House of Commons
Thursday, June 17, 1909
Private Business
London and North Western Railway Bill ( By Order ),
Considered; to be read the third time.
Provisional Order Bills
Under Section 7 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899.
Glasgow Hospital for Skin Diseases Order Confirmation Bill,
Merchants House of Glasgow (Buchanan and Ewing Bequests) Order Confirmation Bill,
Considered; to be read the third time.
Returns
Pauperism (England and Wales)
Statement of the number of paupers relieved on the 1st day of January, 1909, and similar Statement for the 1st day of July, 1909 (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 130, of Session 1908).—[ Mr. Masterman. ]
Board of Education
Return ordered "showing (1) the number of training college students (male and female) who satisfactorily completed their course of training in the year 1907–8; (2) the number of such students who had not obtained employment by the 1st day of July, 1909."—[ Mr. Samuel Roberts. ]
Emigration and Immigration
Copy of Tables relating to Emigration and Immigration from and into the United Kingdom in the year 1908 (being a statistical account of the passenger movement between the United Kingdom and places abroad); together with Report to the Board of Trade thereon (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 292, of Session 1908).—[ Mr. Churchill. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
British Consul at Kiel (Nationality)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he would state whether His Majesty's unsalaried consular representative at Kiel was a German subject having a commission as reserve officer in the German army and still liable to military service?
The unsalaried British Vice-Consul at Kiel is a German subject. I have no information respecting the other points mentioned in the hon. Member's question.
Would it not be possible to have an English subject at this place?
The primary reasons for appointing consular representatives are the trade and commercial interests, and you cannot appoint consular representatives unless foreign Governments are willing to accept them.
British Consul at Wilhelmshaven (Nationality)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he would state whether His Majesty's consular representative at Wilhelmshaven was unsalaried and a German subject, residing some 50 miles away from Wilhelmshaven?
There is no British consular representative at Wilhelmshaven.
British Consul (Essen)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he would state whether there was any resident British consular representative at Essen, Krupp's town?
There is no British consular officer at Essen.
May I ask whether the consular representative at Dusseldorf could not act for Essen, which is close by?
It may be in that consular district already; I will inquire.
Russian Teachers (Deputation)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any official information as to why the deputation of Russian teachers has been prevented from visiting this country this summer?
The answer is in the negative.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it will be possible for an invitation to be extended to these teachers by the Board of Education on behalf of His Majesty's Government?
I really do not know what the views of the Board of Education may be in the matter. I know nothing about the subject. The teachers are, I presume, officials of the Russian Government, and I do not know whether the Board of Education desire to extend an invitation to them or not.
East and South Africa (Steamship Subsidies)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he was aware that a German shipping company was subsidised by its own Government for the steam service to East and South Africa to an extent which made it impossible for British shipping to hold their own and compete on level trading terms, and that in consequence the British-India Company had abandoned its East African service from Bombay; whether the matter had already been brought before the Government; whether they had considered the possibility of finding any means in which British services and interests might be defended from this subsidised and unequal competition, or whether their only alternative was to submit to exclusion from a trade which they had hitherto enjoyed; whether British troops were transported from one Foreign settlement to another by German steamships; and whether in particular he had considered the expediency of subsidising the Bombay and Persia Steam Navigation Company sufficiently to enable them to compete on even terms with the German opposition?
The various matters referred to by the hon. Gentleman have been brought to the notice of successive Governments and have received careful consideration. Very strong reasons would have to be adduced before His Majesty's Government could favourably consider the granting of a subsidy, and they do not consider that sufficient reason has been shown for acceding to the application of the Bombay and Persia Steam Navigation Company for a subsidy for a service between Bombay and East and South African Ports.
May I ask my hon. Friend whether he will take into consideration the fact that the British Government do now pay £9,000 a year for subsidising a line to East Africa which, in the opinion of many persons, is absolutely waste expenditure?
May I ask whether or not the German taxpayer is paying for British goods sent to East Africa in consequence of the subsidy?
In regard to the first supplementary question, I presume my hon. Friend refers to the mail subsidy which is paid to the British India Company. It is, of course, for the Post Office to consider whether they are receiving value for the money expended. It is purely for postal services. As to the other question, whether the German taxpayer is paying for the carrying of our goods, there is no doubt some truth in that, but there are also other considerations—for instance, postal considerations—which make it not so entirely favourable to us as it appears.
May I ask whether it is not perfectly clear that the object of the Germans in subsidising this service is in order to throw British shipping out, and then to charge British shippers
Mosquito Extirpation in Egypt (Malaria)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, early in 1907, under the supervision of Dr. Hugh Ross, steps were taken to extirpate malaria-breeding mosquitos from the district of Ghezireh, in Cairo; whether, after Dr. Ross's resignation, there were frequent changes of the Europeans who were in charge of the work; whether it was ultimately placed under the supervision of a native cab-driver, who had been coachman to the late adviser to the Minister of the Interior; whether, as a result, the campaign collapsed after the rising of the Nile last October; whether the Foreign Office is aware of any complaints being made that the malarial staff in Cairo was now altogether insufficient for its work; and whether, in view of the results obtained under Dr. Ross's supervision and of the importance of this work to the health of the city, the Egyptian Government will be communicated with on the subject?
Dr. H. C. Ross was instructed in December, 1906, to take measures for the destruction of malaria-breeding mosquitos in part of Cairo, and shortly afterwards at Heluan and in other quarters of Cairo. I am aware that, after Dr. Ross's resignation, the post which he had filled was given to an officer of the Royal Army Medical Corps, but I have no information as to whether any other European was afterwards appointed to it. The latest information in my possession relates to the month of June, 1908, and is to the effect that at that time the work at Heluan was being very efficiently supervised by a native employé. I have no information as to the collapse of the campaign beyond a statement made by Dr. Ross in a letter to "The Times" that a report to that effect had reached him, nor have I heard any complaints as to the insufficiency of the staff employed on this work in Cairo. I have no reason to doubt that the Egyptian Government are continuing to use their best efforts to stamp out malaria, and I, therefore, see no necessity for the interference of His Majesty's Government in the matter.
Would the right hon. Gentleman really consider the advisability of communicating this to the Egyptian Government without in any way censuring them?
Well, Sir, I will make inquiry as to what is being done, but I have no reason to suppose that the importance of the matter is being overlooked.
Massacres at Adana
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can state the approximate number of the victims in the recent massacres at Adana and the neighbouring towns and districts; how many of these were Armenians and how many Mahomedans; and would he lay upon the Table of the House, at the earliest possible date, Papers containing Reports from His Majesty's Consular officials on this subject?
Estimates of the number of victims at Adana and in the surrounding districts can only be highly conjectural, but the British Vice-Consul at Mersina, writing on 21st April, judged the number of killed in the town itself to have been about 2,000, of whom about 600 were Moslems. He estimated that from 15,000 to 25,000 persons had perished in the neighbourhood. I will consider the question of including the Vice-Consul's reports in the next Blue Book on Turkey.
Is not it a fact that this country is party to a treaty under which the security of the Armenians is guaranteed? And in view of the terrible events which have recently taken place, may I appeal to the right hon. Baronet to place the House in a position as soon as possible to judge of the way in which the terms of that treaty have been carried out?
It is known that these events took place. Since these events have taken place the Turkish Government has begun a full investigation, and when that is completed I will, of course, endeavour to supply full information to the House. It is obvious that we require further knowledge of the facts.
Italian Somaliland (German Purchase)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has any information showing that Germany is negotiating with Italy for the purchase of Italian Somaliland; and, if so, will he give it to the House?
I have no information to this effect.
Absentee Rental (Ireland)
asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he will state as near as possible the amount of absentee rental withdrawn from Ireland during the past 25 years, and the effect of that withdrawal on the economic condition of the country; or has it tended to the prosperity of Ireland and the general welfare of the Irish people?
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question may I ask is not the absenteeism of which the hon. Member complains due largely to the hostility and the disposition of unfriendliness displayed towards the landlords in Ireland?
Is it not the fact that when a tax on absenteeism was proposed by the Irish Members it was obstructed by the Duke of Devonshire and other Irish landlords?
I must allow the rival historians to settle this matter. This is a very old story indeed, but there are no materials available from which an estimate can be made of the ultimate destination of the rental of Ireland during the past 25 years, or which would enable the economic effect of the mode in which such rental has been applied to be stated.
Extern Teacher of Irish
asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he can now state if those extern teachers of Irish, whose payments for the session September, 1907, to July, 1908, have been withheld, will now be paid a pro rata fee; and whether his attention has been called to the claim of the extern teacher of Irish in the schools of Bruree and Killacolla, county Limerick?
The Commissioners of National Education inform me that the fees have now been paid in all cases in which the condition as to forty hours' instruction in the year has been complied with. Where, as in Bruree and Killacolla, forty hours' instruction was not given, the Commissioners have no authority to pay any fees. Their application for permission to make a pro rata payment in such cases is under consideration.
Prison Teacher's Pension (Maryborough)
asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that Mr. Michael O'Sullivan, who has held the position of teacher in the Maryborough Prison for 27 years, has recently been discharged on a report of the doctor that he suffers from an affection of the heart; whether he is aware that the Prisons Commission, as far back as 1903, decided upon abolishing the schools in such prisons, but allowed the teacher to remain and take up other service, and that O'Sullivan has recently produced medical certificates from such eminent physicians as Dr. Cox and Dr. M'Dowell Cograve that they see no danger in his continuing his service; whether he is aware that Mr. O'Sullivan was a national teacher when he joined the prison service, and was asked for by the prison board, and that he is now offered a pension for the period he was in the prison service only, although the Superannuation Act of 1892 gives the authorities power to allow him a contribution from each pension fund; and whether, having regard to the alleged disease, he will consider the advisability of giving the case more favourable consideration?
Mr. O'Sullivan was retired on the certificate of the Medical Officer of the Prisons Department, endorsed by the Treasury Medical Referee in Ireland, Sir Thomas Myles, that he was unfit to discharge his duties as he was suffering from affections which were likely to be permanent. Both doctors took into consideration the risks attendant on employment in a convict prison, where an officer may find himself at any time obliged to deal single handed with dangerous criminals. There is nothing to show that Mr. O'Sullivan's private physicians had these considerations before them when issuing the certificates which he has produced. The statement that the prison authorities decided in 1903 to abolish schools in certain prisons is incorrect. Mr. O'Sullivan was awarded the full pension to which his prison service entitled him. His claim to pension in respect of his prior service as a national school teacher was extinguished by the repayment to him of his pension premiums in 1882 on his appointment to the prisons service.
Cannot the Treasury give him an increase of 10 years in determining the amount of his pension, and may I ask the right hon. Gentleman to see if something can be done in the matter?
I do not know whether that is so or not, but I can assure the hon. Member that the case has received very full consideration. I do not think there is much chance of getting an alteration in the terms.
Fever Outbreak (King's County)
asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he is aware that an outbreak of fever has recently taken place in Clonfanlough, Ferbane, dispensary district, King's County, and that up to the present four deaths have occurred; will he state what time elapsed between the date of notification by the Member for the Division and the arrival of the inspector on the scene; whether he is aware that the spread of fever was due to the fact that not until after a fatal case did the people find out that fever was the cause of death; and, seeing that this has been the second outbreak in this district, will he grant a sworn inquiry into this matter in order to give confidence to the people who are terror-stricken?
I am informed by the Local Government Board that there were sixteen cases of enteric fever last month at the place mentioned, but the Board do not know the exact number of deaths which have occurred. I understand that the hon. Member communicated with the board on 25th May, and that the medical inspector visited the district on 28th May. The first recognised case of the series was seen by the medical officer of health on 15th May, when he suspected the water supply to be the source of infection, and a sample of water sent for analysis has been found to be polluted. The medical officer appears to the board to have taken all reasonable precautions in connection with the outbreak, which is now probably at an end, as no case is reported to have occurred since 26th May. The Board have brought the sanitary requirements of the locality under the notice of the district council, and have urged them to provide a proper water supply. There is nothing in the case calling for a sworn inquiry.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that from the date of my telegram until the inspector appeared on the scene there was an interval of over eight days, and would he say that he has done his duty to the inhabitants of the place by leaving them in a fix all that time?
I understand that the hon. Member communicated with the Board on 25th May, and that the medical inspector visited the district within three days.
That was when I wrote the second time.
Heating of National Schools (Ireland)
asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he has had a communication from the central council of clerical managers of primary national schools in Ireland objecting to the proposal contained in the Irish National Schools (Heating and Cleansing) Bill to place any portion of school expenses on the local rates, and stating their willingness to make themselves responsible for half the cost of the heating, cleansing, and sanitation of national schools provided the Treasury supplied the other half, in accordance with an offer contained in a public statement by the Chief Secretary; and will he introduce legislation to give effect to this practical agreement between the responsible managers of schools and the Chief Secretary?
I would refer the hon. Member to my reply to a question on the same subject asked by the hon. Member for East Kerry on the 11th instant.
Is the right hon. Gentleman of opinion that it would be useless to receive a deputation on the subject?
If the hon. Gentleman asks that question I am bound to say that I am. I have already considered the question so fully that I do not think at the present moment there would he any use in receiving a deputation.
Armagh Murder Trial
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland what were the grounds on which the Crown refused. to have Oliver Corrin, who was charged with murder at Armagh Assizes in March last, examined by an expert in lunacy; whether he is aware that the judge who tried the case at once ordered such an examination to be made, and that, as a result of that examination, the prisoner was found by the jury to have been insane when he committed the crime; and what steps he proposes to take in similar cases in the future?
The Crown declined to accede to the request of Corrin's solicitor, for a special examination of the accused by an expert in lunacy, in view of the prison medical officer's report that there was not the slightest ground for supposing that the accused was insane. The Judge of Assize did not order such an examination; but the question whether the accused was capable of pleading having been raised by his solicitor, a jury was sworn to try it, and the verdict was in the affirmative. Corrin was accordingly put on his trial, when the jury returned a verdict that he was guilty but of unsound mind at the time he committed the murder. In dealing with cases of the kind the special circumstances of each particular case must be considered.
Poisoning of Dogs (County Down)
asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been drawn to the laying down of poison in, or in the vicinity of, certain towns in Ireland, and particularly in and around Bangor, county Down; whether he is aware that in Bangor many dogs have lately been killed from this cause, and that dog owners are unable, without the assistance of the police, to find out who are responsible for the practice of laying down poison without safeguards against the destruction of dogs; and whether he will instruct the police authorities to enforce strictly the law relating to this matter?
I am informed by the Constabulary authorities that a number of dogs were poisoned last month in and around Bangor. The police have not as yet been able to find out who laid the poison. Similar cases occurred some short time ago in other parts of county Down, and in two cases persons who had laid down poison on their lands for the protection of their sheep, without giving proper notice, were prosecuted by the police and convicted.
Strokestown District Council (Mr. M. J. Hanly, J.P.)
asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that Mr. Michael J. Hanly, a Justice of the Peace for county Roscommon and assistant surveyor of the same county, on 9th March last presented a barrel of stout to a mob of labourers who had successfully intimidated the Strokestown District Council into handing over the upkeep of the county roads to direct labour instead of to contractors as formerly, and that many of the mob got drunk and waylaid, attacked, and beat members of the council; and will he say whether the attention of the Lord Chancellor has been drawn to the action of Mr. Haply, and, if so, is it his intention to allow him to continue to hold His Majesty's Commission of the Peace?
The attention of the Lord Chancellor has been called to the statements made in the question, and he has caused a copy of these statements to be sent to Mr. Hanly, with a request that he should furnish him with any explanation or observations which he may desire to offer in respect of them.
Am I to understand that this is the first occasion on which these facts have been brought to the notice of the Lord Chancellor? I am informed that they were brought to his notice three or four months ago.
I cannot say. This is the first time they have come to knowledge.
Limerick District Asylum
asked the Chief Secretary if he can say whether he has received a copy of the resolution, unanimously adopted by the committee of management of the Limerick District Asylum, urging on the Government the necessity of supplementing the local taxation account which, under the Local Government Act, 1898, was intended to meet certain liabilities, including the rate-in-aid for maintenance of lunatics, as the amount allotted is inadequate to meet the requirements; and whether he intends to obtain the increased grant so required?
A copy of the resolution in question has been sent to me. I recently received a deputation on the subject from the committee of management of the Richmond District Lunatic Asylum, when I undertook to bring before the Chancellor of the Exchequer the facts and figures relating to Irish local taxation and the charges made upon it, the increase of the lunatic asylum charges, and the prospective insufficiency of the fund to meet those charges. This I have since done.
:What reply did you get from the Chancellor of the Exchequer?
As yet I have not had any reply.
Indian Products (Preference)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India. whether the Government of India and the India Office have for many years past given a preference to Indian products and manufactures wherever possible; and, if not, whether the Secretary of State will consider the propriety of addressing the Government of India on the subject?
The regulations laid down by the Government of India have provided for many years past that every consideration should be given to Indian products and manufactures, whenever this could be done without disadvantage to the State.
Indian Police Inquiry
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he can state what is the composition of the Commission appointed by the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal to inquire into the methods of the Criminal Investigation Department of Police to that province; and whether any unofficial or Indian members have been appointed on that Commission?
The inquiry is into the conduct of the police in the Midnapur case, not into the methods of the Criminal Investigation Department. The Secretary of State has, as yet, no information as to the points raised except that the Commissioner of the Burdwan division will have charge of the inquiry.
Has the Secretary of State made inquiry into the constitution of the Commission, or is the Commissioner of the Burdwan division the only person who is inquiring into the matter?
No; the responsibility for the personnel of the Commission rests solely with the Lieutenant-Governor of Bengal.
Barrah, Comillah and Nattore Cases (India)
asked the Under-Secretary for India whether the Lieutenant-Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam has appointed any commission to inquire into the methods of the Criminal Investigation Department of Police in that province, as disclosed in the recent judicial decisions of the High Court in the Barrah dacoity case, the Nattore mail robbery case, the Comillah shooting case, and other recent cases.
The Lieutenant-Governor has ordered an inquiry into the conduct of the police in the Barrah case. So far as the Secretary of State is aware, no special inquiry has been instituted in regard to the other cases mentioned.
May I ask by whom the inquiry was made?
I really do not know whether the persons are named, but I should say by Members of the personnel forming the Government.
Will the Secretary of State make inquiry as to how the Commission of Inquiry is constituted?
asked the Under-Secretary for India whether he is aware that Inspector Chandra Kanta Dam was employed in 1907 in the Comillah shooting case in which the conduct of the police was censured by the High Court, and that it was given in evidence by Mr. Ryland, district superintendent of police, in that case that he had previously been degraded for extorting a confession from an accused person; whether he is aware that the same officer was employed this year in the Barrah dacoity case, in which his conduct was again unfavourably commented on in the High Court; whether this officer is now in the service of the Criminal Investigation Department; and whether Inspector Chandra Kanta Darn was employed in collecting any of the evidence upon which any of the nine Bengali gentlemen, who were imprisoned in December last without charge or trial, were deported?
The Secretary of State has no information as to the employment of the officer mentioned in the question. The Lieutenant-Governor of Eastern Bengal and Assam has directed an inquiry into the Barrah case.
asked the Under-Secretary for India whether the police who have been engaged in the Midnapur, Barrah, and Nattore cases were natives of India; whether the unfavourable comments by the courts upon the conduct of such police referred only to their conduct in cases with reference to which such unfavourable comments were made; and whether he has-any official information showing that the superior British officers of police have suborned their native subordinates to-fabricate false evidence in order to secure the unjust conviction of their fellow countrymen?
So far as the Secretary of State is aware, the answers to the first questions are in the affirmative; the answer to the third is in the negative.
Has the House to take it then that there is no justification for the insinuations made against another official fellow-countrymen?
None.
Seditious Speeches in India
asked the Under-Secretary for India whether the Secretary of State has had his attention called to the fact that, under a Return of prosecutions for seditious speeches and writings in India, it appears that sentences of upwards of 160 years' imprisonment, in the aggregate, and fines to the amount of over 15,000 rupees have been inflicted upon more than 60 journalists, printers, and others; whether most of these sentences have been passed by magistrates who are not barristers and who have had no practical legal experience; and, if so, whether he will consider the desirability of taking steps in the matter?
The Secretary of State is aware of the particulars contained in the return. The sentences referred to have been passed by duly constituted courts, presided over by officers who have received legal training and had much practical experience in the administration of criminal justice; and they have in all cases been subject to appeal to the High Courts, on which barrister judges have had the opportunity of reviewing the decisions and the sentences imposed. The Secretary of State does not consider that any action in the matter is desirable
Is there any ground for stating that the ordinary process of law is no longer adequate?
I believe there is no ground for that statement.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the statement was made by Lord Morley? Will the hon. Gentleman communicate with Lord Morley on the subject?
Is there any ground for the assumption that civil judges and magistrates are in any way inferior to barrister judges and magistrates in India?
That opens up a very large question, and it is certainly a matter of opinion and not of fact.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in one of the cases reported the man was sentenced to a long term of imprisonment for criticising the system of education in Egypt?
I am afraid I am not familiar with every individual case, and my hon. Friend can hardly expect me to give an answer.
Am I to understand that these cases were appealable to any of the High Courts?
Yes; what I said was that these cases were the subject of appeal to the High Court, where the barrister-judges have an opportunity of reviewing the decisions.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that there is no appeal to the High Court in the great majority of these cases?
The hon. Gentleman must take the answer which has been given.
Deportations in India
asked the Under-Secretary for India whether there is any provision of the Bengal Regulation, under which nine British subjects were deported from Bengal without charge or trial more than six months ago, which prevents the Government of India from reconsidering at any time the evidence upon which those deportations were sanctioned; and, if not, whether he can state why those deportations should not be immediately reconsidered?
asked whether it is the intention of the Government of India to at any time afford an opportunity to the nine British subjects deported from Bengal in December last, without charge or trial, of defending themselves against the grave charges brought against them by the Secretary of State in a speech made by him at Oxford on Saturday?
asked whether the right hon. Gentleman has yet received official information which will enable him to assure the House that none of the police officials, whose proceedings were so unfavourably commented upon in the recent judgments of the Calcutta High Court in the Barrah and Midnapur cases, were consulted by the Government of India in regard to the deportations of British subjects, without charge or trial, sanctioned by the Secretary of State in December last?
asked whether either the Secretary of State or the Government of India are opposed to an amendment of the Law of India making it unlawful for the Executive Government to deport British subjects from their homes without charge or trial in times of peace except under a warrant specifying the nature of the offence of which they are suspected, and subject to a copy of the warrant being laid before the accused and before Parliament; and, if they are opposed to such an amendment, can he state the grounds of their opposition?
asked whether the Secretary of State has had submitted to him the information supplied by the district officers to the Government of India upon which Mr. Ashwini Kumar Dutt and Mr. Krishna Mitra were deported in December last without charge or trial?
As there are five questions on the Paper relating to the deportations in India, it will perhaps be convenient to the House if I deal with them altogether. It has already been repeatedly stated that His Majesty's Government are not prepared to enter into details as to the evidence upon which action was taken. They are not prepared to state what the evidence was, nor by whom it was given. It was drawn from various sources and corroborated in various ways; it was examined by four lieutenant-governors, and by the Governor-General in Council; and His Majesty's Government are satisfied—upon the evidence taken as a whole—that recourse to Regulation III. of 1818 was advisable and necessary. His Majesty's Government have never framed, and do not intend to frame, charges against the persons deported, or to bring them to trial. It is of the essence of action under this Regulation that no charges need be framed, and the avowed purpose of the Regulation, in the words of its enactment, is to provide for cases in which "there may not be sufficient ground to institute any judicial proceeding, or when such proceeding may not be adapted to the nature of the case, or may for other reasons be unadvisable or improper." To frame charges or to take judicial proceedings would therefore be to frustrate the very purpose for which recourse was had to the Regulation, a purpose justified by the result. The responsibility for fixing the period of detention rests with the Governor-General in Council, who may take into consideration at any time the question of bringing it to an end. His Majesty's Government have no doubt that it will be considered as soon as ever the Governor-General in Council is satisfied that the purpose for which the detentions were ordered has been fulfilled. But I should like to remind hon. Members that by constantly calling into question in this House the action of the Government of India, they are only encouraging a revival in India of the elements of mischief that the deportations of last December have done so much to abate. They are thereby postponing the date which it is their desire—and certainly the no less strong desire of His Majesty's Government—to hasten. I come to the question of my hon. Friend the Member for the Newbury Division regarding certain amendments in the Regulation that have been proposed by him and embodied in a Bill. His Majesty's Government are opposed to such attempts at amendment. Action under the Regulation does not purport to be judicial procedure, and it is idle to try to clothe it with judicial aspects. His Majesty's Government cannot be a party to proposals which by mitigating its strictness tend to deprive it of its value as a deterrent, or to render it a less effective instrument for dealing with anarchical and terrorist conspiracy.
May I ask whether the men who have been deported have not been tried on any criminal charge or subjected to any legal proceedings; whether the Prime Minister will advise the Government of India not to keep them confined in gaol as common prisoners, but will allow them to live outside the prison confines on the understanding that on their word of honour they will not return to the district from which they have been deported until the period of deportation has expired?
I understand that the hon. Member has given notice of a question on this very point, arid perhaps he will allow the answer to be deferred.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that we were informed by the Under-Secretary for India that all these gentlemen are in gaol, and have been for over six months, and whether that is non-punitive treatment; if it is not, what are they being punished for?
I have nothing to add to the answer I have given.
I wish to ask the Prime Minister, with reference to the very important statement he has made to the House, whether recent judicial decisions in India by the High Court—which related to the very conspiracy to which the Prime Minister has referred—point out that the police evidence is tainted and corrupt, and that the witnesses were procured by the police, and does not that very materially alter the position of affairs in regard to these nine persons?
I understand that we have no report to that effect. I think the hon. Gentleman did not listen to, the answer I gave: "The Government are not prepared to state what the evidence was, nor by whom it was given. It was drawn from various sources and corroborated in various ways; it was examined by four lieutenant-governors and by the Governor-General in Council."
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in no fewer than three proclamations issued by the Crown it was promised that there should be equal rights and privileges for Indian as well as British subjects?
So there are.
Will he try this regulation in this country.
Is he aware that the evidence which has been examined by all those Governors has never been brought to the notice of the accused persons, and as the men are all of high character, whether he thinks the Government of India should give some opportunity to them of hearing the evidence.
I have dealt with all those points in my reply.
May I ask has he any reason to suppose a European is entitled to the privilege of being dealt with under those regulations if he qualifies?
May I ask, as the Under-Secretary said those men were deported on account of encouraging sedition, if the law of India is not strong enough to deal with those people by trial before a jury?
My bon. Friend could not have listened to the reply.
Several other hon. Members having risen to put further supplementary questions on the subject—
I must remind the House that there are ninety-six questions to-day.
Edinburgh School Board
asked the Lord Advocate whether he is aware that the Edinburgh School Board is now granting free books to all children attending State-aided board schools, and has refused to grant free books to any children attending voluntary State-aided schools without making any inquiry into the circumstances of their cases; and whether, in view of the provisions of the Education Act, he can say what action he proposes to take?
I would refer the hon. Member to my answer to his previous question on the same subject on the 26th ultimo, when I stated that the Edinburgh Board, in acting as they have done, are of opinion that they are acting within their powers under section 3 of the Education (Scotland) Act, 1908. Whether they are, as I was informed they held they were, acting under that section is a legal question which must be decided, if necessary, by a court of law. The Act does not confer any powers on the Department to take action in the matter.
May I ask the Lord Advocate if it is suggested by him that legal action should be taken by the parents of those children; and, if so, will the costs of that inquiry be paid by the Crown, seeing that this provision was passed in an Act of Parliament specifically to safeguard such cases?
The Crown have no power to direct the Edinburgh School Board in the exercise of its discretionary power.
Is he aware this has been a test question at a recent election in Edinburgh; and can he say whether the electorate is to blame and not the School Board?
I understand it was a test question.
May I ask if the fact that a question is made a test question at an election is supposed to override the words of an Act of Parliament?
North Sea Manœvres
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether all of the British war vessels engaged in the manœuvres in the North Sea in July last had full crews; and, if not, how many were short of their full complement of men and how many had only nucleus crews?
All the vessels had full crews
War Vessels (Coal)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that a few years ago experiments were carried out by the Admiralty with a view of ascertaining what description of coal was the most efficient for use in war vessels, and, am a result of such experiments, it was found that a mixture of two-thirds Welsh and one-third best Northumberland steam coal gave the best results; and whether he will now arrange for such a mixture to be used on some of the vessels taking part in the forthcoming manœuvres.
The mixture referred to was in use in His Majesty's Navy for a considerable period prior to 1887, and was found to be so generally unsatisfactory that its use was discontinued. It is not proposed to supply this mixture to any ships taking part in the forthcoming exercises.
May I ask if he can state what the objectionable feature of that mixture was?
The matter has been very fully inquired into, I think something like twenty years ago, and after the fullest investigation it was decided that the mixture was unsatisfactory. I could not in less time than an hour explain all the facts.
Considering the enormous time that has elapsed, will he give an opportunity for a similar inquiry now?
It is the same coal.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, in view of a probable lock-out or strike in the South Wales coalfield, any arrangements have been made for the use of North Country coal on the ships of His Majesty's Navy?
It is not considered to be in the public interest to indicate the arrangements contemplated by the Admiralty for the supply of coal to the Fleet in the event of a lock-out or strike in South Wales.
Navy Committee of Inquiry
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state whether the Committee of Inquiry now sitting on the Navy has finished taking evidence; and, if so, when it will report to the Committee of Defence?
I cannot say anything further at present than that the Committee has not yet concluded the inquiry.
Krupp Works (Extension)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty at what date were the Government first aware of the extensions taking place in Messrs. Krupp's works, which he has referred to as being now realised?
It was known early in 1906 that Messrs. Krupp's works were being extended. This expansion has been going on continuously since then.
Is he quite clear he is not ante-dating?
No; in 1906.
May I ask whether the information or any part of it appertaining to this subject was received from any of His Majesty's consular representatives in Germany?
I think it would be undesirable to state the sources of information.
"Blackwater" (Salving)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether the work of salving the "Blackwater," sunk off Dungeness, has been abandoned; whether any salvage firms were invited to tender for the work of raising the wreck; how much has been spent in the attempt to recover the vessel; and how much did she cost originally?
The work has been abandoned. Three firms were asked to tender. £4,227 has been spent on the work, but the value of guns, mountings, torpedo tubes, etc., salved must be set off against this. The ship's original cost was £75,040, exclusive of guns.
Garages for Dirigible Balloons
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if any arrangements have yet been made for the erection of garages or sheds for dirigible balloons; if not, if plans and estimates for them have been got out; if the sites for them have been fixed upon; and has the latest information been obtained as to the cost and erection of these garages in France?
The question of the garage of airships has received careful attention. Plans and estimates have been considered and compared with similar garages abroad. The position of suitable sites is under review. It is not proposed for the present to erect Admiralty shelters.
Is the Admiralty leaving action to be taken by the War Office, and does he not consider the Navy is quite as much affected as the Army?
The hon. Gentleman will see from the Estimates provisions have been taken for this very purpose. The Admiralty is not itself providing garages, but they will be provided by the contractors.
Church in Wales (Royal Commission)
asked the Prime Minister whether, having regard to the fact that the whole of the evidence given before the Royal Commission on the Church in Wales was in the printers' hands so long ago as July of last year, and the issue of it cannot be much longer delayed, he will take steps to secure its publication before the introduction of a Welsh Disestablishment Bill?
I am afraid I can only repeat that the Government have no control over the issue of the Report or evidence of a Royal Commission.
May I ask whether the Government is not responsible for the advice tendered to His Majesty before the Report is presented to this House, according to an answer given by the Home Secretary?
We cannot give any advice until something comes before us to advise upon.
Committee of Defence (Admiral Bethel and Captain Hulbert)
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to a complaint made by Captain Hulbert, now Assistant Director of Naval Intelligence at the Admiralty, which related to a statement made by Admiral Bethel to Captain Hulbert, in connection with the present inquiry by the Committee a Defence, to the effect that he, Captain Hulbert, would be placed on half-pay if he gave evidence unfavourable to the Admiralty; and whether a statement embodying that complaint was formally communicated to the Prime Minister by Captain Hulbert himself?
Captain Hulbert made a complaint, which was investigated by the Committee. They are satisfied that Admiral Bethel did not make the statement suggested, and that Captain Hulbert's complaint was founded on a misunderstanding.
asked the Prime Minister if he will lay upon the Table those Minutes of the inquiry now being conducted by the Defence Committee relating to Captain Hulbert's complaint against the conduct of Admiral Bethel?
No, Sir.
Are there no Minutes on the subject.
The answer to the question is no.
"Blocking" Motions
asked the Prime Minister when he proposes to restore to this House the liberty of discussing questions which the House, in its judgment, considers of urgent public importance, and the discussion of which is prevented by blocking Motions?
Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, may I ask if this subject is one which has occupied the anxious attention of many Governments and whether it is not due to the habitual congestion of business in this House, for which the only solution is the devolution of local affairs?
The supplementary question raises a very large field for possible discussion, and is not wholly uncontroversial. As to the question on the Paper I must refer my hon. Friend to previous answers which I have given on this subject. I fear it is impossible, in the absence of something like general agreement, to amend the present procedure.
German Merchant Ships (Right of Capture)
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been called to the fact that 410 passengers of the British ss. "Slavonia," wrecked off Flores Island, have been saved by the prompt and effective action of two German merchant ships, the North German Lloyd "Princess Irene" and the Hamburg-American liner "Batavia"; and whether, in view of these facts, His Majesty's Government will reconsider their decision to maintain the right of this country to capture and possibly destroy these ships in the unfortunate event of war with the nation under whose flag they sail?
I am glad to have the opportunity of expressing His Majesty's Government's appreciation of the action of the German merchant ships. Such actions of kindness and courtesy no doubt have a reciprocal effect in promoting good feeling between nations; they add to the pleasures of peace and make nations reluctant to disturb it; but I cannot see what bearing they have upon the conduct or rules of war.
Navy Construction
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, what are the dates of completion originally decided upon for the "St. Vincent," "Collingwood," "Vanguard," and "Neptune"; and is it anticipated these dates will be adhered to?
The dates are as follows:—
Do I understand from the reply of the right hon. Gentleman that the "Neptune" will be completed two months under two years.
I think two years, January, 1909, to January, 1911.
Barrah Dacoity Case
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the British subjects who have been recently acquitted by the High Court of Calcutta in the Barrah dacoity case were proceeded against under the new Criminal Law Amendment Act of 1908; and, if so, whether they were allowed to be present at the hearing before the magistrate of the police charges against them, or whether any opportunity was given them before being committed for trial of confuting those charges?
The answer to the first question is in the affirmative. The accused were present at the hearing before the magistrate.
Bradford Dyers' Association (Registration of Cotton Mark)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the application by the Bradford Dyers' Association for the registration of the letters B.D.A. as a cotton mark was made under section 62 of the Trade Marks Act of 1905, which expressly provides that the Board of Trade may authorise the registration if they think it to the public advantage; whether in such case he had satisfied himself that it was to the public advantage to register letters contrary to the universal practice, and, if so, why; and whether it was necessary for individuals to lodge notice of opposition with regard to what should be a matter entirely in the discretion of the President of the Board of Trade?
The answer to the first question is in the affirmative. The question of whether or not such registration is to the public advantage is still undecided, but my decision in this matter would necessarily be facilitated if notice of opposition were lodged by any individual or corporate body opposed to the registration, a course which would also enable all legal questions arising out of the application to be properly considered. I am at present in communication with the Manchester Chamber of Commerce on the subject.
Why is it necessary for private merchants to be put to the expense of what amounts to legal proceedings on a matter which the right hon. Gentleman himself could determine in the public interest?
The question is a complicated one, and I must ask for notice in order that I may consult my legal advisers.
Cocoa (Employment of Slave Labour)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he was aware that following upon the refusal of British cocoa manufacturers to purchase cocoa produced by slave labour in San Thome their foreign competitors who manufactured such cocoa and sold it in this country had been placed in a position of unfair advantage; and whether, under the circumstances, he could see his way to take measures to prevent the importation of cocoa from countries where slave labour was employed in its production?
I must refer the hon. Member to the reply given by the Prime Minister on 8th March to the hon. Member for the Stepney Division of the Tower Hamlets.
Accidents to Railway Men (Inquiries)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he could say what was the number of inquiries to be held into the circumstances attending accidents to railway men on duty for periods, viz., up to and including March, April, and May, 1909?
The number of accidents occurring in the months named in regard to which inquiries have been ordered, but have not yet been concluded, are as follows:—
Conciliation Boards (Procedure)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether any decision had been given by his Department respecting the procedure as a first step in the operation of the Conciliation Boards in the case of the Great Northern Railway Company (Ireland); if so, could he say what was the decision?
A meeting took place at the Board of Trade between representatives of the railway company and the employés, and, after arguments and evidence had been brought forward by the two sides, the view was expressed on behalf of the Department that the usual course of procedure that had been followed in applications for changes in wages or hours of a class of empléyes appeared to have been by petitions signed by a reasonable number of the men affected, and that, therefore, in accordance with the conciliation agreement, this course should now be adopted. It was understood that the secretary for the employés would take steps to have this opinion brought to the notice of the men, but I have not yet been informed whether any action has been taken accordingly.
Great Western and Rhondda Railway Companies (Working Agreement)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he had brought to the notice of the Great Western and the Rhondda and Swansea Bay Railway Companies the request to deposit a copy of the working agreement arrived at between themselves upon the Table of this House; and, if so, with what result?
I brought to the notice of the companies the questions put by the hon. Member on the 25th ultimo and my replies. I have not heard whether they propose to deposit with the Board of Trade a copy of the agreement.
Will the right hon. Gentleman address them further?
I had better see what is the character of the reply, if any, to my first letter before I make any further communication.
Insurance Policies (Repayment of Premiums)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if his attention had been called to the case tried recently at the Merthyr County Court, in which Mrs. Emma Sheen claimed the return of £13 6s. from the Royal Liver Friendly Society, the amount of premiums paid on two policies for life insurance on the lives of her father and mother; whether he was aware that the decision given by His Honour Judge Bryn Roberts ruled that a person had no insurable interest in father or mother, and that the return of premiums on policies could not be claimed, as the transaction was a gamble and therefore illegal; that it was stated that no inquiries were made by the agents as to whether there was any insurable interest; that these transactions were carried on wholesale; and whether he would consider the advisability of introducing legislation to remedy the position with regard to such transactions?
also asked the President of the Board of Trade if his attention had been called to a case recently tried at Blackburn, where a woman sued the Prudential Insurance Company for certain moneys under a policy on the life of her sister; whether he was aware that it was stated that the agent left the proposal and the claimant signed the name of her sister thereon; that the agent afterwards signed as a witness as though he were present; that 90 per cent. of the proposals were left to be signed in the same way; and whether, in view of the fact that the claimant was unable to secure a refund of the money paid in premiums, he would consider the advisability of introducing legislation making the company or its agents, either singly or jointly, responsible for the repayment of premiums in cases of this kind?
I will answer these two questions of the hon. Member together. My attention has not been called to the particular cases referred to, but the question of insurable interest with which they are concerned has had my careful consideration for some time past, and as a result a clause (No. 34) to deal with the position has been inserted in the Assurance Companies Bill, which is at present before the House of Lords, and which I trust will become law this Session.
South-Eastern Railway (Compulsory Sick Fund)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention had been drawn to the existence of a compulsory sick fund on the South-Eastern Railway, which published no annual balance sheet, and whose members had no share in the management and no knowledge of the financial position thereof; and what action he proposed to take in the matter?
The Board of Trade have no knowledge of the sick fund referred to. The fund does not appear to come within the scope of the inquiry of the Committee now investigating the superannuation funds of railway companies, and I have no jurisdiction in regard to it.
Kerry Pension Committee (Secretary)
asked on how many old age pensions had the secretary of the county Kerry Pension Committee been paid fees?
The Clerk of the county Kerry Pension Committee has not been paid fees on any claims for old age pensions. As the claims are dealt with entirely by the sub-committees he is not entitled to any fee under paragraph 1 (2) of the Treasury Financial Instructions.
If I put down a question asking what fees have been paid to members of the sub-committee, will the hon. Gentleman be able to give me an answer?
I think so.
Old Age Pensions, Ireland (Proof of Age)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he could say under what authority were existing pen- sioners deprived of pensions on the strength of the Census Office records in Ireland, having regard to the fact that they were not taken as legal proof of age in the Irish courts and having regard to the fact that the certificates in regard to age on which the pensions were originally granted were furnished by responsible clergymen after due local inquiry?
No pensioner, who can furnish legal proof that he has attained the age of seventy, has been, or will be, deprived of his pension on the ground of failure to satisfy the statutory condition as to age. In the absence of legal proof the pension authority has to rely upon any evidence which may be available. Since the burthen of proof rests upon the claimant, the fact that the pension authorities admit evidence which might not be accepted by a court of law is wholly in his favour, as otherwise the claim would of necessity fail if legal proof of age were not forthcoming.
Where there is a difference in age between the Census Records and the certificates of clergymen given after due local inquiry, would it not be better to rely on the certificates of the clergymen.
All questions as to what is good and reliable proof depends in the first place on the committee itself, and, in the second place, on the Local Government Board if an appeal is taken from the decision of the pension committee to the Board. The matter does not depend on any interpretation by the Treasury, by myself, or anyone else.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that pension committees have no power whatever in the matter, and that their decisions are completely ignored by the pension officers and the Local Government Board?
The decisions of the pension committee are not and cannot be over-ruled by the pension officer. He can only appeal to the Local Government Board if he is not satisfied with the committee's decision.
Where the age according to the Census Returns of 1841 differs from the age according to the Census Returns of 1851 will the benefit of the doubt be given to the applicant?
The decision does not depend on the Treasury. It depends, in the first place, on the pension committee, and, in the second place, if an appeal is lodged, on the Local Government Board, over whom we have no jurisdiction whatever.
In an ordinary case would not legal proof be afforded by an affidavit?
I am not qualified off-hand to give a legal opinion.
Scotch Education Department Circulars
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he would say to whom the Stationery Office sends the circulars issued by the Scotch Education Department; and if he could arrange to have them noted on the Pink Paper, so that Scottish Members might have an opportunity of knowing the lines of administration followed by the Department?
also asked the Secretary to the Treasury why the reports of the inspectors and other papers of the Scotch Education Department, which used to be issued as Command Papers and were available for Members, had now ceased to be so, and were not even supplied to the Library of the House of Commons; and whether he could arrange that these should be accessible in some way to Members desiring to read them?
With the hon. Member's permission, I will answer these two questions together. The circulars mentioned in the first question are not in the class of papers which are usually issued to Members. The inspectors' reports and the other papers mentioned in the second question are subsidiary to the General Report of the Scotch Education Department. They are no longer issued as Command Papers, in pursuance of the recommendation of the Select Committee on Publications. All these papers can be obtained, upon payment, from the Official Agents' Office, at 32, Abingdon-street, Westminster. The Stationery Office are, however, prepared to supply copies of the particular publications in question to the Library of the House of Commons on the application of the Librarian.
In view of that very unsatisfactory answer, will the hon. Gentleman explain how Scotch Members are supposed to be informed of the doings of this despotic and uncontrolled Department?
I think my hon. Friend might well qualify his statement. We are acting in this matter on the recommendation of a Select Committee, which sat for the purpose of seeing whether unnecessary publications to this House might not be cut down.
If an unanimous request were made by Scotch Members that these papers should be restored to the Pink Paper would the hon. Gentleman be prepared to give effect to it?
It is difficult to answer off-hand a question of that sort. There is a very clear recommendation by the Select Committee that publications should be limited. If I am to yield to every request of this sort and to go behind the decision of the Committee my position becomes very difficult.
Are not the circulars of the Scotch Education Department absolutely essential to enable Scotch Members to form an opinion on Scotch Education matters? Was it a recommendation of the Scotch Education Department that these papers should cease to be circulated to Members?
The cessation occurred after the report of the Select Committee on Publications; upon that Committee Scotch Members were represented, and from its recommendation, I believe, the Scotch Members did not dissent.
The hon. Member has not stated to whom the circulars go. Is it not a fact that they go to the education authorities and the Press? Ought not Members of this House to be treated at least as well as the Press?
I believe the fact is very largely as the hon. Gentleman has stated.
:I will raise the matter on the Estimates.
Ejectment of Undesirable Tenants
asked the President of the Local Government Board, whether he has received certain representations from the United Kingdom Federation of Property. Owners and Ratepayers Associations regarding the unsatisfactory state of the law in reference to the ejectment of undesirable tenants; if so, whether he has given consideration to such representations; and whether he is able to promise any legislation on the subject during this Session?
I have received the representations referred to in the question. I am not, however, in a position to promise legislation on the subject to which they relate during the present Session.
London County Council and Tottenham Land
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has received an application from the London County Council for sanction to dispose of about 180 acres of land at Tottenham which was acquired by the Council for the purposes of Part III. of the Housing of the Working Classes Act; and whether he proposes to withhold such sanction?
I have recently received an application from the County Council for sanction to the proposed sale, and I am in communication with them on the subject.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that at the same time the London County Council decided to spend a sum equivalent to that realised by the sale of such property for the purposes of Part III., in other places?
I think the details to which the hon. Gentleman refers are better dealt with by the County Council letter, and my reply thereto.
Pensioners (Proof of Age)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he can say under what provision of the Old Age Pension Act have pension officers called on existing pensioners to furnish particulars for search in the Census Office regarding their age; whether this can only be done where the matter has been referred by the local pension committee to the pension officer; and if so, can he say why existing pensioners have been deprived of their pension by the pension officer alone?
It is the duty of the pension officer under section 7 (1) of the Act to raise a question in any case in which it seems to him that the statutory conditions are not fulfilled, and to inquire into and report to the committee upon any such question. Under paragraph 17 of the statutory regulations, the pension officer has power himself to raise a question without reference to the pen- sion committee. No pension officer by himself has power to deprive persons of their pensions, but the particulars of any specific case will be inquired into if furnished.
Sale of Margarine for Butter
On a point of order, may I point out that Question 77 has been passed over?
May I explain, Mr. Speaker, that I wrote to the hon. Member asking him to postpone his question?
The question was as to whether the Board of Agriculture is going to do anything to safeguard the butter industry, and allow the thing to continue. The question relates to the Bill that will come before the Committee on Monday next, and the hon. Gentleman wants it postponed till Wednesday.
The reason I did not call upon the hon. Member was because I was informed that the question was postponed.
No, no. Not by me, Mr. Speaker. May I ask the question now?
[The question was as follows: "To ask the hon. Member for South Somerset, as representing the President of the Board of Agriculture, whether his attention has been directed to the fact that 115 test samples sold as butter were obtained in London and Liverpool, and were submitted for analysis, and that the analyst reported that only 22 of the samples were genuine butter; and whether, in view of the increasing fraudulent sale of margarine for butter, he can say what steps, if any, the Board of Agriculture propose to take to safeguard the butter industry?"]
I am unable to give the information till next Wednesday.
There is no information required that is not already in the office which the hon. Gentleman represents. Are the Board of Agriculture going to allow this fraud to continue or not?
Coroners' Inquests (Case of Mrs. Ruiz)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will consider the desirability of introducing legislation requiring notice to be given to local newspapers of the holding of coroners' inquests and providing a right of attendance to the public at such inquests?
This suggestion will be referred to the Committee now inquiring into the law and practice of coroners' inquests.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on 19th May last, at St. Pancras Coroner's Court, an inquest was held concerning the death of a woman named Ruiz, that the Press were not notified, and the public knew nothing of it; and that the coroner has since absolutely refused to publish the depositions of the woman? I ask the Home Secretary if he is not in a position to put an end to this sort of scandal?
I do not see how that arises out of the question on the paper. If the hon. Member will give his facts in a second question, I will inquire.
Frampton Cotterell (Gloucestershire) Burials
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that the vicar of Frampton Cotterell (Glos.) has declined to bury the corpse of a parishioner after three o'clock in the day; whether he is aware of the difficulty there is in getting bearers early in the day in a mining village; and whether he proposes to take any action in the matter to prevent similar difficulty in the future?
I have no information on the subject of this question, and I am afraid that I cannot intervene in it, as it does not in any way fall within my jurisdiction. I can only express the general opinion that it is obviously the duty of an incumbent to consult the convenience of his parishioners in such a matter.
Vivisection (Royal Commission)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can say when the Royal Commission on Vivisection will issue their Report?
I am unable at the present time to say when the Royal Commission will make their Report) but I understand that there has been no unreasonable delay in their proceedings.
Small Holdings (Kent)
asked the hon. Member for South Somerset, as representing the President of the Board of Agriculture, if he can state what portions of the Crockham Hill dairy farm the Kent County Council proposes to compulsorily acquire under the Small Holdings and Allotments Act; when applicants may expect to be placed in occupation thereof; and what rent will be charged them?
The Small Holdings Committee of the county council are to meet next week to consider the advisability of making an Order for the compulsory acquisition of this farm. I will let my hon. Friend know the result of the meeting.
Do I understand the hon. Gentleman to say that a compulsory order has been applied for, and is to be put into force?
No; they are considering the advisability of applying for an Order.
Business of the House
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister a question, of which I have given him private notice: Whether he can put down the Foreign Office Vote for some day next week or the week after next? He knows that this is a matter of urgency.
Perhaps I may interpose before the right hon. Gentleman gives an answer, to ask him what his views are in regard to the course of Supply in the immediate future and what the business generally is for next week? And I also want to particularly ask him regarding a matter on which we on this side of the House feel more strongly than on any other public question at the present time—a subject which can only be raised on Vote 8 of the Navy Votes. I should be very glad to know whether the Government have yet made up their minds on which day they propose to give us the opportunity of discussing Naval policy, which will be properly dealt with on that Vote?
As regards next week, we propose on Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday to take the Committee stages of the Finance Bill. On Thursday we will take Irish Supply and the Land Commission Vote. The hon. Member for South Donegal will not wish for any alteration to that—
No, indeed. That is a slice out of the Finance Bill.
Friday, under the Standing Orders, will be given to private Members' Bills. In regard to the Foreign Office Vote, I should not like to pledge myself, but it will certainly be put down at no distant period; within a few weeks. With regard to the question of the right hon. Gentleman, we propose to take the necessary report of Vote 10 of the Navy, of which at present we have only got the Committee stage, before the end of the first week in July. We hope a convenient day will be arranged for the discussion of Vote 8 some time in the course of that month.
May I ask whether, in fixing the date upon which the Vote for Construction is to be taken, the right hon. Gentleman will bear in mind what I will not go the length of calling a pledge but an indication of a promise on the part of the head of the Admiralty that he would endeavour to take that Vote at an earlier period this year than has been customary in previous years, when it was customary to put Vote 8 down in the middle of July; and whether, in these circumstances, he will see his way to give an earlier date for the discussion of this Question, in which we are all so deeply interested.
I cannot say what happened previously, but I will look into it.
Interjections in Debate
May I, Mr. Speaker, direct your attention to a small matter? These Official Reports (holding a copy up), as I understand them, if they are to be really Reports of the House, ought to be completely colourless, and the speeches of hon. Members ought not to have interpolations of "Applause," "Laughter," or dissent, unless there is a statement by the speaker which has led to a necessary interpolation. In the Report of Tuesday last I see there is a reference to the visit of the Emperor of Russia, and then follows an interpolation by the reporter of "Loud cries of 'Order.'" These cries and interpolations should not be given in the ordinary authorised Report of the Proceedings of this House, which should be merely a colourless statement of the transactions. I would like, Sir, to ask your ruling on the point?
The hon. Member has stated the rule correctly, which is that there should be no interpolation of "Cheers," "Laughter," or "Order, order," unless it leads to a direct reference by the hon. Member who is speaking. I think the reference in question to which the hon. Member has directed my attention should be cut out. I might also say that the observation put into the mouth of the hon. Member for West Ham did not reach my ears, or I should have called the attention of the House to it.
May I ask, in view of the fact that the observation did not reach you, Sir, whether it would not be more in keeping with the dignity of the House if the remark was excluded from the Official Report?
I think probably that would be the best course, but I should not like to take it without asking the hon. Member for West Ham. I have no control over what is put into his mouth. The matter is submitted to him, and he will probably see fit to make the correction. I do not think I could take it upon myself to strike out observations which are attributed to hon. Members.
Ways and Means
May I ask what is the object of putting Ways and Means upon the Paper to-day?
It is according to Standing Order.
Motion for Adjournment
"Blocking" Resolutions
I rise to ask the leave of the House to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of discussing a definite matter of urgent public importance—the abuse of the Rules of the House by the placing of colourable Notices of Motion on the Order Paper so as to prevent the discussion, by means of Motions for the Adjournment of the House, of Motions of urgent public importance, and to stifle freedom of speech in connection with public affairs in this House.
I do not think the hon. Member has made out his plea of urgency. The matter has been before the House, on and off, for the last two or three years, and has been discussed, and many questions have been asked. I do not think that any new feature has arisen in regard to it.
Presentation of Bill
The following Bill was presented and read the first time:—
Mr. RAMSAY MACDONALD—Plumage (Prohibition of Sale or Exchange) (No. 2).—Bill to prohibit the Sale or Exchange of Plumage and Skins of certain Wild Birds. (To be read a second time 21st June.)
Labour Exchanges [Salaries, Etc.]
Committee to consider of authorising the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, of the salaries and remuneration of officers and servants appointed under any Act of the present Session to provide for the establishment of Labour Exchanges and for other purposes incidental thereto, and of any expenses incurred by the Board of Trade in pursuance of such Act (King's Recommendation signified), upon Monday next.—[ Mr. Churchill. ]
Business of the House (Supply)
moved: "That the Proceedings on the Business of Supply, if under discussion at Eleven o'clock this night, be not interrupted under the Standing Order (Sittings of the House), notwithstanding anything in Standing Order No. 15."
Question put.
The House divided: Ayes, 223; Noes, 57.
Division No. 170.] AYES. [3.58 p.m. Agnew, George William Curran, Peter Francis Hudson, Walter Ainsworth, John Stirling Delany, William Hutton, Alfred Eddison Alden, Percy Devlin, Joseph Hyde, Clarendon G. Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch) Dewar, Arthur (Edinburgh, S.) Illingworth, Percy H. Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry Dilke, Rt. Hon Sir Charles Jackson, R. S. Astbury, John Meir Donelan, Captain A. Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea) Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset) Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) Jones, Leif (Appleby) Barnes, G. N. Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) Joyce, Michael Barran, Sir John Nicholson Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne) Kavanagh, Walter M. Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Dunne, Major E. Martin (Walsall) Kekewich, Sir George Beale, W. P. Erskine, David C. Kilbride, Denis Benn, Sir J. Williams (Devonport) Evans, Sir S. T. King, Alfred John (Knutsford) Bennett, E. N. Everett, R. Lacey Lamont, Norman Bethell, T. R. (Essex, Maldon) Fenwick, Charles Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, W.) Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Ffrench, Peter Lehmann, R. C. Boland John Flynn, James Christopher Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich) Boulton, A. C. F. Furness, Sir Christopher Lundon, T. Bowerman, C. W. Gibb, James (Harrow) Lupton, Arnold Branch, James Gibson, J. P. Luttrell, Hugh Fownes Bright, J. A. Gill, A. H. Lyell, Charles Henry Brocklehurst, W. B. Ginnell, L. Lynch, H. B. Brooke, Stopford Gladstone, Rt. Hon. Herbert John Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) Bryce, J. Annan Glen-Coats, Sir T. (Renfrew, W.) Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) Burke, E. Haviland- Glendinning, R. G. Maclean, Donald Burns, Rt. Hon. John Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Gooch, George Peabody (Bath) MacNeill, John Gordon Swift Byles, William Pollard Greenwood, Hamar (York) Macpherson, J. T. Cameron, Robert Gulland, John W. MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.) Carr-Gomm, H W. Hall, Frederick MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.) Causton, Kt. Hon. Richard Knight Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale) M'Micking, Major G. Chance, Frederick William Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) Marnham, F. J. Cheetham, John Frederick Hardy, George A. (Suffolk) Massie, J. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester) Masterman, C. F. G. Clancy, John Joseph Harrington, Timothy Menzies, Walter Clough, William Hart-Davies, T. Middlebrook, William Clynes, J. R. Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) Molteno, Percy Alport Cobbold, Felix Thornley Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen) Compton-Rickett, Sir J. Hayden, John Patrick Morrell, Philip Condon, Thomas Joseph Helme, Norval Watson Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Cooper, G. J Henderson, Arthur (Durham) Murphy, John (Kerry, East) Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead) Higham, John Sharp Myer, Horatio Cotton, Sir H. J. S. Hobart, Sir Robert Nannetti, Joseph P. Cox, Harold Hobhouse, Charles E. H. Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster) Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) Hodge, John Nolan, Joseph Crean, Eugene Hogan, Michael Norton, Captain Cecil William Crooks, William Holt, Richard Durning O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Crossley, William J. Hooper, A. G. O'Connor, James (Wicklow, W.) Cullinan, J Horniman, Emslie John O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) Robson, Sir William Snowdon Walsh, Stephen O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke) Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) Parker, James (Halifax) Roche, John (Galway, East) Wardle, George J. Pearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek) Rose, Charles Day Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) Pearce, William (Limehouse) Rowlands, J. Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Philips, John (Longford, S.) Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter Watt, Henry A. Pickersgill, Edward Hare Russell, Rt. Hon T. W. Wedgwood, Josiah C. Pirie, Duncan V. Seely, Colonel Whitbread, S. Howard Pointer, J. Shackleton, David James White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire) Pollard, Dr. G. H. Sheehan, Daniel Daniel White, Patrick (Meath, North) Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. Sheehy, David Whitehead, Rowland Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Shipman, Dr. John G. Whitley, John Henry (Halifax) Priestley, W. E. B. (Bradford, E.) Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) Wiles, Thomas Pullar, Sir Robert Snowden, P. Wilkie, Alexander Radford, G. H Soares, Ernest J. Williams, J. (Glamorgan) Raphael, Herbert H. Stanger, H. Y. Williams, A. Osmond (Merioneth) Rea, Russell Gloucester) Stanley, Hon. A. Lyulph (Cheshire) Williamson, A. Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Steadman, W. C Wills, Arthur Walters Reddy M. Strachey, Sir Edward Wilson, Henry J. (York, W.R.) Redmond, John E (Waterford) Taylor, John W. (Durham) Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) Rees, J. D. Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) Rendall, Athelstan Tennant, Sir Edward (Salisbury) Wilson, P. W. (St. Pancras, S.) Richards, T. F. (Wolverhampton, W. Thompson, J. W. H. (Somerset, E.) Wood, T. M'Kinnon Ridsdale, E. A. Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton) Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) Tomkinson, James TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr.—Mr. Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) Toulmin, George Joseph Pease and Mr. J. Herbert Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside) Trevelyan, Charles Philips Lewis. Robinson, S. Ure, Rt. Hon, Alexander
NOES. Anson, Sir William Reynell Fell, Arthur Nicholson, Wm G. (Petersfield) Anstruther-Gray, Major Glover, Thomas Peel, Hon. W. R. W. Balcarres, Lord Guinness, W. E. (Bury St. Edmunds) Pretyman, E. G. Baldwin, Stanley Hardy, Laurence (Kent, Ashford) Ratcliff, Major R. F. Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond. Harrison-Broadley, H. B. Renwick, George Banbury, Sir Frederick George Heaton, John Henniker Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Bignold, Sir Arthur Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) Ropner, Colonel Sir Robert Bowles, G. Stewart Hunt, Rowland Seddon, J. Butcher, Samuel Henry Jowett, F. W. Smith, F. E. (Liverpool, Walton) Carlile, E. Hildred Joynson-Hicks, William Stanier, Beville Cecil, Lord R. (Marylebone, E.) Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R. Starkey, John R. Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.) Long, Col. Charles W. (Evesham) Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G. (Oxford Univ.) Clive, Percy Archer Long, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dublin, S.) Thorne, William (West Ham) Clyde, J. Avon Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. Alfred Tuke, Sir John Batty Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Craik, Sir Henry Magnus, Sir Philip Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- Dickson, Rt. Hon C. Scott- Marks, H. H. (Kent) Younger. George Dcuglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Mason, James F. (Windsor) Du Cros, Arthur Morpeth, Viscount TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr. Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.) Newdegate, F. A. Pike Pease and Lord E. Talbot.
Supply [10th Allotted Day]
Considered in Committee.
[MR. EMMOTT in the chair.]
CIVIL SERVICES AND REVENUE DEPARTMENTS ESTIMATES, 1909–10 [Class II]
Local Government Board
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)
Motion made and Question proposed: "That a sum not exceeding £169,294 be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1910, for the salaries and expenses of the Local Government Board."
In moving a reduction of this Vote by £100, I wish to call attention to the continued maintenance of children in our workhouses. This is no new question. For many years all those who have had any practical experience of our workhouse system, or who have taken any interest in the welfare of the children of the poorer classes, have been practically unanimous that children should be removed from our workhouses. Within the last few years there may have been some little hesitation in carrying this question further on account of the sittings of the Royal Commission on the Poor Law, the Report of which was published last April, but that excuse for delay no longer exists. I may point out that both the majority and the minority of that Commission are equally unanimous in condemning this system. I understand it is not necessary to have legislation in order to carry out the recommendations of the Royal Commission on this particular point. I hope the President of the Local Government Board will not shelter himself behind any plea that legislation is necessary, but will endeavour at once to take the necessary steps to see that the recommendations of the Royal Commission on this particular question are carried out as speedily as possible. I have here a few quotations from the Report of the Royal Commission on this subject. The extract I will read is from a report made to the Commission by one of their investigators, and, without giving the name of the workhouse, it says:
There is a special case which I have called the attention of the President of the Local Government Board to for several months past, but he seems extremely reluctant or apathetic in giving me any information upon it, but I hope he will do so to-day. It is the case of two poor boys belonging to my own religious community. About two years ago two boys were put into the Hampstead workhouse by their stepmother, and they were entered in the creed register as belonging to the Church of England. Subsquently their father, who was a Catholic, made a declaration that those boys were Catholics, and he wanted them brought up as Catholics. The Local Government Board backed up the father, and ordered that these children should be registered as Catholics, and that the creed register should be altered accordingly. The Hampstead workhouse authorities apparently ignored the Local Government Board, and did not carry out those instructions. The Local Government Board appear to me to have been extremely dilatory in the matter, with the result that one of these boys became 12 years of age before action was taken, with the result that the Hampstead authorities were able to gain their point. If my information is correct, by the dilatoriness of the Department the father of these children has lost the legal right which he possessed with reference to the religious education of his own children. I called the attention of the right hon. Gentleman opposite to this case as far back as September. On 24th March he informed me that the matter had been referred to the Law Officers of the Crown, and since then I have heard nothing more from him, although on 24th May I wrote to him again. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give some satisfactory explanation with reference to this case, and that he will be able to assure me that these two boys will be brought up according to the wishes of their father, and in the religion of their father.
Question proposed: "That Item A (Salaries and Wages) be reduced by £100. in respect of the salary of the President of the Local Government Board."
I do not intend to occupy the attention of the Committee for more than a few minutes, but there are several matters on which I desire to say a word or two. In the first place, I desire to support the first case put by my Noble Friend with reference to the education of children in workhouse schools. Of my own knowledge of the Department during the years in which I was in the Department, I know that anything that the Local Government Board can do in this matter will be done. It is a most desirable end, and they are willing to promote it. There is no doubt more children are educated in workhouse schools than anyone would desire, but, on the other hand, during the last 20 years the advance made in this reform is one of the most remarkable in our social life. However desirable this reform may be, it is undesirable that changes should be made, unless the local authorities are in a position to give satisfactory effect to the reform. If they cannot do that, it is better that the children should remain in the workhouses. What I mean is: that they should remain in the workhouses rather than be boarded out, unless the arrangements are sufficient. There are people who hold the opinion that any system of boarding out must be better than any system of workhouse education. I am in favour of getting the children outside the workhouses, so as to avoid the workhouse taint. That I am strongly in favour of, but, at the same time, I am not certain that unless you thoroughly equip the cottages to which they are sent, you had better leave them in the workhouses. Therefore I am convinced that the Department over which the right hon. Gentleman presides will do in the future as it has done in the past—its level best to secure these changes, but prudence and caution are necessary.
I have not risen to criticise the Local Government Board, for I agree with the President, whose proposal I read when I was abroad that a special enactment should be passed for making him perpetual President. He is a most admirable head of that important and useful Department. I want to raise the Question of the status and the position of the Local Government Board in regard to the Debate of the other night with reference to the Board of Trade when an Amendment was carried which precluded the existing President of the Board of Trade from receiving additional salary during his tenure of office. I hope that an opportunity will be given to the House to reconsider that decision. I do not believe that it represented the view of the majority of the House. I believe that the majority are in favour of the suggested change, and I hope that a similar proposition will be made with reference to the President of the Local Government Board. I have always held that the Local Government Board ought to be put on a level with any other Department. If the President of the Local Government Board is put on a lower standing there is naturally some distinction drawn between him and his colleagues at the head of the other Departments. I say this in the interest of the permanent officials. It is nothing short of a scandal that the permanent officials of the Local Government Board are regarded as inferior to the permanent officials of the Home Office and other Departments. They are worked just as hard, and no Department has so much to do as the Local Government Board. There is no Department which has so many Bills to deal with every Session, and I may say that the permanent officials of the Local Government Board have to work harder than the permanent officials of any other Department except those at the Treasury. As I have said with that exception there is no Department that works harder than the Local Government Board, and I think that, the President of that Board should obtain the same status as the heads of other Departments. He himself thoroughly deserves it, and if there is to be a change in the position of the head of that Department, I hope that it will take place during his present occupancy of the Presidency.
There is another matter on which I should like to say a few words. For my part I am very anxious that there should be no undue haste in arriving at the position with regard to the Poor Law Report. There are, I may say, two Reports. The evidence is very voluminous, and it is most necessary that we should weigh not merely the recommendations in the Report before changes are made, but that we should weigh the evidence on which the recommendations were based. There is need of a change undoubtedly. I believe that the Majority Report proceeds in the right direction, but having regard to the importance of dealing with the poor people of this country I hope that any changes will not receive the sanction of the Government until the evidence is thoroughly examined, and until the Government have satisfied themselves that the suggestions which they may make will be acceptable to the community at large.
I am in favour of the appointment of a number of capable women in each Union to act as supervisers of the children that are boarded out within that Union. Even if the ordinary officials were capable of doing this work they have not the time to give proper attention to the matter. It must be remembered that the children are deprived of parental con- trol and care. It is the duty of this country to see that these children are properly cared for, and the only way to do that is to have a committee of ladies or paid women inspectors or advisers, who will have this matter under their special care. Another important matter is that the boarded-out children should be free from the impression that they are paupers' children, and they should be separated as far as possible from the workhouses. They should be free from the pauper taint. It is especially important that the children should not be brought up or maintained in the workhouses. It is a duty to the children that they should have home life, which is the healthiest of lives, and I am sure that if these suggestions were adopted it would be all the better for the children. It is in the hope that the President of the Local Government Board will issue such an Order as I have suggested that I have risen to say these few words to the House.
One of the peculiar traits of this House is to be found in the action of an ex-President of the Local Government Board advocating an increase in the salary of the President on a Motion which proposes to reduce that salary. That is one of the ironies of political life. I have not often had an opportunity during the present Administration, at any rate, of saying what I really feel about the treatment of children. I am going to take an entirely different line to that adopted by the Noble Lord above the Gangway (Lord E. Talbot) and by the hon. Member opposite (Mr. Haslam). Some of us a few years ago had a craze for boarding-out children, and we took the trouble to go into a district where it was a staple industry. Then we got converted to small scattered homes, which served its turn for a generation. I am not quite sure now whether scattered homes are the right thing. I went into one beautiful place .where they swore by scattered homes, and where they had a mother in the house who fondly looked after the children and supplied the place of the parent. In that particular district there were no fewer than 16 children in one house for one woman to look after, and, although they said it was exactly like a working man's home, I must confess I have never been into a, working man's home where they had 16 children under 14 years of age, with only one poor woman to manage them. I asked the woman whether the children went out to play, and when, and she replied: "You forget, I have to keep their heads clean." Can it be suggested that that is the sort of life children want? We were defied to pick the cottage home children out from the children of other persons at the local elementary school. We went to the school ground. We saw the children playing at "ring-o'-roses," and we were able to pick everyone of them out. Our guide looked at us with amazement, and said, "What is the difference between our children and those of anyone else?" We replied, "You see it is Friday afternoon. Your children have got perfectly clean collars, and have their boots properly laced. They know perfectly well that they are not going home to mother, or their collars would be dirty, and their boots unlaced." There was a lack of homeliness about them. They had the stamp of the institution upon them; and this instance of 16 little children in one house put me more in mind of a small workhouse than of home.
The Noble Lord properly raised the question of keeping children in the workhouse. There is a way out of that. You have receiving homes, and no child ought to be sent to a workhouse after it is three years of age. I hope that the Local Government Board, without asking additional powers from Parliament, will use the enormous power it already possesses in a direction more humanising so far as these little children are concerned. In places where the guardians attend regularly to see that the children are properly looked after they may be well treated, but then the guardian is faced with the fact that every time he visits the house his name is entered at the gate, and if his visits are too frequent it is suggested that he has some ulterior motive, and that he is not looking so much after the children as after somebody else. I want the children out of the workhouses altogether. I would prohibit the guardians sending them there. It can, I say, be done by having receiving homes. There is another point I have to speak upon, and I wish the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Dublin (Mr. Long) had not left the House, because I want to say that one reform he brought about while he was in office was an extraordinarily good one. I am referring to the action taken with regard to children mentally deficient. Previously they had been practically banished into the workhouse until they were old enough to be sent to an imbecile asylum, but, thanks to the action taken by the right hon. Gentleman, small homes are now provided for them, about nine such children being sent to each home, and they were kept under much better personal supervision. I want to know whether the advantages thus secured for them can be continued right up to the time they reach the age of 21 years. In many cases the trouble does not develop until late, but I must say that the enormous success which has attended the creation of these small homes certainly justifies an extension of the system such as I have suggested. The boarding out of children may be a good thing or it may be a very bad thing. I have been in homes where children supposed to be very carefully looked after have been found to be suffering from itch, and had it not been for the indefatigable energy of the lady inspector God knows how long that might have gone on. The Local Government Board has certainly got some excellent women inspectors. When we condemn the workhouse system and advocate boarding out the general public seem to lose sight of the point that Oliver Twist was a boarded-out boy. He is held up as an awful example of the workhouse boy who was boarded out. What I really want is that, notwithstanding any expense, the President of the Local Government Board shall put his foot down, and say to the Guardians all over the United Kingdom, you shall not break up widows' homes. Under the ordinary Orders I do not know that they are allowed to do it, but when a fresh Order is issued it becomes practically an Act of Parliament. When a discussion arises at a meeting of a board of guardians as to allowing a widow, who is respectable and desirous to keep her home around her, sufficient relief to enable her to do so, a question is asked as to the number of children she has at home, reference is made to the Local Government Board Order, which suggests it is undesirable to order out-relief for able-bodied persons, and they take her children away from her, leaving her, perhaps, with one or two, and thereby handicap her, because how can the woman go out to work if she has two little children to look after? After all, the mother is the proper guardian. You can never get a substitute for the mother. There is no substitute, and the youngsters know that as well as we do. They are the better judges. They look straight into a person's face, and they know at once whether or not she has any sympathy for them, whatever that person may say or do before the guardians. I think it should be left entirely to the discretion of the guardians to allow the mother sufficient out-relief to enable her to keep and look after her children, rather than break up the home. It would not involve any extravagance. If you take the children away from her it would cost, bearing in mind the outlay on buildings, wages, and salaries, at least £1 per week to keep them, whereas for 12s. or 14s. it would be quite possible to keep the little family together, and it would secure to, the youngsters the advantages of a home and of continuing to attend the school which they have been in the habit of attending.
May I point out, too, that the policy adopted by the three last Presidents of the Local Government Board has tended in the direction of putting all poor law children under the education authority? What in the name of common-sense is to prevent this revolution being put into operation this year? I believe this House would, without a single word of opposition, pass a Bill to transfer every Poor Law child to the Education Department straightaway, Some people may say it cannot be done, but you are doing it now. You educate the children now, but you break up the families. That would not be necessary if they were under the Education Department. It may be suggested that the education authority cannot feed and clothe children, but they do. The industrial schools are under the Education Department, and they feed, clothe, and apprentice children. Another effect of the transfer of the children to the Education Department would be to remove from them the taint of pauperism. If you can deal with industrial school children in this way you can deal with orphan and other children quite as easily. These children honestly have no right to be tainted with the Poor Law at all. I suppose some day or other both the Poor Law and its administration will become respectable, and will be looked upon as something to be proud of. I have declared many times in my life, and I again assert, that no man ought to be a Member of Parliament until he has acted for six or eight years as a. Poor Law guardian, because such experience gives an insight into human nature. It affords a fresh experience of it day by day. I wish to goodness every one of the Poor Law inspectors had held the responsible position of Poor Law guardian before they got their present appointments. It would have fitted them better to deal with the poor. My plea is that all schools should be brought under the authority of the Education Department. Why cannot the Poor Law schools be put straightaway under that Department? It would save an enormous amount of work and expenditure. If a widow went down and applied for relief the guardians would say to the education authority, "There are three, four, or five children, as the case may be; they can be transferred to the Education Department quite easily, without bothering the local authorities at all." Now I am putting three special claims: First, that no child shall be admitted into the workhouse under any circumstances after it is three years of age, and that proper receiving houses shall be provided for them outside the workhouses. Secondly, I ask that where a widow with three or four children applies for relief she shall not have her home broken up. If she is respectable and capable of looking after the children she should be allowed the opportunity of keeping the home for them. Thirdly, I want the right hon. Gentleman to bring in a small Bill—which he could do quite easily, although he might find it a very big job to bring in a Bill based on the recommendations of the Majority and Minority Reports of the Poor Law Commission—I want him to bring in a Bill transferring the whole of the Poor Law children to the control of the Education Department.
I should like in the first place to express my thanks to the Local Government Board, and especially to the right hon. Gentleman the President, for the trouble they have taken to produce the remarkable Report which we have just received, and which contains so much valuable information. I wish, in the next place, to ask a question relating to a matter in which the right hon. Gentleman has taken considerable personal interest, namely, the accommodation provided for female employés at the White City Exhibitions. We know that great scandals arose last year in connection with that matter, and that, owing to the sympathetic intervention of the right hon. Gentleman, a very great improvement was brought about. I should like him to tell us, if he kindly would, what further steps he has taken with regard to the exhibitions at present running in London, and what he can do in regard to other exhibitions of a similar character in other parts of the country. With regard to the question which the Noble Lord has raised in this Debate, it is a very happy circumstance that after the din of party strife of the last few days we find all parties in the House in hearty agreement as to the welfare of the child, and, above all, of the child of the State—the child who should be the best looked after of all the children, but who, unfortunately, if we are to believe, as we must believe, the official reports which are given to us, the child who requires a very great deal of much better attention than he at present receives. The question of how children should be dealt with in the workhouse has been under the consideration of the central authority since 1879, and little or no blame can be attached to that authority in regard to its desire to separate children from the workhouse. What has been lacking is public opinion and the willingness and co-operation of the local authorities. But after the growth of public opinion and the present reports which have been made, one would have thought that the position would have very materially improved; but I do not think it has shown such rapid improvement as it ought to have done, because I find that out of the number of 62,426 pauper children who may be described as indoor paupers who lived in the workhouse, 16,221 are still in the workhouse, 500 or 600 of these are in the workhouse infirmary; but it appears that about a quarter of the number of children, or 25 per cent., are still under conditions which have been already set out by the Noble Lord in his quotations. I would only add what one of the Local Government Board inspectors himself said:—
The criticisms which have fallen from my hon. Friend the Member for Woolwich, whose sympathy with the child and suffering generally is one of the chief treasures of this House, must be welcomed. I understand from him that he is strongly of opinion that the child should be separated from the workhouse, and the only criticisms which he addressed on the question of boarding out, simply fell under the heading of criticism of administration. It is simply a question of administration. You have these children now, some of them are suffering from defective inspection, or from the persons not being qualified who are in charge of them, and all you want is a better spirit in connection with that system and a better administration of it, and there is not the least doubt that, if that is given, the most satisfactory and remarkable results must accrue from it. I am conscious that there are several other Members who are here with suggestions to my right hon. Friend with regard to this question of the child in the workhouse and outside the workhouse, but I would like to emphasise what has fallen from a previous speaker, with regard to the question of boarding out within the Union and boarding out without the Union. It must be quite clear to Members present what that defect is. Where the children are boarded out within the Union the guardians themselves undertake the inspection and care of them, but it is a very strange comment on the efficiency of the administration of this part of their duties, that where these children are boarded out within their own Unions it is the usual experience that the results are not so satisfactory, but where the children of other Unions happen to be boarded out within another Union the results are much more satisfactory. Why is that? Simply because where the children are boarded out outside their own Union you have central inspection of the work, and a very much better system, and it is a very curious thing that where the duty lies at their own doors it is neglected to a large extent, but where the duties lie far off they are much better and more efficiently carried out. There is just one other point I should like to deal with, and that is in connection with the children who receive out-relief. There is a general agreement upon this point, that where the duty of the guardians largely ceased, by paying over the money, the dole, or the relief in kind with regard to the mother, the children, who are, so to speak, outdoor paupers, are overlooked almost entirely. The duty of the guardians seems to cease with that handing over of the dole, whatever it may be; but it seems to me to be a perfectly sound proposition, that where this relief is given it carries with it a much larger responsibility than merely handing over that money to the parent. Once having admitted their responsibility, it is the duty of the authority to look after these -children and see, not only that the money goes to them, but that the children are adequately nourished and maintained in some way or another.
Then one other point, and that is in connection with the Maternity Department of Poor Law Hospitals. It is some- what a painful subject, but one which I think should be taken into prompt consideration. A very large proportion of those who go into maternity hospitals are young women, but a certain proportion are, I might say, rather hardened women in certain paths of vice. It does seem to me an outrageous thing that young girls in that unfortunate position should be placed or herded together with women of the type of character to which I have referred, and brought into close association with them. Surely it is the duty of the authority to see that these young lives who come there under the shadow of a great misfortune should have the very greatest attention paid to them, so that a chance should be given to them of retrieving their damaged position. Very often they have very little chance, because they are brought into contact with older women, and the results are of the most unfortunate and unhappy description. As happened in respect to the Licensing Commission, there is a Majority and Minority Report, which hears on many essential details, but there is the largest measure of agreement in connection with the children, and, fortunately, this question of the children can almost entirely be dealt with without any fresh legislation. Also, as happened with the Licensing Commission, there has been steady progress on the lines of common agreement that this House can do nothing better than strengthen the hands and express its desire that the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board should take the earliest possible opportunity of bettering the condition of the nation by saving these assets of the future by taking in hand speedily and at once the question of the workhouse child.
Every speaker who has spoken this afternoon has taken the line that at the earliest possible moment the children should be taken out of the workhouse; and I want to raise a protest against a system of administration which will bring more children under the influence of the workhouse. I want to urge the undesirability of allowing workhouses to be used by children on remand and children under detention under the Children Act. It seems to me that there can be no excuse for workhouses being used for this purpose in a large town. There may be some excuse for it in the scattered rural districts, but when we find towns like Halifax, and Bury, and Huddersfield using their workhouses for that purpose I think that the time has come when the President of the Local Government Board should step in and say that that shall not be done, because after all it cannot be done without his consent. It would be out of order for me to suggest what the other methods are for doing this work, but Manchester and other great towns have made other arrangements for it by means of special institutions, and I think that the towns I have named could do the same. I do not think I need point out what an extraordinary state of things will occur if you allow these children to be sent to the workhouses, because everyone will agree that children of this character should be kept free from contact with adults in the workhouse, and it is difficult in the case of children in the workhouse to do that. They ought also to be kept out of contact with the ordinary children in the workhouse, and that also is difficult. I heard a case where two of these children were allowed to sleep in a workhouse, and they were depraved children, and they did an immense amount of harm, and you ought, in my opinion, to keep them out of contact with both the adults and the children who are already in the institution. Under present circumstances it is practically impossible to do anything in the way of education or reforming influences for these children, and the House must remember that under the Children Act it is possible, with the consent of the Local Government Board, that the workhouse should be used, and that a child should be in there for a month at a time. Therefore, it is a very serious thing, and it is not as if the child was there for one or two days. I think it is quite inexcusable in large towns that the workhouse should be so used, but, even when we come to the country workhouse, I think the greatest care is required.
I saw the other day in a newspaper that at Westbury they decided to use the workhouse as a place of detention for children of this sort, and the part of the workhouse which is to be used is an isolation ward, which has been used as a place for the detention of people suffering from smallpox, and the last use of it was for that purpose. It was described as a suitable place for these children, because the windows are well guarded and barred, and the yard is surrounded by a high wall, and I would ask whether that is a suitable place for a month's detention of a child? Yet that is going to be allowed. In another case, at Castle Ward, in the county of Northumberland, they are going to take a similar course, although the Local Government Board inspector has reported that the accommodation of this workhouse is inadequate. The same thing may be said about Rye, which has also arranged to take children in a place where the inspector has reported inadequate exits in case of fire and inadequate bathing accommodation for the children already in the workhouse, and that the children already in the workhouse should be boarded out. I do venture to suggest to the President of the Local Government Board, when reformers are all agreed that the children should be taken out of the workhouse, that this power of allowing workhouses to be used for children on detention, or on remand, should be exercised in a sparing fashion, especially in large towns, where it is quite impossible to get them properly attended to.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Dublin (Mr. Walter Long) expressed the hope that there would be no undue haste in carrying into law the suggestions of the Royal Commission. The moral of this Debate is exactly the contrary—it is that such proposals as can be carried out without legislation shall be given effect to, and there is an almost universal demand in reference to the workhouse child. Various figures have been given, and I understand there are 3,000 children in perfectly good health who are in the workhouses, and in the great majority of cases the methods of separation from the adult inmates are very unsatisfactory. I should like to endorse very strongly the plea put forward by the hon. Member for Woolwich (Mr. Crooks), that where it is possible to board out these children with their mothers it is far better that it should be done in that way than in any other way, and I hope if that is done a somewhat less niggardly allowance will be given for the support of the children than that which usually obtains.
The senior Member for Bath (Mr. Maclean) mentioned a matter which concerns an enormously greater number of children than those in the workhouses. I refer to the children who are on out-relief. I take the numbers from the Minority Report of the children who are wholly or partially supported on outdoor relief as being 120,000, and the Minority Report goes on to say that of that 130,000, as far as they can calculate, about 100,000 are suffering in, health and character. The great bulk, they say, are growing up underfed, wrongly clothed, and housed under unsatisfactory conditions, and, what is even worse, in between 10,000 and 20,000 cases they are actually living in immoral conditions. I cordially associate myself with the demand made by the senior Member for Bath that the guardians and local authorities shall not consider their duty at an end when they have simply made a cash payment to the home at which the children are being fed, but that they should accompany that money grant with a great deal more inspection than is now given.
As to the somewhat technical question in connection with the different methods of inspection of children boarded out within the Union and boarded out without the Union, that sounds a comparatively small question, but I support the demand which has been made by several speakers that the children within the Union should at any rate be treated as well and be inspected as thoroughly, as those without the Union. It is a most extraordinary anomaly that the children who, so to speak, are most directly under the influence of the guardians are far less well looked after than those who are further off. I should like to refer to a somewhat thorny matter, namely, the question of infant mortality. The Minority Report collected and published some very alarming figures in reference to the death rate among infants born in workhouses. I am quite aware that there has been controversy between the Members of the majority of the Commission and the Local Government Board, but I think that public opinion is by no means at present satisfied on that matter, and I do not think there can be any doubt that at any rate there are a large number of workhouses in which the new-born infants live, or in many cases die, whose conditions, sanitary and otherwise, are very unsatisfactory. I hope the President of the Local Government Board will undertake that an inquiry shall be made both into the statistics of infant mortality in workhouses and in connection with other possible reforms.
I should like to press upon the President of the Local Government Board that he will not let absorption in the large schemes which he may be engaged in considering for the reform of the Poor Law prevent him pressing all possible reforms at present. We look to the Local Government Board as the motive power in the forces which are dealing with poverty, and I fear rather lest there should be a dead point in the change from one set of machinery to another owing to the Poor Law Report. I think that will not be a soporific, but rather a, stimulant, to all those at present dealing with the problem of poverty. I should like to ask the President of the Local Government Board whether he is satisfied with the improvement in the treatment of the children. We congratulate ourselves that we have made a great advance in 20 years, but the advance has been made here in one Union and there in another, and in some Unions the advance is not very great, and that means that for 20 years, that is to say for several generations of children, they hate been passing through the workhouses as they used to, and some people have passed the whole of their lives in the workhouses. One does not need to labour the point as to the workhouse. It is universally condemned, and while other plans are maturing I should like the President to press as well as the Department can for the exit of the children from the workhouse. I should likewise like to say I do not think it is so great an improvement as we ought to secure if we pass them from the workhouse to the barrack school, because that is only passing them in one sense from one kind of workhouse to another. Both the Reports of the minority and the majority of the Poor Law Commission are agreed on this point. The Majority Report says:— perience can they have of the little things which woman finds to do when she has a little home in her sole charge if she has only spent her life in an institution. They are treated there as hands, they assist as hands in the work of a laundry. They report:—
I may perhaps say a word with regard to children who are under the care of parents or other persons, and are maintained by outdoor relief. I should like to reinforce what was said by the senior Member for Bath (Mr. Maclean). What adequate provision is there for the children? There are nearly 200,000 of them, not the same 200,000 children, but every year about 178,000, and they are continually changing—a great stream running into tens of thousands each year passing under this system for a certain number of years. What is the effect of it? The effect of inadequate house relief is to hold these children down in bad condition. If the relief is not sufficient, it is still sufficient to keep them there, and if it were withdrawn the children could not exist there, and something would have to be done. Inadequate relief therefore, may be a positive disadvantage. A bad mother is not improved by reducing her relief allowance. It may be said sometimes in the Relief Committee, "This woman is not making the best use of the money." That does not help the child, and I think it ought to be an absolute condition of public assistance that it should be assistance to keep the children so that they will really grow into good citizens. I hope the President of the Local Government Board will not wait for an earthquake in the Poor Law in order to secure some of these practical reforms.
I have in the first place to ask the President of the Local Government Board for an explanation concerning a case that occurred at Merthyr in connection with the appointment of a sub-Registrar. The sub-district is a very large one, and when the position fell vacant the local board of guardians desired to divide the district into two. The former holder of the office, it was believed, received something like £500 a year, and it was thought that by dividing the district two sub-Registrars would each receive about £250, and that the public would be very much advantaged. It is a serious matter for a working man who has to register a birth or a death to have to lose part of a day's work in order to get to the office. The Registrar-General refused to sanction the division, and finally insisted upon the old area being retained. He threatened that if that was not done he himself would make the appointment over the heads of the guardians. I think we are entitled to know upon what grounds in a matter of this kind the Local Government Board override the opinion of the locality. The Local Government Board are entitled to insist upon having the work done properly, but subject to that qualification, there seems to be no good reason for retaining a very large and very inconvenient area when the work might be divided into two portions to the advantage of all concerned.
Attention called to the fact that 40 Members were not present. House counted, and 40 Members being found present,
I desire to ask whether it is part of the policy of the Local Government Board to keep appointments of this kind for professional men, or whether they do not think it would be well to encourage others who, though perhaps they may not have a university education, are perfectly qualified to perform the duties, and who should have the opportunity of filling these appointments. As to a point under the Unemployed Workmen Act, I desire to ask the President of the Local Government Board what is now the policy of his Department towards women's workrooms, especially in London and other big centres of industry? I find from the minutes of the Central (Unemployed) Body of London that on 30th March of this year an application which was made for a grant of £1,200 to enable that body to keep the women's workrooms going was refused by the Local Government Board. During the time these workrooms have been open, a period of nearly two years, 286 women have been found employment, but there were still 208 who had been registered and for whom no work had been found. It is universally agreed that the position of the out-of-work woman is even more deplorable than that of the out-of-work man. I may point out that while the summer months offer increased opportunities of finding employment to builders' labourers and outdoor workers generally, that does not apply to the bulk of those unemployed women. Summer brings no increased demand for their labour, especially if they are widows who require to live in London in order to provide a home for their children.
I desire to ask what has been done to assist—I will not say encourage, because I do not expect encouragement in this direction from the Local Government Board—the Central (Unemployed) Bony of London to aid respectable women out of work through no fault of their own, and whose position is hapless indeed, apart from what the central body can do for them? I wish to know, further, whether it is the intention of the Local Government Board to continue to refuse assistance to what is known as the Vacant Lots Association I May I describe briefly what this association is and how it proceeds in its work of trying to aid the unemployed? About 14 or 15 years ago an association was formed in Philadelphia, in the United States of America, to assist the unemployed by putting them to work in cultivating vacant pieces of land in and around the city. The work has been carried on from then until now, and every year with an increasing degree of success. The superintendent of the Philadelphia Vacant Lots Cultivation Society, in his last report, says:— working is to find men and women who want to work, and to assist them, by means of supplying implements, seeds, and so on, to turn these vacant lots to account, and the result is that even in the heart of great cities spaces which are an eyesore, spaces that are covered with litter and garbage of all kinds, are turned into gardens, employing men and women, who are thus saved the degradation of having to receive aid from public or private charity, and who are kept in a condition of fitness to resume work when it offers itself in the ordinary manner. That being so, the Central (Unemployed) Body, the London County Council, and other public authorities in London, and some public-spirited private citizens, including, by the way, the Metropolitan Gas Light and Coke Company, have given the use of pieces of land for this purpose. The Central (Unemployed) Body applied to the Local Government Board for the usual grant to aid them in employing the unemployed in this kind of work, but the grant was refused. In the speech which the President of the Local Government Board made a few months ago when dealing with this special question, instead of speaking sympathetically of this offer to aid in dealing with what is admittedly a very serious problem, he courteously referred to the men who might be employed in this work as "blue-noses," who ought to be seeking work elsewhere. I desire to ask whether that attitude is still to be maintained? Nobody says that the cultivation of vacant land is a remedy for unemployment, but what everybody will admit is, if London can put to work—as it easily could—20,000 men in cultivating these vacant lots, that would be an aid in tiding over the unemployed in a period of trade depression which should not be ignored or lightly passed by. I hope the Department will be prepared to give more sympathetic consideration to the claims of this society than they have done in the past, especially when they come to it through the London County Council and the Central (Unemployed) Body.
I want to point out a danger in connection with these grants which I am sure the President of the Local Government Board will be the first to recognise and endeavour to stop. Many statements have been made that the effect of these grants from the Central (Unemployed) Fund has been to keep bonâ fide workmen at standard wages out of employment in order to make room for unemployed men at a lower rate of pay. I have here a copy of a report of the Aberdeen Harbour Commissioners, dated the 10th May, 1909, which illustrates the danger there is in connection with these grants if they are not carefully guarded. A dock extension scheme was being carried out at Aberdeen, and the distress committee approached the Harbour Commissioners to ascertain whether they could find employment for any of the unemployed in the city, and the Harbour Commissioners met to consider the application, and drew up a report, which was forwarded to the Aberdeen Distress Committee and read at its meeting on the 14th April this year. It was on the 10th May that the Harbour Commissioners considered the report of the works committee, and this report was subsequently passed on to the distress committee. The Local Government Board had agreed that, subject to the usual conditions, a grant should be made from the fund to assist the distress committee in carrying out its work. Here is the paragraph in the report of the Harbour Commissioners to which I wish to direct special attention. They agreed that the unemployed should be taken on, but they go on to add, "If unemployed labour is used, it can best be introduced by displacing the present workmen gradually, and making a special selection of men for the special work to be done, and by keeping them in the employment of the Commissioners for the full period of 12 weeks, when the men are employed on ordinary labouring work," and so on. That is a very serious danger, which I am sure the President of the Local Government Board will fully appreciate and safeguard himself against. This report went to the distress committee, and although the committee was divided evenly on the wisdom of accepting it, still the fact remains that one more member in favour of this report on the distress committee would have meant that men who are now employed as ordinary workmen at the standard rate of wages—which is only 21s. a week, by the way—would have been dismissed, and other men taken on at a lower rate of wages, and that funds supplied by this House would thus have been used to subsidise this form of labour and enable the contractors carrying out the dock extensions to increase their profits at the public expense.
My final point is this. What proposals has the President of the Local Government Board to make to meet the distress of the coming winter? There is no use shutting our eyes to the fact that we are not yet out of the wood in this matter of trade depression. The latest details from trade unions show that 8.2 per cent. of all the unions making a return are unemployed. In April last year, the corresponding month, the percentage was 7.1 per cent. In the engineering trades in April this year the proportion out of work was 12.4 per cent.; in April last year it was 8.7 per cent. I know that since these figures were sent in there has been something of a very welcome improvement in the state of trade; but we have to face the facts that when winter again comes upon us there will still be a large percentage of trade unionists and non-trade unionists unable to find employment. And I may point out once more that every year sees the condition of these men worse than the year before. The first six months of unemployment can usually be tided over either from reserves in the way of savings or by the pawning or sale of furniture. But there comes a time when the savings are exhausted, a time when all the reserves are gone, and when starvation and Poor Law relief are the only alternatives left. The aim of the House of Commons in passing the Unemployed Workmen Act four years ago was to prevent decent, honest people from being reduced to the necessity of having to apply for Poor Law relief. We have been promised amendments of that Act which have never been forthcoming. We are now promised great schemes of insurance and other methods of dealing with unemployment next year. But assuming the most favourable set of circumstances, these cannot become operative before the beginning of 1911; and what I desire to know now is what is the intention of the Local Government Board in the way of suggesting a grant to meet the requirements of the unemployed during the coming winter?
Those of us who are moving in and out amongst these people know the terrible amount of destitution and physical and moral deterioration which is constantly going on. It is all very well to come here and make great speeches about what is going to be, but we are faced now with the problem of what is going to be done during the next few months, and that is a point to which, under the circumstances, the Local Government Board is the only Department of the Government that can give any adequate reply. Any response at the beginning of unemployment rests upon that Department, and it is rather a reflection upon the whole policy of the Board that whilst the Board of Trade and other Government Departments have either formulated or have under consideration schemes of insurance and afforestation and other methods of dealing with unemployment, the one Department of the Government which is specially responsible for dealing with this question has as yet put forward no proposals whatever for meeting the difficulty with which we are faced in connection with unemployment. Therefore I ask the President of the Local Government Board at this early period of the summer to give us some indication of what the policy of his Department is bound to be when we are again face to face with the winter. I know that nothing the Department can do can solve the question. I do not ask them to do that. What I do ask is that his Department by sympathetic administration of existing powers, by encouraging distress committees to launch out into experiments, to carry through schemes of work, to open workrooms for women, and cultivate vacant lots, and do a hundred and one other things which they have been trying to do, they should be spurred on to greater efforts, and not made to feel that they are exceeding their powers and going against the will of the powers that be when they dare to suggest proposals of this kind. I hope, therefore, that today some word of hope and encouragement will be held out, and that the Local Government Board will ask for all the money necessary to enable the coming winter to be tided over, and will by its generous interpretation of existing powers set an example to distress committees all over the country.
I think that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burns) and his Department must feel greatly gratified at the mildness of the criticism which has been directed against them this afternoon. I am not, in the few words which I have to say, going to make any exception to that mild criticism. Certainly I do not want to reduce the right hon. Gentleman's salary. On the contrary, taking Ministers as they go, I think the President of the Local Government Board would be entitled to a rise of salary. I think the Government would exercise a wise discretion in not proposing that the present holder of that office should have his salary raised, but personally I should like to give the right hon. Gentleman more salary. So I am not at all supporting the Motion of the Noble Lord opposite (Lord Edmund Talbot), which, after all, is made in perhaps a Pickwickian or a Parliamentary sense. The hon. Member for Woolwich (Mr. Crooks) says that no man is fitted to be a Member of this House unless he has been for six years a Poor Law guardian. I have so far qualified, I think. I have been a guardian for a great many years, and certainly in that time I have learned a great deal. I agree with the hon. Member for Woolwich very much there. One of the things I have learned very much to appreciate is the action of the Local Government Board in our local administration. I think that they keep us local authorities straight very often when we are inclined to go wrong. They are always ready, in my experience, to help us out of difficulties, and they set us a high standard of administration on the whole, and I am inclined to think that the success of our government of which the English are entitled to boast, and which foreign observers invariably comment upon, is in a great measure due to the development of that local government, which has gone hand in hand with a strong control from the centre. And I should like to say that the local authority and Poor Law guardians all over the country owe a very great debt of gratitude to the Local Government Board for the way in which they have guided us in our local administration, and have given guidance of which, in my experience, local authorities are very often in need.
The hon. Member for Woolwich referred to the boarding-out of children, a subject which I wish to bring before the House, and he said he was doubtful about the wisdom of boarding-out children. I take it that the whole Debate this afternoon has shown that we are all agreed on all sides of the House on the necessity of dissociating the children from pauperism and from our workhouse system. There is practical unanimity on that point. If we are to get the children out of the workhouses it follows that we have got to put them somewhere else, and in many places boarding-out is generally the only alternative which is before the board of guardians. I am rather inclined to think that boarding out, in the language of one of the inspectors, is either the best or the worst system that you can have. I think it is the best when the child is living in a real home, but it is the worst where the child is taken in merely for the sake of the money received by the foster-parents, so-called. It must be remembered that rural Unions cannot possibly afford to set up expensive scattered homes or an institutional system. The authorities have not the money necessary to meet such an expenditure. The rates in those rural districts are already heavier than the people care to pay, and, therefore, they must deal with a more or less cheap boarding-out system. I join in the appeal made this afternoon to the President of the Local Government Board to give us a new Departmental Order on this subject. Why is the boarding-out system a failure in some districts? I think the reason is referred to in the Majority Report of the Poor Law Commissioners. They say:—
This is a matter entirely within the right hon. Gentleman's own control, and he could to-morrow, without further delay, make this simple administrative amendment, and thereby, I think, confer a very great advantage indeed upon children at present boarded out within the Union.
There is another point which has not been mentioned in this Debate. I am not only a guardian, but I am also a district councillor, and as a district councillor I have come under the whip of the Local Government Board. The right hon. Gentleman sent a letter to the board of which I am a member complaining that we had not provided a proper system of water supply. The right hon. Gentleman is well aware that the failure to get rural water supplies is not entirely due to want of initiative, earnestness and willingness on the part of the local authority to perform the duty. It is sometimes due to want of water, and it is precisely in that difficulty we in our Union, and many rural districts throughout the country are placed at the present time. In the case of urban Unions they can deal with large sums of money in promoting water schemes. They can promote a Bill asking for compulsory powers to get the water which they require and the land which they require. But in rural districts we have not the same possibility of action, because we are not able to afford an Act of Parliament, which involves great outlay. We cannot afford to pay £1,000, which would be the cost of a Bill even if unopposed, and, if it were opposed, then the thing becomes hopeless almost to any rural district. The President of the Local Government Board has it in his power to deal with these matters, and, in admonishing the Unions to provide water in their districts, I would urge upon him that it is desirable also to have legislation which will enable those rural district councils to carry out the excellent instructions which the Local Government Board send down to us about the provision of water.
I go straight to the question to which I wish to call the attention of the House. The President of the Local Government Board scatters with his right hand the blessing of ventilation, pure air, good drainage, and everything that can confer happiness on the community, while with his left hand he scatters poison, and strangles all the good that other Departments under his control effect. Why should he go on scattering poison and persist in impregnating the blood of the people with it? He knows perfectly well—he must know—that there is a daily breaking of the law; that they are daily supplying stuff which is called " glycerinated calf lymph." They say that it cannot do any harm, because they have passed it through the calves. These poor calves are tortured in the most horrible manner conceivable in the name of goodness and humanity. After having been tortured the calf is killed and examined to see whether there are any germs of disease in it after the vaccination disease has been put into it. If you look to the accounts of the Local Government Board you find that these calves are hired. When the hiring of a calf is at an end, what is done with it? Is it examined, or is it returned to the people from whom it was hired, or does it go straight to a butcher, who will cut it up to be another means of poisoning, or is the calf sent away alive? If the calf is sent away alive then the Local Government Board examination, which we are assured is always made, cannot be made. These are questions which no doubt the President of the Local Government Board will answer in detail, especially as they are very interesting to many persons. One would like to know whether the Local Government Board will persist in requiring, as it did some years ago, that the vaccinators shall make four big marks on the body of the poor little infant. I should like to know whether the right hon. Gentleman still persists in giving a bonus to those medical vaccinators who have tortured poor children, and made big marks on their arms. I should like to know whether an inspector, when he goes to examine the arms of children who have been vaccinated, looks to see whether they have got these four big marks, and whether the bonus is given for torturing infants. Dr. Monkton Copeman, a well-known authority, and the most scientific inspector that the right hon. Gentleman has got, says that big marks are an exploded fallacy, that the marks are made by what he describes as extraneous organisms, and that you may have perfectly good vaccination with hardly a perceptible mark. I gather, therefore, that there may be no perceptible' mark at all, and yet you would have perfectly good vaccination, and that if you have so many large marks you have not good vaccination. That being so, I want to know whether my right hon. Friend is going to give a bonus for torturing infants with these big marks, in view of the fact that he has scientific authority which brings us back to the time of Jenner, who said that one little mark was a perfect cure. A short time ago there was an inquest held upon a child whose thigh had been broken. It was in a lying-in hospital, and the medical witness described the child as being only eight weeks old. Dr. Wain gave evidence in the case; and said he had found upon this child with the broken thigh four large vaccination marks. The jury and the doctor came to the conclusion that the death of the child, if not absolutely caused by the vaccination, had been very much quickened by having these four large marks made upon it before it had really recovered from the broken thigh. I cannot account for the hurry and haste in vaccinating these children except on the theory that infant life is very uncertain, and that if you do not vaccinate early you may never have the chance of vaccinating at all, and therefore the money may be lost that would be gained by a noble profession in the exercise of this honourable right to poison the blood of the infant children of the nation.
I desire to thank the President of the Local Government Board, not only for the prospect of legislation, but for his able administration in one particular department. I refer to the national movement to combat the spread of phthisis, into which the right hon. Gentleman has thrown his support. I am very glad the Local Government Board are giving their support to the various movements in this respect. Not only have they shown a desire to move in this matter towards notification which scientists tell us is the preliminary step to all improvements in this direction, but in many other ways I feel that it is within the power of the Department without waiting for legislation to help in this great fight that is being waged, and particularly in the poorer districts in the large towns. I should like to call the special attention of the President of the Local Government Board to one point, and that is whether he could not in some way by circular or pamphlet issue advice to the officers of the Board, and to the local authority to ensure the spread of some elementary instructions in the necessary home precautions which might be taken when a case of this fell disease occurs in the family. From conversation that I have had with medical officers and with local authorities I have been told that some sort of advice of this kind would be more desirable and necessary, yet when some of us come up against this disease whether in a magisterial or local government capacity we find an absence in very small houses of those elementary precautions which in our own houses doctors and nurses would insist upon, and which are becoming the A B C of treatment of this disease whether in hospitals or in private homes.
It may be said that the medical officer or the local official would do something of the kind, but I feel it is a case where a syllabus issued from headquarters would be of the greatest use. I do not contend that many of the local authorities are not fully alive to the danger and havoc that is being created in many families, often with the wage earner, from this disease, and that they do not liberally help and respond, but I think that they should be guided by information and instructions issued from headquarters. I feel sure from the personal work which the President has put into this matter that he will do all that he possibly can within the limits of his office to advance in this direction on a subject which must be very near to the sympathies of all of us.
I want to hark back to the question of the unemployed, and in the first place to associate myself with what has fallen from my hon. Friend the Member for Merthyr Tydvil as to the need for making some adequate preparation as speedily as possible for the distress which is sure to be upon us next winter. I think I would be voicing the opinion of most Members in the House in stating that things are not improving as we had hoped they would have improved by now. The figures of the Board of Trade and of the trade unions have not shown that lessening of the percentage of unemployed we had expected, or, at all events, had hoped for. Therefore, having regard to that fact, we may be sure there will be upon us next year a repetition of the distress and unemployment, a repetition possibly, and even probably, of the scenes that we had both here and elsewhere, when large meetings were held and disturbances took place. For my part, I should not be at all sorry, in the event of nothing more being done than was done last year, to find disturbances take place. In addition to associating myself with what fell from the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil with regard to preparations for next winter, I wish to point out that distress and unemployment is not only in the winter time. Unfortunately, if a man is out of work in the summer time, very often he has to go without food, or his family have to go without food. In consequence of this depression now, I am afraid that there are many who are getting to the end of their resources, many who have got to the end of their unemployed benefit from the trade union, and by which they are perhaps in sad and acute distress, even now, although it is midsummer.
I would like to remind the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board that dealing with the problem in the winter time was not all that there was in the minds of those responsible for the administration of the Act of a few years ago, whatever may be in the mind of the right hon. Gentleman now. Let me remind him that in February, 1907, a circular letter went down from the Local Government Board of Scotland, and, I presume, that that was endorsed by the Local Government Board of England, instructing the Distress Committee of Glasgow and other committees in Glasgow, that their duties were not limited to looking after the unemployed in the winter time, and that they could continue, and should continue, their work during the summer months. The circular asked for an estimate of the requirements during that very summer, with the view of getting funds to be in a position to discharge the business appertaining to their office. I venture to say, if that is still in the mind of the President of the Local Government Board for Scotland, that they do not deal so adequately with the needs of the situation as, I think, they ought to have done. I am not making any complaint about the sum given to Glasgow not being adequate—that is to say, as compared with other places in Scotland. I am simply speaking of the needs of the situation in Glasgow and the position at the present time, which, I may say, is a very serious one just now. The Distress Committee have been under the painful necessity of discharging a large number of men who had been employed during the winter months, and the position is much worse than it was in 1907, when they were told in explicit terms by the Local Government Board that those discharges should not take place.
Does that fall within the Vote of the Local Government Board for England? Is it not the Local Government Board Vote for Scotland
That is a matter for you to decide. The Local Government Board of Scotland have passed and disbursed monies which have come into their hands from the right hon. Gentleman. I thought I should be in order in raising that matter.
I understand some of the Scottish authorities are responsible for this, and if the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burns) tells me he is not' responsible, we cannot discuss it now.
The fact is that there was allocated by the Treasury to the President of the Local Government Board for England and Wales a proportionate sum of money for distribution under his Department to English and Welsh Distress Committees. A similar course is taken with the President of the Local Government Board of Scotland, and the point raised by the hon. Member should be properly addressed to him. I may say I shall be delighted to pass it on to the authority which ought to receive it. I have nothing to do with it.
If that is so I cannot follow that point any further. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will pass on the information which I shall supply him with, and that the necessary action will be taken, so that' any money that may be spent now to meet the immediate needs of the situation may be reimbursed to those on the spot through the grant that will be made next August. On the general question let me again associate myself with the plea of the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil that action should be taken as speedily as possible, so as to meet the situation that will be upon us next winter, before it is of a character such as to overwhelm us, as I am afraid it will be. For several years, as the right hon. Gentleman knows, we have been pleading that the matter should be taken in hand in time, and I hope that the plea will not be put forward in vain this year, but that those men who, in consequence of the long protracted depression of trade, are now getting to the last of their resources, will find that next winter some more adequate means have been taken to meet their wants than has been the case for the last two or three years.
I wish to call the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to one point. I do so in no hostile spirit. On the contrary, I look with the greatest admiration on the work that he has done in the Local Government Board. I also know the right hon. Gentleman's enormous capacity for work, and that he would be very anxious other duties should be added to the office. Already he has to supervise the public health, the poor laws, the county councils, the Food and Drugs Act, the inspection of food, and other matters. We all know the right hon. Gentleman is very anxious that practically the whole supervision of the poor laws, as recommended by the Poor Law Commission, should be placed in his hands, and we know that under the Town Planning Bill further work will be added to the work of the Local Government Board. Yet, I find that the total annual increase provided by this Vote is only 112,794 in excess of the amount asked for last year. It is very remarkable that on the next page I find that for "assistant clerks (including overtime)" a certain sum is asked for, and then "female shorthand typists (including overtime)," and "female typists (including overtime)." I think, considering the fact that hon. Members below the Gangway are continually objecting to overtime, a Government Department ought to set an example by discontinuing the practice. If the department has to work overtime, care should be taken that female shorthand writers and typists are excluded from it. Their work is of a very exacting character; they are confined practically to one spot the whole day, and they ought not to be called upon in a Government Department to work overtime. In connection with the medical department we again find similar items, which prove conclusively that overtime is very rampant in the Local Government Board. I sincerely hope that the right hon. Gentleman will give us some explanation on the point, and that he will issue such regulations as will avoid the necessity of asking unfortunate female typists or clerks of any description to work overtime.
We find in this Estimate, under the heading "Inspection under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts," a sum of £2,954 required for salaries this year. I should like to know what value is being given by the gentlemen who are paid this large sum of money. It must be known to the right hon. Gentleman, from answers given within the last few days by the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture in Ireland, that frauds to an enormous extent are being perpetrated on the poorest class of the population in this country. The Vice-President, through his officials in this country, had 115 samples of butter taken in London and Liverpool. "These samples were submitted to a well-known and distinguished analyst, Sir Charles Cameron, who reported that only 22 of them were genuine butter. In other words, over 80 per cent. of the samples were fraudulent. The President of the Local Government Board has a well-deserved reputation for taking great interest in the working classes and for being opposed to fraud of every kind. He is no doubt anxious to maintain that high reputation. Long before be became a distinguished Member of the Cabinet or a Minister of the Crown there was applied to him an epithet which is rarely applied to any distinguished politician, either in this country or in any other. When he was pleading for the working classes of this country he was known as "Honest John," and I am sincerely interested in affording him an opportunity of maintaining that high reputation. I know of no method by which he could better prove to the working classes that he really deserves the epithet "honest" than showing that he intends to prevent fraudulent traders from robbing them. The Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture in Ireland has done a great deal to safeguard Irish produce in this country, and his Department well deserves anything that can be said for it by any Irish Member. But the House will be surprised to hear that the Irish Department is put to the enormous expense of £3,000 a year for doing work in this country which I maintain ought to be done by the English Local Government Board. To-day there was a question on the Paper asking the Vice-President what was to be done in connection with the frauds which officers of his Department have discovered to be of everyday occurrence in the large cities of this country—
The question was not asked.
At all events, it must be borne in mind that the Vice-President has no power to prosecute in this country. I wish he had that power, because I have no doubt that he and his Department would, as far as it is possible to do so, put an end to these frauds. The other day I asked him whether he had brought under the notice of the President of the Local Government Board the extent to which these frauds were being committed, and, if not, would he take an early opportunity of doing so. No doubt the information, obtained by the officers of the Irish Department in this country has been given to the Local Government Board, and pos- sibly to the local authorities in the different districts. I am not quite sure whether, under the law as it stands, if local authorities persistently refuse to do their duty and to put down frauds of this character, the right hon. Gentleman has not power to supersede them and take proceedings himself. The great difficulty in cases of this kind is due to the fact that people interested in the continuance of the frauds, those who make a profit out of defrauding the working classes, are themselves frequently members of the local authorities; consequently the inspectors do not interest themselves very much in bringing members of their own authority before courts of justice and having them convicted for what is not alone a gross, but a very mean class of fraud. It is not the rich people or the inhabitants of the West End of London who are defrauded by the sale of margarine for butter. A very high percentage of the frauds are committed in the districts mainly inhabited by the working classes; it is the poorest of the poor who are robbed. Something has undoubtedly been done to put down frauds under the Sale of Food and Drugs Acts, but in the Report of the Local Government Board for 1907–8 there is an acknowledgment under the hand of the right hon. Gentleman that these frauds have not yet been adequately dealt with, and, indeed, an admission that it is almost impossible for his Department, without some change of procedure, to cope with this systematic robbery of the poor. The Report states:—
"The fact that one sample of butter in every 16 was condemned shows that the practice of selling margarine when butter is demanded has not yet been put down."
Surely, after the revelations made to this House by the Vice-President of the Irish Department as to the extent to which these frauds are being perpetrated, the right hon. Gentleman must see that things cannot be allowed to go on as they are, and whether it is the Local Authority that is the party to be stirred up to do its duty, or whether he will find it necessary to take the matter out of their hands, and do on behalf of the working classes, the poor people, what the local authorities will not do. He must see, I think, the necessity of making an example of some of these people, who are every day perpetrating these frauds in a systematic manner. I find that one local authority, having got one individual, plume themselves on the fact that in that particular district of Lancashire one person out of many was made amenable to the law. Here is what to my mind is a most extraordinary paragraph out of this report:—
The Medical Officer of Health of Blackpool reported a successful prosecution—"
Here is the quotation in inverted commas:—
"of one of the numerous butter swindlers who have been infesting Lancashire towns during the past two years,"
They really think it is something to be proud of, something they can plume themselves upon, because they have caught one of this numerous body of butter swindlers Is the House surprised when so little is being done that a local authority prides itself on having brought one of a large number to book! Here is another paragraph from the report:—
"There were 130 fines of £5 each and upwards in respect of butter and margarine: seven being of £20, one of £21, and one of £l00."
These are very considerable fines. There would appear to be no doubt, to those who have not been following this question, that they would be sufficient in themselves to put an end to these frauds. But I think one of the first to acknowledge, that considerable as these fines are, that by themselves merely they will never stop these frauds, will be the right hon. Gentleman himself. The hon. Member for Barrow-in-Furness (Mr. Charles Duncan) told me that when he was a member of a local body in a, Northern county—not, I may say, in the constituency that he has now the honour to represent—that one of the members of his own board had been proceeded against more than once, and fined considerably. Still he was not reformed. The profits were so great that he could afford, and did afford, to pay from time to time these very substantial fines, and still have a profit. It was only when he was sent to gaol, after numerous convictions, that the practice came to an end. I think the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board will acknowledge that this system of fining people for fraudulent trading of this character has absolutely broken down; that it is not effective, and will not be effective for the suppression of these frauds. Why? Because the profits are so large. A shilling or more is charged to the wife of a working man who goes into one of these shops and asks for what is on the counter labelled "butter." She asks for butter, but is sold something that resembles butter, but is not butter. It is margarine. I am quite sure that whatever the legitimate price of margarine may be that it should not possibly exceed 8d. a pound, and if it is a low grade quality it would be, as the hon. Member just below me has interjected, 4d. I know that low grade margarine wholesale would probably be sold for something between £20 to £30 per ton. Well, if 4d. is the minimum price and 8d. the maximum price of margarine, and the trader can obtain ls. for it, look at the enormous profit he makes I In view of that enormous profit from this fraudulent trade he is prepared to run the big risk of being fined £20 or more. I should like to know from the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board what action his Department is going to take to put an end to this admittedly fraudulent trade that is going on in every part of the country? I am quite aware that it is rather a difficult thing to deal with, but I am concerned for the reputation of the right hon. Gentleman. [Laughter.] Hon. Members may laugh, but I will tell them why I am concerned for the reputation of my right hon. Friend. I am here in this House as the representative of an Irish Nationalist constituency. I have been sent here for the purpose, mainly, at all events, to further the cause of Home Rule for Ireland. From the first time that I ever heard the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board I have found him an honest, straightforward, and even, I might say, an enthusiastic Home Ruler. It is for that reason that I am concerned for his reputation. I want every friend of the cause in which I am most interested to occupy a high position in the affairs of this country. Nothing, to my mind, will be more detrimental to the cause of Home Rule, or more calculated to do the cause I have at heart hurt and harm than that anything should occur which in any way will detract from the high reputation of the right hon. Gentleman. I am also concerned, together with hon. Members who sit below me on the Labour Benches, in seeing that the working classes of Great Britain and Ireland are not defrauded. I have always found the democracy of this country, and especially the direct representatives of democracy in this House, to be strong supporters of the Irish cause, and I am sure that hon. Members below me who so worthily represent the democracy of this country are as anxious as I am to see that these people shall not be charged 1s. for food, the legitimate price of which averages half that amount. I hope when the right hon. Gentleman gets up to speak that he will be able to give us some assur- ance that the Department over which he presides has made up its mind that an end must be put to this system of fraudulent trading. And really I must say that for a great and wealthy Department as this is, for a great and wealthy country such as England is, it is most unfair that a poor country like Ireland, which wants every penny of money which the Vice-President of the Board of Agriculture can possibly give it, to develop and improve the long-neglected agriculture of the land, should be practically robbed of £3,000 a year for doing work in England that the English Department ought to look after. I am very sorry to see that there is no representative of the English Board of Agriculture on the Front Bench. I cannot for the life of me see why it is that the English Board of Agriculture, which is supposed, at any rate—the country generally supposes it, though possibly I do not—to be created for the purpose of looking after the interests of agriculture in England, does not do so. I have put questions over and over again to the representative of the English Board of Agriculture. I have never got the smallest bit of satisfaction from that Department. Only to-day, Mr. Emmott, if you will allow me to say so, what I look upon as a Parliamentary low-down trick was tried to be perpetrated upon me. I put a question to the representative of the Board of Agriculture to-day—
Order, order. That has nothing whatever to do with the Vote before the House now. The President of the Board of Agriculture is responsible for the action of his Board; this is the Vote for the Local Government Board, and not for the Board of Agriculture.
May I direct your attention, Mr. Emmott, to the fact that what I was doing was trying to find out whether the Local Government Board was coming to the assistance of the English Board of Agriculture in putting down these frauds which are being committed on agricultural produce. That, I think, you must see bears a very close connection in this relationship between the Board of Agriculture and the Local Government Board. And my object in asking this question was to find out whether these Boards were coming to the assistance of one another. Surely two Departments ought to be stronger than one, although I know that the President of the Local Government Board is quite strong enough not to want assistance from anyone; yet I am sure he would not refuse the assistance he might get from the representative of the Board of Agriculture. I got no satisfaction.
The hon. Member is complaining of not having got satisfaction from the Board of Agriculture. The President of the Board of Agriculture is not responsible for this Vote, and I must ask the hon. Member to keep to the question which is actually before the House.
I want to know whether the English Board of Agriculture have communicated with the Local Government Department and put it into possession of sufficient information which would enable the Local Government Board to successfully take proceedings against fraudulent traders? I think that was a legitimate question, but, as I say, I got no satisfaction. Therefore I conclude that the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Local Government Board has not got the information, and I suppose I shall be obliged to give him the information myself.
The hon. Member is entirely mistaken. It is impossible for me to interrupt him in the flow of his eloquence, in the course of which, to use an Irish colloquialism, he is laying on the butter on me. It is impossible for me to interrupt him, but when he is done he will find I am able to defend the relationship of the two Departments if I have an opportunity.
I am delighted the right hon. Gentleman interrupted me, because my mind is now much easier than it was, and I hope that when the right hon. Gentleman does reply he will be able to assure me that the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture in Ireland (Mr. T. W. Russell) will in the future be relieved of the necessity of expending £3,000 a year to keep a staff here in London—and may I remark that the interest of the Treasury in Ireland is so great that they would not even give them a building—that he will be relieved of the necessity of spending this sum every year in doing work which either of the two Departments I have mentioned ought to do.
Surely it is not the business of the Vice-President of the Board of Agriculture in Ireland to keep a staff here for the purpose of putting down fraudulent trading. I say that is the duty of the Local Government Board. Primarily, no doubt, it is the duty of the local authori- ties in this country, but if the local authorities will not do their duty, owing largely .to the position of those bodies, owing to connection with some of those fraudulent traders who, in many cases, perhaps more than one, are members themselves of the board, if these local authorities will not do their duty, surely it is not the business of the Vice-President of the Department in Ireland to do it. It ought to be the duty of the Local Government Board, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to assure me that his Department will relieve the Irish Department of the cost of that £3,000 a year in future, and that he will be able to assure me and the House that the Department over which he presides will do its duty. If he heard anyone outside this House say that the President of the Local Government Board would allow an outsider such as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South Tyrone (Mr. T. W. Russell) to do some of the duty of his Department, he would re sent it. He would say: "I have sufficient capacity and intelligence and administrative ability to do these things entirely myself, and it is rather an insult to me that a mere Irish Department should come over here to do English work." I ask the right hon. Gentleman to relieve both himself and his party of that slur. My concern is now, as it always was, for the right hon. Gentleman's reputation, and I hope in the future that the right hon. Gentleman will show that those adjectives of eulogy and praise of which he was so very worthy before he became a Minister of the Crown are equally deserving in their application to him to-day, and that he shall continue to prove worthy of them as President of the Local Government Board.
The Department with which I am concerned is extremely indebted to the House of Commons this afternoon for the kindly words that has been said about its chief and its officers in the carrying out of the duties that fall to that Department. I will only say in answer to the speech made by the late President of the Local Government Board the right hon. Gentleman the Member for South County Dublin (Mr. Walter Long) that it would be improper for me, and, in fact, it would be immodest if I were to dwell upon the excellent arguments he used, and properly used, about the staff under me, and the need that they should have the status and salaries which the permanent officials of the Local Government Board, in the right hon. Gentleman's judgment, and, as I gathered, in the opinion of the House of Commons, deserve for their important and ever-increasing work in connection with the public health of England and Wales. I can only say I am grateful to him, and I trust his views may bear fruit. Whether they do or not I personally am not concerned, but on behalf of the staff I sincerely trust they may.
A number of criticisms have been made and suggestions have been offered by various Members, and the first with which I am able to deal this afternoon is that raised by the Noble Lord (Lord Edmund Talbot) opposite, and which applies to the case of two boys who were in the Hampstead workhouse some few years ago. The Noble Lord will pardon me if I confine myself absolutely to the clear facts of this case, because I find invariably that unless you keep to the straight and narrow path of fact in matters of religious controversy it generally ends in discomfort to all parties involved, and I think that a mere recital of the facts in connection with these two boys will be the best answer to the Noble Lord. The facts are these: Two boys, whose names I need not mention, were taken to the Hampstead workhouse, their father being at the time in gaol. It was represented by the father himself that his own religious creed was Church of England and the boys were entered in the creed register of the workhouse as being of the religion of their father—namely, Church of England. Now these two boys, I am sorry to say, were the children of drunken and dissolute parents. The father was particularly bad in that direction, and the mother was similarly inclined, and the guardians, I think, in the proper exercise of their judgment and duty as guardians of the poor, passed a resolution, which the law allows, vesting in themselves the rights of the parents, which, in their judgment, the father and mother were incapable of discharging. The father was subsequently admitted to the Willesden Infirmary, and he then said he was not Church of England, but was Roman Catholic, and that he wished his children to be brought up as Roman Catholics. The guardians declined on the ground that the creed of the children should not be altered at the whim and caprice of a dissolute father, who had previously declared himself to be of another religion. The section of the Poor Law Act of 1889 as amended by the Act of 1899, vesting that power in the guardians, provides this:— the Noble Lord than to give him the facts as they now stand.
The second point, which has been raised this afternoon, is the very important one of the Poor Law children who are under the care of the Local Government Board. From all quarters of the House there have been sensible and sympathetic speeches made with regard to the present and future care of the children who are inside the workhouse and other Poor Law institutions. Many suggestions and criticisms have been made as to what should be done with the children of parents who are receiving outdoor relief and not themselves in Poor Law institutions. I am fortunately in a position to-day to deal sympathetically, in the main, with this question from the point of view of those who have made their criticisms, but before I do so, it is only right that the House should know the justification for the very fair statement made by the last President of the Local Government Board with regard to the diminishing evil of Poor Law children maintained both inside and outside of the workhouse. Briefly, the facts are as follows: We have in England 233,000 children wholly or partly supported by rates in and outside Poor Law institutions. Of that total, 70,000 are boarded out in cottage homes, barrack schools, scattered homes, district schools, and workhouses and infirmaries. The House will follow me while I tell them how much it costs to maintain these children in the various institutions, because I think it is safe to assume that from the amount of money spent upon them you can gauge the standard of their comfort and the way they are cared for.
A child in a district school costs from 10s. to 13s. 7d. per week; in a barrack school the cost is from 10s. 4d. to 18s. 8d.; in cottage homes from 12s. 9d. to 25s. 2d. in a few cases; and in the scattered homes 8s. 6d. to lls. 2d. I mention these figures to show that, so far as money is concerned, no complaint can be made of tire amount of money per head per week spent upon the children dependent upon public benevolence. Those figures indicate that so far as money is concerned public benevolence towards the children dependent upon the State is larger and more generous than in any other country in the world. To put this in another way, the amount per week per child very often exceeds the total wages of an adult in the average agricultural county. Another fact is to be borne in mind, because it indicates the progress we are making. In 1850, when 62 per 1,000 were paupers, 26 per 1,000 were children. Since that time things have changed, and the proportion of paupers now is 26 per 1,000, and only seven per 1,000, as against 26, of the children are paupers. In 1860 and 1865 of every 100 children under the Poor Law over three years of age 74 were inside and 18 outside workhouse institutions. In the year 1908 64 were outside and 28 inside Poor Law institutions. I am glad to say that at this moment the number of children in. workhouse schools, which was 29,000 in 1870 when the Act was passed, is to-day only from 500 to 600 for the year 1908. I may also state that 19,000 Poor Law children are being educated to-day in elementary schools.
The hon. Member for Bury drew a picture, which to some extent is true, of children well housed, well clothed, and well fed, and whilst their physical needs and creature comforts are maintained at a. high standard, the children themselves have their senses sterilised by a monotonous routine which destroys their initiative and reacts upon their industrial capacity in after life, and is to a great extent responsible for their failure in life between 20 and 40 years of age. In that respect there has been a great change, and the guardians are breaking up the monotonous method of teaching the children. Of 12,790 Poor Law children in London who were found employment during the last ten years from Poor Law schools only 62 were returned by their employers back to the Poor Law institutions as not being capable of carrying out their work or going through their apprenticeship. Of all the indoor children in England and Wales 58 per cent. are in cottage homes, scattered homes, or in separate institutions where their bodily or mental peculiarities can be more satisfactorily administered to than they can be in the old-fashioned general workhouse.
In London 50 per cent. of the indoor poor are in specialised institutions, and we are confronted in this direction with another fact which has recently been, brought to my attention, that 40 per cent. of all the deaths in London take place in public institutions of some kind, and front that fact a number of superficial people have deduced a totally wrong theory. Instead of being taken as a sign of decadence on the part of the community, I consider it as being an unmistakable sign of increasing intelligence on the part of the poor themselves by anticipating disease, and when the disease from which they suffer breaks out, instead of going to the 2d. or 3d. dispensary doctor, they go to these institutions and get the best attention that they possibly can from the most skilled experts in the various complaints from which they suffer. It has been pressed upon me that by taking action on the reports of the Poor Law Commission the Government, and especially my Department, might do a great deal by administration. I am delighted to hear so much unanimity upon that point, because when I ventured to suggest hypothetically the other day that nearly all these problems should be remitted to the Local Government. Board, I heard suggestions of bureaucracy, and my hon. Friend and myself were regarded as oligarchs who wanted to supersede the power of Parliament in settling Poor Law problems.
There is much we can do by administration, and so far as sick children are concerned let me give one illustration. London has 2,500 sick children in its workhouses and infirmaries. We were so impressed that this was wrong—and we wanted also the space and accommodation that these children, in my judgment, improperly occupied—that we applied to the Metropolitan Asylums Board for an absolutely new institution which was not being used, which Cost £200,000, and which was situated on the breezy downs of Surrey at Carshalton, and we decided to acquire that institution. I am glad to say that we have now transferred from London workhouses 1,000 of the 2,500 sick children from the workhouses and infirmaries into this special institution, where the children will be better treated, I believe, at a cheaper cost, because they will recover more quickly at Carshalton than in the workhouses from which they have been taken. If there are any other local authorities who have a similar institution to place at my disposal, I shall be glad to take over one, or two, or even three more, and I shall not rest until the whole of the sick children in our London workhouses and infirmaries, and also in the provinces, are transferred from workhouses and infirmaries to institutions in which they can be better cared for than they can be in those institutions, however good they may be.
That brings me to the question of boarding-out within the Union. I am very glad this question has been raised. We have boarded-out within the Unions of this country 6,700 Poor Law children, but we have without the Union 1,875 children boarded out. These children are boarded out subject to certain regulations. There is an undertaking given on the part of the foster parents that they will look after the children properly, a quarterly visit is to be paid by the relieving officer, and they have to be visited by the district medical officer. Sometimes they are placed under the charge of a boarding-out committee with whom the guardians can enter into arrangements, and these committees are generally composed of ladies, who do their work voluntarily, and may I say that the public, and especially the children, owe an everlasting debt of gratitude to these ladies who do this exceptionally good work. The work of the boarding-out committee is supervised and inspected by lady inspectors employed by the Local Government Board, to whose good work I am pleased to note that hon. Member after bon. Member has paid a tribute this afternoon. The work of these boarding-out committees who look after 1,875 children outside the Union is inspected by the lady inspectors connected with the Local Government Board, but the children to the number of 6,700 within the Union are not particularly inspected by the Local Government Board inspectors. We propose to issue an Order to bring the children within the Union under the inspection of the Local Government Board inspectors. They will be brought also under the supervision of visiting officers and other kindly disposed persons. We propose to issue an Order under which the guardians will be able to carry this out, and where necessary appoint female officers. I can assure the House that we do not intend to lose a day to extend to the children within the Union the advantages which the children out of the Union now receive in the way of sympathetic attention. My hon. Friend and myself are in the position of being in loco parentis, and we intend to discharge our duties. I trust that the House on that point will be satisfied with my assurances.
Is the right hon. Gentleman going to make it compulsory for boards of guardians to appoint visiting committees?
The hon. Member will understand that I have dealt with this Question only in a general way, and I ask him not to ask me to deal with specific details this afternoon. What we can do for the children we shall do. That brings me to refer to one or two observations which were made by the hon. Member for Woolwich. The hon. Member has had great experience with regard to children from the fact of his being a member of the Metropolitan Asylums Board, and also a member of a London board of guardians. He said that there was boarding out and boarding out cottages and homes, that there were standard homes, and that if they were not properly managed they were infinitely worse than barrack schools. We must make the best of the institutions which we have, and get rid of institutional life as rapidly as possible. I have no particular love for institutions, especially for one of which I was reluctantly an inmate. The Local Government Board has no love for institutions qua institutions, for they frequently lead to abuses, and are often detrimental to the children. With regard to the point raised by the hon. Member for Woolwich that we should transfer the Poor Law schools to the Education Department, I believe there is something in what he says on that point.
But as the whole of this subject is in the melting pot, it seems that whilst it may be desirable to carry out the suggestion of the hon. Member we had better not too hastily decide on any specific course this afternoon. The hon. Member for Bath raises another question, and that is the question of the condition of public exhibitions from the point of view of sanitary accommodation. He made last year one of the most sensible speeches in regard to this matter that it has been my pleasure to listen to. The attention of the Local Government Board was very properly called to the condition of the Franco-British Exhibition last year, in its sanitary aspect for the enormous number of people that went there every day and for the staffs who had to administer to the enjoyment of something like 100,000 people a day. I promised him that we should take action. It was not necessary for the Home Secretary to interfere. We brought proposals before the authorities of the Exhibition, and before the Exhibition closed the situation was considerably relieved. Between the close of the Exhibition last year and at this moment I have satisfied myself that the necessary steps have been taken, and that at this moment 131 public comfort places have been provided for both sexes. The point raised by the hon. Member for Bath is that having done so much for the 70,000 children in the Poor Law schools, it would be surely inconsistent to neglect the larger number of children who are receiving outdoor relief. There is something in that. The hon. Member would be pleased to know we have decided, so far as the recipients of outdoor relief are concerned, that we intend to follow up the tuberculosis order which we issued last January, and I venture to say that 50 years hence the Local Government Board will be credited by the issuing of the Tuberculosis Order with having done a great deal to mitigate the spread of disease. By that Order and by Regulations, and by bringing children within the purview of attention, I believe that a great deal will be done to diminish tuberculosis and other diseases. The hon. Member for Bath will be glad to know that the Notification of Births Act has been adopted by 140 towns and boroughs. The Registrar-General says that 84 large towns have adopted it, and that of the 140 which have altogether adopted it 18 of them are Metropolitan boroughs. The City of London has adopted it, and I am pressing the remainder of the Metropolitan boroughs to adopt it. If they do not do so I shall have to take steps to force them, but I sincerely hope that such a course will not be necessary. We have not had sufficient experience of the Act to give statistical details, but I am convinced that the Notification of Births Act, the regulations dealing with tuberculosis and those relating to outdoor relief, will do a great deal of good towards stamping out some of our worst diseases. The hon. Member for Bath suggested, as did the hon. Member for Worcestershire, that in addition to what is being done to meet the ravages of consumption the Local Government Board should issue more circulars. It has sent several memoranda, which have been issued to all sanitary authorities. If it is necessary to extend the system of education to all local authorities I will consider the best way that can be done. The hon. Member for Christchurch brought before my notice several instances in which the workhouse has been improperly used as a remand home. I see no reason why the larger towns and cities should not follow the example of London and provide a much better system. That brings me to another point which has been raised by several Members. It relates to the question of infant mortality. The House will be pleased to know that the general infant mortality of the whole country has shown a direction downward. It has fallen from 140 or 150 to 113 throughout the whole country. I believe that the steps which have been taken through the Notification of Births Act will tend still more to the rapid diminution of infant mortality. Unfortunately, in some of the Midland and Northern towns, where, in my judgment, too many married women go to work under conditions and at a time when they ought to be at home, and frequently resume work when they should be nourishing themselves and sustaining their children by natural means, the infant mortality is still too high. That aspect of infant mortality has not been raised this afternoon. What has been raised has been the infant mortality with which the Local Government Board can deal, and both the hon. Members for Bath (Mr. Maclean and Mr. Gooch), who have taken part in this discussion, and who, I believe, are helping to revive the traditions and glories of the ancient watering-place which they represent in this Chamber, will be pleased to know that the infant mortality with which they dealt this afternoon, and for which the Local Government Board is responsible, namely, the infant mortality in workhouses and infirmaries, is being dealt with. The Medical Department of the Local Government Board are going to follow up the excellent Report on Public Health and Social Conditions which has recently come from my Department, and intend to produce a special Report on Infant Mortality viewed from several aspects which have not been dealt with in the past. That inquiry is now going on, and the excellent books which have recently been published will be supplemented by a special Report of the investigation into infant mortality. I sincerely trust, as far as that is concerned, the investigation and the Report will satisfy the hon. Members. It is only fair I should deal with one suggestion made by one hon. Member, and that was as to the death-rate that happens occasionally, I admit too frequently, in some of the worst districts in the workhouses and maternity wards and infirmaries. It is only right hon. Members should temper their reception of certain allegations made recently in various newspapers by a knowledge of facts and circumstances as to the death-rate of infants born, often to women who have been cruelly treated and beaten, overworked and badly cared for before they came into the workhouse, very often absolutely in the process or immediately before the act of childbirth itself. It stands to reason that a child whose father and mother are living under the conditions from which this type of child is drawn cannot be expected to live, or, if he lives, to be as strong as children differently placed. Where 60 per cent. or 70 per cent. of the women who are in the maternity wards in London and other workhouses are illegitimate mothers, as against only 4 per cent. of illegitimate mothers outside, it stands to reason that the children who are the offspring of such women cannot expect to live, or, if they live, to be as strong as the children of legitimate parents. The hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. Keir Hardie) shakes his head. Does he agree with Savage, the poet, who himself was illegitimate, that "legitimate children are the sickly fruit of fond compliance?" No; he cannot. Does he take the converse view that illegitimate children, who form a degenerate portion of our poorest population in London workhouse infirmaries, according to the same poet, are "stamped in the mint of Nature's glowing ecstacy?" Certainly not. What are the facts? The facts are that illegitimacy not only connotes moral delinquency, but also indicates physical degeneracy.
Nonsense.
If hon. Members will do me the honour of going with me to some of the maternity wards in London workhouses and to see poor children, the offspring of illegitimate mothers, they will see how disease, lack of food, overwork, and brutal treatment have destroyed the power and capacity of the illegitimate child to resist disease. They will see how very difficult it is to rear illegitimate children born under such conditions, and that is proved by this fact—that the extent to which workhouse mortality among infants is greater than outside is apparent only in the first week, because after the first week, when good treatment, good food, good nursing, and regular medical attention is always available, the child gets into a healthier condition, and improves very rapidly. We are giving further attention, as far as we possibly can, to this matter, and I am convinced of this: that the infant mortality of children outside workhouses and inside them will never be materially reduced until the pre-natal conditions of the child, the conditions of the mother long before childbirth—are enormously improved, and it is the business of every employer of labour, of every husband and wife, and of every Department and authority concerned in the interests of the future of our race to see that the pre-natal conditions of the child are vastly improved, and that the mother, while carrying the child, shall be relieved from brutality and overwork—conditions which leave on the child an impress for long years after he has left either the home, the workhouse, or the infirmary.
Punish the guilty father.
The other point raised by the hon. Member for Merthyr Tydvil had reference to the registrar for the Merthyr district. First let me say I have no power ha this matter. It is solely within the discretion and duty of the Registrar-General. The guardians are in favour of one form of registration area. The Registrar-General is in favour of another. He is in favour of amalgamating the small districts and having a larger area than now in the interest of getting better statistics and of better investigation. There is not prejudice against the present Registrar. It is merely a matter of economy and efficiency. I will convey to the Registrar-General the facts mentioned by my hon. Friend, and if he desires I will communicate further with him. Then the hon. Member raised another point in regard to women's workrooms. I can only say that on 30th March last I was asked for £1,200 for women's workrooms to carry them through the summer. In the exercise of that discretion which the House has given me I thought that this was not an application I could consider, and I declined it, but I am sure the hon. Member will be pleased to hear that, whatever my view may be, the Central (Unemployed) Body have appropriated an almost similar amount to that which they asked from me from voluntary funds, and, therefore, that difficulty has been met. Then the question was raised of vacant plots. The hon. Member was under the impression that the Vacant Lots Association stood in relation to the unemployed in the same position as a distress committee or a public body.
The application was made by the Central (Unemployed) Body.
It was made to me. There again it was an instance in which I thought that the money he would probably have liked me to give for this particular purpose might be spent better elsewhere. The Local Government Board cannot subsidise private associations for clearing vacant plots. The London County Council would not contribute to the cost of clearing sites that belong to them on the ground that if those sites had to be cleared, it was not the business of the county council out of the rates—and I say it was not the business of the Local Government Board out of public taxation—to clear sites at the public expense, which, in the absence of local rates or grants from the Unemployed Fund the lessee or owner of the land would have to do out of his own pocket. As I have many claims upon me for this money for better purposes, I decided not to make this grant, and up till now I have seen no reason to justify a departure from that view. My own view is that within three miles of Charing Cross, in London, if there are any vacant sites on which public money, whether rates or taxes, or private charity, can be spent, in my judgment it would be better to spend it in clearing vacant plots and converting them into playing and recreation grounds for the poor children of the congested districts, where too frequently these plots are to be found. Then the hon. Member raised another point, which did not affect my Department, and that was the Circular issued by the Aberdeen Harbour Authority with regard to relief work and wages. Now, I have always thought that when relief works come from private charity or from local rates or Imperial taxation they will be used by ingenious employers as a means for pulling down the market rate or subsidising men who are willing to work for less than the trade union rates in the district. The experience that the hon. Member quoted from Aberdeen is an additional reason why I am not anxious to give money to an association like the Vacant Lots Association, to pay 5d. or 6d. per hour for clearing work, which, if done either by the county council or by the lessee or owner of the land would have to be undertaken by navvies or skilled labourers at 6½d., 7d. or even 7½d. per hour. I am glad to see on the unemployed question not only the President of the Local Government Board has learned much, but other Members are following him in that excellent arrangement. The hon. Member for the Blackfriars Division (Mr. Barnes) tried to raise the question of the condition and extent of the class who are unemployed and the money voted to distress committees. I heard what the hon. Member has to say, and I shall be pleased to hear anything more he has to say, and although I am not responsible for the particular distress committee that he mentioned, I shall be pleased to hand on to the proper authority any inquiries he may have to make. I have been asked what about next winter, and with regard to that it is only right in this connection that I should tell the House, because this is the only opportunity I shall have of telling the House, and they are entitled to know, what, briefly, was done last year in exceptional distress, and that, I think, may possibly be construed by the Committee as the measure and the standard of what we are likely to do next year, if, fortunately, things are not quite so bad as they were. The brief facts were these: There were 102 distress committees in England and Wales, and 99 of these made returns of work done last year. Three distress committees—Chatham, Rhondda, and Nelson—did not open registers, and did not exercise the duty and authority of distress committees. The total number of applications for work to all these distress committees was 195,000—more than double that of the previous year. That is partly due to the fact that the removal of the Poor Law disqualification threw, as every practical Member knows, on the distress committees a larger number of people who would not register unless that Poor Law disqualification had been removed, but the increase has not been general over the whole country. London last year had 50 per cent. increase over the year before. The London District Committee, at its places at East Ham, West Ham, Leyton, Walthamstow, Tottenham, and Islington, had, curiously enough, 25 per cent. increase, as compared with 50 per cent. for London last year. The greatest increases were in the North and in the Midland districts. For instance, the districts of Birmingham, Coventry, Leeds, Liverpool, Manchester, Oldham, Sheffield, and South Shields—those eight districts had 42,159 applications, as against 8,121 last year. Of that 195,000 applicants 98,000 were offered work; 13,000 refused or did not take up work, and 85,000 accepted, or more than double the total of the previous year, which was only 37,000. It might be of interest to the House to know that the same eight towns, where 42,000 persons registered, found work for 16,887, as against 3,208 the year before. The measure of our aiding grants and help from accelerated loans is the reason why. Voluntary contributions showed a wonderful increase, and there were £31,000 collected, as against £7,800 last year, which shows that public sympathy responded to the distress, almost to a proportionate extent, and what private charity did not do accelerated loans and grants did.
Does that £31,000 include the £27,000 raised by Glasgow alone?
Oh, no; I am only dealing with England and Wales. There voluntary contributions showed a great increase of £31,000, against £7,800 last year. Bristol headed the list with £5,844, Birmingham £1,238, Liverpool £3,453, and Manchester £3,892, and so forth. It must not be taken from the figures that I have given of the work carried out through the Local Government Board grant, and by private charity, that they represent the total number of men and the amount of work done in the winter. That is not so, because the best amount of work, and the amount which was of the greatest permanent advantage to the community, was done out of the accelerated loans to men whose registration we knew nothing about, to men who never can be calculated or measured; and there was an enormous amount of work done out of the two or three million pounds of accelerated loans of last year, which the Government resorted to as one of the means of helping the poor and unemployed over the winter. The House will be pleased to know this interesting fact, that 48 per cent, of the total amount employed were casual labourers; 80 per cent. of the total number employed were between the ages of 20 and 50; and the hon. Member for the Black-friars Division will like to know that the engineering, shipbuilding, and metal trades had last year 12 per cent. of men registered, as against 8 per cent. the year before. Hon. Members will probably want to know how the money went. London received, owing to its peculiar circumstances, the lion's share, namely, £104,794, and the Central (Unemployed) Body gave work to 9,021 persons on 24 varieties and schemes of work. It will best illustrate how much more was done last year than the year before to give one simple fact, and that is, that the year before 5,740 persons got work, against 9,021 in last winter, and I think I can claim for my Department and the Central (Unemployed) Body that we did our very best to provide a larger employment for a larger number of people. Of the £104,794 which went to London, the districts just outside London—the same districts to which I have previously referred—11 of them had £44,355, West Ham having the bulk of that, £19,316, and East Ham £5,971, and the rest smaller amounts.
The House will be pleased to know what was the result of the co-operation of the Local Government Board with the Central (Unemployed) Body, and what was the net effect of the persuasion and pressure we brought to bear upon other local authorities in London and the neighbourhood to tide them over last winter, and I think we have every reason to be proud—my Department has—at the figures which I will give the House. Nine thousand and twenty-one persons were employed last winter out of the Government Grant by the Central (Unemployed) Body alone; the borough councils employed—out of the rates or loans-5,300; the Water Board, on work which the chief engineer very kindly accelerated, with a view of giving a large number of navvies, labourers, and men in the building trades work, employed nearly 3,500 on accelerated work. The Metropolitan Asylums Board gave ~cork to nearly a thousand, and under the four bodies alone nearly 20,000 workmen were able to secure employment last year, through the Local Government Board acting in conjunction with the Central (Unemployed) Body, the Water Board, the Metropolitan Asylums Board, and borough councils; and I am not including the extra amount of men—not as large as I hoped they would employ—which the County Council employed on their work alone. The House will be pleased to know how Grant and Loan work has worked out in cash. I will take 77 distress committees, who received in grants £127,942 from the Local Government Board, but the same districts had by loan, and spent on work, £745,712. So, as hon. Members can see, nearly six times as much money was provided out of accelerated loans as they were able to have from the Local Government Board in grant. The loans for all purposes in 1907 were £9,360,000, and for 1908 were £11,664,000, nearly 2½ millions more than the previous year, and I think I am perfectly justified in saying that, after the number of men whom I have given as being employed and the amount of money spent out of grant and out of accelerated loans, the Government's policy was amply justified, and, in its carrying out, has done a great deal of good for the unemployed, on whose behalf it has been my pleasure, as it has been my duty, with my officers, to work with great energy and the hearty co-operation of the local authorities during the past winter.
I could, if it was necessary, have dealt at further and greater length with women's workrooms, Hollesley Bay, and other items of that nature, but to conclude what I have to say with regard to the unemployed, I will deal with an experiment which was carried out at Leeds. A number of Members have recently been talking, as I have myself recently done, about afforestation, and one of the works which the Government subsidised was afforestation work at Leeds, and I will briefly tell the House how this was worked. The Washburn Valley watershed is 15 miles from the city of Leeds, and a number of men were employed at 20s. a week for 48 hours a week in planting trees and in afforesting the watershed. In the three years 629 acres have been afforested by the unemployed, and on this 629 acres 1,809,800 trees have been planted. That is a practical experiment in afforestation that we have been doing while other people have been talking about it. It is no small thing to have a hand in the planting of nearly two million trees, and to have carried on that piece of work in the winter time by unemployed men at the moderate cost of £12 an acre, as against £8 or £9 an acre which it would have cost if it had been carried out by skilled foresters. I think that is an experiment from which we can learn a great deal in regard to afforestation. There has been, of course, a failure of trees to the extent of 35 per cent., as against 5 or 10 per cent., but notwithstanding the experience is depressing and not so hopeful as we believed it would be, I believe it will be a very great guide for us in any other afforestation experiment we may think of undertaking on a large scale in the near future, and which I sincerely trust may be undertaken in a broad spirit, with a generous amount of money, by competent men, using the unemployed in certain districts as reserves of labour, upon which they may call for the roughest work.
Could the right hon. Gentleman give us the figure indicating how many persons were employed as a direct result of loans accelerated as distinct from grants to unemployed committees?
No, that is impossible, but it is safe to assume that if £300,000 gave employment, say, to 88,000 men, 2½ millions of money on accelerated loans would give employment to a proportionately larger number, in my judgment, better men and better work, on which there would be no loss to the community. I agree with the hon. Member for Appleby that there is need for legislation to enable small local authorities to have better water supplies. The hon. Member himself has got a Bill before Parliament which I should be only too glad to welcome and to do my best to make it law this Session.
The hon. Member for the Sleaford Division (Mr. Lupton) raised several points which he will pardon me if I do not deal with at length. He wants to know why I give a bonus to a doctor who puts four marks on a baby's arm as against one. I have often discussed that with him, and I have nothing to add to my view on the matter. The bonus is given as a rule for good treatment of the patients, and for satisfactory vaccination. It seems to me that if a bonus is given at all it is a worthy object to give a bonus for. I have one grain of comfort, which I am sure the hon. Member will welcome. He asked me the number of exemptions taken out by people who wanted to exempt themselves from vaccination this year as compared with previous years. I will tell him. In 1905 4 per cent. were exempted of the children born; in 1906, 5 per cent.; and in 1907, 6 per cent. I think mainly as the result of the Act that I piloted through the House two years ago the 6 per cent. of 1907 was raised last year to 17.2 per cent. If that does not satisfy the hon. Member nothing will. It is the most I can give him, and I hope he will be content.
Another point was raised most ingeniously by an hon. Member for an Irish constituency. Anyone who listened to him would think the English Local Government Board was directly and alone responsible for the supervision of the sale and consumption of Irish butter in England and Wales. I am very fond of butter. I do not believe people who buy butter should get margarine. What is more, I do not believe the hon. Member has given the English Board of Agriculture, and certainly not the Local Government Board, the credit for stamping out fraud to the extent that his speech indicated. For instance, anyone who listened to him would have thought nothing had been done. If he looks at the annual report of the Intelligence Division of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries he will find that the body which was more responsible for this than my Department has done a great deal in this matter. I want to tell the hon. Member the small connection there is between the Local Government Board and the subject which he raised. The Butter and Margarine Act of 1907 will be adminis- tered principally by the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries, but under it certain powers are given to officers of the Local Government Board. Let us take both combined. If the hon. Member will turn to the last yellow Report he will find that, in 1907, 93,716 samples were taken in England and Wales, and the great bulk of them were for butter, milk, or margarine. In 1908 the 93,716 samples had increased to 95,249. Now I come to Scotland—8,576 in 1907, and 8,827 in 1908. Instead of there being a few dozen cases of taking samples and prosecution by local authorities, the hon. Member might have mentioned scores of thousands. In all in the United Kingdom it is safe to say that over 100,000 samples were taken, actions entered, prosecutions entered upon, and in many cases very heavy fines, and in one or two cases imprisonment, meted out for those guilty of palming off, upon both rich and poor, food other than what food really ought to be. The Department incurred a great deal of unpopularity and had very great difficulty in getting the Food Regulations Bill through a year ago to give wider powers to stop the sale of unsound food, The hon. Member can rest assured that I am more anxious to protect the food of the poor than to maintain the reputation he kindly attributed to me, and if he will only take the trouble to look at our Report and the Report of the Board of Agriculture, and see the enormous number of prosecutions, he will find that my Department is not at all anxious to allow the man who fobs off on the poor margarine for butter, or, what is equally bad, rancid instead of fresh butter, who resorts to all the tricks and dodges that food adulterators are well known for, to escape, and there is no present local or administrative power that the Local Government Board now has that it will not be willing to exercise to the fullest to prevent, under the Food and Drugs Act, the Margarine and Butter Act, and the Food Regulations Act, either adulterated or impure food being sold.
My last point is that for the forthcoming, winter necessarily we shall have to renew some grants for the Local Government Board for the distress committees, and the House can rely on it that my past conduct in this matter, particularly with regard to next winter, will be a guide and standard as to what we are willing to do for the unemployed in the winter that is to come. I can only conclude by thanking hon. Members for the kindly things they have said about my office and my administration of it, and by assuring them that in carrying out the onerous duties of my office I shall be stimulated to do still better by the kindly feeling which has been evinced this afternoon.
Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.
Original Question again proposed.
I have no wish to introduce a discordant note into the proceedings, but there are one or two subjects which have been dealt with which I think require some further consideration. For instance, we have had no definite statement with reference to what is to take place next winter, or what provision is to be made. We have only had a .suggestion of what has been done during the past year, and an indication that if we are good we shall probably get something next year, but there is nothing very definite, and I shall feel obliged, whatever my friends may think, to press for more definite information relating to the immediate proposals to deal with this very important subject of unemployment during the winter that we shall have coming upon us directly. I know that the Cabinet is undertaking very important proposals, but anyone who studies these things must know perfectly well that for at least the next two or three years, under any circumstances, it can have but a very small and inappreciable effect upon this problem of unemployment, and even when the proposals are fully developed, as is proposed during this Parliament, they will only deal, after all, with one or two important sections of British industry, and some of the most terrible problems and some of the classes to which this problem especially refers, like the casual labourers at the dock sides and works of that description, will not be dealt with in the slightest degree by the insurance proposals suggested by the President of the Board of Trade. There have been kindly things said to-day, but I think the reason why there has not been such sternness in the criticism of the Department is due to a very great extent to the fact that we believe the Cabinet as a whole is considering this subject in a far more sympathetic way than they did in the early years of this Administration, and a more generous spirit is being shown. Therefore when we see that the Government really does mean business, and is making an effort to grapple with this important problem, even although they are not grappling with it along the lines which have been especially suggested by Members on these benches, naturally we are prepared to give the fullest consideration to the proposals of the Government, and we are not inclined to cavil until they have had a chance of fully developing the whole of their policy relating to this important matter.
And it being a Quarter past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order 8, further Proceedings were postponed without Question put.
Private Business
Gas Light and Coke Company Bill
Motion made and Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read the third time."
I beg to move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
When the Bill was before the House two or three weeks ago I was under the impression that there was a possibility of an agreement being arrived at between the Gas Light and Coke Company and the West Ham Corporation. It appears that since that time there have been overtures made upon one side and the other, and the result is that we stand in exactly the same position now as when the Bill was before the House on the last occasion. Hon. Members who have read the clauses of this Bill will have noticed that it is sought to bring about an amalgamation between the Gas Light and Coke Company and the West Ham Gas Company. It is a Bill which affects a very large number of consumers both in West Ham and the Metropolitan area. I think the consumers supplied by the two companies in question number something like 600,000. Personally, I do not think the Bill is required at all, because there is absolutely no competition between the gas companies in London. There are really four gas companies which supply the major part of the gas—namely, the Gas Light and Coke Company, the South Metropolitan Gas Company, the Commercial Gas Company, and the West Ham Gas Company—and each of these has a separate area assigned to it by statute, and, therefore, it is an utter impossibility for one or other of the companies to supply the consumers in an area other than that to which it is under statutory obligation to give a supply. It is perfectly evident that there is no competition between the companies. I do not know whether what I am going to mention will have any bearing on the question, but I wish to state that there has been no official sanction given by the stockholders of the West Ham Gas Company to the proposal in this Bill. There was a meeting held some time ago which was declared to be illegal, and a meeting to get the stockholders sanction will not be held until June 22nd; therefore there is no way of knowing whether the promoters of the Bill are voicing the opinion of the stockholders of the West Ham Gas Company. I am of opinion that this Bill has been practically rushed by the Gas Light and Coke Company, because it was not until 19th November, 1908, that a circular was sent out by the directors or secretary of the West Ham Gas Company to the stockholders. In the last paragraph the directors say that they much regret that they have not been able to include the terms of agreement in the communication, but the shortness of the time available before the necessary notification of the Bill had rendered this impossible. That proves to me, at any rate, that this Bill has been rushed to some extent, without getting the official sanction of the stockholders of the West Ham Gas Company. There is no doubt that there is strong opposition to the Bill in the whole borough of West Ham. A public meeting was held in connection with this proposal at the Stratford Town Hall on Tuesday, 22nd December. It was a bitterly cold night, and there were six or seven inches of snow on the ground, but in spite of the inclement state of the weather there was a very large attendance. A resolution was carried unanimously against the proposed amalgamation.
When an amalgamation is sought by two or more companies there are generally assurances given to the general public that they are going to be benefited by the amalgamation. I can assure the House that so far as this Bill is concerned it benefits no one, whether consumer, ratepayer or workman. No doubt the promoters of the Bill have silenced the regular opposition by the method that has been adopted. Clause 6 provides that they are going to give the West Ham stockholders £118 for each £100 of ordinary stock; £125 for each £100 of preference stock; and the Four per Cent. debenture holders are to receive £133 6s. 8d. per £100. No doubt, therefore, the stockholders of the West Ham Gas Company are receiving some little consideration in the price that is to be paid for their stock by the promoters of this Bill. The promoters have sent out a circular to the whole of the shareholders, and also to the Members of this House. That circular is, no doubt, being sent out with the deliberate intention of frightening the shareholders of the West Ham Gas Company, because it states that unless this amalgamation is brought about they will have to erect new works at East Ham, at an expenditure of £250,000, which will be unproductive for some years to come. I wish to assert that there is absolutely no need for this company attempting to build new works at all. I am perfectly certain that if it were possible for the Members of this House to pay a visit to the West Ham Gasworks they would be able to see with their own eyes that the company has sufficient ground to erect another retort-house and to extend one of the present retort-houses. In my judgment, they have sufficient capacity at these works to supply the whole of the consumers comprised in the area of the West Ham Gas Company for the next 25 years. So far as gasholders are concerned, I will admit that they will have to build another gasholder, but that would not cost more than £60,000 at the outside. They have adopted another artful way of buying up the opposition to this Bill. They have bought up the opposition of the London County Council, and they have promised to reduce the price of gas ld. per thousand, but the reason why the promoters of this Bill have agreed to do so is because in one of the clauses of the Bill they are going to reduce their illuminating power from 16 to 14 candles, and they are going to save a very large sum of money by this method.
When the South Metropolitan Gas Company, the Commercial Gas Company, and the West Ham Gas Company applied for powers to reduce the illuminating power from 16 to 14 candles they agreed to reduce the price 2d. per thousand. Therefore they are not going to give an equivalent to the concession 'going to be granted by this House if this Bill passes the third reading. Again, they have bought out the opposition from the Lambeth Borough Council. The Lambeth Borough Council instructed their town clerk to petition against this Bill unless certain concessions were made. One of the concessions asked for was that the price of gas by this particular company to the south side of the Thames should be reduced 2d. per thou- sand. The result is they have agreed to the concession set forth by the Lambeth Borough Council and agreed to reduce the price 2d. per thousand on the south side of the Thames. If it is possible for the promoters to reduce the price of the gas on the south side of the Thames 2d. per thousand in consequence of reducing the illuminating power from 16 to 14 candles, why is not it possible to supply all the Metropolitan area on the reduction of 2d. per thousand? I expect, of course, they thought they would be making too great a concession if they did that. Then they have bought out the opposition of the East Ham Borough Council by erecting a bridge in a certain part of the borough which has been absolutely essential for some time past. So they have squared the shareholders, squared the London County Council, squared the Lambeth Borough Council and the East Ham Borough Council, and the only people they have not squared is the West Ham Corporation. As a matter of fact, I think what was asked for by the West Ham Corporation was only a very fair and reasonable concession. I do not know whether Members of this House recognise what it means to reduce the candle power from 16 to 14. As a matter of fact, if it had not been for the introduction of the incandescent mantle it is very questionable whether this House or any other House would have given any company permission to reduce the standard candle power from 16 to 14.
I admit, perhaps, that the major part of the roads in the Metropolitan area have got the incandescent mantle. but in some of the by-streets they have got the ordinary gas-burner still, and every one knows, more especially on a Sunday night, what a 16-candle-power ordinary burner means. When you come to reduce the candle-power from 16 to 14, more especially on Sunday night, particularly in some of the small tenements, where it is impossible for the tenants to supply themselves with incandescent gas-mantles in consequence of the expense, the result will be that a great number of the small consumers who have got the penny-in-the-slot system, and who are forced to live in one-MOM or two-room tenements, have got to suffer very considerably in consequence of having the candle-power reduced from 16 to 14. I want also to say, so far as West Ham is concerned, the consumers are receiving absolutely no consideration at all. Indeed, they will be worsted. The standard price of gas at the present time, as far as the Gas Light and Coke Company are concerned, is 3s. 2d. The standard of the West Ham Company is 2s. 11d. The selling price of the gas per 1,000 under the Gas Light and Coke Company is 2s. 9d. The selling price is 2s. 8d. under the West Ham Gas Company. Therefore this proves to me, at any rate, that when this amalgamation is brought about the company can increase the price of gas from 2s. 9d., which is the Gas Light and Coke Company's price, to 2s. 11d., without in any way interfering with their present dividends. Of course, I know that that is what is known as the sliding scale, which regulates the selling price of gas and the dividends that are paid to the shareholders, and I do not say for a single moment that it would be to the interests of the company to increase the price of gas. I daresay, of course, they do their level best to keep the price down as far as they possibly can, but, as I understand, when Bills of this kind are promoted, when there is an amalgamation sought by two or more companies, it is generally understood that no one is going to be worsted. I want to point out to Members of this House, as far as the workmen are concerned, the workmen for the West Ham Gas Company will be worsted, because they have a pension scheme in operation by which, after working for the West Ham Company for 25 years, they get one-third of their maximum pay.
Of course, I should have to admit that the Gas Light and Coke Company have got a kind of superannuation scheme, and they have got a recognised understanding—which has become a custom, I admit—when a man has worked for the Gas Light and Coke Company for a certain number of years they pension him off with a certain amount, but the men are working on sufferance. They have got no guarantee they are going to receive a pension of any kind, but the Gas Light and Coke Company are practically under a statutory obligation to pay the men in accordance with the number of years that the men have worked. Therefore there is no doubt but that the men working for the West Ham Gas Company will be worsted. One of the chief clauses is clause 30, in consequence of what we call the closing-down clause. Under that clause the company have agreed to keep open the works at their present capacity, but after ten years there is no guarantee they are going to keep those works open at all in face of what I know. I know that coal can be carbonised at the Beckton Gas Works very much cheaper than at the West Ham Gas Works. If one takes into consideration the over-capitalisation of the Gas Light and Coke Company with the amount of capital that is invested in the West Ham Gas Company, of course one, no doubt, will counteract the other, but we have got absolutely no protection that after ten years the company are going to keep their works going at all. That means a very serious thing to the people in West Ham. Most of the Members of this House know that West Ham has been hit very badly in regard to want of employment. It is a very poor borough, and in consequence of the large shipyard being cut out from building any of these large war vessels now, thousands of men have been thrown out of employment, and if the gas works were shut down, as I believe they would be shut down after ten years, it means that the bulk of the men will be put upon the scrap heap. A number of the men, no doubt, will be transferred from the West Ham Gas Company to the Beckton Gas Works, but the major part of the men will not be able to find any employment at all. Of course, I know that if the works are shut down and a certain number of men are not required, then, by mutual arrangement between the men and the company, certain compensation will be provided; but if the men are not satisfied I believe it is set forth in one of the clauses that they can appeal to an arbitrator. Most of us know that for ordinary workmen who have been receiving weekly wages and keeping themselves from hand to mouth for a number of years it is utterly impossible to find the wherewithal to fight a rich company like the Gas Light and Coke Company. No doubt in ten years these works will be closed down, and a great number of men will be turned adrift. Further than that, by the closing down of the works their rateable value will be depreciated by 50 per cent., and the burdens in West Ham are already very heavy indeed. The depreciation of works by 50 per cent., of course, means that the ratepayers will have to raise a few more thousands of pounds in-other directions. The Gas Light and Coke Company are also going to shut down another of their works in the borough, but the local authority, of course, has no control. If the company choose to shut down their works they can do so, but it means that a number of men will be thrown out of employment. I trust the House will not give a third reading to this Bill, because, as I have pointed out, work- men will be affected, and the rateable value of the borough will be depreciated. The consumers of West Ham are not going to receive any benefit, nor are the ratepayers or workmen. In view of the facts I have stated, I cannot see why the House should pass a Bill of this kind, which apparently is only in the interests of the shareholders and the directors of the two companies.
In rising to second the Proposition placed before the House by the hon. Member for West Ham, I desire at the outset to make it perfectly clear that we are not taking this line of action out of any spite or hatred towards the Gas Light and Coke Company. I have had an official connection with trade unionists who earn their living by the production of gas—I do not mean the class of gas we are accustomed to in this House, but for lighting purposes. At the town's meeting which was held, there were present representatives of all sections of the citizens of West Ham—business people, workpeople, and a number of members of the West Ham Corporation. Though the gathering was essentially of a mixed character, yet the resolution which was submitted against the adoption of this Bill was passed unanimously. In my judgment that is a strong argument against the measure. West Ham is not governed by Labour representatives; in that borough the representatives of Labour are in the minority; yet business people, and men who are considered to have municipal and political views of a moderate character, are as bitter in their opposition to this Bill as any other section of the West Ham population. When you find that the representative people, the consumers, and especially the workpeople, even those who work in the local gas factory of West Ham, are unanimously against this proposal, I think you will concede that it is an opposition of a kind which ought to carry weight in this House. Why are the people of West Ham opposed to the Bill? Those of us who know anything of municipal as well as Parliamentary affairs—and many of us know more about municipal affairs than we do about Parliamentary—are aware that it is not always to the interest of the public in general and the working classes in particular that the big fish should come along and swallow the small fish. Yet, that is exactly what is taking place in the case of this particular Bill. It is the matter of a large company who have a practical monopoly of the supply of gas for a large part of London, coming to a small company, which supplies the borough, and making with it terms whereby they may be enabled to rush this Bill through the House with as little opposition as they can possibly manage. I do not think that this House, which has certainly the national and Imperial interests of the whole Empire at heart, and makes laws not only for the nation, but for the Empire, should lend itself to any scheme whereby a great company will have some little advantage over a small company, while it will at the same time take advantage of the public in general.
The question of the lighting standard has been referred to by my hon. Friend, who is a practical man acquainted with the subject. The reduction from 16 candles to 14 candles would give an advantage to the Gas Light and Coke Company, with the result that not only would they be able to lower the price by a penny, but they would have still remaining an advantage arising from lowering the lighting standard. I do not say that the House will entirely agree with us in our opposition to this Bill. Those of us who have had a direct part in the organisation of workmen in this particular industry have found that, where municipal bodies have the gas supply under their control, we are able to make more peaceful terms with those authorities than we are able to effect with private companies. I could cite various parts of the country where the men belonging to the society represented by the hon. Member for West Ham and myself in the trade union world, have had no quarrel of any description with the representatives of public bodies for many years; whereas, in the case of private companies they have endeavoured to snatch what little advantages we have. In my judgment the people of West Ham would very much prefer to see the gas supply in the hands of the West Ham Corporation, if not at the present time, at any rate at some time later. It is because of our desire to see the West Ham gas supply come under municipal control that we are largely opposed to the Gas Light and Coke Company taking over the West Ham Gas Company at the present time.
We know how difficult it is to fight a large monopoly of that description. I hope that the Members who represent various interests in this House will take into consideration the all important point that it is not only a working-class opposition, and a consumers' opposition, but the commercial people in the whole of West Ham are as much against this Bill as the men who work in the gas factory. I am struck with the absence of the directors of the West Ham Company from the Lobby. One would imagine if the stockholders and the directors were very strongly desirous that this measure should. pass, that, as in the case of railway Bills and electric tram interests, we should find some of those gentlemen or their agents in the Lobby endeavouring to persuade Members as to the justice of the measure. I will undertake to say that not one Member of this House has been approached by a representative of the West Ham Gas Company, or by an authorised agent of the Gas Company, to support the-third reading of this Bill. I have not been able to detect any lobbying, although it may have happened. Then I say that pressure, possibly of an illegitimate character, I say advisedly, has been brought. to bear upon the local companies. There are many ways whereby a local company, supplying one borough, can be approached with pressure, possibly not of a coercive character but of a mild and persuasive character, carrying the necessary commercial interest. In our opinion it is in the public interest that this House should not be used for the strong and powerful monopoly against the weaker or smaller classes of industry. The legislative powers conferred on the House should not be utilised for the purpose of going against the express desire of every section of the community in any particular locality when it is against the Bill. Under these circumstances we are deadly opposed to the third reading, not only from the trade union or working class point of view, but also in the interests of local employers and other interests, vested and otherwise, opposed to the Bill.
I think the hon. Members who moved the rejection of this Bill have, probably quite unintentionally, misled the House as to the character of this Bill. In making the statement that there was a rushing of this Bill through the House they altogether forgot the fact that it has been submitted to a very critical examination, and that the Corporation of West Ham had ample opportunity of stating its case before the Committee that considered the Bill. I think that very materially alters the position. I do not speak as interested pecuniarily in this company at all. My name appears on the back of the Bill. The hon. Member who moved the rejection seemed to have a complaint that the other parties have been wise enough to settle, while the West Ham Corporation were not so wise. The West Ham Corporation had every opportunity of settling, I am told, before this Bill went into Committee. They absolutely refused to come to terms, and surely it is a little late at this stage of the proceedings to come here and ask the House to reject the Bill on its third reading, because they have not been wise enough to take advantage of the opportunities that were offered to them?
As a matter of fact, it is the Gas Light and Coke Company who have gone behind what they promised to the West Ham Corporation.
I am informed that is wrong. They were offered before the Bill went to the Committee, without prejudice to either side. The terms were rejected, and it would not be fair in any business transaction to bring that out and say that was a breach of faith on the part of those who made the offer. A great deal has been said about a public meeting held at West Ham against the Bill. If there is that strong feeling against the Bill, why was it not opposed when it came up for second reading? That was the time, instead of giving the parties all the trouble and expense of going through the course that has been taken. There was no opposition at all to the second reading, and it is only now, when the whole matter has been most carefully sifted by the Committee, there is this opposition to the promoters of the Bill, and that hon. Members come here and move its rejection. On behalf of the promoters, I must complain and protest that there is no warranty for the suggestion that this Bill has been rushed through the House.
I did not say it had been rushed through the House. I said the Gas Light Company had rushed the Bill.
The implication is the same. It has been put off from time to time and there has really been no rushing. I do not think the hon. Member can substantiate that statement in the slightest degree. The hon. Member (Mr. W. Thorne) said that no one was advantaged by the Bill. As I understand it the 'Gas Light and Coke Company, when they take over these works, are willing to consider all the payments of the workmen of the West Ham Gas Company in regard to their pension scheme, or any other scheme as if they had been made with the Gas Light and Coke Company. Surely more generous consideration could not have been given to the workmen. I believe the schemes of benefit of the workmen of the Gas Light and Coke Company are much more advantageous than those of the West Ham Gas Company. The hon. Member has referred to clause 30 of the Bill as one of the objectionable clauses. That clause seems to me to be one of its greatest commendations. Clause 30 is a very unusual clause, displaying most unwonted generosity on the part of the promoters of such a scheme as this. It absolutely states that the Gas Light and Coke Company, in taking over the West Ham Company, are willing to give a guarantee that they will keep the works in substantially the same condition for ten years, whether the use of gas goes down or anything else happens. I was, therefore, rather surprised to hear the statement made by the hon. Member, because I should have deemed this to be most generous treatment both of the workmen and of the ratepayers. The hon. Member also ventured into the region of prophecy, which is always somewhat dangerous. He said that he had no doubt that when the ten years had expired the West Ham Gas Works would be shut up. I do not think he has any real reason for that statement at all. The Gas Light and Coke Company have absorbed many other gas undertakings in the Metropolitan area, and I believe that out of all those that they have absorbed, only two of the works have been shut up altogether, although they were taken over without the safeguard contained in clause 30 of this Bill. Therefore, I do not think there is much against the company on the score of clause 30. It is a very generous concession, and to say that the ratepayers get no benefit seems to me a very absurd line of argument.
The hon. Member also stated that these works could keep going on, and that the ratepayers would have had the benefit of the gas works being carried on in their area. I am advised that it was proved distinctly before the Committee that that is not so. I am told that the total daily productive power of the West Ham Gas Works is 9,100,000 cubic feet, and that the actual average output for the three heaviest consecutive days in the year 1908–9 was 8,091,000, leaving only a margin of 1,000,000, or 13 per cent. When we remember that the average increase in the gas supplied during the past five years has been 9 per cent, I think it will be seen that the works could not possibly have continued for more than two years at the outside, and that they then would have had to be removed.
They have sufficient room to build two more retort houses, which would increase the capacity by 25 per cent.
I am dealing only with questions which were thoroughly proved before the Committee. I cannot go behind those and take what the hon. Member considers might be done. The probabilities are that the West Ham Gas Company, if not absorbed by the Gas Light and Coke Company, would remove their works to East Ham. If they wanted to build modern works they would do it very much better there. They have bought land there; they have already expended money in the erection of a gas-holder upon the land; and it was stated before the Committee that they were prepared to spend a quarter of a million in the erection of works at East Ham. What would have been the effect on the ratepayers of West Ham if they had done that? Hon. Members must see that in that case they would have lost all the rating on the works. So that the ratepayers have distinctly benefited by the transfer, inasmuch as they have a guarantee that the works will be kept in substantially their present condition for 10 years to come. Then there is another advantage which I think has been quite overlooked by those who oppose the Bill. I am told that the London local authorities will benefit to the extent of £8,000 per annum in the matter of public lighting—that is equivalent to 2d. per thousand cubic feet—and that the authorities, including West Ham, whose area the amalgamation will affect, will benefit to the extent of £1,300 per annum, or 4½d. per thousand feet. So that there is a direct benefit arising to the public in the matter of public lighting, even if there is no immediate benefit arising in the price of gas. The hon. Member made a great deal of the point that the gas has been reduced from 16 to 14 candles. He must know perfectly well that all legislation has gone in the direction of reducing the illuminating power of gas, because the system of lighting by gas has been completely revolutionised by the use of incandescent mantles. When you want to get illuminating power from incandescent mantles it is not the illuminating power, but the calorific power, of the gas that has to be considered; and this Bill does contain condi- tions as to tests for the calorific value of the gas, which is a far more important thing under present conditions of gas lighting than the illuminating power. Therefore it is really making a mountain out of a molehill to talk of this reduction from 16 to 14 candles as an injury to the people concerned. I am glad to know from the speech of the hon. Member for Jarrow (Mr. Curran) that there has been no lobbying of the kind he suggests. If there is one thing to be detested it is that kind of lobbying which he says has been absent on this occasion, and at that we must all. rejoice.
I do not think that any case has been made out against the third reading of the Bill. The measure has been thoroughly considered by the Committee upstairs; that Committee was, I believe, unanimous; they inserted certain provisions which have benefited the Bill, and will be to the advantage of the neighbourhood concerned; and I hope on these considerations the House will agree to read the Bill a third time.
I rise only on account of the fact that I was a Member of the Committee which considered this Bill. If the facts, as the hon. Member who moved the rejection of the Bill presented them, had been accurate, I would not like to have been a member of the Committee which passed the Bill. Without reflecting on the hon. Member in any way, I may say that the facts as he has presented them to the House are quite different from the facts that were presented to the Committee upstairs. It was proved to the satisfaction of the Committee that the shareholders of both companies had been consulted and had agreed to the Bill. It is not right to come down to the House, and make ex parte statements to the effect that the shareholders had not ben consulted.
I did not say that. I said they had not got the official sanction.
I understood the hon. Member to say that the shareholders did not agree to the Bill. I say that they have agreed. The next statement he made was that power had been given to the company to reduce their candle power by 2, without any benefit accruing to the consumer. He rather gave the House to understand that West Ham was going to suffer by the diminution of that candle power in its lighting standard. But surely the hon. Member knows that what has been done is to reduce the illuminating power over the whole area of the gas company to 16 from 18. West Ham was a 14-candle power standard, and is, therefore, not in any worse position than before. It has been proved over and over again upstairs that the tendency of modern times among gas companies is to reduce the illuminating power for reasons stated by the hon. Member opposite. Owing to the introduction of incandescent burners what you really want to get at when serving a population of the poorer classes is the calorific and not illuminating power. We are placed in rather a difficulty in Bills of this kind, because it is very easy to come down to this House and make an ex parte statement in opposition to it. But the Committee upstairs invariably goes very fully into the matter. They go into the facts. In this case they have found facts proved to their satisfaction. I am glad to say that this particular Bill was dealt with by a Committee representing every party in this House, and we were absolutely unanimous in the decision we gave. We had it proved to us that the position of the workman employed by the West Ham Corporation would not be made worse but better under this Bill. It was proved to us that this gas company had a very good pension scheme, and under the clause in the Bill put in for the workmen taken over they would come into this very good pension scheme.
West Ham was represented in the Committee room upstairs by counsel, and we tried to see how we could improve the position of affairs in West Ham. The fact that the question of unemployment in West Ham is a very serious one, we asked West Ham to help us to find a way out of the difficulty. West Ham's representative came before us and made a statement to the effect: "I tell you frankly it will satisfy me if the company will undertake that for the next 10 years they will not close the West Ham works, but that they shall be substantially used for the manufacture of gas. If they do that that will meet my objection. If they do not agree, I will object to the Bill in toto. " We said we were not aware of any direction of this sort having been given to any local authority or any local gas company, but we carefully considered the position of West Ham. We said it was quite an exceptional position. We went out of our way to insert a clause in the Bill which—I do not speak with very large knowledge of the practice upstairs, but I do speak with a certain knowledge—in my opinion has never been put into a Bill of this kind—to safeguard West Ham.
I do think that after the Committee upstairs have given time, trouble, and attention to a Bill like this; after attendance by counsel, after the hearing of witnesses, and not curtailing the evidence of the witnesses in the slightest degree; that having arrived at a decision on the evidence, the facts, that it would be a very strong course for the House to take now to reverse that decision on an ex parte statement. The House has the power, but I think they will do well to hesitate. It was proved to us that the reduction of the candle power was a reduction all round. It was proved to us that the workmen employed by the West Ham Corporation would not be any worse, but better off. It was proved to us that at present West Ham works were working to their utmost capacity, and that with the increase which has been going on for the past five years that it was only a question of a very short time when a very large capital expenditure would be necessary to meet the increased consumption. We came to the conclusion, taking all these considerations into account, that this amalgamation scheme of the Gas Light and Coke Company was one to be recommended. I do think this House will be very ill-advised after that consideration to agree with the motion of the hon. Gentleman the Member for West Ham.
I find that all the local authorities concerned in the matter have agreed to the Bill. I am quite aware, and I am very glad, that this Bill applies to something more than merely West Ham. It applies to a very large part of London. It cannot be said that the Bill was rushed, because the local authorities, and I am speaking for a local authority, the Corporation of the City of London, appeared before the Committee that had the Bill in hand. We had taken counsel's opinion and expert advice, and had done everything that we could to sift the matter, and, as I understand it, the Corporation of London and every other local authority concerned have withdrawn their opposition to the Bill, because they have got the amendments they asked for, as we did in the City of London. I am rather glad than otherwise that the candle-power should be reduced. As a matter of fact, with incandescent mantles 14-candle-power gas is just as good as 16, and as you get it at less money that is so much to the good. Although no doubt in years gone by the Gas Light and Coke Company were in rather a sleepy condition, the competition of electric light and other competition has wakened them up to act more for the people than before. I am very glad to know that the company are about to complete, or have completed, a scheme whereby they are going in the future to do what the South Metropolitan Gas Company have done, that is, to share their profits with their workmen. I hope that they will carry that scheme out as well as the other gas company has done. I hope my hon. Friend will withdraw his Resolution, because under the circumstances all the local authorities concerned have come to an agreement on the matter, and it is hardly fair to oppose the company any further.
Question put: "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 203; Noes, 43.
Division No. 171.] AYES. [9. 17 p.m. Abraham, W. (Cork, N.E.) Ferens, T. R. Morgan, G. Hay (Cornwall) Abraham, William (Rhondda) Ffrench, Peter Morse, L. L. Agnew, George William Fletcher, J. S. Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Ainsworth. John Stirling Forster, Henry William Napier, T. B. Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch) Gibson, J. P. Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw) Allen, Charles P. (Stroud) Glen-Coats, Sir T. (Renfrew, W.) Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster) Astbury, John Meir Glendinning, R. G. Norton, Captain Cecil William Atherley-Jones, L. Gooch, George Peabody (Bath) Nussey, Thomas Willans Baldwin, Stanley Greenwood, G. (Peterborough) Nuttall, Harry Balfour, Robert (Lanark) Guinness, Hon. R. (Haggerston) O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid) Banbury, Sir Frederick George Gulland, John W. O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Barlow, Percy (Bedford) Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B. O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Barran, Rowland Hirst Hall, Frederick O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Barry, E. (Cork, S.) Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) Pearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye) Beck, A. Cecil Hardy, George A. (Suffolk) Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) Bennett, E. N. Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester) Pease, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Saff. Wald.) Berridge, T. H. D. Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-sh.) Pickersgill, Edward Hare Bignold, Sir Arthur Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) Pollard, Dr. G. H. Boland, John Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Boulton, A C. F. Hayden, John Patrick Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) Brace, William Heaton John Henniker Rainy, A. Rolland Branch, James Hedges, A. Paget Randles, Sir John Scurrah Brocklehurst, W. B. Helme, Norval Watson Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Brunner, Rt. Hon. Sir J. T. (Cheshire) Hemmerde, Edward George Reddy, M. Bryce, J. Annan Henderson, J. McD (Aberdeen, W.) Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Burke, E. Haviland- Higham, John Sharp Renwick, George Burns, Rt. Hon. John Hobhouse, Charles E. H Ridsdale, E. A Burnyeat, W. J. D. Hogan, Michael Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Holt, Richard Durning Robinson, S. Byles, William Pollard Hooper, A. G. Roche, Augustine (Cork) Cameron, Robert Houston, Robert Paterson Roche, John (Galway, East) Carlile, E. Hildred Hutton, Alfred Eddison Rogers, F. E. Newman Carr-Gomm, H. W. Hyde, Clarendon G. Ropner, Colonel Sir Robert Cave, George Idris, T. H. W. Rowlands, J. Channing, Sir Francis Allston Jackson, R. S. Russell, Rt. Hon. T. W Clough, William Johnson, W. (Nuneaton) Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool) Clyde, J. Avon Jones, Leif (Appleby) Salter, Arthur Clavell Coates, Major E F. (Lewisham) Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Cobbold, Felix Thornley Kavanagh, Waiter M. Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E. Kekewich, Sir George Sandys, Col. Thos. Myles Compton-Rickett, Sir J. Kettle, Thomas Michael Scott, A. H. (Ashton-under-Lyne) Condon, Thomas Joseph King, Alfred John (Knutsford) Seaverns, J. H. Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead) Lambert, George Shackleton, David James Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Lehmann, R. C Sheehy, David Cotton, Sir H. J. S. Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley George D. Cox, Harold Levy, Sir Maurice Shipman, Dr. John G. Craig, Captain James (Down, E.) Lewis, John Herbert Soares, Ernest J. Craik, Sir Henry Luttrell, Hugh Fownes Stanier, Beville Crosfield, A. H. Lyell, Charles Henry Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) Stanley, Hon. A. Lyulph (Cheshire) Delany, William Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. Stewart, Halley (Greenock) Devlin, Joseph MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.) Stone, Sir Benjamin Dewar, Sir J. A. (Inverness-sh.) M'Arthur, Charles Strauss, E. A. (Abingdon) Dickson, Ft. Hon. C. Scott- M'Laren, H. D. (Stafford, W.) Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G. (Oxford Univ.) Dobson, Thomas W. Magnus, Sir Philip Taylor, John W. (Durham) Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Mallet, Charles E. Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) Duncan, Robert (Lanark, Govan) Manfield, Harry (Northants) Tennant, H. J. (Berwickshire) Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne) Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston) Thomasson, Franklin Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor) Marnham, F. J. Thompson, J. W. H. (Somerset, E.) Emmott, Rt. Hon. Alfred Massie, J. Toulmin, George Essex, R. W. Menzies, Walter Trevelyan, Charles Philips Everett, R. Lacey Molteno, Percy Alport Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander Fell, Arthur Mond, A. Valentia, Viscount Fenwick, Charles Mooney, J. J. Vivian, Henry Walters, John Tudor Whitley, John Henry (Halifax) Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. Yoxall, James Henry Watt, Henry A. Wiles, Thomas White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire) Wills, Arthur Walters TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —— White Patrick (Meath, North) Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) Sir D. Goddard and Mr. W. H. Cowan.
NOES. Barnard, E. B. Johnson, John (Gateshead) Pointer, J. Barnes, G. N. Jowett, F. W. Richards, T. F. (Wolverhampton, W.) Brodie, H. C. Joyce, Michael Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) Brooke, Stopford Kelley, George D. Seddon, J. Clynes, J. R. Kennedy, Vincent Paul Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) Crooks, William Kilbride, Denis Snowden, P. Cullinan, J. Lundon, T. Steadman, W. C. Davies, Ellis William (Eifion) Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) Walsh, Stephen Davies, Timothy (Fulham) Macpherson, J. T. Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.) Wilkie, Alexander Gill, A. H. Meehan, Francis E (Leitrim, N.) Williams, W. Llewelyn (Carmarthen) Glover, Thomas Murphy, John (Kerry, East) Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughten) Haslam, James (Derbyshire) Nannetti, Joseph P. Henderson, Arthur (Durham) O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr. Hodge, John Pirie, Duncan V. Jenkins, J. W. Thorne and Mr. P. F. Curran.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read the third time and passed.
Great Western Railway (Steam Vessels) BILL—[Lords].—(By Order)
Order for second reading read.
Motion made and Question proposed: "That the Bill be now read a second time."
I move to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day three months."
At the outset I desire to make it clear that I am in no way animated by any spirit of opposition to railway companies in their proper sphere, and if I can be met so far by the hon. Member in charge of this Bill as to accept the Instruction on the Paper, I shall be prepared to withdraw my opposition to this stage of the measure. I am speaking as the representative of practically all the bodies who are entitled to represent shipowners in this country, who feel that this Bill establishes a very dangerous precedent, because they consider it is an attempt to enable railways to come outside their proper sphere in a most unfair form of competition with the private shipowner. This House has hitherto been most careful to safeguard the position of the private trader when he has come into contact with the monopoly of the railway company, and it has gone so far as to refuse to allow railway companies to enter into any trade outside their actual business of transit even to the extent of refusing to allow railway companies to build locomotives for one another. I submit that if railway companies are not to enter upon a trade so much like their own as the one I have mentioned, they should not be allowed to enter upon the more dangerous course indicated in this Bill. What this railway company seeks is to use the gigantic monopoly granted by this House to compete not only on the land but on the high seas with the private shipowner, and it asks for power to go beyond this and discriminate, as it is not allowed to do in its own business, by subsidising certain shipping companies at the expense of the other companies.
I shall be told it is no new thing for railway companies to own steamers, and that there are numerous cases where they run a service of steamers, but this Bill asks for a very different thing. It asks for power to the Great Western Railway Company to run steamships, not in a ferry service, but to and from places as far apart as Fishguard and Nantes. Can that be, in any sense, considered as a ferry service joining up two railway termini? This is not to be even confined to the coasting trade, which hitherto has satisfied the ambition of railway companies, and if we once admit that this railway company is to be allowed to enter upon a foreign shipping trade, we establish an important new principle, and, having once allowed the company to go to Nantes this Session, there would be no justification next Session to refuse them going to Bordeaux, because we should have established the principle that they are entitled to go oversea to seek trade, and no doubt later on they would want to go to Lisbon and eventually to Hong-kong and the Cape, and in course of time cover the whole of the high seas. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why not?"] I think that is a question which I ought to answer. Competition by railway companies is notoriously unfair, but they use a very profitable monopoly granted to them by Parliament to run steamers which everybody knows are not run as profit-earning concerns, but are run at a lass as feeders to their lines. If it is possible for a railway company out of the rates it charges to run steamers at a loss, that is to pay something out of its profits for another purpose, I submit that that profit ought to go, not to subsidise steamers to run against other particular traders, but it should be devoted to reducing its own rates. If there is a profit which can be thrown away by the railway company the community ought to have the benefit of it, and it ought not to be used to ruin certain specific traders who are doing a considerable public service. I should like to draw attention to the fact that railway companies have a very considerable monopoly. There are, however, a few cases where one is able to put up an effective opposition to a railway company, and it is where it is possible to run steamers against railway companies from port to port. The danger of this Bill is that it will establish a railway company in a position in which it will not be exposed to this competition, because it will not be worth the while of anybody to run vessels against such railway companies in the trades where they compete with the railway direct, and the consumer will eventually have to suffer.
Then there is a further reason. The establishment of this power to run steamers will not only injure those who are now carrying on that service satisfactorily, but it will sterilise enterprise, because obviously no shipowner will undertake the risk and trouble of establishing a new service between France and a port in England, if as soon as he has worked up a profit it is open to a railway company with its enormous resources to put on a competitive service and run it at a loss. That I agree is a prospective danger, but it is also a danger to the public equal to the one I have just submitted to the House. But there is another danger. In the Bill it is provided that the company may subscribe towards providing, or may enter into an agreement with any existing steamship companies carrying on a service. Surely this House has laid it down as one of the primary principles on which railways were to work, that they should give no undue preference, that everybody should be given equal facilities and pay equal rates, and yet this Bill proposes that a railway company may enter into an agreement with specific steamship companies, and so enable them to obtain in effect preferential rates which may run their competitors off the high seas.
Those words were struck out.
Clause 5 says that "the company may enter into agreements with any steamship company."
Originally the clause contained that provision, but those words were struck out in order to prevent there being any idea of a subvention.
I am glad to have an assurance that that is the case, and if this Bill goes to the Committee I hope care will be taken to see that the assurance given by my hon. Friend is carried out. That being so, I will not press this point any further. There is only one precedent for such a privilege as this company desires to obtain. Certain railway companies running from the East have obtained from this House power to run their steamers not only along the coast, but also up the Baltic. If hon. Members will take the trouble to refer to the evidence given before a Royal Commission now sitting they will find that there is a very considerable feeling amongst traders on this matter. They believe that the operations of the railway companies have been used greatly to the detriment of the general consumers. Having established a new precedent by this Bill the other railway companies would not be content to sit still and see the Great Western Company reap all the benefit. The South-Western Company would try to go one better than the Great Western Company. It would not be fair on the part of this House to allow the Great Western to do what it wants to do. I will state our opposition to this Bill. The railway companies are carrying on an experimental service, and whether this Bill passes or not they will go on with that experimental service. Either these companies are under the jurisdiction of Parliament or they are not. If the railway company will not refrain from running the steamers, then the House will do well not to allow the railway companies to carry on the trade under previous Acts of Parliament. I ask the House to reject the Bill. I am not anxious to appear unduly hostile to railway companies, but I hope that the House, as guardians of the general consumers will see that the railway companies have not an unfair advantage over the private trader. I beg to move the rejection of the Bill.
I rise to second the Amendment. I am one of the representatives of a great port, and I do not hesitate to say that the shipping interest consider that the coastwise trade will be seriously affected if this Bill be passed. I do not confine my objection to the Bill on any sectional ground. As a general rule, though railway companies can carry by sea or land, they are land carriers. Powers are given to them to carry by land, and when they extend that power to carry by sea it is injurious to the interests of the general trader. The powers sought for in this Bill, particularly those relating to Fishguard and Plymouth, will bring the railway company into competition with private shipping companies. Ordinarily, competition is a very good thing, but competition to be a good thing must be fair. Competition set up between a railway company and a private shipping company is not fair competition. The shipowner has simply to depend upon his vessels, but the railway company is in a very different position. It has got its land lines, and it can get goods over its railway system for its steamers. It can therefore well afford to run the steamers at a loss. That is not fair competition. What is the result of that? It has been proved by experience that in a short time the railway company is able to run its shipping competitor out of the field. It will enable the railway company to establish a monopoly, and then the railway company can do what it likes. There is another objection, and that is if these powers are given to the railway company there may be preferential rates as against British producers. On these grounds, I hope that the House will recognise there is a fundamental principle at stake. Are railway companies to be allowed to push their monopoly into the sea trade as well as into the land trade? We all know that our trade has suffered grievously from excessive railway rates, and, in my experience, the only remedy for excessive railway rates is effective competition. We ought to have the canals competing with the railways, but they have been swallowed up by the railway companies. The coastwise traffic is one of the competitors remaining. It does insure a certain amount of competition with the railways. Are you now going to take that advantage away? If this coastwise traffic, which is at present a real and effective competitor with the railways, is to be done away with, the railway monopoly will be strengthened. I submit it would be injurious and unfair to the interests of the public, and unless the Instruction which my hon. Friend (Mr. W. R. Rea) has referred is acceded to by the promoters, I shall certainly vote against this Bill.
Question proposed: "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
I may say at once that the company are not prepared to accept the suggestion of the Mover of the Amendment (Mr. W. R. Real; they would rather lose their Bill than sacrifice the clause with regard to the trade with Nantes. As regards the point relating to Fishguard, I may observe that that condition was put in by the company with the idea that it would be for the benefit of other companies which might wish to land cargoes. I attach no great importance to that, but we do think vital the clause regarding trade between Plymouth and Nantes. In what my hon. Friend said I was pleased to see that he endeavoured to distinguish between what he considered suitable for discussion upstairs in Committee and that which constitutes the great principle embodied in the Bill. I am one of those who feel that this House, whilst capable of coming to a mature decision on most questions, is not wise when it anticipates discussion on facts and points which, by the constitution of the house, should be left to the Committee upstairs. Therefore, I feel that any opposition on the Second Reading of a Bill should have a very strong case to put forward. Since I have had a seat in this House I have always endeavoured to support Bills going upstairs to the recognised tribunal, and I think there is good reason for that, because if the House took upon itself the practice of deciding the fate of Bills on the second reading without evidence being heard, it would tend to give the public outside the idea that there is risk in promoting Bills for the benefit of trade and for other purposes, and it is most undesirable we should cultivate a feeling of that kind. My hon. Friend endeavoured to show that this Bill, which has already passed its course in the other House, needs altering. Well, as a matter of fact, clause 5 was altered to the form in which it now stands. It originally contained a condition which enabled the company to subscribe to the funds of steamship companies. That power was interpreted as a power to subsidise other companies, and was deemed by the chairman of the Committee to be very undesirable. It was, therefore, struck out, and has disappeared from the Bill except in a few words left by accident in the preamble.
But do not those words give the Great Western Company power to make payments to other companies?
It gives power to make arrangements to hire a steamer in case of a breakdown, but there is no power to subsidise other companies. Still, this is a point which, no doubt, will be discussed in Committee upstairs. I presume my hon. Friend has already petitioned. The petitioners who were heard in the other House can be heard again upstairs, and I do not think any difficulty is likely to arise as to their locus standi, or that they are likely to be debarred from stating their case very fully before a Committee of this House. The House has been given to understand that this Bill is an exception, because it gives the railway company power to trade on the high seas. I understand the hon. Member to refer to what is technically called the ferry service, which means Brest on the West and the Elbe on the East. But this House has, in many instances, admitted the desirability of railway companies trading to other ports, and I need only mention the cases of the Great Northern, the Manchester, Sheffield, and Lincoln, the Hull and Barnsley, and the North-Eastern to show that that has been allowed, and that they have been granted powers to run to ports east of the Elbe to Hamburg and the Baltic. It was only in 1904 that the House allowed the North-Eastern Company to extend its power in this way. The chief opposition, as I gather, to this Bill is as to whether the company shall be allowed to trade to Nantes. It seems to me suggested that the company is going to interfere with existing traffic, and there appears also to be a fear that it may go to Bordeaux, Gibraltar, or even New York. If that is so, a restriction can easily be imposed, but the company have satisfied themselves that, in the case of Nantes, as well as at Brest, there is a great traffic, inward and outward, which is not provided for under present condi- tions. The South Western and Great Western Companies already have powers to run to St. Malo and Cherbourg, and the whole of the trade which these companies have done is shown by the effect that they have had on the Channel Islands. As most hon. Members know, they have the power of running there, and, in reply to those who would perhaps consider that it is a case in which the two great companies may run the other traders off the seas altogether, I would point out that that is not so. These two companies have weekly and daily runnings all the year round, whether the traffic provides profit or not, but they have not only not disturbed other traders, but they have found traffic for them, so that there are five sailings weekly of he Wilson line, one sailing weekly to London of another line, and many other sailings to different places. In short, in the potato and vegetable season the tramp steamers, who are not obliged to run to time, come in and take the traffic which is stimulated by the railway steamers during the course of the whole year, and they carry more goods and receive greater profit than do the Great Western and the South-Western railway companies, who provide regular steamers and carry passengers and express services and carry perishable produce all the year round. That is exactly a simile of what will happen at Brest and Nantes. There there is a large traffic possible to this country in fruit and vegetables, and they do not compete with the fruit and vegetables of this country, because their season is a month earlier. Not only is there this traffic, which at present does not come, but there are no regular sailings to Nantes. There is a fortnightly sailing, but that is not very regular, and these steamers will carry goods if they get them to Swansea or Cardiff or elsewhere. What good can it be to the shippers of perishable articles that possibly a steamer may be delayed two or three or five days, when they want to get their goods to the Bristol, or London, or Birmingham markets. So that I say at present this traffic is not being attended to, and there is a large passenger traffic, which might be cultivated if the sailings were regular. A ticket from Exeter to Brest, the journey to be run in 13 hours, would cost 15s. 3d. third class, and to Nantes it would take 241 hours, and cost 37s. 3d. Both manufactured goods and passengers could be conveyed, and there is this vast nursery garden of the western provinces of France to be served. The Great Western Railway Company feel they are justified in taking steps to offer facilities for this great and growing traffic, and they believe that it will be in the best interests, not only of the trade between the two countries, not only to tourists and those who wish to travel, but it will be found an advantage once again to exploit a trade which the shipowners of this country are perfectly able and perfectly competent to step in and take their share of as soon as the trade has been sufficiently developed.
The case against this Bill was so well put by the movers of the Amendment that I will not deal with it in detail, but I will deal with the general principles involved, that private traders ought to be secured in their enterprise, the benefits of which these two companies will be allowed to reap. One private company has nineteen steamers running, their service is not an irregular one, as has been unfairly stated, it is practically a regular service. That has been going on for 25 years, and by this proposed action of the railway companies they are to be deprived of the results of their honest endeavour. One of these railway companies is by no means a scrupulous company, it has been for two years carrying on a trade with Brest, which it is not authorised to do by this House. That is the beginning; they have got the thin end of the wedge in. What is likely to be the result if we pass this Bill? Have we any evidence that they will act more honestly in the future than they have done in the past, when they confess, through the mouth of Mr. Balfour Browne, that they have been acting ultra vires and dishonestly for two years, now ask us to give them complete powers to go on. On the whole I do not think we shall be acting with due regard towards the traditions of this House if we allow this Bill to go on. Most emphatically we ought to reject it.
I think the trade between English ports and the ports referred to in this Bill does not fall within the legitimate business of a British railway company. It is not what they got by charter or the original Act of Parliament at all. That was to carry on the conveyance of goods and passengers, and they are undoubtedly going beyond the legitimate purpose of the business they started on. I do not quite understand what the position of the hon. Member for North Worcestershire (Mr. J. W. Wilson) is with regard to clause 5, because he referred to the fact, that words in the preamble would be struck out; but clause 5 gives everything they wish. The House will observe how widely it is put. Not only may the company themselves run vessels, as provided under clause 4, but under clause 5 they may enter into and carry into effect agreements having reference to the conveyance of passengers and merchandise between parts of England on the one hand and parts of France on the other. I never saw a clause in an Act of Parliament so loosely expressed as that. It will enable them to do anything they please, whatever be in the preamble. Accordingly I take my stand, not on any point made upstairs at ail, but on this broad principle, that a railway company established for the purpose of conveying passengers and merchandise in Great Britain ought not to be authorised to enter into general traffic for the purpose of conveying passengers and goods between ports outside this country alogether, which cannot be called ferry traffic in any sense of the term. This is an entirely new departure, so far as I know without precedent at all, for any country to give a railway company, which has been authorised to carry on traffic in this country, power to carry on competition with British shipowners, and subsidise other shipowners, either British or foreign, subject to the proviso that the ships actually engaged in the traffic shall be registered at British ports. That is not a question for upstairs at all, but for this House, and upon that I associate myself with those who are opposed to the second reading of the Bill, unless the instruction is given effect to as the hon. Member for Scarborough (Mr. Walter Rea) expressed himself quite willing to do.
It might be for the convenience of the House that the views of the Board of Trade should be as soon as possible given. We do not think, as the right hon. Gentleman opposite has said, that this Bill is a totally new departure. We rather take the line that this principle has been adopted in other Acts of Parliament, and that there are, many precedents for giving railway companies powers to run steamers, and so far as the limits are concerned for going so far afield or asea, if I may use the word, as Nantes, that there are precedents which have been quoted by the hon. Member for North Worcestershire (Mr. J. W. Wilson), giving very wide powers to railway com- panics to run to ports in the Baltic and to almost the uttermost limits, as it were, of the northern outlets from these islands. Therefore no new principle or precedent is created by the Bill. The Bill as originally introduced into the other House did not profess to enable the company to subscribe to other companies owning steam vessels, and it also contained a provision enabling the company to run a coasting service from port to port along the French or English coast. In deference to the representations which were made by my hon. Friend and the shipping interest these two provisions were dropped. There is also a provision in the existing Bill enabling the Great Western Railway Company to run their steamboats to Fishguard. I understand that if this Bill were agreed to the Great Western Railway Company have expressed willingness to give up the power to run their steamships to Fishguard.
The company attaches so much importance to being allowed to run to places beyond Brest, not necessarily south of the Loire, that they would not feel entitled to accept the Instruction in the name of the hon. Member for Scarborough. But they would agree if they had this power to insert a proviso to clause 4:—
"Provided always that nothing herein contained shall be deemed to authorise the company to run steam or other vessels to any port on the coast of France south of the River Loire."
I believe that was put forward by the Great Western Railway Company as a basis of compromise. My hon. Friend the Member for Scarborough and his friends attached so much importance to limiting the Great Western Railway Company running their steamboats less far than Nantes—in fact, only as far as Brest—that that compromise has broken down. I only mention this fact to show that the railway company have not been unreasonable. They have shown a desire to meet the opponents of the Bill in all legitimate ways, and I cannot help thinking that this House, if it was to refuse to give the Bill a second reading, would take upon itself a responsibility which, in the opinion of the Board of Trade, it ought not to assume.
We have witnessed a very pretty quarrel between two very prominent interests in the country, namely, the shipping interest and the railway interest. I am not opposed to railways having sea carriage per se. The people of this country have benefited by railway companies extending their opera- tions beyond the limits of their original intentions. I have travelled with very great comfort on ships owned by the Canadian Pacific Railway, and I have seen them bring produce here that is very much relished, and that brings within the scope of small capacities the luxuries of the West. I have also travelled on the vessels of the Great Western Railway and of the London and South-Western Railway to the North of France. I have enjoyed all the benefits, and therefore I am not opposed to an extension of their traffic on account of any inconvenience that may have occurred to myself. The contrary is the case. But this is a House of Commons question. We grant to railways privileges that amount to monopolies, and the question arises, shall we allow these privileges and these monopolies to English railway companies to be used to the detriment of other English companies? We know that the Great Western and the South-Western run their steamers to near ports to the great advantage of the people of this country, but this must have a limit, because there are other interests, such as the great shipping interests of the country, and the monopolies that the House of Commons gives to these companies ought not to be used to the disadvantage of other English companies. Where is the line to be drawn? In their original Bills, when the South-Western Railway and the Great Western Railway asked for powers to run steamers to certain near ports it was never contemplated by the House in granting them that these privileges should be extended to the detriment of other companies, and the question for the House of Commons to consider tonight is whether the limit has been reached or not. I am not in a position to say it has been reached, nor am I in a position to say it has not been reached. That is not a question which I have as an individual Member to decide even for myself. It is a matter which ought to be investigated closely by a Committee of this House. I only rise to urge that one point. This is a House of Commons question as to whether the monopoly and the privileges Parliament has given in the past shall be extended and so used as to be exercised to the detriment of other companies.
Let me put this point in support of my suggestion. If you grant a railway company a monopoly, say, to serve the whole side of the country, and if another scheme is proposed to be brought before Parliament, the scheme is sent before certain Committees who are charged with the duty of investigating whether it will interfere with privileges already granted. That is the care taken by Parliament which has granted the privileges, and in consequence of which certain expenditure has been undertaken that the capital which has been invested in these undertakings shall not be so interfered with as to be damaged to any serious extent. If such a scheme as I have mentioned be sent before a Committee, the persons concerned have the opportunity and privilege of appearing either personally or by counsel, and their views are expressed before that Committee acting on behalf of whichever House of Parliament appoints the Committee, and a report is made to the House. If there is any danger of any serious interference with capital already invested, that is reported to the House. If there is any serious danger of the rights of the public being infringed, that is also reported to the House, and if it appears to the Committee and afterwards to the House that there is no danger to the capital invested, then further privileges are extended and other schemes are carried out. But if it be shown that there is danger to the capital invested, then the privileges will not be granted. That, I submit, is the theory on which Parliament goes. Now the question for the House to-night to consider is whether any further extension of the original privileges and monopoly granted to the Great Western Railway will act detrimentally to the rights of other British companies. Therefore, I think we ought to be careful. I do not know whether this Bill has been already reported on by a Committee, but, we ought to be very careful not to come to a decision until the proposal has been reported on. I do not say that I am quite satisfied myself that the Great Western Railway Company has established a case for the extension of their rights. I have no against the Great Western Company. I have travelled on their steamers plying between the Channel Islands and this country, and I know of none that are more commodious, more beneficial to the people, and more beneficial to the traffic, whether that traffic be passenger or goods traffic. I have no ill-will against any of the companies that trade south, and I have no against the Great Western, who serve the people of my own country in a very expeditious and a very comfortable manner. Therefore I would be very slow to oppose their interests; but I should wish to be satisfied that we are not trenching upon the rights and privileges of other companies who have probably invested large sums of money in the establishment of sea-going traffic, more so than these companies already privileged; and, therefore, I should like to be better informed before I cast my vote for this Bill.
I am not here as a champion either of the railway companies or the shipowners. On the contrary, I am one of their opponents. But I must say that I listened with amazement to the speech made by the hon. Member for Scarborough (Mr. Walter Rea), because it came from a Liberal Member. I have-often heard it said outside, over and over again, that so far as Liberals and Tories are concerned there is no difference between them. The hon. Member may smile, but I have had practical evidence to-night that those words are perfectly true. Railway companies have a certain monopoly, and most of the public know it only too well. The only remedy for that, in my opinion, is that the railway companies should be the property of the State and be worked in the interests of the State. But while things are as they are, it strikes me, not as a lawyer, but as a layman, that the more competition we have the better it is for the community at large. It is from that point of view that I look upon this subject. I fail to see where any other industry in the country has a monopoly. There is no monopoly in shipbuilding. If I had the means at my disposal to-morrow I could start shipbuilding, and no Act of Parliament could stop me. If I save a few pounds and open a shop in a certain line of business, there is no law in this country to stop a man more wealthy than I am from opening a shop next door to me and trying to undercut me by cheaper prices and drive me on to the streets. But it seems to me, from the speech of the hon. Member for Scarborough to-night, that he wants to claim that shipowners have a monopoly of the ocean. It is perfectly true in my judgment that the men who claim ownership of the land of this country would certainly claim ownership of the sea if it was possible for them to do it, but they cannot do it. If I had a yacht or a ship of my own I could sail and travel anywhere, and there is no law of this country or of any other country to stop me. Now I do not wish to be personal, but as regards our friend who is moving the Amendment, the House must not forget that as the son of a shipowner he is interested in this Bill, or at least he told the House that sailing ships are carried on at a loss. I have heard those fairy tales before.
Over and over again we have heard of men who carry on their business at a loss, but they are not likely to do that. If this Bill be carried, it seems to me that this company will be in competition with some other shipping firms. I say "good luck." The more competition the better for the community. Therefore, I am going to vote for the Bill solely and purely on the grounds that have been suggested against it. I recollect having been a few years ago upon a Committee which considered the making of a tube railway to East London. Every railway company whose interest was at stake, if the construction of this tube was permitted, fought against the Bill for all it was worth. This evening we have witnessed two Liberals on the benches opposite fighting one another like Kilkenny cats because one is asking for powers which would interfere with the other's interests as a shipowner. It is not our business as Members of this House to take the side of one interest or another, but to see that equal justice is done between them and that the interests of the people are conserved.
The hon. Member for North Worcestershire rather suggested that we ought not to discuss the Bill on the second reading, but should let it go to the Committee. But, on the other hand, the hon. Member for Ipswich (Sir D. Goddard) told us that after the Bill had passed through Committee it would be very immoral to discuss it on the third reading. There must, however, be a proper stage on which to discuss private Bills, and I submit that the second reading is the proper stage, before the parties have incurred the expense of going before the Committee. Where is to be the limit with regard to the steamship services that railway companies may establish? Nobody has ever suggested that a railway company may go into the business of cotton spinning, or wool manufacture, or any other general industry. Railway companies have been allowed to go into the steamship business, but I do not think that, anybody, not even the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Steadman), really suggests that a railway company can go into the steamship business generally, with complete freedom to run their ships to any part of the world as they think fit. This very Bill, in its original form, did give the company powers to run steamships practically in any direction, but those powers were taken out of the Bill even before it appeared in the Lords. Those who oppose the Bill suggest that the powers ought to be confined to the home trade, and ought not to be expended to foreign trade, whether to Oporto, Lisbon, or further. It is perfectly notorious all these railway steamships lose money. That was plainly admitted before the House of Lords by the general manager of the Great Western Company. Where is the money they lose to come from? It can only come from three possible sources—one is the shareholders, the second the service, and then the general public. I do not think it is the shareholders who are going to lose the money, otherwise the railway company would not care to promote the Bill. What it means is really that the through rates are got rid of. They charge the full rate on land and run the steamship at a loss. The Member for North Worcestershire stated that this traffic could not be carried on under existing conditions. It cannot be carried on on the condition that the railway company charge their present rate from Birmingham to Plymouth. If they would charge the general public the same rate that they are actually charging on merchandise carried on their own system it could be carried on. By running their steamers at a loss they practically reduce the rate of inland carriage. It could come to absolutely nothing else. Therefore, if they run their steamships at a loss, they are giving a subsidy to a, particular form of foreign trade to the detriment not only of foreign competitors, but also of the home trader. That amounts to giving a subsidy to the growers of Lisbon grapes. They are going to give an unfair preference to French growers of certain articles, as against the growers of the same articles in Devon, by keeping up the local rates in Plymouth and by reducing rates as regards through traffic. That is bad enough, but it is more unfair to reduce the rates of sea traffic. I submit this is not a power which should be entrusted to railway companies. They ought to stick to their own business to carry on the inland traffic. I do not think at the present moment the bulk of the people of this country are over-pleased with the way in which English railway companies are being managed. At any rate, if the Committees set up by the Board of Trade are any indication of the confidence of the Board of Trade in the management, I think we may fairly say that the management leaves a great deal to be desired. I would respectfully submit to the House it would be just as well to allow the directors of the railways to confine themselves strictly and exclusively to manage the railways, and not allow them to stray outside and into that of general steamship companies, for which they are quite unfitted, and on which they only lose the money of the general public, who are saddled with railway rates in excess of what they ought otherwise to be. I hope, if my hon. Friend goes to a Division, as I understand he will, that we shall get some substantial support and establish the principle that railway companies are to be conducted for the purpose of carrying on transport in this country, and not for any other purpose of transport outside this country.
I rise to appeal to the House to come to a decision in regard to this Bill. We have had a long and interesting discussion, and I think the House is in a position now to come to a decision. I do not want to enter into the merits of the Bill. So far as I am concerned, as Chairman of Ways and Means, I have great confidence in a Committee upstairs. I may remind the House of this point, that a Committee upstairs is not like a Committee in the House. The Committee upstairs considers whether the Preamble of a, Bill is proved, and gives it a Second Reading consideration. It does not merely deal with the Bill as having passed through second reading, and subject only to alteration in details. This Bill ought really to be considered with great care and attention upstairs. Therefore I shall vote for the second reading. My purpose in rising was to appeal to the House to come to a decision.
Question put: "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
The House divided: Ayes, 217; Noes, 48.
Division No. 172.] AYES. [10.36 p.m. Abraham, W. (Cork, N. E.) Crooks, William Helme, Norval Watson Abraham, William (Rhondda) Crosfield, A. H. Hemmerde, Edward George Adkins, W. Ryland D. Crossley, William J. Henderson, Arthur (Durham) Agnew, George William Cullinan, J. Higham, John Sharp Ainsworth, John Stirling Curran, Peter Francis Hills, J. W. Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch) Davies, Ellis William (Eificn) Hobart, Sir Robert Allen, Charles P. (Stroud) Davies, Timothy (Fulham) Hobhouse, Charles E. H. Astbury, John Meir Delany, William Hodge, John Banbury, Sir Frederick George Dewar, Sir J. A. (Inverness-sh.) Hogan, Michael Banner, John S. Harmood- Dobson, Thomas W. Hutton, Alfred Eddison Barker, Sir John Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- Idris, T. H. W. Barlow, Percy (Bedford) Du Cros, Arthur Isaacs, Rufus Daniel Barran, Sir John Nicholson Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) Johnson, John (Gateshead) Beale, W. P. Duncan, J Hastings (York, Otley) Johnson, W. (Nuneaton) Beauchamp, E. Dunn, A. Edward (Camborne) Jones, Leif (Appleby) Beck, A. Cecil Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor) Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) Beckett, Hon. Gervase Emmett, Rt. Hon. Alfred Joyce, Michael Berridge, T. H. D. Essex, R. W. Joynson-Hicks, William Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Everett, R. Lacey Kekewich, Sir George Boland, John Fell, Arthur Kelley, George D. Bowerman, C W. Fenwick, Charles King, Alfred John (Knutsford) Brace, William Ferens, T. R. Lamont, Norman Bridgeman, W. Clive Ffrench, Peter Leyland-Barrett, Sir Francis Bright, J. A. Fletcher, J. S. Lehmann, R. C. Brocklehurst, W. B. Forster, Henry William Levy, Sir Maurice Bryce, J. Annan Gibson, J. P. Lewis, John Herbert Burke, E. Haviland- Gill, A. H. Lloyd-George, Rt. Hon. David Burns, Rt. Hon. John Glen-Coats, Sir T. (Renfrew, W.) Lonsdale, John Brownlee Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Glendinning, R. G. Lundon, T. Bytes, William Pollard Glover, Thomas Lupton, Arnold Carlile, E. Hildred Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Luttrell, Hugh Fownes Carr-Gomm, H. W. Gooch, George Peabody (Bath) Lyell, Charles Henry Cave, George Greenwood. G (Peterborough) Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) Cheetham, John Frederick Gretton, John Macpherson, J. T. Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. Guinness, Hon. R. (Haggerston) MacVeagh, Jeremiah (Down, S.) Clough, William Gulland, John W. MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E. Clynes, J. R. Gwyrn, Stephen Lucius M'Micking, Major G. Coates, Major E. F. (Lewisham) Haldane, Rt. Hon. Richard B. Marks, G. Croydon (Launceston) Cobbold, Felix Thornley Hall, Frederick Marnham, F. J. Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E. Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester) Massie, J. Condon, Thomas Joseph Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-sh.) Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) Cooper, G. J. Harrison-Broadley, H. B. Montgomery, H. G. Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Hervey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) Morgan, G. Hay (Cornwall) Cotton, Sir H. J. S. Hay, Hon. Claude George Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen) Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) Hedges, A. Paget Morrison-Bell, Captain Morse, L. L. Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester) Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) Taylor, John W. (Durham) Murphy, John (Kerry, East) Robinson, S. Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) Nannetti, Joseph P. Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke) Thomasson, Franklin Newdegate, F. A. Roche, John (Galway, East) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton) Newnes, F. (Notts, Bassetlaw) Roe, Sir Thomas Thornton, Percy M. Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster) Rowlands, J. Tomkinson, James Nolan, Joseph Russell, Rt. Hon. T. W. Touimin, George Norton, Captain Cecil William Rutherford, John (Lancashire) Trevelyan, Charles Philips Nussey, Thomas Willans Salter, Arthur Clavell Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Valentia, Viscount O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) Vivian, Henry O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) Seaverns, J. H. Walrond, Hon. Lionel O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.) Seddon, J. Walters, John Tudor O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Shackleton, David James Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) Pearson, Sir W. D. (Colchester) Sheehy, David Warner, Thomas Courtenay T. Pearson, W. H. M. (Suffolk, Eye) Sheffield, Sir Berkeley George D. Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) Shipman, Dr. John G. White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire) Pease, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Saff. Wald.) Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) White, Patrick (Meath, North) Pickersgill, Edward Hare Snowden, P. Whitley, John Henry (Halifax) Pirie, Duncan V. Soares, Ernest J. Wilkie, Alexander Pointer, J. Stanler, Beville Williams, W. Llewelyn (Car'th'n) Pollard, Dr. G. H. Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) Wills, Arthur Walters Power, Patrick Joseph Stanley, Hon A. Lyulph (Cheshire) Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Pretyman, E. G. Starkey, John R. Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) Steadman, W. C. Rainy, A. Rolland Stewart, Halley (Greenock) TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Mr.—Mr. Redmond, John E. (Waterford) Stewart-Smith, D. (Kendal) J. W. Wilson and Mr. Baldwin. Richards, T. F. (Wolverhampton, W.) Strachey, Sir Edward
NOES. Balfour, Robert (Lanark) Craik, Sir Henry Renwick, George Barlow, Sir John E. (Somerset) Dairymple, Viscount Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside) Barnes, G. N. Davies, David (Montgomery Co.) Ropner, Colonel Sir Robert Barran, Rowland Hirst Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott- Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool) Bignold, Sir Arthur Duncan, Robert (Lanark, Govan) Sandys, Col. Thos. Myles Boulton, A. C. F. Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) Sassoon, Sir Edward Albert Bramsdon, T. A. Holt, Richard Durnino Scott, A. H. (Ashton-under-Lyne) Brodie, H. C. Houston, Robert Paterson Straus, B. S. (Mile End) Brooke, Stopford Hunt, Rowland Strauss, E. A. (Abingdon) Brunner, Rt. Hon. Sir J. T. (Cheshire) Hyde, Clarendon G. Walsh, Stephen Burnyeat, W. J. D. Jenkins, J. Watt, Henry A. Channing, Sir Francis Allston Kavanagh, Walter M. Wiles, Thomas Clark, George Smith Keswick, William Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich) Younger, George Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead) Manfield, Harry (Northants) Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) Molteno, Percy Alport TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr. Craig, Captain James (Down, E.) Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Walter Rea and Mr. C. McArthur.
Main Question put, and agreed to.
Bill read a second time and committed.
Supply
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1909–10—
[Class II.]
Local Government Board
(IN THE COMMITTEE.)
Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £169,294, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on 31st March, 1910, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Local Government Board,
Which Question was, "That the Vote be reduced by the sum of £100."—[ Lord Edmund Talbot. ]
When the Debate was interrupted in the early part of the evening, the President of the Local Government Board had just made a statement as to the policy of the Local Government Board, and had recapitulated the action taken during the year with reference to several subjects with which his particular Department is specially deputed to deal. The right hon. Gentleman was also congratulating himself upon the entire absence of any hostile criticism with reference to the administration of the Unemployed Act and of other Acts under the control of the Department over which he presides. I feel sure it would be wrong of the President of the Local Government Board to take it for granted that the absence of harsh criticism to-day is due to the absence of ground for such criticism. I was attempting to show, when the Debate stood adjourned, that the hostility to the unsympathetic administration of the Unemployed Act has not abated one jot so far as Members on this side of the House are concerned, and so far as a good many Members on the other side of the House also are concerned but it has lessened in force owing to the fact that the speech, apparently by a decision of the Government, and the policy recently enunciated in this House on the part of His Majesty's Government, shows that to a very great extent the solution and the immediate policy of dealing with these problems has now been transferred to other Departments. From speeches delivered recently in this House we have discovered that a more generous policy has been initiated by His Majesty's Ministers in dealing with this problem, and consequently the Government having shown its determination to deal drastically with this problem, there is no longer that necessity for sharp criticism with reference to the Department over which the right hon. Gentleman presides. The statement made by the right hon. Gentleman to-day was in some parts unquestionably satisfactory, but the total absence from it of any definite statement as to what the policy of the Local Government Board may be in the next winter or two which must elapse before any of the proposals that have been put forward by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the President of the Board of Trade can come to fruition was a serious matter. We ought to have some definite statement upon that point. The President of the Local Government Board surely does not forget, and we certainly cannot forget, that last year 195,000 more people were driven to register themselves with the distress committees, which is tantamount to an application for some kind of employment, to save them from misery and starvation than on previous years. There is no prospect, so far as one can see from the industrial conditions prevailing at the present moment, that that number will be lessened. The right hon. Gentleman told us that in some localities, owing to the less stringent interpretation of the regulations for managing these distress committees, the number of applicants had increased by 50 per cent. The relaxation of these regulations coming into force next year from the beginning of the winter season instead of late in the season, as it did last year, affords no reason to suppose that the number of applications may not increase again by an additional 50 per cent.
I am sorry to interrupt my hon. Friend, but I should like to point out that the administration of the Unemployed Act began much earlier last winter than any previous winter. In the opinion of some people almost premature action was taken in opening the registers so early.
That may be so, but I understand that it was not so much the period of the opening of the registers as the fact that in the early part of this year, in January, different regulations were put forward which made it easier, and did not exclude so many possible applicants as the stringency of the regulations had previously done. For that reason we are entitled to assume that there will be no lessening in the total number of applicants for some kind of assistance or work from the distress committees next year than there was this year. The proposals put forward yesterday with reference to Labour Exchanges, and even the proposals with regard to State insurance against unemployment in certain trades, will not make the slightest difference for a few years, even if carried into execution as rapidly as the Government anticipate. We want to know what are the definite proposals of the Government on this question, and what sum they are going to put aside to make provision for possibly greater emergencies than had to be dealt with during the last two or three years? We want something definite, and we do not want the last two or three years to be taken as a criterion of what will be done in the future. Something more definite is required if we are going to deal with this problem effectively during the transition stage.
I wish to call particular attention to the way in which the Local Government Board deal with the applications made to them by the distress committees. The statement made by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burns) shows that a certain sum has been voted by the State—I think it approaches to £200,000—to assist distress committees, but more substantial assistance than that ought to be given. It has been shown that, for the purpose of alleviating this great national problem, municipalities burdened themselves to the extent of some £3,000,000 last year, in spite of their heavy debts. Municipalities cannot go on in this way increasing their debts dealing with a problem which it is the duty of the State to deal with. If localities are to be looked upon to deal with unemployment, so, in proportion of the poverty that prevails in the district, will be the call upon the ratepayers in the district. The right hon. Gentleman admitted to-day that the localities themselves recognised the importance of this problem, and he mentioned that they had increased their indebtedness to the extent of £3,000,000. Will he give credit to his Department for having sanctioned loans to that amount? The localities have burdened themselves to that amount. Beyond accelerating the powers to borrow money the Department has done nothing whatever to assist localities.
Surely the right hon. Gentleman must see that local loans and their possibilities are practically exhausted. You are not likely, Mr. Chairman, next year to find an enormous number of applications for loans for works of this description. It stands for reason that the municipalities are coming to the end of their tether, and the asking for loans and burdening themselves with debts of this description must come to an end. For these and many other reasons we may assume that the possibility of assistance from the localities is to a great extent exhausted. That is all the more reason why we should receive from the President of the Local Government Board a statement of what he intends to do and what the Cabinet are going to give the localities next winter. Of course, in reference to other matters that the right hon. Gentleman dealt with, I must say he seems more happy over some things than I do. For instance, take the case of the pauper children. Take their case generally. He quoted very interesting figures and drew a glorious picture of the enormous amount of money which the State or the municipalities expend in providing for these pauper children. But when he was calling attention to these figures—when he was calling attention to the fact that some municipalities spent 10s. to 30s. per child a week, I was wondering to myself whether anything like 10s. to 30s. per child ever reached the children in any shape or form. As a matter of fact, I should have liked to have heard the right hon. Gentleman tell the House what proportion of that 10s. or 30s. is eaten up in official expenses, and how much is devoted to the keep of the children. One statement made by the right hon. Gentleman this evening gives a good indication of how much is actually devoted to the keep of the child. The right hon. Gentleman was calling attention to the number of children that were boarded out, and when he was asked how much was usually given by the authorities to the people who undertook to board a child in their private home, he had to confess that it was between 4s. and 5s., so that we may take it for granted that while 4s. or 5s. is appropriated to the actual keep of the child the rest of the amount is swallowed up in official expenses of some description or the other. The right hon. Gentleman went on to complain that some of these people who undertook to keep and house these children, in some cases for 4s. a week, did not look after them thoroughly. I will ask the right hon. Gentleman before he paints such a glowing picture, and before he complains of the way in which the child is kept, to just consider for a moment how it is possible to keep in anything like decency and comfort a child upon 4s. per week? I have no doubt it is possible, mixed with other families, for there are artisans who have to keep their children on some scale of that kind, and, in some cases, on even a lower scale. But the idea of the right hon. Gentleman representing a great Department, with all the resources of the State at his disposal, in order to protect these defenceless orphan children, complaining that some may not be looked after, when the State is so niggardly that it cannot pay these people more than 4s. or 5s.: Surely if anyone has a right to complain it is we—we can complain that the State is so niggardly towards its defenceless little ones. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to the question of illegitimacy. He did not specialise the question in any way; he dealt with it generally, and I venture to say he will not be able to defend some of the general statements he has made on the subject when he reads them in print to-morrow morning. I was astounded at the peculiarly unsympathetic way in which the right hon. Gentleman dealt with the subject when he described some of the results of the unfortunate condition of some of these little ones, and when he depicted their moral, mental and physical decay, I thought for a moment he was giving us a genealogical description of some families at the other end of the building. I do not think many of the old nobility will thank the right hon. Gentleman for his observations on this subject. I have not seen enough in my experience to justify the unmitigated, unmodified generalisation of the right hon. Gentleman. If the right hon. Gentleman was only dealing with the question of illegitimate children forced into the workhouses and the burden on the rates of this kind of poverty, I could have understood him, but I feel that by the statements he made he must be hurting the feelings of many adults in this country who are not responsible for their birth or for the conditions under which they were born.
It was almost a gratuitous insult to refer to people, who may be leading respectable lives, and are not responsible for the way in which they were born—they had no voice in the matter—it was almost a gratuitous insult to refer generally, without some mitigation, to these unfortunate people in the way in which the right hon. Gentleman did. The point which I wanted to refer to particularly, however, in conclusion, was the question of women's workrooms. I understand that the distress committee have attempted to deal with the problem of unemployed women as well .as unemployed men, and they made some sort of application to the right hon. Gentleman to assist them. I remember the right hon. Gentleman declaring that he would render every assistance that he could to this effort on the part of the distress committee. He confessed to-night, however, that he had absolutely refused to grant them any part of the sum that they had made a request for. I think they asked for some new purpose, or connected with their work, the sum of £12,000.
The hon. Gentleman is entirely mistaken. It is not £12,000. They asked for £1,200 to carry the work on for the summer. The whole of the money they asked for last year in the early portion of the winter they received, and after the winter's work they had a small: balance in hand. They asked for £1,200, and I could not see my way to it, and I explained when I spoke before I can only guarantee the amount of money which they received for last summer's work, but they have taken £1,000 from a voluntary fund which they had at their disposal to meet the expenditure which they would have incurred had I given them the £1,200 for which they asked.
I do not think that improves the position of the right hon. Gentleman, because what does it mean? It means that men and women who have interested themselves in this question had so much faith in their proposals that they have actually taken from their voluntary funds £1,000 to support a branch of effort in this direction which the right hon. Gentleman and his Department absolutely refused to assist. That in itself is nothing to boast of particularly, and it is indeed that sort of red tape unsympathetic attitude of the right hon. Gentleman's Department with reference to this subject that makes us on this side of the House so delighted to think—we do not know whether it is so—that at least the main part of this problem for the future may be transferred to other Departments of the State.
I should like to ask whether the right hon. Gentleman cannot ascertain the figures as to the amount of work and the number of persons employed which has resulted from the accelerated loans of which he spoke with so much pride in his somewhat lengthy speech. When I interrupted he courteously said that taking the figures which show the number of persons employed through the distress committees you could arrive at the number of persons employed by the acceleration of loans sanctioned by him. With all deference I differ from the right hon. Gentleman. A large amount, for instance, might have been spent out of one loan in machinery, boilers and so forth, in connection with any municipal undertaking which would have been carried into effect by the accelerated loan, whereas the number of persons employed under the grant sanctioned by his Department in connection with unemployed committees would have been far larger, because the amount of unskilled work would have been much greater. When he uses these flowing periods as to the amount of mitigation which he has contributed to suffering which the word "unemployed" means, I would ask him really to give us a little more information than he gave, which amounted simply to saying so much has been spent by unemployed committees.
Then I must say I find myself in very warm sympathy with the hon. Gentleman who last spoke. He and I do not always agree, but anyone who has had any contact, particularly in London, with the chronic state of unemployment among large sections of the working population, unemployment not due to their lack of skill or to their inefficiency, must feel that when the right hon. Gentleman indulged in praise of his Department and his Government as to their work in the past winter, his contribution was equal to the amount of liquid that the old lady who poured her teacup into the sea contributed to the ocean. I believe the tinkering with this problem of unemployment by the Govern- ment is a national scandal and a national danger. The idea that the ointment they have applied to the sore social body—for instance in the East End of London—has been of any value, is ridiculous. Take the case of Shoreditch. I cannot give a better illustration. You had there a distress committee, directed by men of all classes, most of them holding very advanced opinions. That committee was untiring in its efforts. It discarded all party feeling and devoted itself with the utmost energy and the greatest skill and thought to try to find work for the unemployed population of that borough. Most careful investigation was conducted into the claims of each applicant, and what was the result? The members of that committee, whether Tory or Radical, one and all came to the conclusion that the help they could get from the Central (Unemployed) Body of the Local Government Board was nominal. They had to refuse work to many of the most deserving applicants. The situation was not singular in respect that, although the local unemployed committees and the Local Government Board were anxious to do what they could on behalf of the suffering population, there were no municipal jobs which in that particular place could be undertaken either economically or usefully. The consequence was that the Mayor had to call a meeting of all and sundry interested in the locality to try to get up a fund to give work to the starving people to whom the Central Committee were utterly incapable of giving even a week's wages. There were something like 5,000 persons—men, women, and children—who wanted bread, but all that the Local Government Board, the Central (Unemployed) Body, and the local distress committees could do was to provide work for 400 or 500 heads of families. I desire to show every respect to the President of the Local Government Board, who spared nothing in personal activity and labour, and yet in the end all that was done was this paltry and pettifogging tinkering with the subject. I think the Government are very much to blame for treating so lightly and with so much complacency trouble in the metropolis which is of grievous and immediate urgency. We have been told by the Prime Minister and other Members of the Government that they have schemes for the solution of this problem. We do not want those great schemes; we want immediate action. We do not want paltry doles to local authorities, for these will not solve the unemployed problem. I am not going into the remedy which those who act with me believe will be effective in preserving the labour of this country, first of all to those who are British, but I should say that the Local Government Board should enforce a little more than they have done the Health Acts in respect to aliens. It was only a day or two ago that my hon. Friend the Member for Haggerston reminded the House of the large percentage of applications for relief from aliens.
Though it may be a small fact, if it is a salient fact, the influence which the aliens have on the health and family and school conditions of our people in London, and if you have in the earlier days of the youth of our Metropolis these depreciating influences, followed by the depressing influences of low-paid labour and sweating, and on top of that the mere insignificant palliatives of the right hon. Gentleman for dealing with the problem of unemployment in this Metropolis, then you have a situation which requires more drastic treatment than the pompous, contentious, petty measures of which the right hon. Gentleman is so proud. The hon. Member below the Gangway (Mr. John Ward) referred to women's workrooms. He said that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Burns had sanctioned the £1,200 necessary in order to carry out the project.
No. The hon. Member is wrong. I refused the £1,200. I granted several thousand pounds for the winter work.
£1,200 for the summer work?
Yes.
Why did he refuse that, if it is valuable to give employment in summer? If it is valueless in the summer, why should persons intimate with the work have given all their energies and all their time in seeing the work carried out?" Why, in short, did these sympathetic experts, when the Government refused to provide the money, provide it out of their own pockets? The only answer, the simple and true answer, is that it was very much needed, and very good results have-come from that expenditure. If that is so, how can the right hon. Gentleman contend that he, as the guardian entrusted in this country with the treatment of the unemployed problem, has shown an adequate sense of his duty in connection with the unemployed women who have found a means of livelihood through those workrooms? I do not often agree with the hon. Member below the Gangway, but I must certainly concur in what he said as to the necessity of the Government doing something much larger and much more definite in connection with this trouble, particularly in the Metropolis, for the coming winter. Those of us who have seen, known, and suffered, merely by what we see and what we hear in London in the matter of unemployment, cannot even under any good conditions which may obtain in this summer and autumn view the coming winter with anything but the gravest apprehension. The only possible treatment for unemployment is not the treatment which the right hon. Gentleman has so far given to it in the terrible part through which we have gone.
I invite the right hon. Gentleman to give the House some information upon a subject which has not yet been referred to so far as I know. We heard not only in the last Parliament, but we have beard in this, about a great deal of work which has been conscientiously and admirably performed by the staff of which the right hon. Gentleman is the head. We have heard a great deal on different occasions as to the pay of different grades of staffs over which be presides. But not a word has fallen from him to-day as to whether in the Estimates, which are, I think, increased by £14,000, any part of the increase is in any way to be applied to levelling up the pay of the officers of his Department to that which is given in the Home Office and other great Departments. I cannot illustrate my point better than by referring to the fact that within the last seven years certain branches of housing work were removed from the Home Office to the Local Government Board. The gentlemen who carried out that work in the Home Office receive considerably higher pay and better pensions than do the officers who are now doing the work in the Local Government Department. In -view of the contemplated alteration of the, emolument of the office of President of the Local Government Board, I would respectfully ask what steps are being taken to ensure that the staff of the Local Government Board shall be put on a par with the staffs of the Home Office, the Colonial Office, and the Treasury? It is obvious that it is grossly unfair that the staff of the Local Government Board should have to do work for which in some instances £600 a year is being paid, compared with £800 which was paid for the same work when it was done in the Home Office.
The hon. Member who has just sat down (Mr. Claude Hay) invited me to give him, if it were possible, the number of men who are engaged upon loan work as distinct from the number who are employed on work paid for out of the Local Government Board grant of £300,000. It is impossible for the figures to be given, simply because the men who were employed upon accelerated loan work are taken from the ordinary labour market in many cases, and not through local Labour Bureaux or Labour Exchanges. Ordinarily they are engaged by either the municipality or the contractor, and it is therefore very difficult to give the number. All I can say is that £2,600,000 of loan work was thrown upon the labour market between October last and April of this year. If the hon. Member will only apply that £2,600,000 to the number that was proportionately employed, he will find that an enormous number of men have secured employment by the accelerated loan policy, which, as I have said, and still suggest, has given a larger amount of employment to—with all respect to others—a better type of men from the point of view of their qualifications to do the work required. I think I can have the support of the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. John Ward), who has practical knowledge of the subject, and will, I am sure, confirm my view that 3,000 navvies employed upon the accelerated loan work of the Metropolitan Water Board in the London district, which, through the co-operation of the Water Board, we have been able to carry out, not only giving employment to more men but better men, and the community and the men have got better value for the money than if it had been done by grant. The next point was as to the Local Government Board staff. I can only say they cannot get equality of treatment with the Home Office and other Offices as the hon. Member (Mr. Claude Hay) desires until the status of the Local Government Board is raised, as has been promised several times.
Do I understand if the status of the President of the Local Government Board is improved, ipso facto, that the staff will follow?
Not necessarily. Some of the staff, but not necessarily all. The next point the hon. Member raised was the insufficiency of the steps that have been taken by the Government in the last winter in London to deal with unemployment. I noticed the hon. Member mentioned his own constituency. I do not blame him for that, as I observe that that frequently crops up in unemployed discussions. He complained of the "miserable inadequacy" of the Government's provision for the unempolyed these last three winters, and suggested it might be improved. The hon. Member must remember that the original Act was passed by the party to which he belongs. I am not going to indulge in party recriminations, but I think that probably the hon. Member will confirm my action in opposing it. What was the Unemployed Workmen Act? You know what it was. It was only a medium for private charity, and gave no money from the rates. There was no grant, and, in a word, it was a motor without petrol.
Because of Liberal opposition.
I think the right hon. Gentleman would be well advised not to discuss past legislation.
The Act which I have to administer provided that motor with £300,000 of petrol last year. I saw that the men did receive work through the petrol provided in the shape of the grant of £300,000. The hon. Member must not say, and he is the only Member who said it, that the provision made by the Government in London was "miserably inadequate." The hon. Member must be contradicted by cold fact. It is no "miserable inadequacy" for 20,000 men to have been provided for, either by loan work or by the Local Government grant by four bodies in the City of London. The Central (Unemployed) Body provided work for 9,021 persons. The borough councils provided work for 5,300, the Water Board for 3,500, the Metropolitan Asylums Board for nearly a thousand—in all nearly 20,000 men. To say that that is meeting the unemployed problem in London with "miserable inadequacy" is giving effect to the fustian of party passion rather than the observations of cool fact. The hon. Member is to be distinguished, and not to be congratulated, as the only person who lacks a sense of proportion, and with that lack of proportion there is an absence of that charity that ought to be shown on an occasion of this kind. I have no more to say in answer to the hon. Gentleman except this, that his remedy for the unemployed in London is that if I were to stop 27 alien children who suffer from an affliction of the head from coming into London it would be a splendid alternative to the splendid provision by which 20,000 men have been enabled to tide over last winter. Then another point was raised by the hon. Member for Stoke, whom I have always credited with desiring to be fair. My reference to the deaths of illegitimate infants in workhouses and infirmaries was conceived by no one but himself as being a reflection upon either the moral delinquency of their parents or their unfortunate position.
I have had conversations with other Members who took the same view of the statement made by the right hon. Gentleman.
All I can say, then, is that there are other Members who did not take the trouble to follow what I really said. Complaint had been made outside, and it was voiced by one or two Members in the House, that the number of illegitimate children dying in London workhouses and infirmaries was so disproportionately high that there must be some reason for it. I said that there was a reason. The reason is put in more forceful language than I used by the Poor Law Commission Report in the following paragraph:—
"The women who thus resort to workhouses in their hour of need are, we find, of all nationalities, all grades of character and conduct, all degrees of intelligence. In the Metropolis especially there are many domestic servants, laundresses, and the humbler members of the nomadic profession of the theatre and the music hall; poor girls who are refused the shelter of their own homes in their time of trouble; syphilitic patients; women who have been knocked about, neglected and ill-treated up to the last minute; cases actually in labour when admitted; all sorts and conditions of poor women who have nowhere else to go, who find their way to Poor Law maternity wards."
Nothing could be more forcible than such language as that, and it is similar to that which I used. I only used the facts to illustrate another point: that the much higher death rate illustrated the simple law that illegitimacy among this class of the population connoted not only moral delinquency, but physical degeneracy. If the hon. Member for Stoke would read the Report of the Royal Commission or, still better, come with me to some of the maternity wards of the workhouses and infirmaries, where he would see the poor little children reared under the conditions described by the Commission, if he were to realise how the pre-natal conditions of these children precluded the possibility of either safe or healthy birth or of strong life afterwards, he would share my view that what we have got to do is to concentrate less upon palliatives that do not remedy, or upon temporary things that only gloss over this infant mortality, but to concentrate upon the mother and the pre-natal conditions. To do that, to see that the woman is not at work almost up to the moment of childbirth, is better treated, and is not overworked—it is in that practical way, to which I am giving my attention, that we may remedy the cause of the difference between my hon. Friend and myself. I can only say that to this particular subject I have given a great deal of attention, and the whole of my staff are now concentrated upon it. The hon. Member for Stoke will be pleased to know that so much attention is given to it that there is practically no difference, after the first week or fortnight after birth, between the illegitimate and the legitimate, owing to the good food, the good nursing, and the kindly treatment given to the women. This proves beyond the shadow of a doubt that immediately the child comes within the sympathetic purview of the workhouse infirmary, everything is done to rectify these difficulties, and pre-natal conditions that had been impossible for the public authority to have anything to do with before the child was admitted to the world. I have nothing more to add—
Had that limitation been made to the right hon. Gentleman's observations before I would not have taken the slightest objection.
I am very glad to hear that. I made that limitation in my speech before. I am sorry he did not follow it. Now that I repeat it I am delighted the hon. Member should give me the assurance he now does. The hon. Member asked another thing with regard to the unemployed that I can only briefly deal with. He said: "What about the future?" I can only say that having given the House a description of the efforts of the Central (Unemployed) Body, the Local Government Board, and all the authorities concerned, took during the past winter, I can assure him that everything we can do on the lines of the past winter will be done. The Act must be continued until 31st December of this year. There will be a grant—
Of £300,000?
That is not in my Department, and this is not a Vote upon which the question of money can be raised. The hon. Member asked me for general assurances, and I now give them. What was done last year is some guide—I think a substantial guide—to next winter. The Act will be continued till 31st December, and the Government will make a grant which will be given through the agency of a Supplementary Estimate. But, better than the Act being continued, or a grant being continued, is that, considerably earlier this year than in previous years, the local Government Board are taking all the earnest steps they possibly can to get the machinery for registration and for the provision of work in hand further advanced, so that there will not be the delay next year that there doubtless was three or four years ago. As the House, to my delight, has appreciated the way in which the Act was administered last winter, and are satisfied that 20,000 people in London alone secured work, and that throughout the country over 85,000 persons secured work, I think I am justified in saying—and the experience that we have acquired, the closer touch, and the more sympathetic relationship there is between all the bodies affected, adds to that justification—that when the record of the winter's work of 1909–10 is brought before the House that hon. Members will find that the confidence they have placed in the Department has not been misplaced. Between now and that interval I assure the House that everything that my Department can do to carry out what I now promise will be promptly and generously undertaken.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class IV
National Education, Ireland
Motion made, and Question proposed: "That a sum, not exceeding £821,921, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1910, for the expenses of the Commissioners of National Education in Ireland, including a grant in aid of the Teachers' Pension Fund, Ireland."
I have put a Motion on the Paper to reduce this Vote by £100 in order that I might have an opportunity of directing the attention of the Chief Secretary to one of the regulations of the Commissioners of National Education, with reference to the examination of candidates for admission to training colleges. The Commissioners have given notice that in the year 1911, and subsequently, candidates for admission to training colleges will be required to undergo examination in one language in addition to English. Up to the present time French, Irish, and Latin. have been classed among the optional subjects at these examinations, but the effect of the new rule will be that after 1911 it will be compulsory upon candidates to take one of these languages in their examination. This new regulation is objectionable to many people in the North of Ireland from two points of view. In the first place the practical effect of the rule is to give an advantage to students who choose to take up the study of the Irish language over students who object to waste their time in learning Irish, and would rather get a knowledge of a language which would be more useful to them.
The advantage given to Irish arises in this way. Payments are made for teaching Irish, and it is consequently much easier for students in Ireland, and especially in the rural districts, to get instruction in this language than in any modern European language. The Chief Secretary no doubt is aware that there are many people in Ulster who feel very strongly that the teaching of Irish is pernicious, and absolutely useless from an educational point of view, and they object to the public funds being used for the purpose of giving special facilities for the teaching of this language, whilst students who wish to learn something else are denied any corresponding advantages.
I maintain that if grants are given for the teaching of Irish there ought to be equal facilities given for the teaching of French or German to those who will not under any circumstances learn Irish. There is another point of view from which very strong opposition is offered to this new rule of the National Commissioners, and this is the consideration which I want especially to press upon the attention of the Chief Secretary. I refer to the effect it is likely to have upon the prospects of monitors in rural schools. I brought this point before the right hon. Gentleman a few weeks ago, by way of a question in the House, and he informed me then that the proposed Regulation will not affect the number of monitors. It is the opinion of managers of rural schools in Ulster that the new rule will very seriously prejudice the position of monitors, and, therefore, candidates will be deterred from offering themselves for these positions. I have a letter from a school manager in my Constituency who puts the matter in this way. He says:—
I understand that this new rule was decided upon without previous consultation with the managers of the Protestant schools at any rate; and, having regard to the fears which are entertained by managers and others as to the effect of the regulation upon the small rural schools in Protestant districts, I hope the Chief Secretary will use his influence with the Commissioners to induce them to give further consideration to this Question. I beg to move.
I rise to enter a protest against the action of the hon. Gentleman who has just resumed his seat. The Committee may not be aware of the circumstances upon which this Irish Vote is brought forward upon an Irish Supply night. The way it arose was that the Vote on Account, which was taken earlier in the Session by some mistake on the part of the Treasury—
No, no.
Then it was the fault of the Irish Office. At any rate, what occurred was that a communication was made to me by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury to the effect that a mistake had been made, and that in the Vote on Account sufficient money had not been voted for primary education in Ireland. It was absolutely necessary, if the regular payments were to be continued, for the immediate future that an additional sum of money would be required at once, and he asked me if the Irish Nationalist Members would object to an additional Vote. I said that I would agree that this Vote should be taken on an English Supply night so long as it was understood that it was not to be discussed. I was led to believe that this was a necessary Vote, which would be allowed to go through without discussion. On that understanding I agreed that it should be put down, and that it should go through without a word. But what does the hon. Gentleman do? I do not know whether he was personally a party to the agreement or not; but he now raises one of the most contentious subjects possible, and he tries to induce the Chief Secretary to prevent the teaching of Irish in Irish schools. That is a clean breach of the understanding that was arrived at.
I quite agree that there was an understanding arrived at, and that we should have no Division; also that the discussion should not be controversial. I think that the House will acknowledge that I have endeavoured to avoid controversy.
The hon. Member has raised one of the most controversial topics that could be raised. I am greatly inclined to move that you do, Sir, report Progress, and ask leave to sit again. I am only induced to refrain from taking that course because it might prevent the teachers from getting their salaries. My complaint is not against the Opposition Whips, but against the hon. Gentleman who has come down, and in breach of the understanding arrived at, raised the question which he has discussed.
I do not rise to engage in any controversial question. The general understanding was that a Supplementary Vote to the extent of £100,000 should be voted for the teachers to meet £114,000 for the teachers. An objection was made to that, not by me, but at the Table, and the understanding was that the whole Vote would be taken to-night. The whole Vote is now upon the Paper, and if not taken the bargain with the teachers cannot be carried out. I have no intention whatever of entering into the matter raised by the hon. Member, because I understand he proposes—being an unfeeling man—to discuss the question of my salary at a later date, and when he does that his points will receive full consideration. At the same time, I hope he understands that there is no more staunch supporter than myself in this House of the teaching of the Irish language. The question he has raised with regard to his particular constituency can be again brought up when the Vote for my salary is before Committee, and it will then receive all the attention it deserves. This Vote has simply been put down in order that the bargain to give £114,000 in a lump sum shall be carried through. I hope, under these circumstances, hon. Members will agree to it.
Question put, and agreed.
Resolutions to be reported upon Monday next, 21st June; Committee to sit again upon Monday next.
Charity Bills
Sir R. Whittington's Charity Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day (18th June).
Bridgend (Hope English Baptist Chapel, etc.) Charity Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day.
John Marshall's Charity Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day.
Lichfield and Longdon Congregational Chapels and Trust Property Charity Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day.
Dewsbury and Batley Congregational Chapel Charities Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day.
Wortley Congregational Chapel Charity Bill—Not amended (in the Standing Committee), considered; to be read the third time this day.
Irish Universities Act, 1908 (Statutes)
moved, "That a humble Address be presented to His Majesty praying that the Statutes made for the Queen's University of Belfast by the Belfast Commissioners, in pursuance of the Act 8 Edward VII., c. 38, s. 5 (1), be not sanctioned till they are amended in the following particulars: Chapter XVI., Faculties 3 ( a ), by inserting 'music,' and by leaving out 'scholastic philosophy.'"
I am sorry I have to approach this important subject at this hour. The right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for the Lord Lieutenant says it does not matter. I agree, from his point of view, it does not matter, but at the same time I am only desirous of placing in the proper light what has occurred in regard to the statutes, which have been presented to this House, in accordance with the provisions of the Act of last year, constituting the Universities of Ireland. The House will recall last year, in the discussion on the various universities which were to be established in Ireland, and the colleges which were to be attached to them, we were told over and over again that when the statutes were laid before this House, there would be an opportunity for us, if we objected to them, to present a prayer of the nature of that I am now presenting, and have a discussion in accordance with the right of any Member of the House. I ventured to draw the attention of Members to what I consider, at all events, to be a grave change in the attitude which was adopted by the right hon. Gentleman last year, and to ask the House to enter a protest against the part of the statutes which were laid before this House. The whole essence of the right hon. Gentleman's speeches during the passage of the Bill through its various stages was that this new scheme of higher education in Ireland was to be undenominational, and the whole support which he received from his own side of the House was in accordance with that idea. Some hon. Members sitting on these benches who desired to have denominaltional universities said the right hon. Gentleman's scheme was denominational, and on that ground many of them voted for it. But the broad principle on which this great scheme was based by the right hon. Gentleman was that, so far as he could foresee, and so far as he could possibly guide the destinies of the universities, they were to be absolutely undenominational. The result has been very far from that, and the very moment that these statutes were laid upon the Table it was readily recognised that the thin end of the wedge had already been inserted of pure denominationalism. I am quite convinced that the Nationalist Members, desirous of evading this issue, will try their very best to baulk me in my intention of drawing attention to it. I will persist in calling the attention of the House and the country to a very gross change in the attitude adopted by those who were instrumental in foisting these new universities upon Ireland. Amongst other subjects of the Faculty of Arts is included that of scholastic philosophy. I am certain the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. John Redmond) has taken precautions to see that it is taught in these universities, and that the right hon. Gentleman, who is always in the hollow of his hand, will assist him in every possible way. I am also certain the hon. and learned Gentleman has already sent a deputation to the Commissioners of the new university in Belfast.
Notice taken that 40 Members were not present
On a point of order, may I ask your ruling whether it is in order—in accordance with the Rules of the House—that one of the Whips of the Government should openly go round to Members of the House asking them to leave the House in order to reduce the number below that which is necessary to retain a House?
I have seen that occur more than once.
Is it in order?
It has the sanction of precedent.
House counted, and 40 Members not being present,
The House adjourned at a Quarter after Twelve till to-morrow (Friday).