, because I think the policy which the Government is at present engaged upon is the right one. From my knowledge of the country I think an extended policy is absolutely out of the question at present. I have always been fully aware of the enormous difficulties which the last Government had when this Mullah sprang up at the critical time when we were thoroughly engaged by the war in South Africa.
At the present minute I think the Government, in dealing with the situation, are going the right way. Their policy of not building a railway I believe to be the right one in a country where it would possibly have no commercial value, and where you might have to pull it up or leave it derelict. The policy of the Leader of the Opposition of having some form of motor is far more likely to be of use. There is the question of the supply of arms, than which there is none more important; it is the crux of the whole situation. The Mullah, when he first began to get a following, did so by his force of character. He only gathered a few men together, and had we sent out an expedition we could easily have knocked him out in the early part of his career. He got rifles, however, and the whole situation changed. He had the means by which to enforce his rule, and he became a power to be reckoned with. You have a gigantic long coastline, and you also have foreign Powers—Abyssinia and the French—and if the Foreign Secretary had been here I should have been glad to know what the arrangements are as to the question of arms. In the early portion of the Mullah's career he got a supply of ammunition and rifles, a great quantity of which I should think must have come through Abyssinia or have come by way of the Persian Gulf. It is very difficult to stop the supply of arms, and the hon. and gallant Gentleman should not attach too much importance to the power of the Navy to do it, because there are four or five months in the year when it is very hard to keep on the coast. We have seen it reported in the papers that groups of natives have been shelled. The hon. and gallant Gentleman knows as well as anybody in the House that with the best guns and gunners and the best of targets shell fire is very often ineffective. In "The Times" it was reported that a short time ago a body of natives, consisting of followers of the Mullah and several Dervishes, were shelled, but I think we should take all that with a grain of salt. What the difference is between a follower of the Mullah and a Dervish I do not know. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway opposite will be able to tell us. Another point has reference to the position of the Italians in this matter. They have got a coastline as long as ours; but, apparently, they do not seem to get the same trouble with the Mullah as we do. I have been in the Italian Protectorate, and I know what the administration was. The representative of the Italian Government there assured me that his country practically gave him no money at all for his office. Foreigners really do a good deal by their greater aptitude for learning languages than the English, and know the Somali language well. Another point is how far we are implicated with these tribes whom we have got to protect. I would point out that in defending such nomad tribes as the Somali men, who follow the grass and water, and are here to-day and gone tomorrow, we may be embarking without knowing it on a great deal wider policy than what we intend.
I must say that I did not expect in any quarter of the House, during this debate, the suggestion that the Protectorate should be surrendered. The hon. Member for Brentford, I understood from his speech, advanced that theory.
I simply asked the question what was the raison d'être of the occupation?
The hon. Member had at the back of his mind that the occupation was unjustified, and he appears to have the support of the hon. Member for Sleaford. The hon. Member for Brentford is interested in India, and I would remind him that if Somaliland were occupied by another Power it would lie right in our track to India and make our position untenable. I think, with great respect, such a statement as the hon. Member for Brentford has made, shows his want of sense of proportion. I do not suppose that anyone travelling in Somaliland would say other than that it is an and, desolate, and unattractive country, still I do not think anyone would be prepared to say that it has not possibilities. We are only at the threshold of irrigation in these countries. When one sees the great tracts in Australia which have been developed by the sinking of artesian wells and utilising a rainfall which has not even fallen on the same continent, I think there are similar possibilities in East Africa. Somaliland itself has some rainfall at certain times, and Abysinnia also has a heavy rainfall; and I think it quite possible that some such system as has been adopted in Australia and in South Africa might also be carried out in Somaliland. In regard to the future colonisation of the whole of the East African Protectorate, I do not think the Somali is impressed by the idea of the dignity of labour; but I think that in future Somaliland might be of use in relieving the congestion of population in India. Although I do not say that I am at present prepared to approve that policy, yet I certainly think it should be kept in view that some day our East African Protectorate may be of use for the surplus Indian population. If that view has not occurred to the hon. Member up to the present, seeing that he takes such a deep interest in the Government of the Indian people, I hope it will cause him to alter the opinion which he expressed to the House just now. In regard to this Protectorate, the administration of His Majesty's Government is always paved with good intentions. I have no doubt that the intentions of the Government are good, but as has been said by the Leader of the Opposition, with these Mullahs it is hard to know where we are, and very possibly we may have the hon. Gentleman coming next year for another considerable sum. While kept within reasonable bounds, I think on the lines which my hon. Friend has foreshadowed I should not be disinclined to give him my support.
I desire to call attention to one point, and that is, the method of transport of some of our troops to Somaliland. I succeeded in obtaining some information from the hon. Gentleman in reply to a question the other day, and I have been fortunate in otherwise obtaining a certain amount of private in formation. I believe two companies of the battalion of the King's African Rifles and one other company were required last December by the Government for service in Somaliland. The troops were then in Nyassaland. There being no direct British steamship communication along the East Coast of Africa from south of Zanzibar, they were obliged to go to a foreign nation for the transport of those troops, and they secured the German East Africa Company's mail steamer to carry them from Nyassaland to Somaliland. The steamer was under a contract with the German Imperial Government, and the result was that the mails were delayed for some time while the troops were being taken on board and while they were being landed at Berbera. The consequence is, I am informed, that His Majesty's Government have not only to pay a heavy fine for delaying the German mail steamer on its way northward, but also to pay a considerable sum for extra demurrage because she was delayed at Berbera.
Now, this is the British Empire, and we are obliged to transport our troops from one portion of a Colony to another by a foreign, friendly Power. I should like to ask, supposing we happened to be at war with that Power or any other we might be obliged to go to, what would our position be then? This is a matter of very serious consequence, and I think every day and every year there seem to be events occurring to show the real necessity of establishing direct Imperial communication along the coast of East Africa, as was originally recommended by the Steamship Subsidies Committee in 1902. This is simply the question of troops, and I suppose I should not be in order if I were to detail the advantages to our trade supposing such a line existed, but I think there is an analogy between the transport of troops and the transport of confidential documents.
Such a reference would be a little too wide of the subject of this Supplementary Vote.
I do not propose to go into the matter in detail, but simply to mention that sometimes despatches of a confiden- tial nature are sent by a German route. I think I may point out that various official matters, such as the transport of troops or despatches have to be undertaken by foreign ships under the present circumstances. I do not wish to say more than that, but I do think it is a matter of serious consequence to us who propose to maintain, I imagine, proper communication between the different parts of our Empire that confidential despatches and troops should have to be sent by foreign steamers, and that we ought to have direct communications between our possessions. I venture to say that military operations of all kinds, such as the movement of troops, their number and equipment, their precise destination, ought to some extent to be confidential, and if we are obliged to go cap in hand to a foreign mail steamship company and ask them to transport our troops, obviously they get to know of those confidential matters which it is highly undesirable foreign Powers should know.
I would press very strongly the need for a British line along that coast. I believe the hon. Gentleman the Under-Secretary has devoted considerable attention to it. I have great hopes that those negotiations may result in something really successful. And as he tells me that the question of a direct British line of steamships to East Africa continues to engage the attention of the Government I hope that continuation is active, and is not a mere formula of words for saying that the matter has been relegated to its accustomed pigeon-hole. If he can assure us it is not relegated I think something will have been secured from this debate. I venture to remind the hon. Gentleman that at the Colonial Conference the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 9th May, 1907, cited the present Prime Minister as having given view to
I do not want to follow the hon. Member for Blackpool in his indictment against the Government for the year 1907; nor do I want to follow my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Winchester into the causes of the occupation of Somaliland. There we are. It may or may not be a deplorable necessity. I think it is difficult to argue the matter on the present Vote, but, at the same time, I think a little too much stress has possibly been laid by hon. Members opposite on the argument that it is absolutely necessary we should control the whole of Somaliland because it is on the bank of our line to India: that argument may be pushed too far. No doubt whatever it is-necessary we should control the strategic points along our line to India. If we have entered into certain obligations, I would: re-echo the request of the hon. and gallant Member for Winchester to the Under-Secretary for much more precise information as to what those engagements are.
There is no doubt of the fact that we rule many of those countries entirely by prestige, and very largely by the prestige of the knowledge that we keep our word. Therefore, although you may be concerned in this debate to-day with a country which is worthless to anybody but a very few nomad tribes, still if we should by any chance lose the prestige of keeping our word to chose nomad tribes who are of themselves of no importance, the knowledge that we have lost that prestige may spread to other countries and peoples who are of very great importance. Therefore we want to be quite clear exactly as to what obligations we are under, and to what extent we are pledged to protect those friendly tribes from the ravages of the Mullah.
I think everybody in this debate agrees that the policy of a light railway is a dubious and doubtful one. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition put forward as an alternative that we should adopt something in the nature of a motor road, which would not cost £3,000 per mile, but which could not avoid being a costly undertaking. The hon. and gallant Member for Winchester rather supported that view. I hope the Government will not undertake anything in the nature of a motor road or fixed communications of any sort. Because, after all, what does happen? You may pacify a country the whole way along the line, but you do not touch 10 miles on either side. It is not as if the line were to-prevent raids from one side to the other. Your line is not raid-proof in the way in which were the lines we made in South Africa, at great cost of men and material. I venture to hope the Government will not give way on that point, and will not embark on any such project of either a motor road or a light railway, which is bound to-be extremely expensive.
One other suggestion I make in a very humble and tentative way. I made it in the tenure of office of the late Government, when they were in a different position. I venture to suggest they should enter into something like a convention with the Mullah, whose return to sanity has been reported to the hon. and gallant Under-Secretary.
I never thought he was mad.
Then if he is not, perhaps we could make a convention with him. I have not the least idea of what his other habits may be. I do not know whether he is afflicted with the vice of cupidity. If he is, I think it is possible an arrangement might be made, and for which I think there is ample precedent in the North-West Frontier of India. In dealing with the Afridis in a country in which we were responsible for keeping order, and where it was very difficult to send expeditions, we came to an agreement with the tribes who were subsidised nominally for keeping a pass open. That money is paid during their good behaviour, and it has worked out very much cheaper than the policy of continual little wearisome punitive expeditions. I am quite aware of the danger of that course when you are dealing with loosely organised tribes like the Somalis, the danger of prestige, of the strong power paying subsidy to the weak power, because it is always liable to be misrepresented as tribute, and an acknowledgment of inferiority. Therefore, I put forward the suggestion with great humbleness. It is quite possible my hon. and gallant Friend may say it is quite impossible, but I do venture to ask him to give it his attention, because I believe it is a policy which has met with a considerable measure of success on the North-West frontier of India, and has proved much more cheap and satisfactory in our relations with warlike and difficult tribes than any such measure as is implied by a forward policy.
I understand the hon. Member for Winchester came down to bless the Government, and not to curse it. And having heard the Government had the support of the hon. Member for Brentford, I have doubts. His views on the subject of Empire are so extraordinary and so suspect that I really very much doubt whether the Government are so right in the proposal which they are making. I am anxious to hear what the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary says before coming to a decision on that point. I only wish to say a few words about one aspect of the question, an aspect which has been lost sight of, and that is the general Imperial aspect of the whole question. We have had the military aspect debated by the hon. Member for Blackpool and the hon. Member for Winchester, but the purely Imperial part of the question has not been adequately discussed, because Somaliland is not altogether different from other parts of the Empire, and cannot be considered apart. The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken in admirable language, and in words with which I entirely agree, said one of the points which most requires consideration was the point of view of prestige.
I have been told, on certainly good authority, whether it be right or wrong, that the fact of our not having altogether coped with the situation in Somaliland and that the Mullah is still at large, has had an ill-effect even so far as the Sudan. In the last eight or twelve months there have been two really serious outbreaks in the Sudan on the part of a similar gentleman, who, I think, is still at large, and a great many black soldiers and at least one white officer have been killed in their attempts to find him. Therefore I think that the prestige aspect of the case is a most important one. But I do not think the hon. Gentleman's suggestion with regard to a convention was really consistent with what he had previously said on the matter of British prestige, because in North Africa, of all places, if money were paid to keep the Mullah quiet it would have a most disastrous effect. What possible excuse could any Government put forward for sending somebody over to the Mullah and saying, "Let us be friends in future, and we will pay you tribute." The situation is not at all analogous to that which formerly obtained on the North-West Frontier. In this case you have a man who has been bitterly hostile for six or seven years, who has made several strong attacks upon our posts—in many cases with considerable success—and who is generally regarded by the country as a sainted man of considerable power and authority. Therefore, to make any convention with him would be a, most disastrous policy, and would give the coup de grâce to British prestige, which has already suffered considerably in Somaliland by the unfortunate action of the last two Governments. There are only two courses really open to the Government. One is to send out an expedition of such overwhelming superiority as to make it impossible to doubt that the Mullah would be captured. The hon. Member for Brentford smiles. I do not know if he suggests that in these days of Army reductions it would be impossible for us to fit out a sufficiently large force. I admit it would be a task of considerable difficulty, but I think we could do it. We must either, to use a vulgar expression, "smash up" the Mullah completely, or leave him more or less alone. I rather share the feeling of hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway—it is one of the few points en which I agree with them—of aversion to punitive expeditions. I think, as a rule, they are not sufficiently large really to destroy the authority of a powerful enemy. In a country like Somaliland, which has been under British rule for only a comparatively short time, a punitive expedition might give an entirely wrong impression and be regarded as a return to the days of the old regime, when expeditions were made for headhunting or slave-taking reasons. Therefore I rather protest against the suggestion that we should have any more punitive expeditions.
I regret that there is no Member of the late Government present, and I should be neither frank nor honest if I did not say that their record in the matter of Somaliland was a most disastrous one. I am not convinced by the speech of the Leader of the Opposition that they ever really considered the question or even now recognised the great mistakes which were made. Anyone who has travelled extensively in savage countries will agree that there is no country in the world where our prestige is so low as in Somaliland. We went there 28 years ago, and in a comparatively short time succeeded in making the country I will not say civilised, but as good a specimen of a Protectorate as it was possible to find. The people for the first time enjoyed peace and prosperity and freedom from the slave trade and inter-tribal feuds. Then we deliberately handed over a large part of the country to the Abyssinian Government, which has not the reputation of being a very efficient or modern Government, and we gave over a large part of the remainder to the savagery of people like the Mullah. The position is really a most painful and sad one. There is not the faintest doubt that the Mullah is perfectly aware of the difficult situation in which we find ourselves. Raisuli was kept informed by his European agents of what was going on in this country throughout the whole of the controversy in which he was concerned, and I have not the least doubt that the Mullah is kept similarly informed. The whole situation is a difficult one, and it is aggravated by the injury which our prestige has suffered in the past. Therefore I hope the Government will give the matter serious attention, and consider whether the small preparations proposed to be made are adequate, and whether it is any use doing anything at all if they are only going to do as much as seems to be proposed. My recent visit to the borders of the country has strengthened my opinion that in a comparatively short time there will be a very serious question arising for decision in the neighbouring country of Abyssinia—a question which, I sincerely hope, will be settled by the Abyssinians themselves, but which in any case will have serious effects upon neighbouring countries. I refer to the succession to the throne of Abyssinia. When that question arises it will probably create an exceedingly difficult state of affairs. I would ask the Government whether they are really satisfied that the course which they suggest is the best to adopt, or whether it is only brought forward because of the state of the Treasury and of the views of their supporters below the Gangway. I believe that if they thought it necessary to take a bolder course than is foreshadowed in the Estimates they would receive the support of a large number of Members on this side of the House. I take my stand in this matter on the ground that to evacuate the country or to come to an arrangement with the Mullah would give our prestige a further serious blow, and would also involve a gross breach of faith with the unfortunate inhabitants of that country. I think the objection with regard to evacuation is really more important than the question of trade, which, if I may use the term mentioned by my hon. Friend, is ma fesh.
The Noble Lord rather misrepresents me. I have no doubt it is ma fesh now, but it was not ma fesh 10 or 35 years ago.
At any rate, I base my appeal to the Government on the ground that to evacuate the-country or to come to any arrangement with the Mullah would still further injure British prestige in Somaliland and the neighbouring countries, and also involve a gross breach of faith with the loyal natives of the country.
I think the Under-Secretary of State may be well satisfied with the course the debate has taken, especially when we remember debates in the last Parliament, when speeches were made by the then Opposition, which were, I will not say difficult for those in authority to answer, but which, at any rate, presented difficult problems of debate. Reference has been made to the term "mad" as applied to the Mullah. It is not an important point, but the true interpretation of the word as applied to the Mullah by his followers is that in the Soudan and elsewhere the term is applied to people who are supposed to be specially blessed by heaven. It is really a religious title which is applied to the Leader of the Faithful. The hon. Member for Brentford spoke about our establishing our right to hold the Protectorate by giving our reasons for so doing. I should have thought that that question was settled by this time. A quarter of a century has gone since we absorbed the country in the British Empire, and there must have been strategical reasons on the part of past Governments, Liberal and Conservative, for retaining Somaliland as part of the Empire.
My right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition said this afternoon that whatever the past has been we are faced by the responsibilities of the present. We cannot divest ourselves of those responsibilities, great or small. I am not sure that the Under-Secretary this afternoon was not more careful and more discreet than he ought to have been. I am not sure that the Under-Secretary has not erred upon the side of discretion. I do not think he has taken the Committee into his whole confidence. I do not blame this Government more than others. Previous Governments have done the same thing. I agree with the hon. Member for Salford, who says that the air of secrecy is becoming more and more part of the policy of the Front Bench. If that secrecy really achieved anything for good government, if it made the position of the Government more secure, if it made the situation easier to be dealt with, it would be different. But the fact is, I take it, that there is nothing regarding Somaliland practically that is not known to France, Abyssinia, Germany, and other countries, and even to Somaliland, except in small matters of administration. My hon. Friend beside me referred to the transport of troops by German ships, and several hon. Gentlemen opposite laughed. We must carry our troops if we are in difficulty by any ships we can lay our hands upon, and in this case we laid our hands upon foreign ships. There is no reason why we should not do so when in these difficulties. But I ask the Committee if it thinks that it is a good thing to be dependent in our national troubles upon the-transport foreign nations can give if that can be avoided. I shall not enter into the question of establishing a subsidised route of steamers, but I do point out to the Under-Secretary for the Colonies that i£"he touches this question at all—this particular part of the question—he must realise that all the secrecy which he desires to maintain—it is quite apparent that he does—is no longer secrecy when we have to go to foreign countries in order to secure the proper working out of our military scheme for the pacification of the country. Someone this-afternoon has suggested—I think it was-the hon. Member for Winchester—that the Mullah may have got his arms from French sources. I think that is most unlikely. I think the Under-Secretary for the Colonies-will say that it is most unlikely, because the Mullah is a long way down to the south-east from Jibutal, and he could not possibly get to that portion of the country where arms could be conveyed to him without crossing a considerable portion of Abyssinia, and crossing territory where he would meet with opposition. It is not reasonable to suggest that the arms came from such a source, but it is an important thing that this Government should assure the House that adequate means are being: taken to prevent arms being sold to the Mullah and his people.
I am going to enter upon a side of the subject in which I am in absolute agreement with my hon. Friend who moved the Amendment. The Leader of the Opposition has been apparently willing—and I think that is generally the way with Leaders of the Opposition, whatever side they may be on when the Government is in military difficulties of any kind—to be very careful as to what is called embarrassing the Government. No one on this side of the House wishes to embarrass the Government with regard to this question. We will do so whenever we have an opportunity on other questions. I for one am very doubtful indeed whether the defensive policy suggested by the hon. Member is sufficient in the circumstances. We had all this out before. I remember a debate which took place here when the present Financial Secretary to the Treasury made an exhaustive and careful survey of the whole situation then, as my hon. Friend has done to-day. He pointed out, not improperly or inaccurately, that our Government of that day had been not merely slow to act, but had not acted when it should have acted, and that the man on the spot had warned them of the real difficulties and dangers in the way. The then Foreign Secretary procrastinated, and the very Gentleman whom the Under-Secretary has praised so highly this afternoon said, "This defensive policy is only possible temporarily." The Consul-General added: "If adopted, the situation would only become aggravated to a dangerous degree." Lord Lansdowne said that he would not take the risk referred to. Then, and I think this is exceedingly important, and I ask the attention of the Under-Secretary for the Colonies to the statement, a naval officer reported that it might be years before the Mullah's power could be stamped out, owing to his mobility, armed strength and influence. I have always believed—and I believe it because we have had other experiences of the kind in other parts of the world—that at any cost the Mullah should have been pursued and tracked down, and that his power should have been broken, just as the power of the Khalifa and the Mahdi were broken in the Sudan. I think that should have been done, no matter what the cost.
I do not want to be an alarmist, but I feel certain that we have not yet come to an end of our very grave difficulties in Somaliland, and if the suggestion of my hon. Friend were carried out I think it might perhaps be the most reasonable scheme which has yet been offered. Of course, there is always a tendency of the official to say: "Ah! but our advice is so-and-so, and we have behind us the weight of accumulated authority." There is no one who more strongly challenged accumulated authority than the hon. Member who is in control of this Vote. Any authority behind the hon. Member is only the authority which comes from the man on the spot and I venture to say that the man on the spot is saying to-day that the Mullah and his force should be destroyed. Sooner or later we will have to face it. I will make one more quotation—a quotation from the words of the Under-Foreign Secretary, Lord Cranbourne, who replied in the debate to which I have referred. He said: "If we are not to have a defensive policy, or an abandonment policy, there is only one other policy left, and that is an offensive policy, namely, to attack the Mullah in his headquarters, and render him innocuous in the future." Well, that was not done. The hon. Gentleman in charge of the Vote was not responsible for its not having been done, but the legacy left of incompleteness by the late Government is one which must be faced by this Government. We did not destroy the Mullah and his force. He is still there, and he is still raiding; and I do not believe you will capture him, as the hon. Member opposite, in his very able speech, said. We will not capture him by methods of negotiation. That was done by President Diaz of Mexico, who induced the brigands to negotiate after he had usurped his seat in the Presidential chair. Knowing the brigands well, he invited them to Mexico and made arrangements to give them larger pay than they were able to make by brigandage. He was able to make them the police force, controlling the whole of the interior mountain districts. He was able in that way to make his power complete and permanent in his Presidential position. We cannot do that, because behind the Mullah is not alone brigandage; there is also racial feeling and a certain amount of religious enterprise. It is not all religious enterprise. I believe it is largely political. I believe he is moved by ambition, and having also the assistance of the religious spirit, he is able to exercise a very powerful influence upon the tribes.
The analogy that I drew I was regarding people who are in very much the same position—racially, religiously, politically and fanatically—on the North-West frontier of India. The instance the hon. Baronet has just given is quite new to me. I never heard of it before. It was a complete success, but I believe complete success crowned the same policy in India, despite racial difference, religious and political divisions, and religious fanaticism. The Noble Lord said he could not think of a possible excuse—
I think the hon. Member is taking the opportunity of an interruption for the purpose of making another speech.
I see that it; is from observation and experience that the hon. Member speaks, and that always counts for much in this House. It counts for much with me in what I say in reply. What I say is that I think the situation is entirely different. I imagine that in India there would not be the same opportunity for influencing, as it were, the whole people, or a vast number of the people, by the activity of any one individual chief of the Afridis. But if the Mullah is able in the population of Somaliland to extend his influence very far, he keeps us down at the coast, tied up in small towns, and unable to do anything with him whatever with our small force of 1,800 men. If he is able to exercise that influence widely, we are done for, so far as the interior of Somaliland is concerned. There will then be no development. What that development might be no one knows. The hon. Member spoke of the possibility of making wells. I remember when one of the greatest fields was spoken of as a desert, and pronounced by geologists and explorers to be a territory which never would be developed.
These developments would be a means of course of dealing with this obstreperous person—this robber chief. An hon. Member has compared the mad Mullah to De Wit. I think that he has done an injustice to De Wit. De Wit in the course of his life never was guilty of any of the barbarities which have been attributed to the Mullah. A better comparison might have been made than one with De Wit, who is a fighting gentleman. The robber chief does nothing but kill and destroy—he destroys on every opportunity which he gets. If we are to have any further development of that territory, if it is to be nothing more than a territory like one of the South Pacific Islands—retained as a position in time of war—if we are going to do that we might as well adopt the defence policy which is suggested. A defensive policy with 1,800 men behind it must be nothing more than occupying the coastline. The Mullah, unless he is dealt with, proceeds from one outrage to another. He will not stand still. He must either go backward or forward, and the policy of marking time is a dangerous policy. And it has failed. There should be a body of infantry with a camel force. It should be mobile, as the Mullah's forces are mobile. In fact, the Mullah's forces are very mobile. The hon. Member is one of those gentlemen who believe that six or three months' soldiers can do great things on the Continent or in any part of the world. The hon. Gentleman will see if his own conten- tions have been correct in the past, if we send out well-trained soldiers and that the force at command is mobile, we may break the power of the Mullah, which we have not yet done.
It is a dangeraus policy to arm the friendly tribes unless you have the friendly tribes under good discipline-that is well trained. It is useless to put rifles in their hands promiscuously. It is folly to think that by distributing arms amongst the friendly tribes you are going to find any defence of your power in Somaliland. I sincerely hope that the Under-Secretary will make some reply to the questions which I am about to put to him, and to the questions which have already been addressed to him—important questions—by some of my hon. Friends on this side of the House. Does the man on the spot agree with him—I mean the man who gives the Government information? Does he agree that that which has been done is all that it is necessary to do? Does he agree that the Government should sit still and make no movement against this growing force—a force which declined for a moment but which has been growing steadily for the last few years? Is the man on the spot the source of the present policy? If he is not then I think the Government are taking a very grave responsibility. The warnings in the case of the late Government were distinct, and ought not to have been avoided. Warnings have been offered to this Government. I will not say that they are official, but they have been offered by men in Somaliland—by men who know what is going on, and the warnings are distinct. The Government wishes to gain the support of men who want no war, who want no Army, and who want no Navy. If the Government wishes to retain their support then, of course, they must adopt this defensive policy. That is necessary for the moment, but I do not think that the Government, in regard to Somaliland or any other portion of the British Empire, knowing that they are able by adroit statements to influence their followers, will omit to send a punitive expedition to completely and finally destroy the power of the invader of our interests. This House would support them if in their wisdom—a wisdom which we would provide them in any crisis—if in their wisdom—the wisdom of this House—they undertook a punitive expedition. I am not in sympathy with the indeterminate policy of marking time—the policy of simply defending" little stretches of territory along the coast. I am in favour, if it can be done at all, of destroying this power which is a curse to the future of British Government in Somaliland.
From the experience of the last expedition I look on this small Vote as the precursor of many a larger Vote for great expeditions which might run into millions. This House should do all that it can to avoid this. That is the reason why I put down an Amendment to reduce the Vote. I am sorry to say that I do not view this matter eye for eye with all my friends around me. I have looked into the matter very carefully, and I have beaten them at every point. Military questions I will not touch upon, but there are other questions which affect us greatly, and to men who look to the Colonies and our Empire beyond the seas as closely as I do they are of vital importance to our Empire. There are instances where you must make your occupation active, or you will lose the whole Hinterland, but in this case it is not so. There can be no question as regards our good friends the Italians, and we are naturally safe as regards any encroachment on this side. On the Abyssinian side I believe we are also safe. I believe that this territory is in a different position to any on the African coast. I believe that we cannot effectually get Somaliland at the present time unless we do so with the assistance and co-operation of the Italians. I have had pointed out more than once to-day that the Mullah at the present time is residing most of the time in the Italian territory, and, therefore, it is impossible for us to conduct any effective operation against him. We may have permission to follow him there. Are we to follow him down to the coast? With the small force which the Government propose we are entering upon a dangerous course—a course at the beginning of which you cannot see the end, and as to what the end may be I am distinctly nervous, both as regards the time which may be taken and the cost which may be entailed upon this country. What is the territory worth? The sea-board must be retained at any price. It was only occupied by the garrison at Aden who used to go across to Somaliland for change and recreation.
I grant it may be useful to us that we must keep it at all hazards. We must absolutely maintain ourselves at the sea- coast, but that we should make railways there, or roads there, or water stations, or that we should keep a station in the interior unless and until we are prepared to occupy practically the whole territory, I fail to agree. The country was described as a desert of stones in the northern half, and a desert without stones in the southern half. It has also been described as the best hunting country in the world, and as having the largest breed of lions to the square mile of any territory that exists. A country of that kind can hardly prove attractive to our Indian subjects or to any other of our Colonies, as was suggested. So what is the difference of leaving the Mullah as he is, protecting the coast as we did at the time Osman Digna was in the interior, when we held the coast until it came to pass that we had the whole of the Nile Valley behind us, when it was possible to make a railway and effectively to occupy that country and destroy the power of Osman Digna. I do not think we shall be able to destroy the power of the Mullah. I do not believe any small expedition could do it. A small expedition would meet disaster, and would entail another very much larger expedition, and I warn the Government against starting on a course of this kind. I know the people on the spot would desire it, many people would desire it. Still, I do not believe it is for the good of the nation, and therefore, upon this ground, I warn the Government against entering upon a hazardous course.
Two points have been made quite clear. One is that we cannot abandon the Protectorate, and the other is that we are bound to protect the tribes. That being so, I ask the Under-Secretary how does he propose to protect those tribes? The position in which we find ourselves is merely a recurring one. The Noble Lord who has spoken said our position in Somaliland had been a good one up to the recent occurrences, but that we had lost it through want of firmness and good management.
We have lost it simply and solely for the same reason that we had the difficulties in the Sudan, that the Mullah rose to test our supremacy. In 1889 we find that he first began to move, that he entered on a campaign first more or less as a spiritual adviser, that he then went on to consolidate his power by the great cruelty and great force which he applied to those who stood against him. The men who stood around him and those whom we are endeavouring to protect, are all of the same class of natives. The natives whom we engaged to protect came to the Commissioner and said—"You have treaties with us, and we call upon you to protect us, if you do not do so we must inevitably join the Mullah."
What did we do? We tried to carry out our engagements. We first tried arming the natives. We first tried it lightly, and at very little expenditure. We armed them, and under Colonel Swaine operations took place. They were not entirely successful. Further operations in which that most excellent body the East African Kifles were engaged were carried out; they were not entirely successful. Then it was thought necessary to bring in the Indian troops. They arrived, and an expedition was launched from Italian territory, but after an expenditure of £3,000,000 it was found impossible to capture the Mullah. We made arrangements with him then, which, up to a certain time, were perfectly satisfactory. That lasted up to the recent move, and now having tried small expeditions and then a very considerable expedition we have failed to protect the tribes, and in order to insure us against a recrudescence of the Mullah I ask his Majesty's Government what steps they have taken and are likely to take to insure success against him in future. We have been criticised very much for giving arms to these friends of ours. The "friendlies" are of the same nature as the hostile tribes. We said to them "you must try to defend yourselves, and we will give you arms." Now it is a question of how far we are bound to protect men who have failed to protect themselves; that is a question the Government have to consider. The tribes we promised to protect have a general idea that the British Government having promised to protect them that they should look to the Government to do so, and they say if the Government fail we will look to their opponents. I notice in the last political publication from Somaliland that the cost of the administration in Somaliland is now estimated at £16,659. In 1905 the political administration consisted of nine, and cost £4,350. I would like very much to know if His Majesty's Government propose now to exercise administration in the interior, what increased political administration does exist, I should like to know what instructions administrators get. I believe that when the expedition under Sir C. Egerton left the country they left telegraph lines for a distance of 204 miles into the country up to Bohotle. I do not know whether these lines still exist. If so, we have these telegraph lines extending for that distance up into the country, and presumably we have somebody at those posts. At the same time they left roads over which two-wheeled waggons could travel up to Bohotle. That was in October, 1903. Personally, I must say if we are not going to abandon the Protectorate, and if we are going to protect the tribes, we must sooner or later build the railway into the interior. That would be one of the greatest signs we could give the tribes that we had come to stay, and that we were in a position to protect the "friendlies" and that we wished them to be in a position to resist and to carry on the war with their enemies. With the very greatest respect I would earnestly urge upon His Majesty's Government to very seriously consider if an expenditure of £600,000 or more, if that were not enough, on a railway, to establish a strong and valid administration in the interior of Somaliland would not be well spent, and would not enable us to carry out our responsibility to the tribes with much greater effect. We do not know but that the stones which have been spoken of by my hon. Friend may not turn out to be diamonds. We do not know how much Somaliland has been prospected. It has been prospected by the Boers, and they have found many of the indications which surround a place in which valuable stones lie, and with a little more work it is quite possible that valuable stones would be found, and that we should have been only too glad to have made the railway into the country. It would also, I honestly believe, increase the chances of developing the trade of the country if we ran the railway to Bohotle, as it did the French in developing the trade of Abyssinia. I would urge His Majesty's Government to reconsider their opinion with regard to the railway in Somaliland.
The hon. Member for Gravesend addressed the House with great seriousness and solemnity, and he propounded one or two very grave questions to the Under-Secretary. I am one of those who believe that the Government ought not to give way to every aggressor, but it is in the nature of Mullahs to turn up now and again. You cannot kill all the Mullahs. The Mullah is more or less like the Mahdi, and that is a fact that His Majesty's Government are wise to take into consideration before they lavish large sums upon what is a risky and may be an unwise enterprise. We must, of course, stick to this country. We should stick to every country we have, more particularly to a country which is our "watery march" to India.
I was quite astonished to hear an hon. Member suggest that the policy pursued on the North-West Frontier of India was very successful, and ought to be imitated. He suggested, in fact, that we should bribe this Mullah. I deny that the policy on the North-West Frontier is a successful policy. It has been so long in force that it is not worth while discussing it; but it certainly has not been successful, and I hope His Majesty's Government will resist the temptation to buy off this Mullah. If they do so, hundreds of Mullahs will spring up, and I contend that it would be altogether a mistaken policy to adopt. I maintain that it has not been successful on the North-West Frontier, and I demur altogether to its being set up as an example for His Majesty's Government to follow in this part of Africa. There is, however, something which they can do. If they could stop the import of firearms that would be a great measure, and I do think that it is not an impracticable policy. There is another thing that His Majesty's Government can do—I am only suggesting things that are within their reach, and not any great policy which is likely to fail, and which, if it did fail, would lead to very considerable expenditure—a policy which I observed that right hon. Gentlemen opposite did not pursue when they had the power to do it—there is another step which the Government can take. They can hurry up the policy of subsidising some British lines to serve the East Coast of Africa. I speak here as one concerned with the trade on that coast, and it is of the utmost importance that something should be done to subsidise British lines there. I did feel something like shame the other day when the King's African rifles had to be transported from Nyassaland to some operations, and had to be carried in German bottoms. It was with great surprise that I heard hon. Members in this House actually pride themselves on the fact that we were able to conduct our business by means of a German line, and that it was cheaper to us by the amount of the subsidy paid, as if any subsidy by other nations could operate except to the exclusion of British trade and the subsequent raising of tariffs. I do beg my hon. Friend to hurry up with this most excellent policy of subsidising our own lines. I know that he has it well under consideration, but I only fear that the next Ministry will have the benefit of his efforts.
It has been observed by hon. Gentlemen opposite that this railway could be made for £3,000 a mile. I have a profound disbelief in any such estimate. I know something of the estimates for lines made by Crown agents and others, and they constantly prove of the most profoundly fallacious character. If you commence this line on the basis of £3,000 a mile you will soon find it will cost £6,000 or £9,000 a mile. I confess, moreover, I do not see how one line built by England from the Coast would put the Government in a position to deal practically with a Mullah who if the railway is built in one direction, will bring up his troops from another. I think that the Government exercised a wise discretion in not undertaking this railway, and I think that, after having considerable experience in regard to starting railways they should be very careful about such a policy. Railways of this character which have been started have proved a tremendous drag upon the Exchequer, and I wish to repeat that we must stick to cur decision in regard to Somaliland. We must not give way an inch anywhere, and it is doubtful whether we shall improve our position by undertaking an expedition in a waterless desert to deal with a force which is far more mobile than any we can send. The policy now adopted by the Government appears to me to be a reasonable compromise. I heard the Leader of the Opposition speak, and I listened to him, as I always do, with the utmost attention, and I confess that I did not understand what was the third course he suggested, which was less expensive than the railway or which was more forward than the Government contemplates. I do not think he made that third course clear, nor did any of the hon. Gentlemen who followed him. I submit that the two alternatives which my hon. and gallant Friend put forward remain, and for the reasons I have given, although I would be in favour of an expedition if I thought it would be successful, I think the decision my hon. and gallant Friend announced was a wise one, and for my part I shall support it.
I wish before the hon. and gallant Member answers to ask him about the other sub-head of this Vote in regard to the Boundary Commission, as we shall not have any other opportunity of raising questions with regard to it. Can he tell us approximately what is the duty of the Commission which is delimiting the boundary between Abyssinia and East Africa? I wish to know whether Lakes Stephanie and Rudolph, and the actual territories which lie close to them, are specially excluded from the purview of the Commission, and are reserved to British East Africa, and are not to be adjudicated upon. I should also like to know as to the reference to the Commission which is now at work between Uganda and the Congo. Is Ruwenzori to be in Uganda, or will it be transferred to the Congo Free State? And will Albert Edward remain with us, or be half in Uganda and half in the Congo Free State? I should like to have some information as to these two important points. There is only one other matter as to which I should just like to say one word. It seems to me that £6,000 is a large sum of money to spend on a Boundary Commission in six months. I am referring to the Boundary Commission between Abyssinia and East Africa, and I presume that the Commissioners did not begin their work until October last year. Therefore we are going to pay £6,000 for six months. I think hon. Members who have travelled in Africa will say that if a man travelled with a considerable caravan of 30 or 40 in any part of Africa it would cost him about £130 a month. If he goes with a friend, and there are two of them, it will cost them some £100 a month. According to that, it would only cost six white men in six months £3,600. I hope the Committee, however, will understand that I do not wish to deprive these men, who are working very hard and doing dangerous work, of having proper comforts, but from my own experience I think that £6,000 is an excessive charge.
The point at issue is whether our policy in Somali-land is to be effective or to be only that of marking time. I was surprised to hear that the hon. Member for Brentford, as I understood him, was rather inclined to support the Mullah, and, in fact, he compared this to the case of Tibet. The hon. Member, I suppose, is aware of what the methods of the Mullah are?
I do not think I said a single word in favour of the Mullah otherwise than that I thought he was a chief of this tribe and leader of his own people and working in his own country.
I take it, then, that the hon. Gentleman does not approve of a man who, like the Mullah, goes out and surrounds a village and leaves the inhabitants to starve, and when they attempt to escape kills them. He has not, I understand, the sympathy of the hon. Gentleman in that, neither has he mine, and, therefore, we are agreed upon that point. I understood, however, that the hon. Gentleman represents a section of the party on that side of the House who. in the days of the Bulgarian atrocities, held up their hands in horror at the Turks, and I was rather shocked in thinking that the hon. Gentleman supported this man, who committed more atrocities than any Turkish Pasha did. But we are all agreed, and the real point is what we are to do. I agree that we should not enter into, the great projects of building railways, but there is a great difference between doing that and doing nothing; there is a great difference between doing that and only keeping 1,800 men at this point. I do not wish to enter into a disquisition on this topic from a military point of view, but I do think that we should have in creased the number of our men on the spot by a mobile force, and if we could send out, say, a force of 4,000 or 5,000 men, without attempting to build a railway or to bribe the Mullah, in that way to put down his power and establish the power of this country, that I think is the right thing to do. What we want to do is to make the people understand that if our rule is abused we have the power to come in and enforce it.
The hon. and gallant Gentleman is in rather a difficult position. His chief is in another place. If it was left to him, I believe he would share our views and would be anxious to enforce the full power of the British Army in this part of the globe. But he is in rather a difficult position.
Not in that respect.
I know he cannot say he disagrees with his chief, but I believe it would be the natural instinct of the hon. and gallant Gentleman if he was left to himself. I hope he will be able to convert his chief and that we shall do something in a moderate manner, because I do not want to spend or to waste money, but to do something in a moderate manner, in order to enforce our rule in Somaliland. If he does this quickly he will probably save time and life. It is the policy of procrastination that always ends in disaster. If you take a thing in time in all probability you will be successful at a much smaller cost than if you go on leading people to believe you do not mean to do anything or have not the means to enforce your power, and in the end public opinion drives you into the course which, if you had taken it two years before, would have been more effectual and would have cost less in money and in blood.
We have had a very interesting discussion, remarkable in many respects, and especially for the fact that it has had no party flavour whatever, for on the main line of division, as to whether a forward or a waiting policy should be pursued, we have had almost an equal number of supporters on both sides of the House.
Only one on this side.
No. Almost the majority of speakers on that side have doubted the wisdom of the forward policy. The hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Winchester, who, with great respect, knows more about the matter from practical knowledge than anyone else, entirely agrees that the extended policy is inadvisable.
The hon. Member for Blackpool asked a question as to the Boundary Commissions. With regard to the second item, as to delimitating the boundary between Uganda and the Congo Free State, and the question of Ruwenzori and Lake Albert the Commission has not yet settled these matters, and I am not yet in a position to say.
When will they report?
I am not quite sure. They are on the spot still. With regard to the other material point as to the expense of £6,000, which seems to be a large sum, of course, although there are only four officers who are actually engaged on this very important Commission, we are obliged to take with it a very large escort, because the region is in a highly disturbed state. We have been anxious to get Menelik to delimit the boundary for a long time, and he has at last signed the agreement by which these Commissioners should go to the place, and they are now there. But during the interval while we were negotiating the business, the chiefs arrayed in large force on the area in question, and it was very necessary for the Commissioners to take an adequate force with them. I have nothing definite to report.
May I ask what levies they had? Are they natives?
Not entirely. The escort comprised several white men.
Now about Somaliland. One may say four main points have been raised. The first is as to communication by steam. The difficulty is exemplified by the fact that when we sent troops to Berbera they went in a German ship. There was no harm in that. The ship was there; it was a convenient way to send them, and they were sent without the least possible delay by that method in a very swift steamer, and it seemed to me the arrangement was an excellent one. I quite agree that if it were impossible to send troops or despatches or merchandise by a British ship it would be a disquieting fact, and the Commission which condemned shipping subsidies all round made an exception in the case of East Africa on these grounds. The matter is engaging attention, and I cannot say more, because, though opposed to subsidies, we say it is unfortunate, apart from commercial grounds, if, while we have such an overwhelming preponderance of commerce and the shipping of the world, by an accident, as in the case here, of situation and for other reasons there should be one part of the world's surface where there are no ships at all, while we do the carrying in the greatest proportion in all other parts of the world, That is an anomalous and undesirable state of affairs which we should wish to see remedied, but at the same time it is largely a question of price, and no one on the other side of the House would wish us to propose so large a sum as has been suggested.
With regard to communications in Somaliland, the Leader of the Opposition suggested that if the forward policy were not adopted the alternative to a railway might be motor-cars on roads, and that might be highly advisable, because although there would be tremendous engineering difficulty in getting motors over the Pass, we have discovered during the last six months in Uganda that motor traction is extraordinarily well adapted to this tropical country, and works with most remarkable success. One motor has run 3,000 miles without breaking down, and that is better than many motor-cars we have here. But that must be a matter for the future. For the present the forward policy is not before us, and the question of providing this road with motor-cars does not for the moment arise.
Now we come to the question of military measures, and whether the Government are right or wrong in adopting a more defensive policy or whether they should have pursued the forward policy of exterminating their enemy if they could catch him. On the side of the Government in this matter I am glad to find the hon. and gallant Member for Winchester, the hon. Member for Brentford, and the hon. Member for Yarmouth, and one other hon. Member on that side who demurred to a large expeditionary force. In fact, I think the hon. Member for the City of London was of that school.
Not too much.
I understand the hon. Baronet's strategical conception of the situation is that we should hold the coast with infantry, and have a mobile force not too big. There is no doubt much to be said for that view, but if the object of the mobile force is to bring the Mullah to his knees, and if it is true that Mohamed Abdulla can collect a force of 3,000 men who can move 100 miles in a day, you might find it rather difficult to catch him with 600 men on camels, who can only move about 60 miles a day.
Can the hon. and gallant Gentleman tell me what would be the state of the Mullah's cavalry after they have done the 100 miles? They would not foe much use next day.
I was coming to that. For a long time you would not catch him, because he would go faster than you. But when at last your camel by his superior endurance and his great capacity for doing without drink enabled him to catch up, you would find yourself in a hopeless numerical inferiority. One rather comes to the point of view that there are really only two policies—either to have a very large expedition, as the Government decided to do some five or six years ago, and endeavour to break the Mullah's power, or to adopt a more cautious policy. I quite admit that if you stand entirely on the defensive and announce that under no circumstances would you ever hit back, you are put in an embarrassing position, but you are in a much more embarrassing position if you attempt to adopt a forward policy with a very inadequate force. We are advised by our military advisers at home, and that view is fully supported by the military men on the spot, that it would be unwise for us to attempt to break the Mullah's power except with an expedition of some considerable magnitude. For these reasons we have decided on the policy to which I have referred.
Will the hon. and gallant Gentleman state what steps the Government propose to take suppose the Mullah raised friendly tribes in Somaliland? Are they going to deal with him at all or sit still and look on while he cuts their throats?
It is a little difficult to discuss these hypothetical questions. The Mullah has agents in Aden who take notes. We have received communications from the Mullah recently which show very conclusively that he knows all that we say and all that the hon. Gentleman says. If I were to explain exactly what measures it is proposed to adopt if the Mullah took certain other measures it might very likely give him considerable strategical advantage. I can only ask the House to believe we will do as I said—do all we can to keep peace in Somaliland without adopting a forward policy. I believe it to be possible. We have on our side no less an authority than the hon. Gentleman opposite, whose knowledge of the subject is really unrivalled.
As to the importation of arms, it is true that has been the probable cause of all the trouble, and it is also true that if all the European Powers who have been parties to the agreement to endeavour to check the importation of arms would use their utmost endeavours to prevent such importations the situation would be very sensibly relieved.
Has the Government accurate knowledge of where the arms came from which are already given to the Somalis?
Some have been smuggled in along our own coast before the blockade was effected, some may have come through other sources, and some have come in from Jibutil. I would sooner not say where the arms came from or precisely where they go in, because I am in hopes that the importation will be checked.
With regard to the distribution of arms on our behalf to Somalis, as opposed to the distribution to unfriendly Somalis from other sources, you will bear in mind that most of the troops I have referred to in my statement are themselves Somali troops. They are commanded and drilled by us. It was the definitely settled policy of the Foreign Office when they controlled Somaliland to endeavour to make the Somalis capable of defending themselves. It has been our policy in every other part of the world where we endeavoured to enforce law and order. Therefore, although there may be something in the view put forward by the right hon. Gentleman that they are such very bad shots that they are no danger, it is a policy which was started by the Noble Lord opposite when he was directing these matters, and I cannot affect to say that we will abandon the policy of assisting these people to defend themselves. The hon. and gallant Member for Winchester, in his most interesting speech, pointed out that Italy had been in several ways more successful than ourselves in coping with the Mullah. They were in close touch with him. Their Consul-General knows him personally. I understand that there is only one person in England acquainted with the Mullah, and he is a brother of the Chief Government Whip.
It has been suggested that we should get into communication with the Mullah with a view to preventing these raids, but I confess we have not been very successful in securing his goodwill. The last letter which we have had from his chief supporter shows that though we have every desire to be at peace with him for the moment, he does not share our desire. In this particular document he says, "If God pleases you will see the fitna"—the fitna is a row, or something more than a row, but hardly a war—"and if there will be a fitna between us it will be better for me, and I will get a good thing"; and he concludes this letter with the pregnant words, "and you will get hell if God pleases." Then he signs his name. To which the sailor, whom I understand to have been there, said: "Sir, your letter of this date received. The letter will be referred to His Majesty's Commission at Berber." That is the extent of the correspondence and the negotiations which we have opened up. It is to be hoped that it will improve.
There was one particular point that was referred to by the hon. Member for Shrewsbury, who was responsible for this region, and also by the hon. Member for Blackpool. It was asked, Why were there so many political officers if we only held the coast? Our effective points are on the coast, but we have as many other points in other parts of the country. They are not so widely scattered as they were, and their utility is shown by the fact that, in spite of the extreme difficulty of the situation, no disaster of any kind so far has been caused; and I can only hope that they may be avoided in the future. We have small posts. Concentration became unnecessary owing to the action of the Mullah. We must move our troops about more or less in accordance with the strategical situation, but we still have posts and detached forces. I have nothing more to tell the Committee except to thank them very cordially for having listened to what I had to say with such great courtesy, and to say that perhaps we might now be permitted to have the Vote.
In reference to the statement that several communications were received from the Mullah, the document read, I understand, was only from one of his lieutenants. I recollect great complaints, in connection with the other expeditions which cost over £2,000,000, and resulted in so much loss of life, that the Mullah persistently sent communications to the Government, and persisted in saying it was his desire to be at peace with the British Government. [Some laughter.] To laugh on these benches at the idea of getting into communication with the Mullah appears to me to be absurd. The letter was not from the Mullah.
From a supporter.
A man is not responsible for a letter written by every supporter, and, as I understand, in this matter the supporter conceived that he had been attacked or in some way interfered with. After all, these gentlemen in Somaliland are not so accustomed to the language of diplomacy as hon. Gentlemen in this House. Five years ago I received a long letter from the Mullah inviting me to go out and spend three months with him. I did not accept that invitation, but he assured me that if I did go out and spend three months with him he would convince me of his absolutely peaceful intentions towards this country. Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman how far from the coast is the innermost post occupied by the British Government? Is it a distance of 60 miles?
More.
I do not think that the Government are entitled to describe that as a policy of occupying the sea coast. My recollection of the decision come to by the Government in deciding to abandon the policy of pursuing the Mullah to the interior was that the coast was to be occupied for the purpose of endeavouring to prevent the importation of arms and that the policy of occupying or marching to the interior of the country was to be abandoned. I do not think that the Government can say, if they persist in holding places more than 60 miles from the sea, that they are carrying out that policy. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned one important factor in connection with Mr. Pease, whom old Members of this House remember very well as a Member of this House who spent many years in Somaliland and is personally acquainted with the Mullah. I consider his opinion would have been of great value and ought to have been given to the House: does he think that the Mullah is inclined to be reasonable, or is there another side to this controversy? Because one of the things that appeared to me most unreasonable was that, in the whole of this long discussion about Somaliland, which has now gone on for seven years, no serious attempt has been made to allow the Mullah to state his side of the case; and I do not think it is generous or wise in a great country, like this to assume that England's side of the case is the only side of the case. I think it a great pity, and a matter for deep regret, that an opportunity was not given to Mr. Pease to give his own account of what he heard. I think myself that if a little toleration and common sense were shown, we should avoid in many of these cases the trouble and expense that are often incurred. This has been a most expensive war.
It is not a war.
It is a war that is going to cost half a million of money, and will not end here. That was what happened before. In the beginning we were told there was to be no war, and that a very small amount would be required. In the end 2½ millions were spent and two expeditions were nearly exterminated. Then the cry arose to avenge what had been done and to destroy those men who had killed so many. It began precisely like this war with only a small Vote in the British House of Commons, and those who remember the result of the last Somaliland expedition may be pardoned if they look with considerable anxiety to this first Vote in an expedition of this kind. I would seriously ask the right hon. Gentleman to write to Mr. Pease and ask him to communicate to the Government a statement of his views.
We have had a communication from the Mullah himself, and I regret to say that it is not very much more cordial in its terms than that of his lieutenant. It is really a demand that we should clear out bag and baggage. It is evident that he is not at present in a very good temper, and I should advise hon. Members not to accept invitations from him. With regard to Sir Alfred Pease, I did write him and ask him to come and see me some time back. He was good enough to come and give me a good deal of information, and I am still in constant communication with him. He did know the Mullah, but that was in the days when the Mullah was a person of very little importance; that was the time when he was an interpreter. He also takes the view we all did, that it is ridiculous to suppose that a man like this is a person who cannot possibly be dealt with. Of course he can; but at the moment he is not exactly in view.
I do not rise to press upon the Government a forward policy. It is a very serious position of affairs with which the Government are confronted, and all I wish to do is to ask for a little more information about road-making. The hon. and gallant Gentleman was good enough to inform me as to communications being kept up with certain posts, but I am not aware what the character of the communications with those posts are at the present time. Are there decent roads now existing up to those posts, and, if not, would it not be worth the while of the Government to seriously consider at this stage of their proceedings whether they should not make roads suitable for motor traction up to those posts? We have to contemplate the necessity for further contingencies. If it is necessary to maintain and hold roads up to these posts it would be a considerable advantage to have motor traction upon them should any forward movement become necessary in the near future. It would not, in the long run, be a costly scheme, because if we are to have these posts we must keep up communications with them and forward supplies regularly.
As a matter of fact, communications with these posts are now almost entirely kept up by camels. It might be possible to make a good road, but I should require further information as to the kind of country the roads go through, and I know at least one place you could not make a road through except at a prohibitive expense. I will, however, make inquiries upon this subject. One advantage of a camel transport is that you get a more mobile force, whereas a road is only of value when you desire to go to one particular place. That is why I assume that a motor road on a large scale would have to be associated with a forward movement. I will consider the whole question, and let the right hon. Gentleman know what are the possibilities of motor traction in Somaliland.
As we shall have another opportunity of discussing this matter, I ask leave to withdraw my Amendment.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question put, and agreed to.
Class II
Small Holdings
Motion made, and Question proposed: "That a supplementary sum, not exceeding £8,000, be granted to His Majesty to defray the charge which will come in course of payment in the year ending 31st March, 1909, for the salaries and expenses of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Royal Botanical Gardens, Kew."
Before we Vote these sums I presume we shall be entitled to have some information as to the present position with regard to the Small Holdings Act, and as to what the Board of Agriculture are doing in the way of exercising their powers under the Act. We have not any figures on this subject later than those given on 12th November last in answer to a question. Those statistics show that since the Act was passed 23,000 applications had been made under it. Those applications have been investigated by the various county councils, and 12,000 have been approved according to various standards as suitable. The same statistics show that 600 have been provided with land, or are about to be provided with land. I understand that the figures since 12th November show a slight improvement, and I believe I am correct in saying that something just under 1,000 of the applicants are within sight of the land for which they have applied—not that they have entered into possession of the land, but that the county councils have made arrangements to give them the land within a reasonable time. That leaves us in the position that 15 months after the Act has been passed there are 11,000 persons who have been rejected altogether after various inquiries, but without any inquiry having been made into their cases by the Board of Agriculture. There are also 11,000 other persons who have actually been approved by the county councils but who are still not within sight of the land for which they have applied. One thousand people are going to be provided with 23,000 acres, and I think that is a very remarkable result. But even that result is considerably discounted by the fact that the greater part of it has been achieved in only two or three of the counties in England. Of all the 600 applicants who were satisfied on 12th November no less than 150 have been satisfied by the county council of Cambridgeshire, another 150 by the county councils of Norfolk and the Isle of Ely, something like 10 other county councils have satisfied between them 200 other applicants, which makes a total of 500, whilst the remaining 48 counties in England and Wales had done little or nothing on 12th November to carry the Act into operation. I think that is a very unsatisfactory state of things, and everyone who knows the state of feelings in our country districts is aware that there is a vast amount of dissatisfaction, discouragement, and discontent, on this account. A great many of those who have applied have been subjected to pressure of the most illegitimate kind in consequence of their having put in an application. I will give the Committee an instance from my own Constituency. At a village near Oxford a man who was a carrier applied for a holding in what is called a close village, where the land belonged principally to one landlord, who let it to one big farmer. Within a short time this farmer went to the landlord and asked that the cottage rented by the carrier should be transferred to him as part of his farm, and the landlord agreed to this. The farmer went to this poor carrier and said, "Not only will I remove all my custom from you, not only will I set up another carrier in the village, but unless you withdraw your application I will turn you out of your cottage." This case was investigated by the Board of Agriculture, and it is only what is happening in a great many country districts. Great hopes have been aroused and applications have been made, and many of the applicants are greatly disappointed because nothing is being done for them by the Small Holdings Commissioners or the Board of Agriculture. I will read a short extract from a letter I have received, which is typical of a great many other letters I receive week after week upon this subject. The writer says:— With regard to the words "under the direction of the Board," I know it is sometimes suggested that these words mean if the Board advises them to act; that "under directions" means subject to the discretion of the Board of Agriculture. I do not think that my hon. Friend the Member for South Somerset will seriously rest upon that interpretation of the Act. "Under directions" could only mean that they shall ascertain by such directions and method as the Board of Agriculture give them. They shall ascertain the extent to which there is a demand, and, having ascertained that, shall report. The information they obtain shall be forwarded to the Board of Agriculture, who shall state whether in their opinion it is desirable that a scheme shall be made. The Board of Agriculture shall forward their report to the county council, and then, within six months, or within such longer time as the Board of Agriculture think fit —there need be no undue pressure by the Board of Agriculture—if the county council fail to prepare a scheme, then the Board of Agriculture are themselves to take action.
That is the plain meaning of the Act as I read it, and there is nothing whatever to indicate that the Board of Agriculture or the Commissioners can delay—can allow time to elapse before they carry out duties which are put upon them by the Act.
"They shall ascertain the demand; they shall report; and they shall forward the report to the county councils concerned." Well, how far have they carried out these duties? First of all, with regard to "ascertaining the demand." This by the Commissioners has consisted in simply writing to the county councils concerned, asking them to send them up returns of what they—the county councils—have done in the matter. They have given no assistance, they have not co-operated with the county council, but have simply asked to have returns of the number of men who have applied to them, of the number who have passed, and the number of acres granted. That, I must say, seems to me a very perfunctory sort of way of carrying out the provisions of this clause.
But let us assume, because we are bound to assume—it has been stated several times in the House in answer to questions —let us assume that so far as "ascertaining the demand" goes that the requirements of this Act have been satisfied, and that the Commissioners do know from the returns they have obtained from county councils what the extent of the demand is. What next? Having ascertained the demand, what folows? The next sub-section of the second section reads as follows:— holdings. Not only can they not get the land where the county council has failed to get it, but they cannot even ensure that a scheme shall be made. By refusing to make these reports, they have set themselves outside the machinery of the Small Holdings Act, and however pressing may be the demand for the land in the particular locality, however flagrant may be the refusal given, however urgent may be the case—like the case quoted at Drayton —in which great pressure has been brought to bear by a hostile farmer—if the county council fail, or is unable to take the action required, the Board of Agriculture cannot step in and help them: I do not want to say anything against the county councils, because I believe they have worked hard. I know my own county council of Oxfordshire have worked hard, but I believe it would be an enormous advantage if the Board of Agriculture, having these powers, had exercised them, so that everyone, landlords and farmers, should know perfectly well that in case of failure on the part of a county council to get the land required, the Board of Agriculture would be in a position immediately to step in and get their scheme prepared. At present they can do nothing. At present there must be an interval of six months before the Board of Agriculture can take any action whatever, and that is entirely because of the Commissioners' failure to make these reports under the Act. I do not suppose anyone—my hon. Friend the Member for South Somerset, or anyone speaking for the Board of Agriculture—denies that they might have done this if they had had a mind. There is no question they had the power to carry out these powers. The only possible dispute there will be is to whether they had the power not to carry them out. In my own opinion, even there they are wrong. They have not carried out their duties under this Act. In my opinion it is impossible on any reading of the Act, to say why it is they have neglected to make their report, why it is they have neglected to forward the reports to the county councils so that schemes might be prepared. At any rate, on the lowest estimate, my hon. Friend himself admits that they might have carried out this procedure if they wished to do so. In other ways also I think the Board of Agriculture have been remiss in their administration of the Act. Under Clause 16 of the Act the Board have power to provide small holdings with a view to demonstrating the feasibility of establishing small holdings in any localtiy. It would have been perfectly open to the Board, and it would have been of enormous advantage to have gone down to one or two districts to establish small holdings there, to encourage co-operation amongst the small holders, and to set an example to county councils in carrying out the provisions of this Act. But nothing has been done. In spite of continual pressure they have consistently refused to carry out their powers under Section 16 of the Act. Even in regard to the appointment of extra Commissioners the Board of Agriculture have been asked again and again by Members of this House as to what was being done, but they have shown themselves extremely remiss. Four months ago there was a definite promise made by the Government that extra Commissioners would at once be appointed in order to deal more effectively with the administration of this Act. I am told that since this promise four months ago one gentleman has been appointed. Negotiations have been entered into with several other gentlemen, but certainly there has been very remarkable, and very strange, delay in this matter. Considering that we have been told that the Treasury are willing to find the money, I think the Board might have appointed four Commissioners in less time than four months. I would like to know when those extra Commissioners are appointed, whether they are going to be sent into certain favoured districts which are to be picked out or whether they are going to make inquiries in all parts of the country? I see the Chairman of the Oxfordshire County Council in his place opposite, and I would remark that that body has done extremely well in this matter; still, the fact remains that out of a great many applications that were made from my own Constituency, four only have yet succeeded in getting land. I think it would be a very desirable thing, and I do not believe the Oxfordshire County Council would object in any way if they could have an Assistant Commissioner to help their agent in going round and making inquiries. If a county council is forward, anxious, and progressive in this work they will welcome the new Commissioner coming amongst them to help them through, and to communicate with the Board of Agriculture. If any county council is backward, then all the more reason to have a Commissioner in order to see why they are not getting on faster than they are. I wish to ask a question with reference to the interpretation of Section 30, Sub-section 3, of this Act. We have been told that it is impossible to interfere with any holding or any piece of land of less than 50 acres, even though the farmer occupying that piece of land may have another holding, which be rents possibly from the same landlord or some other landlord. Such a farmer may have 200 or 300 acres of land in the same parish, but because the 50 acres is let to him as a separate holding, then it is said that it cannot be interfered with. That is the interpretation of the Act which has been given by the Board of Agriculture on more than one occasion, and in consequence of that interpretation some of the most suitable land for small holdings cannot be obtained, because they say it comes within Section 30 of the Act, and you cannot have it for small holdings. I want to know what is the authority for that interpretation. Has the question been before the Law Officers of the Crown, or has it been before the Courts? I am told that there is considerable reason for doubting that interpretation altogether. At any rate, if it is a correct interpretation the sooner the Government alter the law the better in order to make it conform to the spirit of the Act—that is, in order to protect only the man who really is farming less than 50 acres, and not to protect big farmers holding several hundred acres, although in different holdings. I should be glad to have some answer on these points before we pass the Vote. I should like to know whether the Board of Agriculture intends to give another chance to those men who have not succeeded in having their applications passed by the county council, and, if so, on what conditions? We have had a return of all the applications that have been made to county councils, and we know the numbers that have been passed in each case, and the remarkable thing is that there is apparently no sort of standard, or no common standard, adopted by different county councils. For instance, in the case of Gloucestershire County Council they practically passed 95 per cent, of the applicants. On the other hand, in the case of Nottinghamshire County Council they passed 65 and rejected 160. In the East Riding of Yorkshire they passed only 93, and rejected 450. We cannot suppose that localities vary so much, and that necessarily all these men who have been rejected in places like the East Riding of Yorkshire or in Nottinghamshire are all unsuitable applicants. On the contrary, we know perfectly well that a great many of them are eminently suitable, and ought to have another chance of getting land under this Act. We shall be told, I know, that they can make appeal to the Board of Agriculture, and that they will inquire. But all these men who are rejected do not know that they have the right. In many cases they do not know that they have been rejected. The only satisfactory way to deal with these matters is that the Commissioners should get from the county councils a proper register showing in every part of the country the applications that have been made—showing those which have been passed, and showing how they have been dealt with. Then it would be known to every man that when he has been once passed and his name is on the register, sooner or later, if land can be got, he will be entitled to have it. I am glad to think that the Government have already made the promise to appoint new Commissioners with a view to getting a more active policy in regard to the administration of this Act; but I must say, unless I get some assurance on these various points I have raised with regard to the issuing of reports, the forming of a register, and the setting of a standard of suitability for the various applicants, I shall not feel satisfied with the way in which this Act has been administered by the Government. As a matter of form, until I get an answer, I beg to move the reduction of the Vote by £100.
Question proposed: "That the reduced sum of £7,900 be granted for the said service."
I am not surprised at the line the hon. Member for Oxford has taken, because I sat with him for a good many days on the Committee which was discussing the Small Holdings Bill, and I always anticipated, from the speeches which I listened to in the committee-room, that they had far too sanguine a view of the effect of the Act. I think a great deal of the disappointment which has found vent on this occasion as to the procedure under the Act and the finding fault with the Board of Agriculture has been greatly due to the speeches which have been delivered in the country. I have not got any records with me of the speeches of the hon. Member for Oxfordshire, but I do know that in many country districts the idea has got abroad among a large number of people that it is merely necessary to send in an application for a small holding, and in a very short time a small holding, very likely of excellent land, could be placed at the applicant's disposal. Anybody who took that view must naturally be disappointed. I am sure anybody who had any practical experience of dealing with land must have known setting for ward such hopes before the people was merely giving them bad information.
I can only quote the case of the gentleman who is opposing me in my own Constituency. He has frequently made speeches, and pointed out it was very simple to get land; that all they need do was to send in applications to the county council, and if the county council did not act, they should write to Lord Carrington, of the Board of Agriculture, and such a generous and excellent Act was it they did not have to put a penny stamp on the letter. As I pointed out, it would have been a great deal better if the gentleman had informed them that though they need not pay for the letter, they would have to pay for the land. A great number had got into their heads, and a large number in eluded in the 23,000 cases, had little idea of the large rents which they undoubtedly will have to pay for the land. When those cases are inquired into there is a large number of those applications which on investigation are found not to be entitled to small holdings. The hon. Member quoted one case, in which, either as county councillor or commissioner, I received the letter. I should have grave doubts about the genuineness of the application. The gentleman to whom the hon. Member referred said he applied several times both to the county council and Lord Carrington, and that he was unable to get land. He went on to say:—
Kept on other people's land.
I suppose he has got some other land; that he has got grazing and other fields. It would certainly appear to me to be a prima facie case in which I should certainly have to inquire a great deal.
It has been passed by the Oxford County Council.
I do not know what he would do with those 33 sheep and 3 pigs and 3 cows, unless he has got some land to put them on. So far as I can make out there is something in the charge which has been levelled against the Board of Agriculture that they have not sent their Commissioners rounds perhaps making inquiries, to the extent which I am certain hon. Members seemed desirous they should do. I should like to point out that there appears now in the Board of Agriculture to be a policy to a certain extent of "hold hard." I think they are getting a little left with their own Acts of Parliament. I notice the President of the Board of Agriculture, speaking not many days ago at a dinner of the Surveyors' Institute, said that he viewed with the very greatest alarm what was happening throughout the country. He said that large estates were being sold or bought, and the look-out for the tenants was a very black one; and that it is simply one not only of anxiety to them and to the speaker, but almost one of panic. I am not surprised at the President of the Board of Agriculture and the hon. Members who have supported him. Undoubtedly they created an enormous amount of distrust and want of security among the tenants throughout the country, who, I think, have viewed with the very greatest alarm the prospect that their farms might be taken away from them at any moment, and that if that does not happen, that their best fields may be taken from them.
I am perfectly aware with every hon. Member who sits for an agricultural Constituency, that there is a large demand at the present moment for small holdings, but it is also perfectly well known that there is a large demand for almost all farms. I suppose if the county councils sent out notices asking for people not only to occupy small holdings, but advertised, or landlords advertised, large farms of 120 acres to let, or any farm, that they would receive twenty or thirty applications. Therefore, there is undoubtedly a demand for the land, whether for small holdings or large farms. I think hon. Members, instead of blaming the Board of Agriculture and the county councils for not taking hasty action, should allow the county councils more time to consider the question and to see that they are not doing grave injustice to a large class of deserving farmers, who would very likely have to lose their farms. I was looking, before this debate, at the holdings of this country as returned by the Board of Agriculture. I was perfectly amazed to find what a large amount of land in this country was held by small holders and what a large proportion of land in this country was in small holdings. I find that the holdings under 50 acres in Great Britain totalled 67 per cent. of the total number of holdings.
What is the percentage by the acreage?
I could not tell you, but I think after the interruption I will now go on further. I have looked into the holdings of over 300 acres, because if you desire to turn out the sitting tenant and to divide it into small holdings it would be chiefly to the farmer of 300 acres and over you would go. I fin4 that over 300 acres constitute only 3½ per cent, of the total holdings in Great Britain, so comparatively speaking there are very very few large farms which practically the county councils and the Commissioners have room to go upon. The greater part of these large holdings are composed of the worst class of land, and the probability is that if the portion suitable for small holdings were taken away the greater part of the remainder would be absolutely worthless for cultivation, and the sitting tenant would be unable to continue. Another reason why the county councils are entitled to forbearance on the part of hon. Members opposite for alleged unwillingness to act is that there is no provision under the Act by which they could give a tenant notice and turn him out on the spur of the moment. In Lincolnshire, for instance, it would be impossible for the county council, except in-special cases, to acquire land before 7th April next, and in most instances, they will not be able to do so until April twelvemonth. The Act came into force on 1st January; then the county council had to make inquiries, to go into the different conditions of the applicants, and it would have been very difficult indeed for the county council, in the two or three months at their disposal, to have issued a large number of notices to quit. Once the 6th April was past, it would be two years before they could get a single acre of land, because they would have to wait until the following April, and then give notice for the April after that. I do not know in how many counties the 6th April custom and the necessity for a year's notice prevail, but in Lincolnshire it would have been very difficult for the county council to act and they could hardly be expected to give notice to a large number of tenants "on spec," on the chance that their land would be required for small holders. Hon. Members who have given their Constituents the idea that, merely for the asking, land would be available, have, I think, to a great extent misled them; they must give the county councils and the Board of Agriculture time to act. Personally I have always looked upon the Act as a good one as far as it went, in enabling a certain number of excellent people to obtain holdings where it could be done without inflicting hardship upon other people; but if it is to made an instrument for executing every farmer who has farmed his land well, it will do grievous injury to agriculture in this country. It sometimes takes a lifetime to bring a farm up to a high state of fertility, but it can be rendered worthless in five or six months. We might learn something from the experience in connection with Allotments Acts. Immediately such an Act has been talked about in Parliament, Members, on either side, anxious to advertise the beneficent Act for which their party is responsible, have gone to their constituents saying: "Here's a wonderful Act, which is going to give you immediate access to the land." Interest has been excited, and large numbers of people, thinking they would like allotments, have sent in applications. Personally, without any Act of Parliament, I have provided 500 or 600 allotments, so that I have had some experience; and I can safely say that since the movement started a large number of allotments have been given up and there has been consolidation of others. I do not say that that is necessarily a bad thing, because some men who started with one acre now have three or four acres; but the number of holdings has decreased. Exactly the same result is bound to follow the Small Holdings Act. But there is this difference. It is, comparatively speaking, not a very serious matter if half an acre is farmed bady and given up in a poor state; but it matters a great deal if men who have farmed their land well are turned out wholesale, and in their place, without proper inquiries, inexperienced men are put in on so-called small holdings; in a very little time they will have ruined thousands of acres. Anxious as I am to see small holdings in this country, and the Act a success, I hope hon. Members opposite and the Board of Agriculture will not press the county councils too hard. Most of them are composed of men of experience, who naturally do not wish to acquire land and give it to men who will leave it in a bad state. Therefore I trust the Board will not hurry up county councils in this important matter, except where they have resolutely and absolutely refused to administer the Act.
I do not know whether the speech just delivered was intended to be an answer to the hon. Member for South Oxfordshire, but the Noble Lord will at least admit that there was nothing in the speech of my hon. Friend about the "execution of large farmers" or any abuse of county councils. After a year's experience of the working of the Act I find myself differing somewhat from the views which have been expressed with regard to the Board of Agriculture and the work of the Commissioners. When the Board of Agriculture Vote was before the House last year I asked what the Commissioners were doing. I have seen something of their work during the past 12 months, and, for what it is worth, as one sincerely interested in the working of the Act, I wish to pay a tribute to the self-sacrificing hard work which those Commissioners—two for the whole of England—have put in in assisting the county councils to work the Act. My hon. Friend will agree that the Act has been worked deliberately by the Board of Agriculture through the county councils.
I confess I think that is a very wise course. Every day, more and more, the county councils have shown evidence of satisfactory work, until I think the number of unsatisfactory county councils are not half-a-dozen out of all the local authorities. These county councils, through their committees, composed of hard-working men with a knowledge of the local conditions, and with a knowledge of the applicants, had held countless inquiries in countless places, and had attended to this work with a patriotism which is worthy of all praise. As a result, more people are already being put upon the land than one would have expected was possible under our system of land tenure. I would just suggest to the hon. Member that there was serious reason for believing that there would hardly be a small holder in England before last Michaelmas, or at least more than a year from the Act coming into force, and the fact that there are small holders before Michaelmas seems to be more than we had reason to expect. Supposing the alternative—supposing that without attempting to avail themselves of the work which a small body of men are willing to do in every county, the Board of Agriculture had determined to work this Act by means of Commissioners, how enormously would it have been retarded through having strangers in the counties dealing with new applicants and new conditions of farming, and how enormously more difficult and how much slower would the work have been.
I would suggest that the Board of Agriculture should combine the two alternatives, and that they should have Commissioners to assist the county councils.
Precisely, and, therefore, for that purpose two Commissioners were originally appointed under the Act, which has been working now for 15 months. I understand from the Estimate now before us that the Board of Agriculture, feeling that the county councils of England have proved that they require more assistance, are asking the House to sanction the appointment of additional Commissioners to do precisely what my hon. Friend suggests. I would suggest that it is absolutely necessary to wait before carrying into effect what the hon. Member is peculiarly eloquent about, both at question time and in his speeches—Section 3, Sub-section 1, of the Act of 1908. I am referring to the Consolidating Act. Of course, he has not forgotten Sub-section 3 of Section 4, and the alternative method of acting by means of the county councils. I say that, in my humble opinion, it was more than wise, and has resulted in far speedier results by trusting the county councils, and has proved a better way of obtaining a beginning by putting more reliance upon this sub-section than upon the sub-section which he has persistently pressed. It is not an easy matter satisfactorily, in view of the changing and the differing conditions of each locality, to put new farmers on the land. There is first of all the question of the sitting tenant. I do not remember what the views of my hon. Friend were about the Agricultural Holdings Act of 1906, but my name was on the back of the Bill. I believe that the passage of that measure has been of great assistance to the agriculturists of the country, and I think it would be absolutely inconsistent of anyone who voted for that measure now to demand that the Board of Agriculture or the county councils should act without consideration of the deserts of sitting tenants. That, therefore, is one difficulty of the situation today. I hope the Committee will not forget that for every acre of land which is finally purchased or leased by the county council —it may be 50, 60, or 100 acres—have, after inspection, to be rejected. An applicant for a small holding wants a piece of land very much indeed, but it is a particular piece of land he has in his mind; he does not wish to leave the cottage in which he lives; he does not wish to go to any piece of land, and very often land is suggested to a county council which they find on inspection is quite useless. That entails a great deal of work. When that is done it has to be inspected on behalf of the Board of Agriculture or the Local Government Board, or both, before a scheme for the purchase or the lease of the land is signed. That is another important matter which necessitates a great deal of labour.
Then there comes the question of inquiry into the suitability of tenants. My hon. Friend pointed out that great differences exist in different counties, and he mentioned the proportion of tenants disapproved by the counties of Gloucester, Nottingham, and the East Riding of Yorkshire. Of course, the number of applicants discarded depends firstly on the nature of the applicant, and secondly on the nature of the land. In the East Riding of Yorkshire the conditions of farming most of the land are of a totally different nature from the conditions in Gloucestershire, which has been brought up as an example. But I admit, taking these things into consideration, that there is a considerable divergence of opinion as to the amount of capital to be spent per acre on the holdings, and I invite the attention of my hon. Friend to the question whether the Board of Agriculture in carrying on the administration of the Act could not devise a set of rules more uniform and more favourable to the tenants.
Besides the question of capital, there is the question of education. I am sure that more is required to make not only this Act a success, but to make for the realisation of the very big hopes built on small holdings in this country, besides giving those who apply small holdings. Co-operation and agricultural education are absolutely essential to the success of small holdings in this country, and I venture to suggest what might possibly be the effect under Parliamentary pressure of throwing acres of land at the head of men who do not know how to use them. You would not only have a large number of tenants put on the land who would immediately afterwards, or after the first bad year, throw up the land, but they would also bring down a larger number than you can think of of the old-established small holders. In that case not only would this Act be quoted as a failure, but the opponents of small holdings—and there are many—would have new material upon which to argue the failure of small holdings. Therefore I am not so sure that the fact of this Act is working slowly is not on the whole in itself one of the most hopeful signs. It represents the fact that every precaution is being taken. It is sufficient for me to know that it is working; it is sufficient for me to know that 23,000 acres have already been acquired, 13,000 of which have been purchased for £470,000 in 15 months' working of the Act. It is sufficient to know that we have achieved the most successful experiment in small holdings that has been tried in this country, and contrasts favourably with the 800 acres acquired in 16 years under the most successful previous experiment. We have now a far better method of doing something in this direction than has been possible before. There are other difficulties in connection with the working of small holdings.
In this Supplementary Estimate a certain sum—£1,000—is taken. It represents one-half of the expenses which the local authorities have incurred in regard to small holdings. I presume the other half falls on the county rates. I am sure every hon. Member who desires the welfare of this Act will be grateful to the Treasury and Board of Agriculture for the repayment of this part of the expenditure, but I wish they could have consented to repay all, and that without delay. There are well-known objections to small holdings. There is the objection that a desire for small holdings is recurrent, evanescent, and intermittent, but never permanent, and that labour will be dearer if farm labourers have farms of their own. But these and similar objections sink into comparative insignificance compared with the fear of a burden on the rates which may be due to the abandonment of unsuccessful holdings on unsuitable land; the fear acts as a deterrent both to county councillors and to their constituents, and I cannot help thinking that in the long run small holdings will be advanced by the fact that there has been great caution in the administration of the Act. We have a flourishing jam industry in my county, and it is ever and ever encouraging small growers. My county has been eager for the administration of the Act, and the efforts and action of the county council have not only worked the Act successfully, but have converted a large: number of opponents to a belief in small holdings. In my county, although they are anxious for assistance, I do not think it is possible for the Board of Agriculture to go-much faster. I know a parish in which all the land farmed is under 50 acres with the exception of about one farm of 350 acres. There is an application for 600 acres, and the Committee will see the enormous difficulties that exist unless some scheme is devised of two-storey farms, one above the other. I know that my county is not the only, although the most important, one in the country, and, therefore, I am most grateful that additional Commissioners are to be appointed, and that is the most important, feature of this Vote. I hope that the inducement will be sufficient to ensure good public servants coming forward for the very responsible work they have to do.
As regards the register I am a little bit doubtful, although I recognise my hon. Friend's services to the small holders' cause, and am most anxious to agree with him. If a man is desirous of getting a small holding and is approved, he is placed on the register.
On what register?
The county council keeps a record. I do not quite know what my hon. Friend meant when he spoke of the carrier who could be bullied and intimidated, and from whom custom could be withdrawn, if he put in for a small holding. No doubt there are some contemptible people who own land, or who farm it, but I think there are fewer of that kind of people belonging to that class than to any other. If such things exist as suggested by my hon. Friend, I do not understand how any administration of the Board of Agriculture could possibly alter it, and therefore I should have thought it was out of place in the argument.
The Board of Agriculture if they put these clauses in operation would have been in a position to provide a small holding and to build the house.
On the contrary. I would suggest that there would be far fewer people in a fair way to receive their holdings in the way my hon. Friend suggests than now. I suggest further, that if a man was so contemptible as to use the kind of pressure which my hon. Friend suggests his victim would be just as subject to the same kind of pressure both before and after. After all, the most important con- sideration before this Committee now is the ultimate and final and enduring success of the small holdings. At least, that is my view, and I can only say I can see a danger in Departmental action operating in opposition to local desires, local wishes, and administering this Act so fast, so dangerously fast, that, although hon. Members may be able to go down to their Constituents and point out with glory to the increase in the number of small holdings which had been successfully obtained owing to the quickened working, although for a few years, perhaps, they may be able to enjoy the easy conscience which that would bring, yet the final result of Parliamentary or Departmental agitation would be that the cause of small holdings would be in a worse position than it was before this Act came into force, and what is now in a fair way to become a most successful departure, would be but the beginning of certain failure.
We have heard at considerable length the optimistic, and pessimistic views of the operations of this Act. I do not wonder that my hon. Friend who has spoken should take a very favourable view of the Act. I happen to know the chairman of the Cambridgeshire County Council and several members, and one of them told me the other day that they had actually secured 2,000 acres. In these very favourable circumstances my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridgeshire takes a rosy view of the operations of the Act. I do not quarrel with him. On the contrary, I congratulate him, because Cambridgeshire has shown a good lead to other county councils. The Noble Lord who preceded my hon. Friend dwelt upon the danger of putting unsuitable men upon the land without due care and consideration, and of the deterioration of the land that might result, and my hon. Friend the Member for Cambridgeshire has also referred to that. Surely that is a commonplace with the whole of these discussions. There is not the slightest use in moving a finger in regard to small holdings unless we begin by seeing the whole thing is to be done on sound economic lines with the right men. We know that perfectly well. The service which I think my hon. Friend the Member for Oxford has rendered is that he has drawn attention to the fact that this Act is not working as fully and as freely in many parts of England as it appears to be in the county of Cambridgeshire. It seems to me to be working very slowly and imperfectly even in my own county, where we have an energetic county council, and where the committee are dealing with the matter, I am convinced, in a broad, generous, and practical spirit. The real fact is that we seem to have arrived at a position in regard to the evolution of the policy which this Act was meant to carry out—we have arrived at such a time and at a stage in which the Board of Agriculture are, in my opinion, taking exactly the right step in appointing additional Commissioners, and are in favour of quickening the operation of the Act. We all know the difficulties. The difficulties at the present time are exactly the difficulties which every local authority carrying out any large public scheme which involves the acquisition of land have to face. We have it again and again illustrated in the question of towns. In two or three cases in my own county where negotiations are lagging and hanging fire in a most intolerable way the whole cause of this delay is the demand of landowners and farmers and the representations made to the County Committees. These things ought to be taken into consideration by the Government when they are appointing new Commissioners. The owners and farmers are asking double the value of their land in some cases, and they are imposing conditions in other cases which are wholly destructive of the possibility of taking action. Now, with regard to all these matters, I do think the time has come for the Government to take vigorous action, for the Board of Agriculture to insist on compulsory powers being obtained without further delay in those cases where there is obviously a deadlock. I must confirm very fully what has been said by my hon. Friend the Member for Oxfordshire as to the great difficulties in which applicants for small holdings are at present placed. The committees in many cases have dealt very fairly with the inquiries, and have shown a good spirit in going through the notices and qualifications; but I do think more expedition might be shown in many other cases where deserving and useful men, especially of the class we want to get more than any other—that is, thoughtful and actively minded and energetic labourers. That is the class we want to get more than any other. We want to help that class of men, and I have had many letters which strike me as conclusive as to the difficulties in which these men are placed owing to the silent but irresistible obstruction of certain classes of the community.
That is really what has to be faced. We are faced with many prejudices and interests. We are faced with the great interest, although it is not frequently expressed, of those who have a passion for sport and the fear that the small holders will interfere with sport. With all that range of difficulties and obstructions, I venture to say that with the experience which the Government and the Board of Agriculture have obtained, and which they must have learned by their commissioners and inspectors in the last year and a half, it seems to me to be conclusive that the time has come for really using the machinery of the Board of Agriculture to quicken up the action of the county councils and insisting that something should be done in this matter.
I do not wish to labour these points at any length. I wish to call attention to one very serious error, as it seems to me, in the policy of the Board of Agriculture in dealing through their commissioners and through their circulars with the co-operative societies, to whom we have always looked more than to anything else for the evolution of strongly organised groups of small holdings, which are more likely, if well organised and developed, to be successful than any form of isolated small holdings. I had the honour of serving on a Committee which Lord Onslow presided over, and that Committee in its Report spoke in the very strongest way of the position of co-operative land societies as "most useful intermediaries to place the best type of men on small holdings to be created and to most effectually secure the landowner or local or central authority, as the case may be, against loss by failure, while in most cases also enabling the small holders, whether they hire or buy their holdings, to start on the lowest commercial terms. Co-operative societies, of which the small holders are themselves members, seem best adapted to fulfil the functions of intermediaries." Having regard to such a statement as that, it seems very startling to find great discouragement thrown in the way of successful working of these societies by the circulars of the Board of Agriculture. The Agricultural Organisation Society to which I belong drew up what seems to me a very reasonable set of cooperative standard rules, which should be adopted by these societies. They were adopted very largely—I think universally— by the co-operative societies formed for this purpose. They were perfectly useful rules. They went exactly on the hypothesis laid down in the paragraph I have read—viz., that when you get a group of men bound together in a co-operative society for a common object, the interest of all the men is the best possible pledge that the men bound in that way would be practical and sensible men—they take power in their rules to expel men who cultivate badly, or who will not pay their rent or fulfil the conditions—they therefore can offer the highest form of security to the county council or to the landowner who wishes to let his land to a society formed on that basis.
The Commissioners of the Board of Agriculture apparently changed their mind and issued this order of 21st November, which requires that they should either pay so much—six months'—rent in advance and also have share capital amounting to eighteen months' rent, or that they should find share capital to the amount of three years' rent. As I pointed out to Lord Carrington, who is entirely in sympathy with the whole of these objects, that requirement of three years' rent practically amounts to asking a small holder—who by the very fact of his belonging to a co-operative society is rather more on the whole to be trusted than if he were a chance man picked up by the wayside who asks for a small holding on his own account—to find two capitals. Near many towns in Northamptonshire the rents asked for small holdings range from 30s. to 45s. or 50s. an acre, and it is obvious that you are asking a man not only to have good working capital to start on the land, but you are also asking him to find a second capital by this extraordinary circular of the Board of Agriculture. In the case of some of the land in a locality which I represent, the rent is £4 an acre, and I am told that that rent is not absolutely unreasonable. But supposing it is cut down to £3 that would be asking a man to find £9 in share capital and about the same, or perhaps a little more, for his working capital. I say it is wholly unreasonable. The county council ought to be in the position of a good landlord dealing with the individual tenant farmer or small holder. He would see if he was a suitable man and whether he had adequate capital to cultivate the land and would do it well, and he would make his bargain for the land on that footing, and would not ask for any further security, and why should the county council ask these men to put down double capital when they, by cooperating, have proved themselves to be admirably fitted for small holders. I would ask my hon. Friend, as I have asked Lord Carrington, carefully to consider whether this objectionable circular cannot be withdrawn on the grounds I have stated. I have a letter from a leading farmer in Northamptonshire, a member of the County Committee, and he says that the committee, and the would-be small holders themselves, are actually abandoning, or feeling discouraged, about forming associations at all. I would give two more very strong reasons why the Board of Agriculture should withdraw this circular and deal with the tenants on the basis that the committee of the Agricultural Organisation Society in the first place suggested that they should do. We on Lord Onslow's Committee, and Mr. Yerburgh and myself, as specially dealing with co-operation, agreed entirely upon encouraging co-operative associations, because we thought that if men cooperated to obtain the land and to help themselves, they would also cooperate in developing the business of small holders and making it more profitable altogether not only for them, but for the whole of the community by increasing the value of the work that is being done. Of course, in this co-operative movement for small holdings, if they are successful in the work they will naturally want to borrow money, just as the co-operators in Denmark do, and as the men in the North Island of New Zealand are now building dairies and all the rest of it, simply going to the bank and saying: "We are co-operators for this purpose, and we will give our personal security," and they get the loan. I do not see why our English small holders should not have exactly the same advantages as they do in Denmark and New Zealand. They want to have the whole of their credit and the whole of their power of borrowing free, in order to borrow money to develop and improve the economic working of their small holdings.
Further, I would press upon my hon. Friend another point with regard to this. According to the Act the Board of Agriculture is empowered, and I believe instructed, to meet the losses which are mainly caused by schemes which result in loss being undertaken. The loss may perfectly well arise from some fault of the county council in the selection of the land, or other circumstances, or may arise from some fault of the Commissioners of the Board of Agriculture, and not from the default of the small holders at all. But by this circular the Board of Agriculture are really asking these poor men, by subscribing this extra capital, to take the land and run the risk of losses which may be brought about by the mistakes of the committee or of the officials of the Board of Agriculture. On all these grounds it seems to me that I have some reason for pressing the Board of Agriculture to reconsider this circular, and that that matter may be borne in mind in the full development of the policy, as well as the other matters, I have mentioned.
I should like to ask what steps the Board of Agriculture are going to take in regard to the action which has been taken in certain quarters to get behind the Act. I mean the recommendation which is being made that applicants shall not go to the county council, but that they shall make the best terms they possibly can with the landlord. We know that the local landowners are very often willing and desirous to meet the demands, but it seems to me it is quite going behind the Act that private negotiations should take place between county councils. There has been a great deal of criticism as regards the county councils and their administration. While some of it, undoubtedly, is deserved, a great deal of the criticism is not fair. In the county which I represent, I am sure the Small Holdings Committee and the county council are desirous of doing their duty in administering the Act, and already have taken steps to secure land, and have appointed an officer, and are doing what they can, but it is a very different matter to administer it privately and to administer it publicly. An instance that I know in our county—and I have heard of it in other counties—is this: that where a Co-operative Small Holdings Association has been formed, and has been advised by the county council to go to the local landowner, his agent has said, "No; we will not treat with a Co-operative Small Holdings Association. We will only treat with individual applicants upon our own terms and our own conditions." I want to know in a case of that kind what is to be the policy of the Board of Agriculture, because if such a thing is allowed, farewell to the benefits which we all hope for under the Small Holdings Act. Security of tenure I consider is the one thing above all others to be derived from this Act, and I hope we shall have some assurance from the hon. Gentleman representing the Board of Agriculture that steps will be taken to avoid anything of this nature. The more we have studied this question, the more fully we are convinced that if the Act is well and successfully administered, it must be through Co-operative Holdings Societies and Associations of that nature. We have found we get a far better class of men by getting them to come in these associations, and they themselves are responsible for their fellows, and, as a result, they will take care that only suitable applicants are accepted. A good many of the fears and difficulties which have been expressed by hon. Members as to the desirability of various applicants receiving these holdings are set entirely aside when you deal with associations of that nature.
Allusion has been made by the hon. Baronet the Member for Northamptonshire to the attitude which the Board of Agriculture has shown to these Co-operative Associations. I think the terms they have foreshadowed in their circular are unnecessarily hard. Notwithstanding that, in our own county, the men, in their desire to get on to the holdings, have accepted these conditions. I should be very glad to see an alteration made, and I hope the hon. Baronet may see his way to do something in that direction. I strongly urge that instead of difficulties being thrown in the way of these associations the Board of Agriculture should give them every assistance and support.
I rise with feelings of the intensest envy after the speeches by the Members for Cambridge and Northamptonshire. The hon. Member for Cambridge described one of the dangers of the Act as being that of throwing acres at the beads of applicants, and Northamptonshire has got so far that the county council and the associations are actually quibbling about certain rather hard terms in respect of the capital of these associations. In my division the associations, although they would agree to the hard terms, have not yet been treated except as a joke by the County Council of Dorset, and in regard to throwing acres at the heads of possibly unsuitable candidates, as I believe the amount of land up to the present taken by the Dorset County Council amounts to 27 acres, I do not think that danger would be very intense. Speaking personally, I cannot say I think that the County Council of Dorset have done their duty in regard to this Act. I quite agree that there are immense difficulties in the way of anyone intending to administer the Act, which created practically a new situation. At the same time, I consider that the County Council of Dorset have been negligent in many districts. In the first place, they do not seem to have realised that the Act was to be carried out with any strenuousness until towards the close of 1908, when they did at last take some steps and have some inquiries.
It is not in order now to discuss the action of the county council. We are not now discussing that. We are now dealing with the supplementary estimate for the expenses of small holdings in the supplementary estimates of the Board of Agriculture.
I bow, of course, to your ruling. The point I wished to make was that had the Board of Agriculture appointed the Commissioners and made the inquiries possibly the delay of which I have to complain would not have arisen. In reference to the comments of the hon. Member for Northampton or the hon. Member for Oxfordshire the hon. Member for Oxfordshire merely suggested, as I understood, that had the Board of Agriculture carried out the plan suggested by the Act of appointing Commissioners to carry out the inquiries, then the process would have been very much quicker. His suggestion, as I understood it, was that the inquiry, by the Board of Agriculture for instance, was a preliminary to the really quick and speedy working of the Act. For my part I and my Constituents consider that steps should be reasonably taken to appoint the Commissioners. For my part I am not content with the working of the Act by the county councils. I see by a recent meeting that the county council themselves consider that the Board of Agriculture has been in the fault in not pressing forward the working of the Act. If that be so, the only way in which I could conceive default by the Board of Agriculture is that the Board of Agriculture have not yet appointed the Special Commissioners, and I suggest to the hon. Baronet who represents the Board of Agriculture in this House that he should at once take steps to remedy that default.
In the case of Dorset I do not think there is any hope there that the present rate of progress will be materially increased, especially in regard to associations. The members of the associations that have been formed in my Constituency are most anxious to get these holdings, but the county council do not seem to understand either the benefits of the formation of the associations referred to by the hon. Member for Northampton nor do they seem to realise that they have any duty whatever towards them, and the situation is to my mind discouraging. The most important association, for instance, were offered a portion of the farm off which all the good land was taken, and the rent asked was larger than that which had been asked for the whole of the original farm. The association was naturally unable to accept that offer. I happen to know the land myself. I reported it to be practically derelict bogland. The Board of Agriculture sent down an agent to report, and his report was exactly in the sense in which I had reported the matter. The land was entirely unfit and, of course, was not worth the price that was asked for it. Ultimately the good land was included with the bad, and the whole was offered, but at a rent which none but a rich association could pay, and which no association could pay without running the risk of being ruined altogether; and the mature criticism of that association was that they had no financial basis to deal with the county council.
That matter does not arise here.
In my Constituency, and, as far as I can judge, in West Dorset, the feeling is that the Board of Agriculture should at once appoint a Commissioner either to deal with the whole matter or else inquire into the demand for land in certain localities, and take upon himself and ultimately upon the shoulders of the Board of Agriculture the administration of an Act which the county council has shown clearly that they do not work.
There are a great many of my Friends on this side who are just as keen about small holdings as hon. Gentlemen opposite, and perhaps know quite as much about them, too; but our contention, when this Act was before the House, was that it was not likely to be a great success unless there was more public money put into the concern. What the hon. Gentlemen opposite never seem to be able to realise is that unless you make it profitable for people to live on the land you are not likely to attract a large number of people there. One hon. Gentleman who spoke from below the Gangway a short time ago seemed to think it was a most monstrous proposal that any person wishing for a small holding should be asked first to approach the landlord instead of going through the more circuitous process of going to a co-operative society, getting the co-operative society to go to the council's clerk. If the small holder can get a small holding direct from his landlord and save the expense of the dividend which the co-operative society pays and save the expenses of the clerks, why on earth should not he do it? Any person of sense can see that it would be more likely to be a profitable undertaking if he could deal direct with his landlord, and so reduce the rent which he would ultimately have to pay. Hon. Members opposite seem to think the very fact of belonging to a co-operative society at once qualifies a man to be a most successful small holder. Why cannot those who are going to take small holdings take them direct from the landlord and co-operate amongst themselves, thus saving the expense incurred by the co-operative society and by the county council? The Government ought to have found money to help not only the people who are anxious to obtain small holdings, but also those who have got them already. There are any number of people who have small holdings who require help to enable them to dispose of their produce and manure collectively, and if the Government can do something in this direction it will be the means of inducing others to take small holdings instead of putting a further tax upon the resources of these people by obliging them to pay the expenses incurred by belonging to co-operative societies.
A great flaw in this proposal is the absence of any power to become the owner eventually of the holding. I am not surprised that men are reluctant to take holdings and pay a considerable rent for years, when at the end of that time the holdings will belong either to the cooperative society or to the county council. If you gave them a chance with a very slight increase of rent of becoming owners, a good many more people would came forward. When somebody asked me a short time ago about small holdings, I replied, "Why do not you go to the county councils" The reply I received was, "I would much rather take it direct from the landlord, because then I shall save all the expenses." What I want to ask the hon. Baronet is what has happened to that £100,000 which was going to be spent upon the promotion of small holdings under the Act in the first quarter?
There is no part of that £100,000 in this Vote.
This £1,000 is a special grant by the Treasury for the preliminary inquiries made by the county councils.
I understood the £100,000 was voted for preliminary inquiries.
Yes, but this was for a different purpose altogether.
This is a special grant of £1,000 made by the Treasury to enable the Board of Agriculture to repay county councils the preliminary expenses which would otherwise have fallen upon the county rate, and it has nothing whatever to do with the £100,000. But for this grant county councils would have had to charge the whole amount to the county rate. Now they have to charge only one-half, and the other half is paid by this grant.
Is this in addition to the £100,000?
Yes.
That is exactly what I wanted to know. I hope when the hon. Baronet makes his reply he will make this point quite clear. Nearly every hon. Member opposite who has spoken on this subject has emphasised strongly the great risk there is to anyone undertaking a small holding. They fully recognise the risk, and they are doubtful about taking them, because they are not satisfied that they are going to pay. It is no use trying to force people into small holdings unless you can show that the risk is not a very serious one, and I cannot believe that the hurrying of a plan such as the Government has started is going to do anything but harm to those who are likely to take up small holdings. This Act might have done much good if money had been spent freely upon it. This is an economic question, and it is a mistake to persuade people to take up anything in regard to what they think there is a serious risk. Let those take up small holdings who feel that it is not risky, but do not force people who have a doubt upon the question into taking up such responsibilities.
I believe the Act will do an immense amount of good. At the same time I think the Board of Agriculture ought to be congratulated upon the fact that their attitude has been what it has. There has only been 15 months for this great change to work, and to my mind a surprising amount of land has been acquired either through the county councils or privately. Not only so, but there has been somewhat of a boom in land. This Small Holdings Act gave many people great hopes, and a great many people were induced to apply for land before they had had time to consider that they did not really want land. Anyone who understands the pressure knows perfectly well that if this Act had come in about now many of the applications would not have been made. County councils have bought land at a. very fair price, and put buildings and houses upon it, and then let it at nearly double the price; and it is very questionable whether when times turn hard some of the people who took the land will not find that they will be unable to make a living upon it. Therefore I think it is a very good thing that the people have had time to consider the question before jumping into it in a time of boom.
One of my hon. Friends deprecated making terms with the landowner. I really do not see why a man should not do so. I think it is a very excellent thing for a landowner to agree. A great many land owners are coming to feel that this Act is a good thing. Some of my hon. Friends think that landowners are either blackguards or thieves. They are just about the same as everybody else—shoemakers or Labour Members and others—there is not much difference in human nature between one or the other. I think that landowners, taken as a whole, are really considering that this Small Holdings Act is a thing that they ought to put up with.
So far as the county councils are concerned, no doubt at first they were very sceptical about the advantages of the Act. Some might even have been hostile; but I believe as time has gone on the hostility has ceased, and they are now getting into form to work the Act as well as it possibly can be done. There is no doubt that from their experience they are the very best people in the country to do it. There is no doubt when this Act first came into force that a lot of people who thought they knew how to farm or manage a horse thought they would like to have some land. From my point of view it is not at all a bad thing that a little delay has taken place, although I am very glad to think that now, after the consideration that has been given to the Act, that Commissioners have been appointed, and I hope they will speed up the county councils.
The House has now been engaged for a few short hours in discussing this proposal for the appointment of extra Commissioners, and I think that those who have listened to the debate will agree that there is a general concensus of opinion that the county councils are, on the whole, doing their work well. ["No."] There may be differences of opinion in one or two cases, but on both sides of the House the majority of speakers have certainly expressed the opinion that on the whole the county councils are doing their duty. Further than that I think there has been a unanimous expression of opinion from both sides of the House that the two Commissioners who have been appointed are men who are doing their duty admirably, and who are admirably fitted for the work they have to do. I certainly speak from some experience, because it so happens I know one of the Commissioners, who was at the head of the most successful Co-operative Society, I think, in England, and who had got experience in the management of land. I believe his colleague is in no way inferior to him in knowledge or ability. Taking that as a starting point, we have yet to hear from the other side of the House any real justification for the expenditure of this extra money. They are asking for the appointment of additional Commissioners. Personally I am not convinced that the appointment of those Commissioners is necessary. We have had admirable speeches, listened to with great attention on both sides of the House -one from the hon. Member for West Kensington, who deprecated a forcing policy. I venture also very strongly to deprecate a forcing policy. I think if these Commissioners are to be appointed in order to drive the county councils, then a great mistake will be made. It is much too soon yet to say if any county council has failed in its duty. It has already been pointed out in this debate that it is impossible under any circumstances to obtain land without a year's notice, and a year's notice is to be given from Lady Day or from Michaelmas. Up to the present there has been only one Lady Day, because it was obviously impossible for any council or any authority to give notice to any tenant for Lady Day, 1908, and even Michaelmas last it was very difficult to see how the Act was going to work, and whether it would be absolutely necessary to bring compulsion into force. The hon. Gentleman who mentioned that fact said that under our present system of land tenure it was difficult to get land. I do not know whether he meant that under any other system of land tenure it would be easier to get land. I fancy from the debates that have taken place in this House, and from opinions expressed by hon. Members opposite, that their one object in regard to tenure of land is that there should be security of tenure. If there is to be security of tenure how is it possible to combine that with being able to get hold of any bit of land on the shortest notice from anybody? The two things do not go together. The fact is, what has been lost sight of, as far as I can gather, is the extraordinary difference between one county and another in the condition of land, the quality of land, and the use to which the land can be put, the propinquity of markets, and all the different items which go to make a commercial success or a commercial failure. The difference between one county and another in these respects is immeasurable. We heard the hon. Member for West Kensington state with a satisfaction which I am sure hon. Members on both sides of the House share, that in the County of Cambridgeshire 2,000 acres have already been turned into small holdings. You are, therefore, not planting an exotic in Cambridgeshire, the Fen district, or the Isle of Ely. May I point out to the hon. Member, who I am sure will agree with me, and also to the hon. Member for South-West Norfolk, that we had already in the Fen district and in the Isle of Ely a large proportion of small holdings before this Act was brought into force, because the quality and condition of land in those counties particularly lent themselves to small holdings. But when you go into light land such as those of Suffolk or the pastures of Dorsetshire to try to introduce a system of small holdings similar to that which exists in the Fen district, in Cambridgeshire, and Isle of Ely, I say you must give time, and only time will prove whether you will succeed at all.
It is not yet proved whether success is possible. I venture to suggest that it is a much wiser course in the case of the few small holdings which have already been created in Suffolk and in those different counties, to watch the result, and then success will breed success. I think everybody on both sides of the House are perfectly agreed on the general policy of small holdings, but nobody except those who have had to actually carry out the Act in practice know what the difficulties really are. Many members are claiming special knowledge. I have been chairman, of a local committee which has had to make a good deal of inquiry into the applications for small holdings.
My experience is that they are generally divided into three classes. There are first of all the genuine small holders whom I think so many hon. Members had in their minds, men whom I call the salt of the earth, the man who has worked hard for comparatively small wages, and out of his small earnings succeeded by thrift in putting by money, and who has a good deal of knowledge of the working daily life spent working on the soil. That man wishes to take a small holding with a suitable house and buildings anywhere he can get it where the land is good enough and the rent is fair. I am afraid they are extremely scarce. [Hon. Members: "No, no."] That may be where the land is good. They know too much where the land is poor. The hon. Member knows very well the very man who would be willing to take twenty acres of land in the Fen district will be the very last man to take forty acres in the blowing sands of Suffolk. The hon. Member sneers. [An Hon. Member: "No."] But he does, and the hon. Member tries to go for the Board of Agriculture for not appointing Commissioners, because there are wise men in Cambridgeshire who will take twenty acres of good land. Therefore, equally wise men in Suffolk are to be forced and driven into taking forty acres of land. [Mr. BENNETT: "Who wants to force anybody?"] That is the suggestion. [An Hon. Member: "No, no."] That is what it comes to. If they are not to be forced, what are those Commissioners to be appointed for? [Mr. A. E. W. Mason: "To get them the land they want and if they wish it."] They need not trouble to go to Suffolk. I can tell the number of men of that class who have applied for land and are willing to take it. You may count them on the fingers of your hand. Yes, that is so.
I had a case came actually before me in my own investigations exactly such as I have quoted. A man who by working on a farm had saved £200. That man desired forty acres of land; he desired a house to be built on it. He desired forty acres which was part of an 800 acre holding in the parish adjoining the one in which he lived. He did not want any Other. When told that the county council were about to purchase a farm in another part of the county for small holdings, and asked if he would be willing to take part of a farm 20 miles away, he said he would have nothing to do with it.
Is the hon. Member aware that there are 164 approved applicants waiting for land in Suffolk?
I am; and if the hon. Member will wait I shall refer to the other two classes, which include the people to whom he refers. The first of the three classes to which I referred, the genuine agricultural labourer, who has saved money and is willing to take a small holding with a house and buildings upon it, is very scarce in Suffolk. The second class, which comprises nearly all those 164 unsatisfied applicants to whom the hon. Member referred, may be divided into men who have a business and men who have not. They are men who want a particular small piece of land near their houses—accommodation land. There are the carter, the small village tradesman, and others, hard working, deserving men in every sense of the term, who want a particular small piece of land near their houses, which unfortunately is in the occupation of somebody else, and they apply to the county council to get it for them. Then you have the third class, composed of men in employment as agricultural labourers, or foresters, or in some other capacity, who want a little piece of land, with an outhouse or buildings upon it, to work in their spare time. These two classes comprise practically the whole of the applicants in the county of Suffolk to which the hon. Member referred. If the land were all good and of even quality, with a fair proportion of pasture, it would be possible to satisfy most of them. But the local conditions must be considered. Where you have a large farm of 400 or 500 acres, of which two-thirds or three-fourths is light land, and only from 50 to 100 acres of really good cultivable land, which makes the whole farm "go," and without which the larger area could not possibly be cultivated, or the labour employed, would it be reasonable to take away the eye of the farm—the little piece of good land—in order to provide for one man who wants five or six acres for a small holding? I say it would not. These are the kind of difficulties with which the county councils in light land counties have to deal. They are facing these difficulties, and they are receiving assistance and advice from the Commissioners, who are fully competent to give it—particularly in the case of Suffolk, which I am entitled to quote because it has been referred to. One of the Commissioners is himself familiar with the circumstances in the district; he has conferred with the county council, and, I am sure, would be willing to do so again. In no sense does the county council of Suffolk—nor any other county council, as far as I am aware—oppose the principle of the Act. They are anxious to make it a success, but I agree absolutely with the hon. Member for Cambridgeshire that the worst way to make the Act a success is to force it into favour. If you force people to get land for applicants, and those applicants fail, with the result that ill-feeling is caused, it will do a great deal more harm than if you allow the Act to work quietly, and let the county councils go their own way, until it is proved that they know less about their own business than they can be taught by Commissioners.
As to the general grant of money expended on small holdings, I am not sure that it is sufficiently realised what a hard life that of a small holder is.
I have experience outside of this country. I am a freeholder in Norway, which is a small holdings country. I have been there for twenty-four years, and all my neighbours are small holders. I know they live as hard a life as can be, and I know that a man who lives a hard life as a small holder is an asset to his country. There is an expression "Mighty by sacrifice." He makes a sacrifice, and a great sacrifice, but you cannot expect individuals to make a sacrifice for the sake of their country where they have a comparatively easy alternative at their own doors. In a country like Norway a man has to be a small holder or nothing. In this country there are temptations at the door. When one is born on a small holding and works from early in the morning till late at night for a small return he gets in other ways a great deal I admit. He gets independence, because he is making his own living instead of being paid to work on a farm. [MINISTERIAL cheers.] Hon. Members cheer as if they had a monopoly of that feeling. There is no monopoly on that side of the House. I personally think it is that independence which helps a man to rise on the ladder and to benefit himself and the country. I welcome small holdings as a means to that end, but we cannot expect a man who is born to that hard life, and who knows what it is, when he has close by him a town where he may go and get 25s. or 30s. a week, and all kinds of amusements and pleasures which are denied in the country, and where he has to work eight or nine hours a day instead of sixteen, to constantly resist that temptation. It is one thing to sit on these benches and advocate small holdings; it is another thing to work a small holding. Many of us who live in the country know the difference between these two occupations, and I venture very strongly to urge that upon the hon. Gentleman. Of course, he has yet to explain to us why he proposes this expenditure, and why these Commissioners are to be appointed. It is not for me to criticise what he may say before hearing his speech. I have no doubt he will have satisfactory reasons to give, but so far as my knowledge goes, and so far as the debate has gone at present, I do not think that any case has been made out for interfering with the present working of the Act. Everybody in the House and outside of it is anxious to make it a success. It is not being dealt with in any party spirit, and I warn the Board of Agriculture and the Government that it would be unfortunate if in their desire to hurry the working of the Act and to obtain for the country districts the benefits which the Act will confer, they introduced a spirit of discord by appointing Commissioners who are to over-ride the county councils, who already are doing their best. I would beg of him to pause. If he only appoints these Commissioners to assist the county councils, and if he proves that such assistance is necessary, well and good. But if he appoints them in the other spirit then I protest against it.
I think I can at once reassure the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken that there is not the slightest desire to introduce any spirit of discord. I think the Board has shown by its action from the very first that their desire has been to work with the county councils in every possible way, and from the information we receive every day at the Board it is perfectly clear that the action taken by the Board is thoroughly appreciated by the county councils, who have worked so willingly in the great majority of cases. I am bound to say that the hon. Gentleman ought to be the last person to think it is undesirable to have this increase of Inspectors, and later on the Special Commissioners, seeing that we are appointing them with the concurrence of the present Commissioners themselves, who are as anxious to have help to carry out their heavy duties, and I think, if anything, we have rather erred in not appointing Assistant-Commissioners before, in this sense that we have rather overworked the two gentlemen who have done such immense service to the country in going about in connection with this work.
I am not complaining that there should be some parts of the House which are somewhat dissatisfied at the slow working of the Act, but I would remind hon. Members that this Act only came into operation on 1st January, 1908. During the first six months the county councils had to inquire into 23,000 applications. I wonder what would have been said if the county councils had not been given fair opportunity for inquiry. We should have been told that we had hurried the county councils, that we had not given opportunities for a sufficient number of inquiries, and that the working people had not been able to go to those inquiries. In these six months the county councils investigated 23,000 applications. There were 13,000 purchases at a cost of £422,000. Some six or seven county councils have been behindhand, including the county of Lancaster. To those county councils it will be necessary to send down special Commissioners to stimulate those county councils, although I do not think when they are shown what they should do that they will refuse to act.
Speaking for my noble Friend, I may say that if these county councils do not act and will not put the Act into force, then schemes will be made whether the county councils like the action or not.
But I do not think such a state of things is likely to happen. The sands of some of the county councils are running out, and if they do not act the matter will be taken out of their hands, and the Commissioners will act for them in these matters. As regards Lancashire, my noble Friend sent a special Commissioner. The Lancashire County Council say they will welcome him, and give him facilities to inquire into the matter. I do not think that I can do better than quote the words of my noble Friend, who, speaking last month, said:—
It is fair and adequate notice to the county councils who have not put their houses in order that they must do so very speedily. My hon. Friend the Member for South Oxford referred to the question of the number of applications which had been rejected by the county councils. I would remind him that as regards these applications a good many of them were not rejected, but were withdrawn. It is not fair to say there are 11,000 rejected applications. On the other hand, he complained that the Board itself had not investigated every single one of the 11,000 applications which have either been rejected or withdrawn. It would be absolutely impossible with the staff at our disposal to have investigated every one of these applications. On the other hand, as I have already said, it is open to any man who has been rejected to make application either to his own member of the county council, or his Member of Parliament, as has happened in my own case, or to the Board of Agriculture, asking them to have this question re-opened. In every single case where applications have been rejected the applicant has only to apply either through his county councillor or through his Member of Parliament to the Board of Agriculture, and in every single case he will find that investigation will be made.
Is it not a fact that in hundreds and hundreds of cases the applicants do not know whether their applications have been considered or not?
I do not think that is so. It is the custom to give notice to applicants if their applications are rejected, but if the hon. Member or any other hon. Member will bring the matter to our notice where no such notice was given to the applicant, we will be only too glad to ask any county council not doing so up to now to give notice to the applicants if their applications are rejected.
Will the hon. Gentleman take care that in giving those notices they are given privately?
In all cases where applicants apply to the Board of Agriculture their applications will be treated as confidential as between the Board and the county council. One of my hon. Friends has referred to the matter of acquiring land, and he says few counties have acquired land, and that the great majority of the land acquired has only been acquired by two counties, but I would remind him that, as a matter of fact, out of the 23,000 acres acquired altogether, only 2,988 acres were acquired by those counties to which he refers. The rest of it was acquired by a large number of counties, including Berkshire, Cheshire, Somerset, and many others.
Then I would also remind the Committee that the amount of land acquired by the county councils goes on increasing by leaps and bounds. At first only one or two thousand acres were acquired in a month, and now, from the latest returns under the Act, it is quite clear that land is being acquired very much more rapidly indeed. Within the last week 1,600 acres of land have been acquired, and I believe the number will go on increasing, and I venture to prophecy that although there are only 23,000 acres of land acquired now, before Michaelmas it will be nearer 50,000.
The Act worked slowly at first, as might be expected, but it is now working very rapidly. I am glad to notice that the hon. Member who began this debate paid a tribute to his own county council, and many Members following have said that the county councils have done a great deal to carry out this Act, and are anxious to do so. The hon. Member for South Oxfordshire complained of the failure of the Board of Agriculture to help Oxfordshire. What we are doing is to provide money to send down Assistant Commissioners to assist county councils.
Will he send one to Oxfordshire?
If the county council wants an Assistant Commissioner to be sent down to help them he shall be sent down. My hon. Friend made a very unfair attack upon the Commissioners for not going down and making inquiries themselves. Why do I say it is an unfair attack? Because if anyone is to be attacked it is my Noble Friend the President of the Board of Agriculture, because the Commissioners act under his orders, and not on their own initiative. The reason they have not gone down into the counties is because they have not been directed to do so by the President of the Board of Agriculture.
It was stated when the Act was passed that it was the intention of Parliament and of the Act that in the first place the county councils should be asked to put the Act in force, and they should be the people who should draw up the schemes, and not the Commissioners. The Commissioners were to be brought in if the county councils failed, and only when the county councils failed. The Commissioners did not go about on a roving commission in order to stimulate the demand for small holdings, but, it was understood, to assist county councils in putting the Act into force. The object of the Act was to secure provision of small holdings by the county councils, and that is made clear in the Act itself, and was made clear by my right hon. Friend the First Commissioner of Works, who said: "Where the county councils are not able or will not attempt to discover the farms the Commissioners will do the work for them," evidently contemplating that the first duty will fall upon the county councils and not on the Commissioners. Then again, my Noble Friend said on the second reading in the House of Lords:—
Then my hon. Friend the Member for South Oxfordshire, asked whether separate holdings of 50 acres held under separate owners or under one owner would come under the Act. That question is now under consideration. The hon. Member also asked as to the different percentages in different counties. They may arise from the fact that in some counties a very much larger tenant right is required than in others. In the West Riding of Yorkshire it might be £10 an acre. In the county of which I know something it would very often not amount to more than £2 or £3 an acre at the most. Therefore, there is naturally greater difficulty for men with not large capital requiring land in Yorkshire than in some counties in the West of England.
Then my hon. Friend the Member for Northamptonshire, referred to the question of co-operative societies, and he said the Board of Agriculture had fallen into a very serious error in making rules as regards these societies. I cannot help thinking my hon. Friend .has himself fallen into an error. He seems to be under the impression that in the case of a co-operative society taking land from a county council it is necessary for them to provide one-half year's rent in advance, and one and a half year's rent in shares fully paid up. That is not so. What they have to do, if they take land under these conditions, is to pay a half year's rent and ane and a half year's rent in shares not paid up. They may be unpaid shares. As regards the question of three years, he said it will be necessary for the co-operative society to call up a capital equal to three years' rent upon their shares. There, again, my hon. Friend misunderstands. They have to take shares uncalled up to the amount of three years' rent. That is to say, a man will not be obliged to have two capitals. He would have the capital for his land and he would have the uncalled liability upon his shares. He would be liable undoubtedly in case of failure to have his tenant right or, his stock, or the money invested in stock and implements, seized to make good the call upon his shares. But it does not mean that he will be bound to have a double capital in fully paid up shares as well as the amount he has invested in the land.
I am perfectly well aware that they have stated that 8s. 6d. a share will be quite enough to pay out, but what I am contending is that to oblige him to find that large amount, equivalent to a double capital, practically paralyses him and paralyses the society, especially in its borrowing powers later on; and, besides, it is wholly inconsistent with what is done in Denmark and New Zealand.
I am glad the hon. Baronet does not disagree with me in my statement. The small holder would not be hampered for want of capital, because of the share capital being called up. He has the capital to invest in his land or to pay for his tenant right. On the other hand, the county council very fairly say, "We must have some security in uncalled shares."
May I ask whether the hon. Baronet seriously contends that a county council, in asking a small holder to pledge himself to a second capital, is not asking these men collectively to pledge themselves to two capitals? That is unjust.
May I ask the hon. Baronet before he answers that question if he would recommend that security of which he has just spoken to the Somerset County Council as a good security?
My right hon. Friend means the security of three years' uncalled capital. I personally should not be at all afraid to recommend that, because I believe it would be thoroughly safe and I thoroughly believe in this sort of societies, and I would always do my utmost to promote these societies and give them these advantages, which can be given, I believe, without any undue risk at all. Then there is the alternative of asking a half-year's rent in advance when the uncalled capital need not be so much as three years. The hon. Member for Northamptonshire said it was very undesirable to have persons getting the land from the landowner instead of getting it direct from the county council. I do not know what the practice may be in different districts, but I know some cases in which landlords, instead of being willing to let it directly to men, have said that they would only let it direct to county councils. On the other hand, I have known cases in which they preferred not to rent from the county council. But certainly there is greater security with the county council, and the Board will insist on it in cases in which persons desire to have that greater security. A man may have a very good landlord to-day, and in case of death may have a very bad landlord after a time, and may prefer in that view rather to take the land from the county council than from the landlord. In this way it is the county council's duty to provide the land and not to try to avoid their responsibilities by saying "You will get it from some man who will let it to-you." In reference to the complaints about Dorset, I am afraid that the county of Dorset has not been very active in this matter, and I think that there is good cause for complaint in this House. I can assure the hon. Member for North Dorset that the Board are taking and will take steps to remedy the present inaction, and will send down a Commissioner to look into this matter and consult with-the Dorset County Council. I think I have dealt with all the various points that have been raised, and I can assure the Committee that the great desire of the Board in asking for these additional Commissioners is to render every possible assistance they can to those county councils who require assistance other than local assistance, and at the same time to stimulate those county councils that are backward by sending down Commissioners to urge them to put the Act into force and satisfy the demands for small holdings. No one will venture to deny that there is a real genuine demand for small holdings and allotments in different parts of the country, and that it is a fair and legitimate demand. I think we may fairly say that the Board should have given to it these additional commissioners, and that money should be put at the disposal of the Board for the expenses of such Commissioners. Take the case where is is necessary that a county council should be stirred up, stimulated, shown what is wanted and told what has been done in other districts. Very often, from want of knowledge in either buying or leasing these councils have been lax in the matter.
It only requires this additional stimula of extra Commissioners or sub-Commissioners, and then those other county councils will very soon be brought into line with those which have been quoted so much by hon. Members. I think if hon. Members will support this proposal for additional Commissioners they will find that there will be very few complaints to meet in the future. If further complaints are made, then the Government will not shrink from asking the House to appoint further Commissioners.
The hon. Baronet has omitted to explain exactly what this Supplementary Vote is for. He has given various reasons, and one is that additional Commissioners are necessary. I wish to point out that the Vote we are asked to pass now under sub-head C 1 is for a sum of £1,000, which is stated on Page 7 to be the— would be at the disposal of the Board of Agriculture £400,000 for providing and furthering small holdings. One of the main purposes to which we were told the money was to be devoted was for paying the local authorities one-half of the expenses incurred by them in ascertaining, the demand for small holdings. That is my distinct recollection of what happened, in the debates upon the passing of the Bill, and it is the recollection of my hon. Friend who sits beside me. What I think we ought to have some explanation of is why, if the large sum promised when the Bill was being discussed in this House has been spent, it is necessary to ask for an additional sum upon a Supplementary Estimate? I think that before this Vote is passed the hon. Baronet or a Member of the Government should tell us how much of this £400,000 or £500,000 has been spent by the Board of Agriculture, and how much of it has been provided by the Treasury. We are told by the hon. Baronet that he requires additional commissioners, and they are wanted because the existing Small Holdings Commissioners have found their duties so heavy that they have been obliged to ask the Board for a little further assistance. These extra commissioners are being provided to give assistance to the existing Commissioners who are assisting: the county councils to do their work. That is the answer which the hon. Baronet has given to some of his critics to-night; but he has also to face others who say, "Oh! the county councils have not been doing their work, and they want some gingering." The hon. Baronet answers these critics by saying that the additional Commissioners are being asked for because it is the intention of the Board of Agriculture to put this Act into force to the best of their powers, whether the county councils like it or not. That is pure, downright, unadulterated ginger, and I do not know how the hon. Baronet can reconcile his two statements. [Cries of "Divide, divide."] If these extra Commissioners are wanted for the purpose of gingering, then I find myself at variance with the hon. Baronet, because I entirely agree with the admirable speech of the hon. Member for, I think, West Devonshire, and the speech of the hon. Baronet the Member for the Prestwich Division of Lancashire, who think the Act has been worked quite fast enough. If we realise that the Act only came into force on 1st January, 1908, barely 15 months ago, and that to secure I any land at all, a year's notice had to be given, I think it is a most remarkable fact that in that time the Board of Agriculture have, through their own instrumentality, been able to plant so many small holders upon the land. Apart, too, from what the Board of Agriculture has done, a large number of small holders have been planted upon the land through the direct personal agency of individual landowners. I also agree with the hon. Baronet when he said that he thought some of the critics of the Board of Agriculture themselves considered that this large number of applications for small holdings was more or less of a phenomena. This Act was passed at a time when there was a slight boom in agriculture. There had been a remarkably good farming season that year, and the year before was not a bad one. That induced a great many people to suddenly put in a claim for a small holding. That, I think, was also due to this fact: that there are a certain number of Liberals throughout the country whose duty and business, as Liberals, it has been for a great many years past to say that great difficulties have been put in their way to obtain land by obstructionist Tory landlords. When they found that their own party had passed a Small Holdings Act, which enabled them to get land whether the landlords liked it or not, a great many felt it to be their bounden duty, as good Liberals, to come forward and support this Act by putting in a claim for a small holding, which, to tell the truth, they did not much want. That, to some extent, is responsible for the large demand there has been for small holdings in some districts. I can only hope that those gentlemen who have applied for small holdings consider them quite the desirable thing now that they did a few months ago. I also agree with those who think that the Board of Agriculture have gone quite fast enough. I would remark to some of the hon. Members opposite that it is not only the small holders that we have to consider in the provision of small holdings, but also a very important person, the agricultural ratepayer.
What the Board of Agriculture have to remember is this: that when they try to stimulate the county councils to provide those small holdings beyond the pace at which it may really be desirable, it is to a very considerable extent placing the unfortunate ratepayer in the agricultural districts in a very unfortunate position. If the Board of Agriculture go forward as some desire they will be responsible for not only extra expenditure, but also for a very great justifiable soreness, if through their instrumentality local authorities are forced against their will into providing small holdings for a number of people which, in their own good judgment, they think would be likely to lead to disaster, and which in a few years, five or ten it may be, does turn out to be a disaster. The loss will recoil upon the heads of the ratepayers in the country districts.
Therefore, on that ground alone, it behoves the Board of Agriculture to go very carefully and tenderly in this matter, and as the Member for Cambridge agrees, not to stimulate the county councils unnecessarily.
There is another question—that is, that these small holdings have proved themselves to be unduly excessive in a great many parts of England. Where they have sprung up automatically and have flourished by the natural enterprise and individuality of the small holders themselves, well and good, yet for all we may know in a few years to come there may be a very powerful influence that will prove to be disastrous to them, and not to them only.
Reference has been made to the provision of labour colonies. The State has already made that provision in two or three cases, and what has been the result? In one or two cases where those State-aided labour colonies have been started they have sold their produce at a price below that which pays the ordinary and economic small holder for his produce. The result has been disastrous to a number of genuine, economic small holders. I do not know whether the policy of the Government is largely to encourage labour colonies throughout the country; if it is, then one Department, the Board of Agriculture, must be very careful how it stimulates the artificial supply of what they consider to be economic small holders throughout the country. An hon. Member complained a good deal about the want of action on the part of the Dorset County Council. I do not know whether the hon. Gentleman is a member of that body. ["No."] Then it is a misfortune for the Dorset County Council. I would suggest to him that it would be better if he took steps to become a member of the Dorset County Council, and persuade them by his eloquence and knowledge of the subject—he might even persuade the delinquent members of that body—to put the Act into force, than to urge the Government to send down a Commissioner from London. The hon. Member would have far more weight than a Commissioner on that county council, from the fact of his powers of persuasion and eloquence, and also because of his being a direct representative of some of the ratepayers of the county. A good many hon. Members have talked about the value of co-operative societies in connection with small holdings. I agree to a certain extent with them. I rather agree with the hon. Member for Oswestry that the small bolder, when he wants to sell his produce, or wants to buys artificial manures for the cultivation of his land, finds that the Co-operative Society does a great deal to help him. But I have not very much faith in the immense superiority of a body of small holders formed into a Co-operative Society, nor in their special advantages in dealing with the landowner or county council in preference to the individual small holder. In regard to cooperation, I would point out that there are certain parts of England where the land unfortunately is not good, and where the individual small holder is not likely to make anything but a precarious living if he carries on his existence as a small holder on bad land. I would suggest to hon. Members that if they would turn their attention to the institution of cooperative societies in those districts they would be working on lines which would be more likely to be successful in the long run than the formation of co-operative societies of small holders. I have some experience of those cases in my own district, which is situate among undesirable land. During the past fourteen years a co-operative farm has been worked there chiefly by people from three neighbouring parishes. That farm has been run most successfully. It is an ordinary mixed agricultural farm, and during the past four years we have paid an average of 10 per cent, with a reserve fund of three-fourths of the original share capital. I venture to say that co-operative societies of that kind are far more likely to be of lasting benefit to small people in a village in cases where the land is not of superlative quality than the form of cooperation societies by small holdings.
There is one point I would like to put before the Committee, and that is as to the compulsory acquisition of land. Take the case of the owner of some land which the local authorities desire to purchase for small holdings. He declines to sell except at, a certain price. The county council say they will only buy at a figure below the price he names. They get an Order for compulsory power of acquisition from the Board of Agriculture. An arbitrator is sent down, and his decision is to be final. The owner of the land is put to a great deal of expense or annoyance in having to make the various claims before the county council. He has also probably lost a good tenant who feels that his position in the present land is precarious, and has very likely gone to take a farm somewhere else. The owner of the land is bound to accept the arbitrator's price it his decision comes to anything like a reasonable figure of that of the local authorities. But supposing the arbitrator's price comes to anything approaching that asked by the owner of the land, and therefore probably higher than that of the local authority, then the local authority can back out of the bargain, whereas the landlord is bound to accept the lower price. That does not appear to be a fair arrangement. I do think it is only reasonable in a case of this kind, where it has to go before one arbitrator to settle, there ought to be an understanding that if the owner of the land is bound to accept the arbitrator's price, then the local authorities, if their sum is exceeded, ought to be obliged to accept the arbitrator's price if the owner of the land agrees to the value put upon it. I venture to put this point before the representative of the Board of Agriculture, because it is a point that was mentioned upstairs when this Bill was in Committee, and which was rather pooh-poohed by the representative of the Government at that time. It is a case which has already occurred, and I hope that the Board of Agriculture will give it their favourable consideration.
I only wish to deal with one point, and that is in respect of this grant of a thousand pounds. That is to meet half of the expenses of ascertaining the demand for small holdings.
I understood that was for a quarter.
That is not so. There is only £100,000 since the Act was passed, and that is fifteen months ago. That sum is voted by Parliament to the Board of Agriculture to pay half the expenses of the acquisition of land, and after the amount has been ascertained the next step is to acquire the land, Then the valuer has to be called in, and the expenses of the county council really begin. These are the expenses which are being paid out of the £100,000. But it was pointed out by the county councils that considerable expense had been incurred in holding these preliminary inquiries. It was felt that it was not fair to ask the county councils to bear that expense, but the law officers advised that the Board could not pay it out of the £100,000; therefore, they are asking for this special grant now.
I cannot help thinking that a great deal of the criticism from the other side upon the administration of the Act is due to the extravagant promises and suggestions made in many parts of the country as to the benefits which would be derived from it. I say nothing about the debates in this House, because I heard none of them, and no doubt here those promises and picturesque imaginings were decently watered down to the sober moderation which we expect in this Assembly. But I have heard a good deal of what has been said in parts of the country and the expectations which have been aroused, and certainly in my own county these people had a general idea that they were going to get a nice piece of land and plenty of money wherewith to cultivate it. Moreover, certain county councils have perhaps been influenced by the vague suggestions and anticipations of various forms of taxation of land; these have in some cases frightened county councils from embarking in land speculation which might have sinister results for the ratepayers if extra taxation were laid upon land.
I think the hon. Member who answers for the Board of Agriculture dealt extremely unwisely with the county councils. He used language of a very threatening nature towards some of them. He told us that the sands were running out, and that the councils were going to be forced to secure small holdings, whether they liked it or not. In fact, he used all the well-known phraseology of coercion. If he had been talking about the atrocities in the Congo he could hardly have used severer language towards these unfortunate county councils. But after all these attacks on the county councils, he began to defend the Board by recounting the wonderful things they have done. He told us that they had acquired 23,000 acres, and that by the autumn something like 50,000 acres will have been acquired. In view of these later statements I think the criticisms of the county councils were very harsh and severe. I do not myself believe that that is the way to get the county councils to act. Certainly those with which I am familiar in the country have shown the utmost zeal and readiness to inquire into the desire for land, and as far as possible to satisfy it. The hon. Member referred particularly to Lancashire, and he indulged in all sorts of fulminations against the county council. I strongly recommend him not to put those threats into operation.
I did not use threats. I said that a Commissioner had been appointed, and that the county council were glad he was going down. That is not threatening.
I took down the words of the hon. Member. [An HON. MEMBER: "In shorthand?"] Not in shorthand. He said he was going to secure that land was acquired for these small holdings whether the county councils liked it or not. If that language was used to myself I should consider it something of a minatory nature. Take one county council in which I am very familiar, that of Bedfordshire, where my own home is. There again I entirely agree with what has been said, that it is very undesirable to force the pace. I live in a district where we have had small holdings for 100 years or more. These small holdings and allotments—because there are allotments of five acres—have grown up there because the soil is admirably adapted for that farm produce for which you can work five, ten, or twenty acres with the greatest success. But even there I have seen in various bad seasons many of those unfortunate people fail through the insufficiency of the crops, although they were close to the great market of London, to which they had communication by two railways and every opportunity of success. This particular small holdings committee is presided over by an hon. Member who sits on the other side of the House, although I think, having regard to his general views, he would be more suitably seated on this bench. What are some of the difficulties we found there? We have had to be exceedingly careful about the class of tenant we have got, because it has been found by experience that the tenant who is desirous of getting land and offers himself to you is a man who cannot get land from a landlord because he is well known to be a bad cultivator, or in other ways unsuitable. [Cries of "Oh!"] May I give an example from my own experience in Warwickshire? What we find is that there has been so much talk that the desire for small holdings has been in some way unnecessarily stimulated. There is a small farm of 35 acres, and no fewer than 32 people put in a claim for it, but on investigation it was found that no fewer than 29 of them had never cultivated a farm, and that of the remaining three only one had the requisite capital. I need hardly say that one was selected.
There is one other point on which I should like to ask a question as to the action which has been taken by the Board of Agriculture, because this Act applies not only to rural councils, but to the great county boroughs and town councils. They have power, of course, to acquire land outside, as they have none in their own areas. So far as I know, that has never been put in force at all by most of the county boroughs, but a certain amount of that ginger, of which we have heard so much, is now to be applied to them. They find themselves in this difficulty: If they are going to acquire land outside their areas, and if they are going to plant some of their townsmen on these areas, those men cease, of course, to be ratepayers, and the ratepayers of the towns find themselves in the difficulty that they are pledging the rates of the town for people who are becoming entirely aliens to them. I heed not remind the hon. Member that it is impossible for these people to live in the towns; they must live on the small holdings. They have to devote themselves, of course, to the cultivation of the holdings. Therefore, you have the great difficulty that while some of these county boroughs might be ready and anxious to put the Act in force, they feel that they are not really justified in pledging their rates for the sake of persons who, when they leave the town or city, will no longer be ratepayers among them. But then these persons are in this unfortunate position, that if they apply to any neighbouring council they will be told that they are not ratepayers. They will be told, "You belong to the towns, and you must ask the towns to belong to you." They are bandied about between the county councils and the county boroughs, and they have little chance of acquiring small holdings. What are they to do? I know very well that it is suggested that there should be joint action between the county boroughs and the county councils. The county councils will say: "We must look after our own people first." I admit they might do something more than is done. I was founding my argument on the action taken by county boroughs to supply holdings in those areas. I was pointing out the difficulties under which they were, and I was asking that the unfortunate position of the people in the towns should be considered—people who had gone to the towns and yet might be anxious to acquire holdings in the country. Perhaps I may suggest that if it is found within a certain number of years that people who have migrated from the towns, they should be recommended to the good offices of the county, so that if there was a particular piece of land which was not acceptable to the people in the county, it might be offered to those who had migrated from the town to the country. Owing to the tremendous attractions of the towns many people from the country go to them, and they find that they are not successful. These people have been brought up in the country. They have been brought up to agriculture. They are not townsmen, and they only want the opportunity to return to the country, from which they have never completely divorced themselves. It is for these people—
I beg to move that the question be now put.
Question put: "That the question be now put."
The Committee divided; ayes, 150; noes, 32.
Division No. 33.] AYES. [11.1 p.m. Acland, Francis Dyke Beale, W. P. Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R. Bennett, E. N. Cameron, Robert Agnew, George William Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Causton, Rt. Hon. Richard Knight Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch) Boulton, A. C. F. Channing, Sir Francis Allston Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Bramsdon, T. A. Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R. Balfour, Robert (Lanark) Branch, James Cleland, J. W. Barlow, Percy (Bedford) Brigg, John Clough, William Barnard, E. B. Bright, J. A. Cobbold, Felix Thornley Barran, Rowland Hirst Brunner, J. F. L. (Lanes., Leigh) Collins, Sir Wm. J. (St. Pancras, W.) Barran, Sir John Nicholson Brunner, Rt. Hon. Sir J. T. (Cheshire) Corbett, C. H. (Sussex. E. Grinstead) Barry, Redmond J. (Tyrone, N.) Burnyeat, W. J. D. Cotton, Sir H. J. S. Crooks, William Lewis, John Herbert Roberts, Charles H, (Lincoln) Crosfield, A. H. Lupton, Arnold Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.) Crossley, William J. Lyell, Charles Henry Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke) Dalziel, Sir James Henry Lynch, H. B. Samuel, Et. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) Macdonald, J. B. (Leicester) Seely, Colonel Dilke, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles Mackarness, Frederic C. Simon, John Allsebrook Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne) Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.) Stanley, Hon. A. Lyulph (Cheshire) Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor) M'Callum, John M. Stewart-Smith, D. (Kendal) Esslemont, George Birnie M'Crae, Sir George Strachey, Sir Edward Everett, R. Lacey M'Micking, Major G. Straus, B. S. (Mile End) Fenwick, Charles Maddison, Frederick Taylor, John W. (Durham) Ferens, T. R. Manfield, Harry (Northants) Tennant, H. J. (Berwickshire) Ferguson, R. C. Munro Markham, Arthur Basil Thompson, J. W. H. (Somerset, E.) Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Herbert John Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton) Griffith, Ellis J. Marnham, F. J. Toulmin, George Gulland, John W. Masterman, C. F. G. Trevelyan, Charles Philips Gurdon, Rt. Hon. Sir W. Brampton Micklem, Nathaniel Ure, Alexander Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B. Molteno, Percy Alport Verney, F. W. Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester) Mond, A. Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-sh.) Montagu, Hon. E. S. Waring, Walter Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen) Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Haslam, James (Derbyshire) Morrell, Philip Waterlow, D. S. Hazel, Dr. A. E. W. Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Watt, Henry A. Hedges, A. Paget Murray, Capt. Hon. A. C. (Kincard.) Weir, James Galloway Herbert, T. Arnold (Wycombe) Myer, Horatio White, Sir George (Norfolk) Higham, John Sharp Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw) White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire)' Hobhouse. Charles E. H. Norman, Sir Henry White, Sir Luke (York, E.R.) Hodge, John Norton, Capt. Cecil William Whitley, John Henry (Halifax) Holt, Richard Durning Parker, James (Halifax) Wiles, Thomas Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Paulton, James Mellor Williamson, A. Hudson, Walter Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek) Wills, Arthur Walters Hyde, Clarendon G. Pickersgill. Edward Hare Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.) Illingworth, Percy H. Pirie, Duncan V. Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Jenkins, J. Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. Winfrey, R. Kavanagh. Walter H. Radford, G. H. Wodehouse, Lord Kilbride, Denis Rea, Walter Russell (Scarboro') King, Alfred John (Knutsford) Reddy, M. TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Joseph Pease and the Master of Elibank. Lehmann, R. C. Richards, T. F. (Wolverhampton, W.) Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich) Ridsdale, E. A. Levy, Sir Maurice
NOES. Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon, Sir Alex, F. Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Nicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield) Ashley, W. W. Duncan, Robert (Lanark, Govan) Pretyman, E. G. Balcarres, Lord Fell, Arthur Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool) Baldwin, Stanley Forster, Henry William Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) Banbury, Sir Frederick George Gretton, John Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.) Hamilton, Marquess of Valentia, Viscount Bowles, G. Stewart Harris, Frederick Leverton Winterton, Earl Bridgeman, W. Clive Hay, Hon. Claude George Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Carlile, E. Hildred Hills, J. W. Cecil, Lord John P. Joicey- Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R. TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Hicks Beach and Mr. Peel. Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E. Magnus, Sir Philip Craik, Sir Henry Morrison-Bell, Captain
Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £7,900, be granted for the said Service," put accordingly, and negatived.
Whereupon the Prime Minister claimed, "That the Original Question be now put."
Original Question put accordingly, and agreed to. Resolutions to be reported tomorrow. Committee to sit again tomorrow (16th March).
House adjourned at twelve minutes after Eleven of the clock.