Skip to main content

Commons Chamber

Volume 6: debated on Thursday 24 June 1909

House of Commons

Thursday, June 24, 1909

Private Business

Derwent Valley Water Board Bill,

Folkestone, Sandgate, and Hythe Tramways Bill,

London County Council (Tramways and Improvements) Bill,

North-East London Railway Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Oxford and District Tramways Bill [ by Order ],

Considered; to be read the third time.

Sale of Intoxicating Liquors (Sunday) Bill

I have two petitions to present against the Sale of Intoxicating Liquors (Sunday) Bill to come on for hearing to-morrow. The first is from the inhabitants of Yorkshire. It has 40,509 signatures. The second is from the inhabitants of Halifax, Yorkshire, with 6,125 signatures.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Second Hague Conference and International Prize Court

asked whether the treaty concluded at the second Hague Conference in regard to the establishment of an international prize court was signed on behalf of this country on 18th June instant at The Hague; is this treaty identical with the Prize Court Convention of 1907; and, if so, can he say with what object this treaty has been signed by this country, in view of the expressed intention of the Government not to advise His Majesty to ratify this Convention till there has been an opportunity for its discussion in Parliament?

It was always intended to sign the Prize Court Convention so soon as a satisfactory arrangement had been concluded as to the rules which the Court would apply. Such an arrangement has now been reached, and the Convention was signed by Sir Edward Fry on 1st May of this year. It will not be ratified till 10th June, 1910, before which date some legislation will be introduced to give effect to it, on which, as already stated, the House will have an opportunity of discussing it.

Sir Robert Hart

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he has any information as to the appointment of a successor to Sir Robert Hart in China, or whether it is the intention of Sir Robert Hart to continue in the office?

I understand that Sir Robert Hart has applied to the Chinese Government for a year's extension of leave, and for the present, therefore, I have no information to give as regards the appointment of a successor to his post.

Are we to understand that the Chinese Government has furnished no information as to who has succeeded Sir Robert Hart—I mean temporarily and during his leave?

There is someone acting during his leave. He has been acting while Sir Robert Hart has been away.

Moroccan Affairs

inquired of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he could make any statement as to the state of affairs in Morocco?

According to the latest reports from His Majesty's Minister at Tangier, the Pretender has advanced to within a short distance of Fez, and the troops sent out by the Sultan to oppose him do not appear so far to have met with success. But the troubles appear to be due entirely to internal dissensions, and not to be directed against foreigners.

May we take it that the right hon. Gentleman is satisfied as to the safety of British life and property?

Crete

asked whether it is intended by the protecting Powers to evacuate Crete on or about 27th July next; and what steps are being taken to preserve the peaceful condition of the island and the welfare of the inhabitants?

It is the intention of the protecting Powers to withdraw their troops from Crete about the date mentioned. As already stated in reply to questions in this House, it is proposed to keep "stationnaires" in Cretan waters in order to protect the Turkish flag, and to ensure the maintenance of tranquillity and the protection of the lives and property of Cretan Mussulmans which the four Powers have guaranteed.

Are we to understand that all the four Powers are now agreed on this matter?

Yes, Sir. The four Powers are all acting together. They have practically come to a decision to withdraw the troops and to keep the "stationnaires" in Cretan waters, but they have not yet finally settled details.

Will the Greeks be allowed to land troops and munitions of war on the island?

Of course, there will be a complete change. But the object of the Powers is to make it clear that the withdrawal of the troops does not mean any change without the consent of Turkey.

May we take it that all the four Powers concerned will keep a man-of-war near Crete for the present or will there be only one man-of-war?

I cannot give the actual details of the arrangements till they are absolutely concluded, but the four Powers are all acting in agreement to take what steps may be required to see that the status quo is not changed.

International Commission (Shanghai) on Opium

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he has yet received the Report of the International Commission on Opium, which recently met at Shanghai, and how soon will it be laid upon the Table?

The printed copies of the proceedings of the International Opium Commission have not yet arrived in this country from Shanghai. When received copies will be placed in the Libraries of both Houses of Parliament.

Sir George Colthurst's Estate, County Cork

asked, in reference to the estate of Sir George Colthurst, county Cork, Record No. E. C. 4,410, whether the Estates Commissioners can explain upon what grounds they have stated, in a letter to the hon. Member for North, Cork, that they are of opinion that the holdings of five sub-tenants mentioned in his communication should not be deemed separate holdings under the purchase provisions of the Irish Land Act, 1903; and whether, in view of the settled policy of that Act towards the inclusion of subtenants and other tenants in the purchase provisions thereof, the Commissioners will reconsider their decision to exclude these five small holders of land?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that the letter in question had reference to five sub-tenants on this estate, three on one holding and two on another. The parcels in the occupation of these sub-tenants comprised in all less than five acres, and the Commissioners, in the exercise of their discretion, decided that they were not fit to be regarded as separate holdings for the purpose of section 15 of the Irish Land Act,. 1903. The parcels were not excluded from the sale, but were vested, along with the rest of the holdings, in the tenants, subject to the sub-tenancies.

Evicted Tenants (County Leitrim)

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland if he can state how many evicted tenants have been reinstated in county Leitrim under the Land Act of 1903, and also under the Evicted Tenants Act of 1907; and on what estates have they, been reinstated?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that 100 tenants or representatives of tenants evicted from holdings in county Leitrim have been reinstated or provided with holdings. In one case the lands were acquired under the Evicted Tenants Act. The hon. Member will find the information asked for in the concluding portion of the question in the Quarterly Returns under the Evicted Tenants Act which are presented to Parliament.

inquired whether the Estates Commissioners have refused the application of Mr. John Driscoll (Record No., Evicted Tenants Act, 6907, Hegarty estate) for an extension of time for appealing against the ruling of the Commissioners on 20th January, 1909; and whether, in view of the fact that this evicted tenant was declared by the Commissioners to be a person suitable for a holding, that he was invited to be present at the hearing, but, though represented by a solicitor, was not afforded an opportunity of tendering evidence rebutting the landlord's statement, and that the contention of this estate being held under a fee farm grant, on which plea the Commissioners held they had no jurisdiction to acquire these lands, was not included in the landlord's petition, the Commissioners, in view of the importance of this ruling to a considerable number of evicted tenants seeking reinstatement on their former holdings, will replace this case on the list for re-hearing?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that the statement that Mr. Driscoll was not afforded an opportunity of tendering evidence at the hearing of the landlord's petition in this case is not correct. He was present at the hearing, and was represented by a solicitor, who spoke on his behalf, but did not tender any evidence. The Commissioners having given their decision, it was open to him to appeal within the prescribed time. This he has not done. The Commissioners see no ground for a re-hearing.

In view of the principle of this case, and its applicability to hundreds of other cases, would the Commissioners consider the advisability of rehearing the case or of taking counsel's opinion as to whether they have acted wrongfully?

Well, I do not think that is the view that the Commissioners take. If the case is one of frequent occurrence an opportunity will arise for revision.

Untenanted Lands, Ireland (Advances to Purchasers)

asked whether the Estates Commissioners now refuse to advance money to enable purchasers of untenanted lands under the Land Act of 1903 to complete their purchases; and, if so, will he say when this rule came into operation, does it apply to the whole of Ireland, and how long is it to continue in force?

There is no such rule. Table VII., appended to the Annual Report of the Estates Commissioners, shows the number of cases in which the Commissioners have refused, in whole or part, advances applied for under the Irish Land Act, 1903, together with the grounds of their refusal.

Sale of Mansions and Houses (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary if he will grant the Return standing on to-day's Paper in the name of the hon. Member for West Limerick? [Irish Land Act, 1903 (Purchase of Mansions, etc.).]

No, Sir; the Estates Commissioners inform me they are not in a position to furnish the Return asked for.

Sale of a Farm by Lord Athlumney

asked whether the Estates Commissioners have sanctioned the sale by Lord Athlumney of the Rathregan farm to the Wallace brothers and Mr. Allen, the latter gentleman having been the holder of the farm up to 1903; whether the Wallace brothers are entitled to purchase part of Allen's farm under the Act of 1903; and whether this division of the farm for the purpose of getting the full purchase money from the Commissioners will be permitted, in view of the conditions of the Act of 1903?

This estate has not yet been dealt with by the Estates Commissioners. When it is being inspected in its order of priority due inquiry will be made into the cases referred to in the question.

Property of late Sir Reginald Barnawell, County Meath

asked whether the Estates Commissioners and the representatives of the late Sir Reginald Barnawell have been in negotiation regarding the purchase of Sir Reginald Barnawell's property in Plackstown, county Meath; and, if so, with what result?

The Estates Commissioners have had a preliminary inspection made of the untenanted lands on the estate in question, and have intimated the price which they would be prepared to advance in the event of formal proceedings for sale being instituted. Such proceedings have not as yet been instituted, the owner having died in April last.

Teachers in National Schools, Ireland

asked the Chief Secretary if, since the compulsory clauses of the Education (Ireland) Act were put in force in many of the school areas in Ireland and the children compelled to attend school, it is only to sit for four or five hours daily without a teacher, as it is impossible for one teacher to attend 30 or 40 children; and, if so, will he call on the National Board of Education to appoint junior teachers to assist in such schools?

I am not aware of any ground for the suggestion that the staff of the national schools is insufficient, or that children are left for hours without a teacher.

Miss Wilson's Estate, Rathsaram, Queen's County

asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that the estate of Miss Wilson, Rathsaram, Rathdowney, Queen's County, is before the Estates Commissioners for sale to the tenants; can he say if Joseph Stanley, Monamondra, Rathdowney, is returned as a tenant, and, if so, for what quantity of land; is he aware that Stanley was an 11 months' grazier of this farm up to a year ago, and that the land is required for the enlargement of uneconomic holdings in the locality; and will he say what course the Estates Commissioners propose to take in this matter?

Proceedings have been instituted before the Estates Commissioners for the sale of this estate under the Irish Land Act, 1903. It will be dealt with in order of priority, but its turn has not yet been reached. No purchase agreement signed by Joseph Stanley has been lodged, nor does he appear to be a tenant on the property.

Old Age Pensions (Outdoor Relief)

asked the Chief Secretary whether be is aware that the Tipperary pension committee dispute the decision arrived at, on appeal, by the Local Government Board on several points; that the committee offered to discuss those points through a deputation, which the Board did not accept; and whether, in the interest of the easy working of the pension scheme, he will advise the Board to receive the deputation?

The committee have requested the Local Government Board to receive a deputation on the subject of the estimates of incomes of claimants for old age pensions. The Board have, in the first instance, asked the committee to submit in writing the points on which they seek information, but so far they have failed to do so. A committee would have no power to charge the expenses of a deputation to the public funds at their disposal, and the Board feel reluctant to put them to the expense of coming to Dublin and explaining orally points which can be considered and determined on a written statement.

May I ask whether the committee have not already communicated with the Board and informed them, and pointed out that this is not a question of expenses, and they consider it a gratuitous insult for the Board to make such a suggestion. Have not the committee placed the issue before the Board?

I do not think it would be at all a desirable thing for the Board to receive deputations in regard to all the numerous appeals that arise. The Board are very desirous of ascertaining all the points in connection with the appeal, and that would be much better done in writing than by means of oral representation.

asked the Chief Secretary whether he has received from the pension sub-committee of Dingle, county Kerry, a resolution requesting him to extend the provisions of the Pension Act to persons over 70 years who are in receipt of outdoor relief; what steps he proposes to take in the matter; and whether, in cases where it can be proved that outdoor relief was given on a medical certificate for temporary disablement, such relief will not be considered a bar towards getting the pension?

I have received the resolution referred to. The matter is one which must receive consideration in connection with any Amendment of the Old Age Pension Acts. As regards the last part of the question, the hon. Member seems to have overlooked the fact that outdoor relief in the nature of food and comforts granted on the recommendation of the medical officer does not disqualify the recipient for a pension.

Is it not a fact that in the case of the Tipperary pensions committee and others certificates signed by the medical officers have been presented to the Local Government Board, and the Board, notwithstanding, refused to grant the pension?

I am sure the Local Government Board give their most careful attention to all the conditions of the Act, and if they did not accept the medical certificate they must have had some reason that the medical officers fully apprehended the Act.

Am I to understand that where it is proved that the medical certificate is given for the objects mentioned it will be no disqualification to the applicant for a pension?

Tuberculosis in Ireland

asked the Chief Secretary how many deaths occurred in Ireland last year from tuberculosis; what was the rate per thousand of the population; and will he give the same figures for the preceding two years?

I am informed by the Registrar-General that the number of deaths in Ireland in 1908 from all forms of tuberculous disease was 11,293, or 2.6 per thousand of the estimated population. The numbers in 1906 and 1907 were 11,756 and 11,679 respectively, or 2.7 per thousand of the population.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state what the percentage per thousand of the population in this country is?

I am afraid I do not carry these figures in my head, but I am afraid they are not at all of a satisfactory character. If the hon. Member gives me notice I will find out.

Evicted Tenants, Queen's County

asked the Chief Secretary whether he can say how many applica- tions for reinstatement have been received by the Estates Commissioners since the passing of the Land Act, 1903, from evicted tenants or their representatives in Queen's County; how many of these have been restored to their old homes; how many have got other farms; how many of the remainder have been noted as suitable to be provided with holdings; how many claims have been rejected; what number remain to be considered; and whether any have been restored under the Act of 1907?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that applications have been received from 350 persons seeking reinstatement as tenants, or the representatives of tenants, evicted from holdings in the Queen's County, including 70 received since the date specified in the Evicted Tenants Act, which have not been inquired into, and cannot be dealt with under that Act. After inquiry 142 have been rejected, 73 have been reinstated or provided with other holdings, including 12 reinstated on lands acquired under the Evicted Tenants Act, and 65 have been provisionally noted for consideration in the allotment of untenanted land.

Labourers' Cottages (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary if he will say what is the amount of money sanctioned up to date for the erection of labourers' cottages under the Labourers Act of 1906?

The total amount of the loans sanctioned by the Local Government Board up to date under the Act is £3,324,461.

Orange River Colony (Dismissed School Inspectors)

asked the Under-Secretary for the Colonies whether he is now in a position to give any information regarding the dismissal of the three British school inspectors in the Orange River Colony; and whether His Majesty's Government intend to take any steps in the matter?

The Secretary of State is not yet in possession of any official information on this matter beyond what was given in my reply to the right hon. Gentleman the Member for St. George's, Hanover-square, on the 16th instant, and is unable to add anything to that answer. A telegram has, however, been sent to the Governor with the object of ensuring that full information is received by mail.

Opium Dens (Hong Kong and North Borneo)

asked how the sum of $11,613 compensation to the licensees of opium dens closed on 1st March last, voted by the Finance Committee of the Hong Kong Legislative Council on 1st April, was arrived at; and whether, in view of the claim made in the Committee that the sum should be made good by the British Exchequer, the Colonial Office had been consulted as to the basis on which compensation should be paid?

The Secretary of State has no detailed information as to the basis on which this compensation was assessed; but it is understood that the Colonial Government have accepted the payment as a final charge on the revenue of Hong Kong.

May I ask if the principle is now settled that compensation is to be paid by the British Government in such cases?

I said in this case the Colonial Government had accepted the payment as a final charge on the revenues of Hong Kong.

The fullest inquiry was made, and a long inquiry was conducted before this resolution was arrived at.

Is this compensation in respect of acts done under orders from the Colonial Office?

It is only part of a general policy which is being carried out by His Majesty's Government in consultation with the local Governments. It would be impossible to make any general statement now, but it is part of a general policy.

asked whether it is with the sanction of the Secretary of State that the Government of North Borneo has recently advertised for tenders for the farming-out for the years 1910, 1911, and 1912 of licences not only for the sale of spirits and pawnbroking, but also for the carrying on of opium dens and gambling houses; and whether he will take steps at once to prevent the issue of new licences to opium dens and gambling houses.

No, Sir, the Secretary of State has no official cognisance of the subject-matter of the question, and has certainly given no sanction to anything of the kind. The territory of North Borneo is in reality governed by a company, and I gather that the charter of incorporation would not preclude that company from advertising for tenders for the farming of opium.

Will the Secretary of State take steps to prevent the licensing by a British Colony or Corporation whichever it is, of opium dens and gambling dens?

I notice my hon. Friend has some difficulty in describing the territory. It is a difficult matter to decide exactly how far we have power, and how far we have not. It is too big a question to be decided by question and answer across the floor of the House.

Is it the case that the farmer and lessee of the gambling dens are one and the same person?

I do not know really how it stands in North Borneo. I could not answer without notice.

Motor Car Regulations (Hyde Park)

asked the First Commissioner of Works whether, in view of the congested state of the traffic by Knightsbridge and the improvements that have been effected during the last few years in ordinary motor cars, he will consider the possibility of reconsidering existing regulations in force in Hyde Park, and place such cars on the same footing as electric motors?

Petrol motors are only excluded from a part of Hyde Park during three hours of the day during three months of the year. In my opinion, that part of that park is primarily intended for the enjoyment of the public, and not for the relief of the congested traffic of the streets. If the hon. Member's view was upheld, it would be a conclusive argument for the admission of vans and trade carts to Hyde Park during the summer months.

Special Service Cruisers

I desire to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty what duty will be assigned to the 17 special service cruisers in the event of a sudden emergency involving war?

It is undesirable in the public interest to divulge what will be the particular duty assigned to any class of vessels in war.

Home Royal Naval Reserve (Strength)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state with what object the strength of the Home Royal Naval Reserve has been reduced from 29,174 on 1st April, 1906, to 22,052 on 1st April this year; and whether any increase of the present strength is in contemplation?

The strength of the Reserves as a whole is based on requirements, and the reduction of the Royal Naval Reserve mentioned is due to the increase of the Royal Fleet Reserve during the same period. The new regulations for training have also, while increasing efficiency, somewhat tended to reduce the numbers of the Royal Naval Reserve. The answer to the second part of the question must depend on future manning requirements; the policy of the Admiralty is to maintain the Reserves at the strength considered necessary.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state whether the increase in the Royal Fleet Reserve is equal to the decrease in the Royal Navy Reserve?

Is it now the policy of the Admiralty to decrease the Royal Fleet Reserve and increase the Royal Naval Reserve?

What has been done has been carried out in execution of the past policy of the Admiralty, and no change has taken place.

Marconi Apparatus (Passenger Steamers)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in order to assure the saving of life on the occasions of accidents at sea, he will consider the propriety of providing by law that all passenger steamers shall be provided with Marconi apparatus?

The matter to which my hon. Friend refers is being carefully watched, but it is not considered advisable to propose legislation at present. As my hon. Friend is no doubt aware, a large number of passenger steamers are already provided with radio telegraphic apparatus.

Ministers of Religion (Navy)

I desire to ask the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state the names of the ministers of religion who receive grants under Vote 2, sub-section U, of the Navy Estimates; and will he state to what denominations these ministers belong, where they are stationed, and the amount paid to each?

I propose to circulate with the Votes the reply to the hon. Member's question. [ See Written Answers this date. ]

Plymouth Marine Division (Chaplain)

Will the right hon. Gentleman state what is the nature of the duties performed by the chaplain attached to the Plymouth Marine Division, for which he is allowed an extra remuneration of £50 under Vote 5, this allowance appearing to be granted for acting as an examiner in navigation?

The duties performed by the chaplain of the Plymouth Marine Division, in respect of which he is allowed extra remuneration of £50, consist in setting and examining the papers in navigation at the examinations of naval cadets passing out from training cruisers, three times a year; acting sub-lieutenants qualifying for the rank of lieutenant (Part 1), three times a year; and sublieutenants at the Royal Naval College at Greenwich selected for Part II. examination for the rank of lieutenant, three times a year. He has hitherto also done the same work for the annual examination for junior officers afloat.

Submarines (Built and Building)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty how many submarines, including the submarines to be commenced under the current programme, shall we possess, built and building?

The number and type of boats to be built under the current year's programme is not yet decided.

Can the right hon. Gentleman inform me what names will be given to the two battleships to be laid down at Portsmouth and Devonport, and to the six protected cruisers of this year's programme?

It is not customary to assign names to dockyard-built ships until they are laid down, nor to contract-built vesesls until they are ordered. This procedure will be adhered to.

Foreign Battleships (Dates of Construction)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he can state on what dates the six French battleships of the "Danton" class and the six American battleships of the "Michigan," "Delaware," and "Florida" classes were actually laid down; and what are their anticipated dates of completion?

I propose to circulate with the Votes the reply to the hon. Member's question. [ See Written Answers this date. ]

Foreign Ironclads (Armaments)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty what ships are being built for foreign Powers with a main armament comprising 12 guns of 12 or 11 inches calibre; and what ships with a similar armament are completed, under construction, or contemplation for the British Navy?

Of ships for foreign Powers whose keels have been laid the following will, it is understood, be equipped with the armament mentioned:—

At any rate, the right hon. Gentleman can say whether in the case of the British ships which are to be laid down the calibre of the guns will be larger.

Naval Stations (Withdrawing Smaller Vessels)

I desire to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether there is an intention to reconsider the policy of withdrawing cruisers and vessels of the smaller class from distant naval stations, and if it is in consequence of a reversal of the policy of 1894 that H.M.S. "Amethyst" was despatched this year to the South Atlantic; and whether it is proposed to employ her and other ships of that type in connection with the protection of our trade routes?

It is undesirable to state what particular duties in war have been allocated to particular ships. There is no intention of departing from the policy of 1904.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say for what purpose the "Amethyst" has been sent to the South Atlantic?

Bradford Dyers' Association (Registration of Cotton Marks)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the sole question to be decided on the application of the Bradford Dyers' Association for registration of the letters B.D.A. as a cotton mark, under section 62 of the Trade Marks Act of 1905, is simply whether as not such registration is to the public advantage; if so, why it is necessary for private merchants to be put to the expense of what amounts to legal proceedings in opposing such registration when it is the duty of the President of the Board of Trade himself to determine the question in the public interest from the public point of view; and whether, seeing that letters have never before been admitted registration as cotton marks, he will now be able to announce his decision upon the matter?

I am advised that the question whether the registration of the letters B.D.A. under section 62 of the Trade Marks Act, 1905, is for the public advantage is a matter for the decision of the Board of Trade alone, but that any other objections to the registration of the mark are matters which should in the ordinary way be dealt with by opposition proceedings in the same manner as objections to the registration of other marks. Before the Board of Trade give any final decision in the matter I am advised that I should await the expiration of the time allowed for opposition.

Can the right hon. Gentleman avoid in regard to the opponents the necessity of coming before him at all?

I am advised that I ought to wait until the expiration of the time allowed, and it will be to the general advantage of the parties affected to take the regular course, and oppose the registration in the ordinary way.

Feeding of Children Act

asked the President of the Board of Education if he can state the towns that have put into operation the Feeding of Children Act, as also those that provide the meals direct in their own schools?

The Board have no complete statistics as to the number of authorities who have in one way or another taken action under the Education (Provision of Meals) Act, but information is now being collected on the subject. I will circulate with the Votes a list of authorities who have been authorised by the Board, under section 3 of the Act, to spend money out of the rates upon the purchase of food.

Licence Duties (Scotland)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he is aware that the Licence Duties proposed to be charged on residential hotels may have the effect of closing a number of hotels in Scotland, which are of advantage not only to tourist and holiday-making people, but also to many poor people in the neighbourhood who derive benefit from expenditure in their midst; and if he will consider whether it is possible to put residential hotels on the same footing as clubs, or, at any rate, not take into consideration profits derived other than from the sale of drink?

Special provision has been made in the Bill for the charge of duty on the licence for an hotel to be calculated by reference to the business connected with the sale of liquors, but my right hon. Friend is not prepared to put residential hotels on the same footing as clubs.

Income Tax (Claims for Reduction)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, in cases, of claims in reduction of Income Tax respecting children under 16 years, it is necessary to produce a birth certificate; and, if that is the case, whether an attested certificate can be produced for this purpose at a less cost than 3s. 7d., which is the present fee?

My right hon. Friend is considering the point raised by my hon. Friend.

Charges upon Estates (Return)

I desire to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he could see his way to granting a Return in the form of that set forth on the Order Paper, or in some analogous shape, to show the incidence of public charges upon estates of various categories?

My right hon. Friend will be glad to grant this Return so far as the information asked for by the right hon. Gentleman is available. In regard to subhead (7), he is not clear what is meant by "any other public charges," and would be obliged if the right hon. Gentleman would state his requirements under this head more specifically.

What does the Chancellor of the Exchequer mean by information that is available? As far as I know all the information I have asked for in the Return is now in the possession of the Local Government Board.

The intention is to give the right hon. Gentleman the information as soon as possible.

Old Age Pensions (Remuneration of Supervisors)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he can now state the result of his inquiries into the complaints about inadequate remuneration to supervisors and officers in connection with old age pensions; whether he can say on what basis the remuneration was calculated; whether he will explain why the maximum amount granted to supervisors was £24, while as much as £40 was paid to officers of a lower grade; whether the £600 still unallocated will be distributed amongst the officials inadequately remunerated; and, if not, how will the money be disposed of?

The FINANCIAL SECRETARY to the TREASURY
(Mr. Charles Hobhouse, on behalf of Mr. Lloyd-George)

My right hon. Friend has not yet had time to complete his inquiries into this matter, but so far as he is at present advised the gratuities granted to supervisors and officers are not inadequate for the work performed. The basis of remuneration was the amount of the work performed, exceptional circumstances being taken into consideration, and the awards increased or diminished as the facts justified. Consequently, as the principal work was performed by the officers, the gratuities paid were larger than those paid to supervisors. As stated in the earlier part of this answer, he is unable to admit that any officers have been inadequately remunerated. The balance of the £40,000 granted for gratuities, and not awarded up to date, is £415.

Specific Gravity of Beer

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that 482 brewers have been detected during the half-year ending 31st March entering a false gravity for their beer; whether he can state the total value of the surcharges, and the distinction between surcharges and compromise fines; what was the highest surcharge and the highest compromise fine; and whether he will state why no prosecutions have taken place?

The number given by the hon. Member represents not the num- ber of brewers, but the number of samples which were found on examination at the Government Laboratory to exceed the original gravity entered by the brewer. The information asked for as to the total amount of duty involved by the surcharges and the highest surcharge could only be given after scrutiny into each individual case, which would be a work of greater labour than my right hon. Friend would feel justified in imposing on the Excise Department. A surcharge is a departmental method of adjusting a brewing entry of gravity where owing to fermentation having commenced in the worts the entry made does not indicate the true original gravity, while a compromise fine is a punitive measure to which the Revenue authorities are authorised to recourse in stay of legal proceedings under the powers conferred upon them by section 35 of the Act 53 and 54 Vic., cap. 21. With regard to the last part of the question, the Revenue Authorities were of opinion that the circumstances of the cases did not call for the extreme measures of proceedings in court.

I wish to ask whether the hon. Gentleman can give the names of those patriotic brewers who have been defrauding the public revenue?

If these brewers have been engaged in a fraud, why has prosecution not been instituted? Does not the action of the Revenue Department in imposing compromising fines amount to what the lawyers call compounding a felony?

The practice is that which has been usually followed in cases of this sort where fraud is not thought to exist. A compromise fine is inflicted for the sake of example.

Is it not a fact that in the last six months eight or ten brewers, who have been endeavouring to defraud the public revenue, have been attending public meetings asking for an increase of "Dreadnoughts"?

Finance Bill (Definition of "Minerals")

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether salt or brine is a mineral within the meaning of the Finance Bill?

I must refer the hon. Member to the reply which my right hon. Friend gave on the 16th inst. to the hon. Members for the Holborn Division and for Darlington.

Finance Bill (Irish Tenants' Interests)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that under section 7, sub-section (5), of the Finance Act, 1894, Irish tenants' interests, whether judicial or purchased, were held to be, in nearly all cases, free from liability to estate duty; whether, under the present Finance Bill, it is proposed to include these tenants; what was the capital value of tenants' interest in Irish land on which Death Duties were paid and the gross amount paid in the year ended March, 1908; and what is his estimate of the annual capital value of Irish tenants' interests in land which will be subject to Estate Duty under the present Finance Bill and the gross payments which will be made?

I am aware that in some cases tenants' interests of considerable value escaped duty under the Finance Act of 1894; and the present Bill proposes to assimilate the treatment of these interests to that of other property passing on death. For the year 1907–8 the capital value of the interests in question was £264,346, and the amount of duty attributable thereto was approximately £4,000. I am unable to supply the hon. Member with the estimate for which he asks in regard to future years.

Finance Bill (Returns of Landowners)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if the Government have considered, and formed any estimate of, the approximate costs to the owners of land of the returns which are required from them by the Commissioners under Clause 16 of the Finance Bill; and, if so, what is their estimate of the approximate cost of those returns?

I am unable to give the estimate asked for by the right hon. Gentleman.

I propose to ask the question again when the Chancellor of the Exchequer is present.

Tax upon Beer

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, seeing that beer, which is manufactured in England and drunk by the English working man, is taxed at less than one-sixth of the rate at which whisky is taxed, he will consider the justice of placing any further taxation upon beer and not upon whisky?

My right hon. Friend has already explained to the House his reasons for selecting spirits for increased taxation.

Finance Bill (Ungotten Minerals)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he proposes to define a mineral in the Finance Bill as any substance which can be got from beneath the surface of the earth which possesses a value in use; and, if so, will the owner of land which contains any substance which may be of value in use be subject to the tax proposed in the Finance Bill on ungotten minerals in respect of such substance?

My right hon. Friend does not propose to define minerals for the purpose of the Finance Bill in the manner suggested by the hon. Member, and the second part of the question, therefore, does not arise.

Is the hon. Member aware that the Return to which he referred me last week contains a definition; and does the Government accept that definition?

The hon. Member asks me if the Government propose to define minerals in the Finance Bill, and I have said on more than one occasion that the Chancellor of the Exchequer does not propose to put a definition of minerals in the Finance Bill.

I did not say that I accepted it. I said that was the definition given in that case.

Having referred us to that case, are we to take that definition as governing minerals?

May I ask whether, in the event of this Bill becoming law, ought not the Government to consider whether it is not their duty to make the meaning of their own Bill clear?

The Chancellor of the Exchequer has on more than one occasion stated that he does not intend to include the definition of minerals in the Bill. He has also given his reason for that; and an attempted definition would only cloud the issue.

Will the definition be left to the decision of the Commissioners or left open to the courts of law?

I wish to ask the hon. Gentleman whether he will not cause to be laid on the Table a statement of the decision to which he constantly refers, so that Members may know what is the law?

Will no individual be called upon to pay the tax until a decision has been given in a court of law?

Feu Duties

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that it is the practice of builders in Scotland to buy ground outright, free of feu duty or ground annual, and at the same time to create feu duties or ground annuals which bear no relation to the value of the ground, but to the rental of the tenements to be erected on the ground by them; that, under section 28 (3) of the Finance Bill, these feu duties or ground annuals would be liable to Increment Value Duty, although no increase in the value of the ground had taken place; and whether he is prepared to exclude such cases from payment of the duty?

I am not aware that it is the practice of builders in Scotland to buy ground outright without feu duty or ground annual, but I am aware that builders frequently create ground annuals, the amounts of which are largely determined by the rental of the tenements to be erected on the ground. These ground annuals would not, in my opinion, be liable to Increment Value Duty under section 28 (3) of the Finance Bill.

Finance Bill (Increment Tax)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will state, for the information of the Committee on the Finance Bill, as regards the Increment Duty in the case of leases, expiry of leases, transfers, or death happening after the passing of the Bill, and before any valuation can have been made, at or from what date is the original site value to be fixed; how is that date to be determined and value fixed; is the valuation in such cases to relate back to the past date; and, as the Increment Tax is declared to be a Stamp Duty, and the validity of leases and transfers of property depend upon the correctness of the stamp, will he say how the duty is to be ascertained and certified without a valuation, is the valuation when made to date back to the transaction and the deeds; and, if so, are all business transactions of leases and sales to be suspended meanwhile, or will he provide for the validity of all transactions, leases, and deeds entered into pending the valuation?

The original site value will date back to 30th April, 1909, and the value must be fixed in accordance with the provisions of Clause 14. The duty will not be ascertained until both the original site value and the site value on the occasion have been determined, but the deed will be duly stamped so far as respects Increment Value Duty if it bears the stamp mentioned in clause 4 (3) ( b ), which stamp will be given without delay on the necessary particulars of the instrument being given. No business transactions of leases or sales need be suspended or interfered with.

Do I understand that as the duty will not be ascertained until both the original site value and the site value on the occasion of the transaction have been determined, and the stamp representing the duty cannot be impressed until then, all transactions of leases and transfer must be suspended until both valuations have been made?

The hon. Gentleman has asked several questions. Perhaps he will put them down in the ordinary way; it is not fair to fire off six or eight questions at an Under-Secretary.

British Soldiers (Mortality Statistics)

asked the Secretary of State for War whether he will state the number of British soldiers who have committed suicide during the past 60 years; and the number of British soldiers who have been actually killed in battle during the past 60 years?

My right hon. Friend has asked me, in his unavoidable absence, to answer the questions addressed to him. The compilation of complete statistics in regard to the information required would involve considerable labour, and would not appear to serve any useful purpose. The average number of suicides for the last few years is between 50 and 60 a year. The number of warrant officers, non-commissioned officers, and men killed in action in wars conducted by the War Office in the last 60 years amounts to 26,100. This does not include wars conducted by the Government of India—such as the Indian Mutiny—or wars conducted by the Foreign Office and Colonial Office.

Western Electric Company, Woolwich (Fair Wages Clause)

asked the Secretary of State for War what inquiries, if any, have been made in reference to the Western Electric Company, Woolwich, and the various complaints that have been made against this firm for violating the Fair Wages Clause; when inquiries are made, by whom are they made; and why this firm is allowed to be the only contractor asked to tender for general work?

Complaints of infringement of the Fair Wages Clause in a War Office contract, if supported by particulars, always receive consideration, whoever the contractor may be. A complaint was recently made against the firm mentioned, and is now the subject of investigation. In those cases where local inquiry is considered necessary to elucidate the facts, an official of the Department is detailed for the duty. It is not the case that the firm in question is alone invited to tender for general work.

Army Commissions for Colonial Forces

asked the Secretary of State for War whether, seeing that during the siege of Ladysmith Lord Roberts requested the Governors of Cape Colony and Natal to nominate men from the ranks of the Colonial forces serving in the field for commissions in His Majesty's Army, he will say the total number of commissions so granted; how many of these officers still hold His Majesty's commission; whether these officers, in order to pass for promotion, have to pass the same examination as officers who have been trained in military colleges; and whether, seeing that these officers came to the assistance of the Mother Country at a time of national danger, he will allow their service in the field to act as a qualification for promotion or make some allowance in the examination for their previous lack of a college training?

The number of commissions granted to men from the ranks of the Colonial forces serving in South Africa in 1900 was 86, and of these 35 are still serving. These officers have to pass the same examinations for promotion as all other officers. No relaxation of the regulation was made in favour of any officer or any class of officers. Officers who were granted commissions during the war have been given special facilities for improving their education.

Do the Government intend to drive out the men who have not passed the examination at the present time?

Registration of Irish Labourers' Cottage Plots

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware of the difficulty that has arisen in connection with the registering of labourers' cottage plots as a result of the purchasing tenants being allowed to include the plots in the registration of their holdings, and the necessity to rectify this misappropriation involving a large charge on the ratepayers; whether, in view of the provisions of the Act of 1891, as to the registration of the plots, he will explain why the Local Government Board never issued a circular until 30th June last, requesting to have the plots registered; and whether, under the circumstances, he will by special legislation, or by a clause in the Land Bill, cast the work of rectifying the register on the registration authorities so as to relieve the ratepayers of the charges and costs in correcting an irregularity for which the councils are not responsible?

Difficulties involving the ratepayers in expense have arisen in some districts owing to the omission of local authorities to comply with the provisions of the Local Registration of Title (Ireland) Act, 1891. An Act was passed last Session to meet these difficulties. It applied exclusively to rural district councils, and the Local Government Board issued a circular on 30th January last calling their attention to its provisions. The Act of 1891 made no reference to plots acquired under the Labourers Acts. It is part of the general law affecting freehold land in Ireland, and the Board had no reason to assume that it had been overlooked by local authorities and their legal advisers. There is no reason why the councils should not bear the expense of having the register made right in their own interest, especially as no fees are now payable in such rectification.

Reinstatement of Tykillen Evicted Tenant

asked whether any arrangement has yet been arrived at between Captain Walker, Tykillen House, and the Estates Commissioners with reference to the restoration of James Brett to his evicted farm; and, if not, will the Estates Commissioners take up the farm compulsorily and sell it to James Brett?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that this man and his wife were reinstated last month in his former holding, and have signed an agreement to purchase it.

Evicted Tenant (Templemore)

asked the Chief Secretary whether Michael Rowe, one of the Templemore evicted tenants, made application to the Estates Commissioners to be restored to his home; whether his farm has been taken by another person; and whether that person will consent to give up that farm, and, in the event of his not doing so, as there is plenty of untenanted land on the Templemore estate, will the Estates Commissioners provide him with a farm?

The Estates Commissioners have received an application from Michael Rowe for reinstatement in a hold- ing on Lord Templemore's estate, at one time occupied by his father, and now in the occupation of another tenant. His name has been noted for consideration in the allotment of untenanted land.

Catholic Processions in Public Streets, London

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if it has been brought to his notice that, since the Prime Minister deemed it his duty to stop a procession of the Host in the streets of London last September, illegal processions of the Host have been held in the public streets of Reading, Walworth, and High-gate; were the police employed on some of these occasions to protect such illegal processions; and what steps has he taken to prevent such processions taking place in the future, and, if no such steps have been taken, what does he propose to do in the future?

My attention has been called to the processions mentioned, which were of small dimensions, and passed off without any disturbance. Neither the Government nor the police have power by previous formal action to prohibit peaceable processions, even if there is reason to suppose that section 26 of the Roman Catholic Emancipation Act is about to be contravened. If illegalities occur, penalties are prescribed under section 38, but they have to be recovered afterwards by information filed by the Attorney-General. It is important to observe that the Act, by excluding the common informer, and leaving the question of prosecution to be considered on the merits of the case by the Attorney-General, does not contemplate that proceedings should be taken in all cases of contravention. The duty of the police is confined to the maintenance of order. It is. most desirable that in these matters common-sense and mutual tolerance should influence all who are concerned, and when such influences prevail there is no occasion whatever for police action. The action of the police necessarily has to be determined by the consideration of the special circumstances in each case. Their action has up to now been successfully guided by common-sense in the general interests of the public. I may mention that in these matters I have acted on the same lines as were followed, after full consideration, by my predecessors.

Has the attention of the right hon. Gentleman been drawn to the occurrences at Liverpool, where 50 schools had to be closed on account of riots in connection with religious processions?

Yes, my attention has been called to the most regrettable and unnecessary riots which have taken place in Liverpool. I think the police there took strong efficacious measures, and I hope there will be no recurrence of the trouble.

Is it not the fact that the police authorities in London reported that there was danger likely to arise in connection with these processions at Westminster, and on the strength of that the Archbishop of Westminster stopped a procession?

Undoubtedly there was a certain amount of danger, but the police themselves did not anticipate that it would amount to a serious breach of the peace.

Punishment in Convict Prisons

asked the Home Secretary for what offence convict Gillet, recently sentenced by the visiting justices to 42 days' special diet and 18 lashes, was originally convicted; what his age was at the time of his conviction; whether he has further been sentenced to solitary confinement; if so, for how long such confinement is to endure; and whether any evidence has been given by the convict or by any other person to show that the warder whom the convict had assaulted had given provocation?

Joseph Gillot was convicted in 1908 of assault with intent to commit a felony, and sentenced to three years' penal servitude. He gave his age as 26 at the time of conviction. He was not sentenced to any dietary punishment in addition to the corporal punishment, but he was ordered to be kept for 135 days, not in solitary confinement, but in separation, which means that he is not allowed to work in association. No evidence was given by the convict or any other person that the warder had given any provocation.

If a convict attempts to escape or commits a serious assault on a warder he has to wear chains for a certain period.

They are comparatively light, and loosely connect the ankles and the waist, the object being to prevent any further attempt at escape.

Were the 18 lashes inflicted with the cat-o'-nine tails or with the birch?

asked the Home Secretary for what offence the convict Wallace, recently sentenced by the visiting justices at Princetown to 42 days' bread-and-water diet and two dozen lashes, was originally convicted; what was his age at the time of his conviction; whether the assault for which he was so sentenced took place after a period of solitary confinement; if so, how long that period of solitary confinement had been; whether the warder whom he assaulted had come across him during the period of solitary confinement; and whether any evidence was given by the convict or by any other person to the effect that the warder had in any way provoked the assault?

Wallace was convicted in 1908 and sentenced to three years' penal servitude for burglary, etc. He had 15 previous convictions. He gave his age as 29. On 3rd May last, while employed outside the prison in an agricultural party, he cut down a warder with a spade. He was remanded for trial by the visiting justices, and while on remand on 12th May he violently assaulted the warder who was bringing him his supper. He was tried on both charges, and sentenced to 24 strokes with the birch. No dietary punishment was imposed. Prisoners awaiting trial by the visiting justices are kept separate from others, but except for the time during which Wallace was awaiting trial on the above charges he was not in separate confinement at Dartmoor, and there was no evidence that any warder had in any way provoked these assaults.

I really cannot say off-hand whether it is three, four, or five. If the hon. Member wants an exact answer he must give notice.

Is it the policy of the Government to continue flogging in prisons, seeing that it has been abolished in other departments?

That is a point on which I am not prepared to express an opinion off-hand.

May I ask whether, except in the sole case of health, the right hon. Gentleman has ever remitted a flogging sentence?

Pharmacy Act and Town Councils

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that town councils are continuing to licence traders to sell poisonous preparations under the Pharmacy Act, 1908, where ample facilities exist; that the Halifax Town Council has licensed a firm of seedsmen for premises within 100 yards of nine qualified chemists, though this firm has been successfully prosecuted for illegally trading in poisons; is he aware that the town council of Barnstaple has licensed a trader for the purpose against the advice of the borough medical officer and borough coroner, that in this case it was admitted that existing facilities were ample, but that the application was granted on the ground that the applicant was an esteemed townsman who had been a mayor of the borough; and whether he will take steps to stop this misuse of powers by town councils?

I understand from the Privy Council Office that they continue to receive complaints in this matter, and that they are making inquiry of the town council of Barnstaple; but I must point out that the question whether there are reasonable facilities in any district is one under the Act for the discretion of the local authority so long as they do not infringe the terms of the Act and that neither the Privy Council nor the Home Office is empowered to interfere.

Gambling Competitions (Newspapers)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will be able this Session to lay before the House a Bill for the suppression of gambling competitions, etc., in the newspapers, as promised to a deputation which he received in February last?

As I said to the deputation to which my hon. Friend refers, I propose to draw a Bill on the lines of the Report of the Joint Select Committee on Lotteries, and to introduce it into Parliament; but in the existing state of public business I regret to say that I cannot definitely promise to do so in the present Session.

Children Suffering from Favus

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether children suffering from favus, arriving from Russia and other Eastern countries, are rejected by the Immigration Board at the Port of London?

During the last three years the London Immigration Boards have refused leave to land to four aliens from Russia (including one child of four years of age, whose parents were rejected for want of means) who had been certified by the medical inspector to be suffering from scalp disease, though in none of these cases was the disease specifically described as favus. Having regard to the highly contagious nature of favus, I have no doubt that the Immigration Boards would, as a general rule, regard that disease as a proper cause for refusing leave to land.

Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether he will consider making it more difficult for these cases to arrive in ships that are not inspected?

Civil Servants and Civil Rights

asked the Prime Minister if he is now able to state the conclusions of the inquiry into the question of civil rights for Civil servants?

No, Sir; I am not yet in a position to make any statement. The matter is still under consideration.

Women Suffragists (Proposed Deputation)

asked the Prime Minister if he has received a request to receive a deputation of women suffragists on 29th June; if so, what reply has been sent to the request; and, if he has declined to receive the deputation, will he reconsider his decision and agree to see the deputation?

I have received a letter late this morning informing me that a deputation will wait upon me on Tuesday. To this letter no answer has yet been sent. I am always ready to receive deputations on matters of public interest, but I have already expressed my own views and those of the Government on this matter to deputations both of women and men.

Has the right hon. Gentleman received a deputation of women, representing the organisation of women, from which he received the letter this morning?

No; I have not, but I have received deputations from a number of other women, who, I imagine, were equally representative of their sex.

Is it the intention of the Prime Minister to provoke a new disturbance of the public peace by declining to receive this deputation?

Are we to understand that the Prime Minister does not intend to receive this deputation?

Preparedness of the Navy (Committee of Inquiry)

asked the Prime Minister whether the Committee of Inquiry into the question of the preparedness of the Navy has completed its labours, and when he expects to be in a position to state the conclusions arrived at?

The Committee have not yet completed their labours, but I trust that they are nearing a conclusion.

Irish Sea Fisheries (Cruisers)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state the names of the two cruisers supposed to be protecting the Irish Sea Fisheries, giving their tonnage and speed as compared wish the cruisers operating in the case of the Scotch Sea Fisheries; will he say how many days during the years 1906–7 and 1908 the two cruisers above referred to were actually engaged in protecting the Irish Sea Fisheries, and under whose supervision, and from whom, do they get their instructions, distinguishing as between the difference in the methods obtaining in the case of Ireland and Scotland, if any such exists.

The supervision of the Irish Fisheries was carried out in 1907 and 1908 by His Majesty's ships "Skipjack" and "Colleen," the former being employed for 100 days in 1907 and 172 days in 1908, and the latter for 135 and 34 days in the same years respectively. The same vessels have been employed in 1909, but after the manœuvres the "Thrush" will replace the "Skipjack." His Majesty's ships employed on fishery duty in Ireland act under the direct orders of the Rear Admiral commanding in Ireland. The supervision of the Scottish fisheries is carried out by His Majesty's ship "Ringdove," which, while generally subject to the orders of the Admiral Commanding Coastguard and Reserves, works in connection with the Scottish Fishery Board in the execution of statutory functions devolving on the commanding officer as superintendent of the Herring Fishery. The tonnage and speed of the vessels compare as follows:—

It depends entirely upon the representations which are made to the Admiralty by the responsible Government of Ireland.

Has he received any representation from the Irish Department of Agriculture and Fisheries?

I should like to have notice on that point. It would not come before me personally.

German Taxes

I desire to ask the Minister representing the Chancellor of the Exchequer a question, of which I have given him private notice, and it is whether arrangements will be made to circulate the Paper on German taxes which the Attorney-General quoted last night in the course of Debate on the Finance Bill?

The right hon. Gentleman warned me a few minutes ago that he intend3d to ask this question, but I have been, I regret, unable to communicate with the Chancellor of the Exchequer. I will make inquiries, and inform the right hon. Gentleman as soon as I can.

The information is to be found in the Stateman's Year Book and similar publications.

Business of the House

Can the Prime Minister inform us as to what the arrangements are for Business next week, and when the Government propose to take the Shipbuilding Vote for the Navy, and whether on the day that the Shipbuilding Vote is put down he will take care that there is no interruption of the time for that Debate, in consequence of private business?

The Business for next week will be:—

Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, Committee on the Finance Bill.

On Thursday, Supply; the Report of Class 4, Vote 10, Public Education in Ireland, and the Report of the Navy Vote 10. Both these Votes are necessary to be taken, but I do not desire to pledge myself to the precise order in which they will be put down.

On Friday I had hoped to put down the Irish Land Bill, but the condition of Business in the Grand Committees and elsewhere makes it necessary to appropriate that day to other purposes, but it may be convenient to representatives of Irish constituencies to know that our present intention is to proceed with the Irish Land Bill on the Friday following. The Business next Friday will be Money Resolution on the Labour Exchange Bill, second reading Public Works Loans Bill and Superannuation Bill, Report and third reading of the Trade Boards Bill, second reading of the Cinematograph Bill, third reading of the Board of Trade Bill, and, if time allows, the second reading of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries Bill, in addition.

With regard to the Shipbuilding Vote, it will have to be taken some time during the month of July, but at this moment I cannot say more. Of course, with regard to the allocation of time for private business, it does not rest with us, but I hope we shall have a full evening's discussion.

SUPPLY. [11th Allotted Day.]

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. CALDWELL in the chair.]

Civil Service and Revenue De Partments Estimates, 1909-10

[Class III.]

Irish Land Commission

(IN THE COMMITTEE.)

Motion made and Question proposed, "That a sum not exceeding £183,677 be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1910, for salaries and expenses of the Irish Land Commission."

Some months ago the Chief Secretary for Ireland gave an undertaking that he would personally look into the procedure and the practice of the Estates Commissioners Office; and inform the House of the cause of the delay, whether there was a block, and where the block existed. The present position in that office, from the Return which the right hon. Gentleman gave in reply to a question, appears to be this: The number of estates where application for purchase has been made is 8,017, and £72,110,394 has either been paid or applied for. When I turn to the other column I find under the heading "Estates for the purpose of which advances have been made, and the holdings vested in the purchasing tenants," the number is 2,379. In other words, of the 8,017 estates where tenants and landlords have agreed to purchase and sale, 2,379 have been finally dealt with, and there remain 5,638 estates still to be dealt with—estates for the purchase of which advances have not yet been made. When I turn to the purchase money it appears that, of the £72,110,394 applied for, £22,900,653 has been paid to the landlords, leaving arrears to be dealt with to the amount of £49,209,741. That appears to be the present position.

We have been told in the country, in the Press, and sometimes in the House of Commons, that the action of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) and the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon), and many of their colleagues, have been detrimental to the work of the Estates Commissioners, and that things had practically gone to the dogs. But I am glad to find from the Return that things are improving. I am glad to see that the pace is being accelerated, and that instead of the action of my hon. Friends having been detrimental to the cause of land sale and purchase in Ireland, apparently it has been all the other way. It is sometimes said that the cause of delay is in the Examiner's Office, and others say it is because the Estates Commissioners Office is undermanned; others say there are not enough inspectors, or that they are not sufficiently competent, and others say the real cause of delay is the Treasury. If the Chief Secretary is satisfied that the cause is that there are not enough legal gentlemen in the Examiner's Office to inquire into title, I am sure, if the Treasury permitted, he would increase the staff, and I am sure he would be anxious to remove the block if it exists for want of sufficient staff in the office, or to increase the number of inspectors if necessary. We want to know, if the block exists under any one of these heads, whether he has made representations to the Treasury, and whether the Treasury is inclined to provide the Estates Commissioners with a larger amount than £5,000,000 a year? Everybody who visits the Estates Commissioners Office is bound to remark that it is extremely difficult for any body of public servants to carry on their duties efficiently in such a rookery. Some people say there is a want of system in the office. I have been in the office on business more than once, and I think it is extremely difficult for the Commissioners and those at the head of the office, owing to the condition of the buildings, to have any kind of system. It is impossible to have offices which ought to be close together near each other owing to the nature of the buildings. When you go there on business you are sent from one building to another, and in order to find the place you want it would be necessary to have half a dozen guides. I am well aware of the difficulty these Commissioners have to contend with on account of the unsuitability of the premises. This a great source of irritation to professional and business men, who are acting for tenants and who are anxious to facilitate sales and to get them through quickly. It is a source of the greatest irritation that they have to spend the amount of time they have to spend in trying to find the particular office they want. I wish to know from the Chief Secretary if any portion of the delay was due to overlapping. Some people allege that when an estate has reached the stage of being fit for inspection an inspector is sent down in the first; instance, and when the sale does not go through quickly, for one reason or another, and when it is necessary to have the estate visited again by an inspector, the man who inspected it originally has been drafted off somewhere else, and some other inspector is sent down to do the inspection work. He has no previous knowledge whatever of the conditions on the estate, and he has practically to begin the work all over again. Is that the cause of the delay? If an estate is handed over to an inspector for inspection, why is not the estate left in the handsof that particular inspector until the whole thing has been got finally through and wound up? I am sure that if the Chief Secretary would only disguise himself for one day and appear at the Estates Commissioners Office as an ordinary country solicitor to inquire as to the condition of the estate—if he would say "I am acting on behalf of people who want to get their transactions through"—he will find that everything I have been saying is accurate with regard to the unsuitability of the premises and the want of system in the office. He will find his temper must be very angelic indeed if he is not forced to use some strong language before he leaves that institution.

I wish to refer to the increased pace within the last six months. I take the half-year from 1st November, 1908, up to 31st May, 1909, and compare it with the half-year from 1st November, 1907, to 31st May, 1908. The number of holdings dealt with in the half-year ending 31st May last was 9,143, and the number dealt with in the corresponding half of the previous year was 6,439. I admit that is a very considerable increase, and that it shows some progress, at any rate, if not entirely satisfactory progress, is being made. Under the heading "Amount of advances made" I find that in the half-year ending 31st May last the amount was £3,455,781, as against £2,381,441 in the corresponding period of the former year. These figures show that in the half-year ending 31st May last the pace has been increased by more than £1,000,000. That, of course, indicates that a good deal has been done to accelerate the pace, and while I very freely admit that things have greatly improved, yet I look also to the fact that there are £49,000,000 applied for where agreements have been come to. I find that the accelerated pace is, in round figures, £3,500,000, or at the rate of £7,000,000 a year. It will, therefore, take seven years, at the accelerated pace, to get rid of the arrears, which now amount to £49,000,000. That is a very serious matter, and I am sure it is one which does not give any satisfaction to anybody concerned. It certainly does not give any satisfaction to hon. Members on these Benches who mainly represent the tenant farmers in the South and West of Ireland, and I am sure it does not give any satisfaction to Irish Members who sit above the Gangway either. Once agreements have been come to between landlords and tenants, nobody wants to have matters left open for years. Everybody is desirous that the agreements should be finally dealt with as quickly as possible. I should like to know from the Chief Secretary whether the Treasury are prepared to accelerate the pace. The right hon. Gentleman has shown that the Office is able to deal with £9,000,000 a year in cash. Can he assure the House that the Treasury is prepared to put at the disposal of the Commissioners £7,000,000 a year in cash? The Chief Secretary has already assured us that the Treasury are willing to give the Estates Commissioners £5,000,000 a year in cash, and also willing—if the landlords will take stock—to have the pace accelerated to the amount of £5,000,000 a year. What I wish to know is whether the Treasury are prepared to give the Estates Commissioners £7,000,000 a year in cash, so that the present pace may be kept up. These are questions of interest not alone to Irish tenant farmers, but also to Irish landlords and those who have mortgages on Irish land and who want to get paid off. I find that the number of estates dealt with in the half-year ending 31st May last, as compared with the number dealt with in the half-year ending 31st May last year shows an increase of 44. We are anxious to know now from the Chief Secretary whether there is any other block but the want of money which it is necessary to remove in order to facilitate these transactions.

Coming to another matter with which the Estates Commissioners Office have had to deal, I wish to remind the Chief Secretary and the Committee of a statement that that was made from the Treasury Bench by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover when the Land Act of 1903 was before the House. He told the House on that occasion that one of the objects he had in view was to deal with the question of evicted tenants, but he also informed the House that he intended that, if the Land Act of 1903 was to be a general amnesty and if it was to to be an end of the land war, there should be no scars left, and the portions of his Bill dealing with the evicted tenants were intended to deal mainly with the evictions where the land war existed. It is quite true that the right hon. Gentleman never used the phrase "plan of campaign." He kept away from it. He preferred another form of words to indicate the same thing. He used the words "where the land war existed." Everybody in the House who listened to the speeches of the right hon. Gentleman knew that when he referred to "where the land war existed" what he had in view was to deal with the evicted tenants on the "plan of campaign" estates who compelled land legislation in this House. The right hon. Gentleman had in view to deal with the case of the men who did not go on the road because they could not pay, but who went on the road to fight in the interest of their class and in the interest of land reform, and who compelled this House of Commons in March, 1887 to introduce a Bill smashing contracts and interfering with and revising the decisions of their own land courts, and compelling the late Prime Minister (Lord Salisbury) and the present Leader of the Opposition in March to eat their words of the previous August when they refused to introduce any land legislation. Everybody knows that this was the class of evicted tenant that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover intended should be dealt with. I am sorry to say that almost six years now have elapsed since the passing of the Land Act of 1903, and on more than one estate several tenants who were evicted under the plan of campaign are still on the road side, and the Estates Commissioners in many instances have refused to consider their cases on the ground that they are not eligible, and are not fit to work land. It is quite true that every one of these evicted tenants, who were evicted in 1887, is 22 years older to-day than he was then, but I think it is an abandonment of the policy of the Act of 1903 that the Estates Commissioners should refuse on any ground to consider the case of any plan of campaign evicted tenant.

In the county, part of which I have the honour to represent, I find that untenanted land was purchased by the Estates Commissioners. The untenanted land was supposed to be divided among evicted tenants. It was then known to me, and it is now known to many Members of this House, that a gentleman who got one of these farms, and got a house built, and got a grant for stock never was evicted by a landlord. He was sold out for a debt which was a family transaction with which the landlord had nothing whatever to do, and I say it is a monstrous state of affairs, and it shows the extreme lack, to use no stronger phrase, of proper administration that the land bought under the Act of 1903 for evicted tenants should be used for the purpose of giving a farm to a man who, according to the policy intended by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover, had no claim at all, while men who were in the land war and compelled legislation are still left on the roadside by the Estates Commissioners. I want to know from the Chief Secretary what reason are the Estates Commissioners going to give to this House, why they refused to consider the case of some of the tenants who were evicted under the plan of campaign? I can give several cases to show that the men who were in the land war did not go out of their holdings because they could not pay. I know several of them who subsequent to their eviction, and when it became clear to them that an arrangement was not going to be arrived at within six or twelve months, bought the tenant's interest in other holdings, which was proof positive that it was not poverty or inability to pay that was the cause of their eviction. The cause of their eviction was because they were soldiers in the land war, and I find that the Estates Commissioners give the extraordinary excuse that a wounded soldier of the land war is not to receive any consideration under the Land Act of 1903, because he was sufficiently well off after his eviction to go and pur- chase the interest of somebody else in a farm. I say the mere fact that he was in a sufficiently good monetary position to be able to buy the interest in a farm after his eviction is proof positive that he ought to be considered under this Land Act infinitely before the man who went out of his holding because he never looked after his business, or because there was some row existing between himself and his brother or his mother-in-law, or for some other family reason, and who never at any time assisted those who were fighting landlordism and endeavoured to bring about land legislation in this House. I find that several of these tenants evicted under the plan of campaign have been refused grants, and I find that grants were made to other evicted tenants whose claims, if not entirely bogus, certainly were not to be put on the same plane as the claims of the plan of campaign evicted tenants who were in the Land War.

Again, the reason given for the refusal of the grant was because the man is not a pauper, because he has been all these years dealing in cattle or engaged in some other industry by which he has made some money, and because he has some money he is therefore not entitled to a grant, while in the case of some worthless evicted tenant who never did a hand's turn in the land war, who did nothing to bring about land legislation in this House, who never occupied himself in cattle-dealing or any other industry, by which he could make money, and who is a very worthless member of society, the Estates Commissioners always have a grant ready to give him. I should like to know whether it is the Chief Secretary's idea that when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover was getting this Bill of 1903 through this House it was not his intention that the plan of campaign tenants should be dealt with, and dealt with generously, and that it was his intention that the non-workers and the bogus evicted tenants should have precedence over the men who made the fight. It was only the other day, in reply to a question put by the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Kavanagh), it was stated that the Estates Commissioners refused a grant for building purposes to Gerald Byrne, an evicted tenant, under the plan of campaign. The excuse given for refusing a grant to build a house on the farm they gave him in the county Carlow is that he is living with his son, who is a man of some means, and has 70 acres of land. That is an answer that might apply to the cases of another class of evicted tenant. Surely that is not a satisfactory answer with regard to a. man like Gerald Byrne, who fought under the plan of campaign, who was out for several years, whose brothers-in-law purchased the holding where his son is now residing in the county Carlow, and made him actually a present of that farm when they bought it, as they did not like to see their brother-in-law, nephews, and nieces continuing out on the roadside, and because of the generosity of Gerald Byrne's brothers-in-law, the Estates Commissioners come round and say, "Mr. Byrne, we are giving you a farm in lieu of the one you have lost, but we will not give you any money either to build a house on it or to stock it, because your son has a farm, and is not a pauper." I should like to get some reply from the Chief Secretary which would clearly indicate to us what the policy of the Estates Commissioners is on this question. Are we to understand that the evicted tenant, irrespective of his claim, will be dealt with generously by the Estates Commissioners in proportion to the number of people that he can get to shout for him? Is the evicted tenant to be dealt with by the Estates Commissioners, the evicted tenant who can get a devolutionist to speak to the Estates Commissioners for him?

I thought that the Chief Secretary for Ireland was pretty well convinced of the fact by this time that devolution was dead, and that it was so disagreeable to the olfactory nerves of the Irish people generally that the sanitary officer had to he called in to perform the duty of burial. A short time ago the Estates Commissioners were down in my part of the country. A friend of mine brought them to see some of the reinstated tenants, and showed them that a road had been made within about 100 yards of where the house had been built for the reinstated tenant, but it could not be continued for the reason that it had to go through a portion of land which had been given to another reinstated tenant. The original inspector evidently overlooked this important fact, and as soon as the tenant, who occupied the 100 yards of land intervening between where the man's house was and the end of the road, had got his vesting order, he said, "I will not allow this road to go through unless you give me compensation"; and when the Estates Commissioners themselves saw the condition of affairs they said, "If Delaney makes the road, we will allow him £10 moTe for making it somewhat more circuitously by continuing it on his own farm." Will the House be surprised to hear that, although one of the Estates Commissioners himself had seen the condition of affairs in this particular instance, and, although he did say that he would recommend £10 to Delaney for the completion of this road, that, before it was finally sanctioned, four different inspectors came on motor cars, and had to inspect the place? Before the £10 was given to Delaney, I suppose it cost the office something like £20 or £30 between inspectors' salaries and inspectors' travelling expenses. When one sees cases of this kind continually cropping up, especially in connection with the plan of campaign estates, one certainly cannot be accused of being very extreme in saying that it is evidence that something at any rate has gone wrong. When I turn to the answer that was given the other day as to the amount of untenanted land purchased, or agreed to be purchased since the passing of the Act, I find that 130,548 acres of untenanted land have been either purchased, or agreed to be purchased. How has that land been distributed? I wish to remind the House of what I have already said, that is that all the evicted tenants under the plan of campaign have not yet been dealt with, and that many are still left on the road, very often with the excuse, "we have no land to give you." Here is how the 130,548 acres of land purchased by the Estates Commissioners, since the passing of the Act of 1903, have been dealt with—61,721 acres have been used for the enlargement of 3,272 holdings; 30,322 acres have been used for the purpose of giving equivalent or other holdings to 589 evicted tenants, and 29,214 acres have been given to 775 other people.

In what category are these "other people"? They are not evicted tenants, and there is no column in the return which would lead one to suppose that any of the 29,214 acres was given to the enlargement of uneconomic holdings. There is nothing to lead one to suppose other than that the land was given to what are known in Ireland as "strong farmers," or the sons of strong farmers. Is it supposed that it was the intention of Parliament in passing the Act of 1903, that strong farmers and the sons of strong farmers were to get large portions of land while the evicted tenants who were in the land war were still to be left on the roadside? Are we to be put off with the excuse that; the reason the plan of campaign tenants are left on the roadside is that the Estate Commissioners have no land, when we see by these returns that over 29,000 acres have been distributed to "other people"? Why do these other people get it? Some of them because they are good supporters of the Church, and because they have the parish priest, the curate, and sometimes the bishop to shout for them. The evicted tenant when he was engaged in the plan of campaign incurred the formal censure of the Church, and it was apparently more in the interests of religion that the strong farmers and the sons of strong farmers should be given land rather than that the plan of campaign tenant should be restored. Another reason is that the strong farmer was probably more useful, of a great deal more advantage to local merchants in the country towns or to shopkeepers than the evicted tenant who was not in as good a financial position, but who was of the very class of people who obtained the Land Act of 1887, and all the Land Acts since.

Another Question relates to advances. One gentleman in Queen's County received, the House will be surprised to hear, an advance of £18,000 of public money for land purchase. The Act of 1903 was never for a moment intended, and certainly the Liberal party who supported it, and the English Conservative party never contemplated, that any tenant farmer could have advanced to him for land purchase the amount of £18,000. The process is now well-known. When a sale is about to take place, the occupier of several farms returns himself as tenant of one, the price of which would be somewhere about the maximum of £7,000. He will then make his son John the tenant of the second, his son Michael tenant of the third, and his daughter Mary Ann tenant of the fourth. That is how it is done. Why is it that the Estates Commissioners never discovered one of these cases until some Member of the Nationalist party drew their attention to it? A great deal has been said against inspectors. It is said that if the inspector did his duty, and satisfied himself as to who are bonâ fide tenants on the estate at the time when the agreements are about to be entered into between landlord and tenant, such a thing could not happen; but who commits the fraud in the first instance? Who makes the return of tenants to the Estates Commissioners? Is it not either the agent of the landlord or the landlord himself who gives the names of the tenants and the amount of each man's rent, and sup- plies the Estates Commissioners with the facts? If the Estates Commissioners advanced £18,000, or any such sum, it is a fraud under the Act of 1903, and the person to be prosecuted for having committed the fraud is the man who initiated it, namely, the landlord himself or his agent. [An HON. MEMBER: "It was not the inspector."] My hon. Friend says that it was not the inspector who did it in the first instance. It is quite possible that he may have connived at it, and I am not aware of a single instance from the time the agreement was entered into until the estate was finally dealt with where such a thing has been made known to the Commissioners. It may be true that knowledge of the kind did come to them, but I doubt that very much. What, in the opinion of the Commissioners, are the necessary qualifications for an inspector under the Act of 1903? I have been puzzled for a long time as to what qualifications a man should possess which, in the opinion of the Estates Commissioners, are sufficient to make him an inspector? What are inspectors? [An HON. MEMBER; "Broken-down land agents."] No; some of them, no doubt, have been in rent offices, and some of them have been land agents themselves; others of them have been engaged in farming; others, again, have been obliged to make rent out of the farms before they paid it; others have been engaged in what I may describe as ornamental work—farming ground for which they did not pay any rent, and sometimes saying that they made a great profit, but carefully refraining from allowing anybody to see their farming accounts. I should like to know from the Chief Secretary whether it is necessary for a candidate for an inspectorship under the Estates Commissioners that he should be in favour of devolution. Is that necessary?

Judging by the names of the gentlemen appointed, it appeared to me to be so at one time. It appeared to be so when Lord MacDonnell was in Ireland, and when Mr. William O'Brien was Member for Cork. At that time the qualifications to be possessed by an inspector was that he should be in favour of devolution. It is said that Ulster contains all the intelligence, wealth, and education of Ireland. I ask any Englishman who has had 25 years' experience of this House, judging by the representation above the Gangway, whether Ulster does possess all the wealth, intelligence, and education of the country? I find, however, that the Estates Commissioners appear to be under that impression. If you take the case of the whole Land Commission you will find several who have not got through the competitive examination, and you have the extraordinary fact that amongst the special Commissioners, inspectors, and other officials under the Land Commission the number of Ulster men is altogether disproportionate to the number from other parts of Ireland. Are we to understand that the man who is a Nationalist and a Catholic has not as good a chance to get a position under the Estates Commissioners as the Presbyterian, the Unitarian, or the Liberal? I find that the number in Ulster who adopt Liberal views are, politically, so insignificant that they can only send one representative to this House. Of course, I see the Member for South Tyrone present, and he sits on the Liberal benches. It was not, however, the Liberals who sent him to the House of Commons. If he had depended upon their support he would not be here; it is the Nationalists who returned him. It is an undeniable fact, and it is an extraordinary anomaly, that, in the opinion of the Estates Commissioners, the Lord Lieutenant, and, apparently, of the Under-Secretary for Ireland, who is a Liberal and an Ulster man both, that the necessary qualification for employment in the Estates Commissioners' Office is that you must be a so-called Ulster Liberal and Presbyterian.

One of those gentlemen was in my part of the country not very long ago. He wanted to communicate with me in connection with the estate from which I was evicted, and a portion of which I now occupy. He did not do so direct, but secondhand. The document he wanted signed had been sent by the Estates Commissioners, and was in my possession. They wanted to get it, but owing to the underhand way in which I was approached by this Ulster-Liberal-Presbyterian the Estates Commissioners were not likely to nave it. Finally, after two letters, I did send it on. I sent a communication along with it to the effect that if anybody rose in this House, even if my hon. and learned Friend the Member for Dublin University made a Motion in this House that a grant-in-aid should be given to the Estates Commissioners for the purpose of sending some of those Ulster Liberal inspectors to learn courtesy, I would vote in favour of it. Such persons are the least calculated, be- cause of their brusqueness of manner and want of common civility and courtesy, to deal with tenants in the South and West. If you go into a mud hovel, either in the South or West, as everybody knows, you will meet Nature's gentlemen and Nature's gentlewomen. It is not so in Ulster, and there is nothing more calculated to irritate the country people and to frustrate the objects we have in view than to have an official devoid of courtesy or common civility. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give attention to these points.

Is there an auditor for the Estates Commissioners' Office? The House will be surprised to hear that money of the Estates Commissioners, which is supplied by Parliament, when it has been used by way of grant to a tenant, either for the purpose of building or equipping his holding with stock or agricultural implements, that in such a case the man receives a cheque signed not by one of the Estates Commissioners, but by the inspector. Who gives the money to the inspector? I think it is an extraordinary thing that the moneys of such an office should be placed at the disposal of inspectors, who open private accounts of their own in banks. A friend of mine informed me some time ago that no less than four of these overworked, hard-pressed inspectors spent, I think, six weeks in Monte Carlo. That makes it all the more necessary that we should be assured that there is an auditor of these accounts. If I were to bring in the Blue Book from the Library and tell the House what is within my own personal knowledge, I think I would confirm the House in agreeing with me that there is a necessity for an audit, and a very careful audit, of this Office. We hear every day that the Land Commission is overpowered with work. That is an old complaint in the House, and for 25 years we have been hearing that the arrears of work are enormous, that the staff are overworked and cannot cope with the volume of business in the Office. There is no public office in Ireland and no public office in England, and I do not know if there is a public office in any other country where public servants get the same length of vacation and the same number of off days that the officials of the Land Commission have now and always have had. Why should an official of the Land Commission, with a great deal of work to be got through, have a longer time of vacation than those in the Local Government, or in the Post Office, or in the Treasury, or in any other public Depart- ment? Yet so it is. The only satisfaction I have in the whole of this business is this, that owing to the statement I have heard in this House, statements that have been made outside, I am delighted to know that in one part of Ireland the land question is settled. The evicted tenants question is satisfactorily settled, purchase agreements have been entered into or sanctioned, and the land question is over in that particular part, which is a very large part of Ireland, and therefore it may be for all ordinary purposes, as far as the Estates Commissioners are concerned, struck out of the map of Ireland. That will give them more time and more opportunity to deal with the rest of Ireland. I am delighted that in the county of Cork the land question is settled. [An HON. MBMBER: "Not at all."] Therefore the Estates Commissioners will have more time to deal with other parts of Ireland.

I beg to second the Amendment, and to direct the attention of the Chief Secretary to two or three small points. The first is the great difficulty we find in getting information from the Estates Commissioners Office. I do not blame the three Estates Commissioners themselves. I have always found them most courteous and most eager to supply any information at their disposal, but it is impossible that all the inquiries that are addressed should come before the three Estates Commissioners. The blame, and I think there is a good deal of blame, ought to rest on the staff of the Estates Commissioners Office. A great deal of information is required by the general public with regard to the evicted tenants as to the Land Purchase Acts, and I think the general public and we are entitled to ask for the information. In search of that information we write to the Secretary of the Estates Commissioners. After the lapse of a few days we get a printed circular letter stating that our letter has been received, and that it will receive attention. In nine cases out of ten that is the only reply we receive. If we write two or three times on the same subject we get the same reply. What is the result of that? The result is that we are driven to ask questions of the Chief Secretary, questions on detail which really ought never to be asked. I daresay the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Birrell) often felt aggrieved at the number and nature of the questions that were asked, but we cannot help our- selves. I often myself felt ashamed at the kind and amount of detail I have to ask the right hon. Gentleman about, but if I cannot get it from the Estates Commissioners, I must ask the right hon. Gentleman. I can assure him of this that I have never asked him a question until I have tried and failed to get some information from the Estates Commissioners Office. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to inquire into this matter, and to ask the Estates Commissioners to insist on their staff giving us information which would save himself many hours of answering questions, and which would save this House many wearisome details, which ought never to be brought before us. I am perfectly sure that there is a good deal of information which the Estates Commissioners do not wish to divulge. If they would only tell us that in answer to our inquiries, and write and say that such information that we asked for, in the interests of the working of the Act, ought not to be divulged, we will take that answer and never ask again. I do complain very strongly of being put off with a letter stating that the inquiry will receive attention, knowing perfectly well that it never will.

We, and the country, want to know what is the cause of the delay in completing the-existing agreements in the Estates Commissioners Office. Is it want of money? Is it insufficiency of staff? I think if the right hon. Gentleman in replying would take the House and the country into his confidence, and tell us exactly what is the cause of the delay, he would confer a great favour on many of us who are interested in land purchase in Ireland. It is not only a landlords' question, and a tenants' question, but it is a question for both. The landlords naturally want to be paid as soon as possible, and the tenant wants to get the immediate reduction that is between the interest in lieu of rent and the instalment, and he wants to get on the first step of that long ladder of 68½ years which lies between them and ownership. There is a third party interested, and that is the Irish nation as a whole. I say that for this reason, the very moment a tenant purchaser gets his foot on that ladder, and the first grip and touch of ownership, his whole mind is thrown towards improving and developing the property. He feels he half owns the country of his birth. He has an interest in developing the prosperity of that country, and in improving it. Therefore I say it is not only a landlord and tenants' question, it is a national question. I think the country will look to the right hon. Gentleman and to the Government to expedite land purchase as soon as possible. There is one portion of the Estates Commissioners Department which, I think, is working slower than any other, and that is that dealing with the reinstatement of the evicted tenant. Last quarter the number of evicted tenants' applications reached 10,000, while the number of reinstatements was 1,600. Of that 10,000 no doubt a great many are not qualified cases, and I am sure everybody will admit many ought never to have applied at all; but taking it at half, that is 5,000, I think 1,600 is a small proportion, considering the number of years that the Evicted Tenants Acts has been in force. I am very glad to read one paragraph in the Estates Commissioners' Report, which says:—

There are two or three obstacles to the reinstatement of the tenants. One is the proving of title by the vendors. I am told that the lawyers who are investigating title are asking far too much. Would the right hon. Gentleman withhold old age pensions in Ireland where absolutely legal proof of birth was not forthcoming? I do not think he would, and I ask that the same moderation and consideration should be shown in regard to proving title. Another obstacle is the opposition of the people in the locality. That is a most serious obstacle, due almost entirely to the wording of the Act of 1903 and to the latitude given to the Estates Commissioners to give their surplus land to sons of tenants. That was the thin end of the wedge, and is the cause of the present trouble. If the right hon. Gentleman will read the paragraph in the Estates Commissioners' Report and then turn to clause 51 of his own Bill he will find that he is opening the door in regard to the congested districts to the very difficulty of which the Estates Commissioners complain. One part of the Estates Commissioners' Department is, I know, undermanned, namely, the Collection Department. There has been a large amount of extra work put on that department in the last two or three years, with very little increase of staff. Great difficulty will arise if that department falls into arrear with its work. The head of the department, with the limited staff at his disposal, has done wonders, and I congratulate him on keeping pace so well with the enormous amount of work thrown upon him.

Then I wish to enter a protest against the Estates Commissioners giving notice of their intention to take land by compulsion if they are not going on with it. I will give one instance. A landlord was selling to his tenants by direct sale. He had a large amount of untenanted land, which he agreed to divide up amongst the tenants and include it in the direct sale. When negotiations were coming to a head the Estates Commissioners served him with notice that they required the land for the evicted tenants. The landlord in consequence had to sell his property with the untenanted land excluded. Time went on, and the landlord received a second notice from the Commissioners, saying they would not proceed with the purchase. Thus the landlord lost the sale of his untenanted land, and the tenants lost what they desired very earnestly, namely, to have the untenanted land broken up amongst them. I believe strongly in compulsion, but it ought to be compulsion on both sides; and when notice is served by the Estates Commissioners of their intention to take land compulsorily they ought to proceed with the matter. With these criticisms, we must all recognise that the Estates Commissioners have done their exceedingly difficult and arduous work in a way which is a credit to themselves. They and the country have a right to demand that the Government should provide an adequate staff for carrying out the work, and that the Treasury should provide sufficient money to pay off the agreements as they pass through the Office. If that is not done, and there is still delay, the blame will rest not on the Estates Commissioners, but on the Government.

I am anxious to intervene lest the reference to Cork should be taken seriously. We have something to be thankful for in the amenities which prevail between landlords and tenants. Sales have gone on very rapidly, and from that point of view, Cork occupies as good a position as any other part of Ireland of similar area, similarly situated. But as regards the reinstatement of evicted tenants, I do not think that Cork occupies a better position. It has been stated that in Cork 163 evicted tenants have already been reinstated; but in my own Constituency the reinstatements have been so far limited to three or four, so that if I were placed in a position similar to that of other Constituencies even in Cork, I should regard myself as having done very well. The conditions in my district are quite as normal as in any other constituency in Ireland. We have the ordinary sprinkling of evicted tenants, and I have never been able to discover that the conditions of reinstatement were more difficult in my Constituency than elsewhere. Whether it is in consequence of the comparative inactivity of the local Member or anything else, I do not know; but the fact remains that I have been placed in a very invidious position as compared with neighbouring constituencies. It is no use telling me that 163 tenants in Cork have been reinstated. I am delighted to hear that they have been; but the fact remains that in my own Constituency the result is regarded with great disappointment. I would recommend the Chief Secretary to send down an inspector. It would not be necessary for him to make any general inquiries; they have already been made. If an inspector went to South Cork he would have all the general information necessary regarding the cases. I would recommend that he should select a certain number of cases presenting no legal difficulties, and make such a beginning as would furnish hope that something better would be forthcoming in the future. One case in which I am specially interested is that of Patrick Donovan. Patrick Donovan was a highly respectable man, who took an active part in the local affairs of the district. He was evicted a good many years ago, but clung on in hope year after year, expecting the happy day to come when he would be restored to his holding. Two years ago the landlord died, and this poor man also died a few months afterwards. His interest was left to a daughter, who is still waiting for. re-instatement, and thereby shutting up other avenues or possibilities of settling down in life, I would ask the Chief Secretary in such cases and in this particular case to consider that the land is virtually, if not technically, in possession of the landlord. The present tenant is a member of a landlord's family. I do not see how such cases can present any very serious difficulty.

I speak from a somewhat different standpoint to that of hon. Members below the Gangway; but we in the North want very respectfully to ask the Chief Secretary this afternoon some explanation of the extraordinary fact that although we have at present the privilege of sitting under a Government pledged to retrenchment and reform, this particular Government Department shows not only this year the phenomenal increase in its demand upon the Exchequer for the cost of its working of £32,699 more than it did last year—

But in its working something like £80,000 more than it cost to run a few years ago. The Chief Secretary suggests an explanation of this wonderful expansion. I do not think it would be apparent to the average investigator of this Estimate. I am not aware that the bonuses, about which we hear so much, are directly charged upon this Vote. We are dealing with the working expenses of this Department. It is to that I wish to direct the attention of the Committee. I have mentioned that it is costing £80,000 more for the year upon which we have now-entered than three years ago. Yet we find the startling fact, as regards the settlement of land purchase, that no "speeding-up" whatever by the Department has taken place. As a matter of fact, the number of tenants settled under the Land Act of 1903 is somewhat less as regards valuation than three years ago. We are entitled, I think, to ask some explanation from the Chief Secretary as to how he accounts for this fact, which is incomprehensible to the average man in Ireland who is interested in getting settled on his farm as quickly as possible. In connection with that fact I have further to ask the Chief Secretary—and I think it is a reasonable request—if he will see to the Land Commission being a little more willing to give information to the county councils when they find themselves having their grant from the Probate Duty substantially reduced through alleged deficiencies in the working of this Act.

I can give a concrete illustration. Take my own county council. For the year ending 31st March, 1908, the amount de- manded was £289 19s. 7d. That amount is not a very serious matter in a county with a considerable valuation, and it was not questioned in any respect. But for the year ending 31st March last this demand had gone up to £841 14s. 11d. Naturally, our county council was surprised. They were surprised that in a county, I shall not say above any other, but proverbially known as one in which tenant farmers pay their rents promptly, to find that a large proportion of this demand was suggested to be arrears under the Land Purchase Act. Our secretary was instructed to ask for an explanation, and we got a reply on a form setting out some details which I am sorry to trespass upon the Committee, but which I think is an example of Government red tape that is worth taking a minute or two to bring before the House. I am bound to admit that I share the feelings of my brother county councillors at their meeting when they said they did not feel they were any wiser for having that return sent to them. A further appeal to the Local Government Board to make the matter somewhat clearer was answered, "We have already given your county council all the information at our disposal." I think in a county where arrears of rent to any appreciable extent are practically unknown that it is only reasonable on be half of that county council that I should urge that the information that the county council have asked for as to how these sums are arrived at should be given promptly and in detail. I feel strengthened in making that reasonable request because I find that county councils, even at the other extreme end of Ireland, are addressing similar requests to the Secretary. This will become even more urgent if the amount continues to grow up, as it seems to be doing in our case. We have had a great deal said by the Mover of the reduction this afternoon—

Well, the first speaker as to the staff of the Land Commission. I have no allegation to make against any member of the staff of the Commission. My complaint is that the Department requires to shed a little of its red tape, to be "speeded-up," and to give the information that is legitimately asked for by important public bodies who have a direct and tangible interest in the proper working of this Department. We have heard a great deal to the effect that in making their ap- pointments the Land Commission drew an undue number of the members of their staff from Ulster. That is the first time I have heard that charge made in the House. I hope it is not the case, but I am afraid if appointments have been made from the North they have been entirely confined to the constituency represented by the Vice-President of the Agricultural Department.

I am very glad to hear that, but it would be more interesting if the Vice-President would follow it up by telling us where they were drawn from. Perhaps he also referred to North Tyrone? But the right hon. Gentleman can settle that matter with his colleague. The expenses of that Department are becoming a matter of very great importance in Ireland, and although we do know that the Chief Secretary hopes to do wonderful things for Ireland in the Land Bill to which we shall shortly be addressing ourselves, I want to impress upon him this afternoon that the feeling abroad in the North of Ireland is that the staff of this Department is not responsible for the slow progress which is being made in the settlement of tenant purchasers on their farms. We do believe—and I make no personal charge in the matter—that the Treasury have by some means or other given the impression to the Department that the smaller the demands they make on the Exchequer under present circumstances the better the Treasury will be satisfied. While I was listening to the first hon. Member who addressed the House this afternoon, I heard him refer to the excessively long holidays given to members of this large Department. Half-holidays, it appeared, were more numerous than those allowed to members of other Departments. I wondered if in that way we were finding some explanation as to what is happening. I again say I make no charge against any individual member of the Department. I only dwell upon the fact that here we have a Government Department in Ireland, for whose economy the Government is responsible, costing £80,000 per annum more than it cost some years ago, and doing less work than four years ago. These are facts that I think the Chief Secretary will find a difficulty in getting over, and I invite a legitimate and proper explanation. I shall be the first to acknowledge it if he gives that satisfactory explanation, of what appears at present to be a great leakage of public money without having the work done for it. One other point, that is the complaint we continually hear that too much power is put into the hands of certain inspectors. I confess it was a revelation to me to hear the hon. Member who spoke this afternoon say that it is the usage of the Department to send down inspectors into districts in Ireland to make arrangements, and that these inspectors pay out of their own banking account the amounts for which they make settlements. That seems a very startling custom to prevail in a public Department. I thoroughly join with the hon. Members below the Gangway in protesting that any such custom should be permitted in a public Department. I know all the accounts are properly audited, but I venture to suggest to the Chief Secretary, if such a custom has been allowed to creep in, it should at once be stopped, and that all disbursements of this great Department should be made by a proper accountant from the head office only.

I agree to a large extent with everything that was said by the Proposer and Seconder of the Motion in reference to the general administration by the Estates Commissioners in Ireland. I could easily give many instances which have come under my own personal observation to show that just ground of complaint exists against their administration in many respects. In my part of the country the Estates Commissioners, in reference to the whole of their administration, have shown their sympathy with the landlord and with the opponents of the National party in every case. Let me take as an example the Kenmare estate, which is the largest estate in the county Kerry. Negotiations were entered into for the purchase of that estate; portions of it are congested, and when I represented to the Estates Commissioners that if they allowed the landlord power to control the entire body of the tenants, in place of themselves stepping in and doing something to save those in the congested portions, the result would be disastrous. Appeal after appeal on this question has up to the present been in vain. The Commissioners sent letters saying that my remarks and representations would receive attention, but no attention has been given to them up to the present. I am bound to say it was easier to approach the Estates Commissioners in the time of the Tory Government than since the Liberal Government has come into power. They have interfered with the discretion and administration of the Estates Commissioners as far as the congested districts in Kerry are concerned.

The other day the County Council of Kerry got an application for £2,000, their share of the cost of farms sold to the Estates Commissioners under the Land Purchase Act, in which the tenants had failed to pay. The county council asked to be provided with the names of the defaulting payers, but the Estates Commissioners refused to give the information. Appeal after appeal was made by the county council, but still the Commissioners refused. I tell the Chief Secretary that anxious as we are for land purchase, if the Estates Commissioners will not take some steps to save the congested portion of the Kenmare estate, it is not £2,000, but many more thousands of pounds the people of Kerry will have to pay. It ought to be-the duty of the Estates Commissioners, from the very beginning, when an estate comes into their purview, not to be offering unreasonable and unworthy excuses that they will deal with it when it comes up before them, but that they ought to take it under their control from the beginning, and see that no injustice is done to any body of tenants by reason of the power which the law places in the hands, of the landlord to extract impossible prices.

There is one other estate in the county about which a good deal has been heard at the present time. Mr. Peirce Gun Mahony is the landlord of 1,800 acres in Kerry. I am bound to say, if Sir Arthur Vicars had continued in Dublin Castle, Mr. Peirce Gun Mahony's terms to his tenants would be different. He agreed with some of his tenants to purchase at a certain price. Some agreed under a certain compulsion, but one tenant, Mr. Richard Walsh, Kilmurry, Castleisland. refused because he regarded as impossible the price which the landlord was demanding. I am not going to make the case for Mr. Walsh that he has all the reason and all the justice upon his side, but I say that the estate is before the Estates Commissioners, and that when Walsh refused he made a declaration to the effect that he and some of the other tenants were ready to leave the fixing of a fair price for the farm to the Estates Commissioners, and the Commissioners might have then intervened and done something to prevent eviction in Kerry. Three successive attempts were made to evict Mr. Walsh. On the first occasion about 150 police were brought into the district from different parts of the country, but, by reason of some legal difficulty, the eviction on that occasion could not be carried out. On the second occasion 200 police were brought, the bailiffs tried to effect an entrance, but by reason of an instruction from the Chief Secretary that the police should not interfere, they did not interfere, and the bailiffs were unable to obtain an entrance.

At any rate, I understood, from an answer that the right hon. Gentleman gave to a question of mine that the police would not act as bailiffs, and certainly in the whole experience of the Irish land agitation the police have not acted as crow-bar brigade men as they did on last Tuesday in Castleisland. Approaches were then made to the Estates Commissioners, and they admitted the justice of the tenant's demands, and went so far as to send down an inspector to inquire into the case, and to report as to whether the price and the annuity were reasonable and fair. The inspector, Mr. Howard, went on the land, heard all the information, and while he did not fall into complete accord with the tenant's claim he made a suggestion which showed that the landlord's price was absolutely excessive and would not be fair, and that it would not be reasonable to expect the tenants to pay it. Mr. Howard made his report to the Estates Commissioners, but because there was some want of courage on the part of the Government in Ireland the report of the inspector has no effect, and the eviction took place last Tuesday.

I think it is a sad condition of affairs in Ireland that the Estates Commissioners, who are primarily responsible, did not intervene in this matter. I do not want to say anything hard of the Chief Secretary because of his sympathy in many Irish matters, but in this particular case I am bound to say he showed a lamentable want of courage in not dealing with Mr. Gun Mahony more firmly. There was a time when the present Lord St. Aldwyn, finding a landlord acting illegally, refused to give police protection, and I cannot find one single case where police were provided by the Government to act as bailiffs and to enforce such terms on the part of the landlord. I saw the police last Tuesday sent down from the Depot in Dublin with crowbars, hatchets, ladders, and battering rams, and when the bailiffs made an attempt to effect an entry the assistant inspector-general, Mr. Ball, brushed them aside, took command of the operations himself, and with the assistance of 50 men he in the most horrifying manner forced an entry by breaking the house to pieces, although I pointed out to him on the testimony of three medical men that there was an old woman dying in that very house at the time. All that happened because the Estates Commissioners had not the courage to act upon the report of their own inspectors, and had not the courage to say to Mr. Gun Mahony, "This is a case for settlement, and we will not allow you to sell a portion of your estates unless you deal with Walsh as he ought to be dealt with." I put it to the Chief Secretary in many conversations and many letters that this case was going to lead to serious trouble in Ireland.

I would do anything in order to preserve peace and quietness in that particular district, and I think we could have induced the tenants to come to a fair and reasonable settlement if only the Commissioners had helped us. They have done nothing, up to the present, and serious responsibility rests upon them and upon the Chief Secretary himself for having allowed Mr. Gun Mahony all the forces of the law to carry out a most cruel and unnecessary eviction. The unfortunate district and the ratepayers of the county will have to pay for this whole trouble, which it would have been very easy to avoid. There is another estate in the district about which I have to make similar complaint. We are told that there is no land in the county Kerry untenanted for the purpose of providing for the evicted tenants. The Morrough Bernard estate is in the county. A portion of that consists of a very large untenanted farm. A claim was put in on behalf of the evicted tenants, but the landlord resides in the Argentine Republic, where he has a large ranch, and for some reason he has quarrelled with the evicted tenant. We do not say the evicted tenant has all the merits on his side, but is it fair of the Estates Commissioners to allow this rancher in the Argentine Republic to keep this untenanted land in Kerry for which the evicted tenants are breaking their hearts, in the hope that something will be done for them by the Estates Commissioners, but for whom it would seem that nothing is to be done unless a change in administration takes place. Inspector after inspector has been sent down to make inquiry into this particular estate. I want to bear out what was said by my hon. Friend the Member for Kildare about inspectors, and I think it is better to give specific cases. I do not care whether these inspectors are Ulster Liberals, or what they are, but so far as I can remember every single one of them was disposed to deal in friendly way with the landlord as against the tenant. One of these inspectors was sent down to deal with this estate of Morrough Bernard. He was provided with money, and I wrote to the Estates Commissioners, pointing out that long after he had received the money he had not given it to the evicted tenants, and I pointed out that he did give some eventually to a political opponent of my own, and gave none to the evicted tenants. When I put the case before the Estates Commissioners in regard to this inspector they gave me no further satisfaction than to say that my complaint would receive attention, but he has been sent down again to investigate claims of evicted tenants in Kerry. I think that is a disgraceful state of things. If the Estates Commissioners have a bon½ fide desire to deal with this question of evicted tenants the opportunity is open to them, and they can easily exercise it. We had a case on the Coles-man estate in the county Kerry, which was a remarkable one. There was a grabber in possession of the evicted tenant's farm. The landlord actually agreed with the parish priest and myself that the grabber should be put out of possession, as he was willing to go if he could get a reasonable sum by way of compensation from the Estates Commissioners, so that the evicted tenant might be put in. The evicted tenant is living inside the farm in a miserable hut. Inspector after inspector was sent down, and we put before them and before the Estates Commissioners the whole case, and we put before them the fact that the landlord and everybody concerned were desirous to have this settlement carried out, but, in spite of all our appeals, the Estates Commissioners persisted in sanctioning the sale to the grabber, with the result that a police hut, with four police, at a cost of £50 or £60, is now settled in that district, whereas if the case was dealt with as it ought to be, there would be no such necessity, and peace and quiet would reign in the district. I could go on mentioning case after case in the county of Kerry of evicted tenants, but it would not be fair to stand in the way of my colleagues. I have mentioned three cases specifically because they are identical with many cases that exist in the county. When the Chief Secretary reads out an answer supplied to him by the Estates Commissioners to the effect that 200 evicted tenants have been reinstated in Kerry, let him and the House not be misled into thinking that the Estates Commissioners are responsible for the reinstatement of anything like a reasonable number of those evicted tenants. Wherever an estate has been sold the Commissioners claim credit for reinstatement when the landlord is acting practically as tenant but legally as caretaker, because it is necessary to make him the tenant in order to carry through the purchase. Therefore, the Estates Commissioners do not deserve any credit whatever for a number of reinstatements which they profess to have effected in the county of Kerry, and I presume the same thing happens in other counties. All Irish members know the impossibility of any one man dealing with all the Departments of Irish Government. I suggest that if the Chief Secretary would take it into his head not to permit the appointment of any more sub-commissioners and inspectors tainted with landlordism and Unionist sympathies he would soon teach those gentlemen that they were expected, and would be compelled, to give fair play to the tenants.

I hear a lot of talk about the want of accommodation and want of staff in the Land Commission office and in the Estates Commissioners Office. I have been through those offices on one or two occasions, and I agree that they are not as spacious and convenient as they might be. It is not a question of the internal arrangements that I have to complain of most, but the fact that public money is being spent in sending down inspectors time after time without any result from their visits, and certainly without any genuine effort on their part to do all they might do to reinstate evicted tenants. I am glad I have had the opportunity of dealing with these few cases from the district which I represent, and more especially with the case of Mr. Walsh, in which I am deeply and personally concerned. In that particular case the responsibility is put upon the Chief Secretary to do something of a strong character to indicate to landlords of this kind that they will not be permitted to have the assistance of the forces of the Government to put upon tenants prices which are unfair and improper. Unless the Estates Commissioners adopt a different method of dealing with the estates I have mentioned, and with the communications they receive from representative men from my part of the country they will be involving future Governments, and the Irish people, in losses which we shall all have serious reason to regret.

I wish to join in the satisfaction which has been expressed in regard to the acceleration of the work in the office of the Estates Commissioners. I read with amazement the paragraph in the Report of the Estates Commissioners which has been referred to by the hon. Member for Carlow (Mr. Kavanagh). In that Report it is stated that out of 17 plan of campaign estates in Ireland all of them have been settled except two. I was astonished to find that such a mistake could have been possible, and it seems to have been forgotten altogether that one of the principal campaign estates in Ireland has not been dealt with. There were 73 tenants on that estate who lodged applications for reinstatement; 49 were reinstated and 24 of them who have an equally just claim have not yet been reinstated. I protest against the statement that this particular estate has been settled. Those 24 tenants made the same sacrifice as the 49, and until their claims have been recognised Queen's County will not be peaceable, because they are being denied what Parliament intended they should have. I do not desire to make any attack upon the Estates Commissioners, but I wish to make an honest criticism of some matters which in Queen's County I think we have every reason to complain of.

I desire to bear testimony to the prompt and sympathetic treatment I have always experienced from the Estates Commissioners in connection with the evicted tenants' question in Queen's County. I wish also to bear testimony to their prompt and sympathetic action in bringing about the settlement and purchase of three estates in Queen's County which has given hope and the prospects of obtaining a livelihood to a number of tenants, and has brought peace and prosperity to a people who were for a number of years the victims of landlord oppression. In connection with one of these estates an inspector was sent down who was animated by a sympathetic desire to discharge his duty in a satisfactory manner both to the Commissioners and the tenants. Some months ago this inspector recommended that a certain road should be made which was absolutely necessary to give the re- instated tenants an opportunity of working successfully their holdings. I have communicated almost weekly with the Estates Commissioners, and I have not succeeded in getting a reply, although I have received the usual printed forms. Up to the present I have received no intimation that there is any prospect of this road being made. I hope that by calling attention to it to-day the result will be that a grant will be made for this purpose, otherwise it will not be possible for those tenants to work their holdings, in a satisfactory manner. The tenants are naturally anxious to avoid a state of things under which they would not be able to-pay their annuities. I wish to make a most emphatic protest against the inaction and the delay which has taken place in many cases, which has been a cruel disappointment and hardship in a case of a large number of evicted tenants. Very serious and grave obstacles have been raised against the administration of the Evicted Tenants Act, but grave as those obstacles are I believe, if the Estates Commissioners had stood up to those people who were-raising objections with firmness and determination, those obstacles would have disappeared. On two estates in Queen's County since the Evicted Tenants Act was passed attempts have been made by the landlords and their agents to defeat the intention of Parliament. No secret was made to this, because it was publicly announced and boasted of by the owners, and by the representatives of the rent office, that they would not allow one evicted tenant to be reinstated on those estates. After the Act was passed an application was made to the Estates Commissioners to take up 500 acres on one of these estates. The Estates Commissioners gazetted the land in the "Dublin Gazette," but for some reason not yet explained the rent office has succeeded in defeating the intention of Parliament by preventing the reinstatement of these tenants. Those 500 acres consisted of untenanted land from which the tenants had been evicted not exactly under the plan of campaign, but because they were called upon to pay impossible rents, and they went out with their neighbours and made a sacrifice for their fellows. Immediately the Act was passed steps were taken to defeat the intention of Parliament by preventing these tenants being reinstated. One of the tenants accepted was a man who was already in the occupation of 300 acres, and he got the principal farm on the estate. If the Estates Commissioners had shown determination and insisted upon applying the compulsory clauses in that case, they could have acquired the land and settled the evicted tenants upon it. They have not, however, done this, and have rather given encouragement to the landlords in the adjoining counties to delay the reinstatement of these tenants. I desire to refer to an estate in the Constituency which I have the honour to represent. It is perhaps necessary to remind the House that the Queen's County was one of the principal centres of the plan of campaign. The tenants made a stand for the whole of the farmers of Ireland. They benefited not only the farmers in the South of Ireland, but the Unionist farmers in the North of Ireland. These men were industrious, and because they were industrious it is an extraordinary thing that the Estates Commissioners should refuse their just claims. I know the case where 21 applicants have been refused their applications by the Estates Commissioners. We have asked from time to time on what ground their claims have been denied. We have never got an answer from the Estates Commissioners, and we have not got any information from them. We do not know what are the reasons why 21 plan-of-campaign tenants are denied the right to the restoration of their farms. I know of one case where an evicted tenant who farmed 250 acres of the best land, and was able to pay his rent, was ruined because he sacrificed his home and everything else in the furtherance of the plan of campaign. It is not said on what ground or for what reason these men are denied the reinstatement of their homes. I know a descendant of Kings of Ireland, and, of course, hon. Members will laugh. He is a gentleman, well educated, and as honest as any man in this House, and he is now an inmate of a workhouse hospital, while his sister is trying to earn a living by needlework. There is another case which I know where the man farmed 100 acres of land. He spent £l,000 upon those acres. He was a plan of campaign tenant, and the Estate Commissioners say that he has no claim upon them. Then there is another case to which I should like to refer. It is to that of a man who was one of the most skilled agriculturists in the country. He also was a plan of campaigner, and the Estates Commissioners have refused his claim. I ask now if the Chief Secretary will give some reasons why these just claims have been denied by the Estates Commissioners. The smaller tenants come to me week after week, and it is a pitiable sight to see them almost hungry while others are occupying their homes and farms, and who have no just claim to those homes and farms. Their cases have not been recognised, and I ask why these claims have been denied by the Estates Commissioners? It is not alleged that they are not skilled farmers, or that they do not adopt improved methods of agriculture. Reference has been made to a notorious case where a man got £18,000 to purchase land in Queen's County. I called attention to this by asking questions of the Chief Secretary last November, but I cannot get from him any information as to this case. I was curious enough to employ a solicitor in Dublin to make inquiries, for I was anxious that some of the land should be available for the evicted tenant. It seems that in another case the sum of £5,363 was received from the Estates Commissioners which was more than £2,069 authorised by the Act of Parliament. This particular farm was registered 19th January, 1906, and the purchase of the estate was completed subsequently—that is, in November, 1906. There you have the history of this transaction. I will go further, and I will say that the history of this attempt to obtain public money is quite remarkable. I drew the attention of the Estates Commission to the matter. I sent them extracts from the legal documents and I asked them to take the matter up. I told them that the same information was available to their lawyers as to my solicitor, but up to the present hour I have not succeeded in getting any definite information as to the course they intend to take. I even sent a telegram to-day to their office, asking for certain information, and up to the present minute I have received no reply. These are the difficulties with which, unfortunately, we have to contend. I ask in all seriousness, is this policy of deliberate misappropriation of public funds going to be continued. I ask the Commissioners, will they take up this case, and sift it to the bottom? Will they take up the case of Alexander Boyd, whose family have received £18,000 out of the fund, and will they find out how that money came to be paid? I do not want to criticise the Department in any spirit of hostility, but the people we represent look to us to expose these things, and it is most extraordinary if the Estates Commissioners will continue these wrongs on the public purse, as well as on the people in Ireland. We demand that the cases of the evicted tenants on the Lugger-curran and De Vescil estates shall be reconsidered with a view to giving them the advantages to which they are entitled. I demand that Anderson's case shall be investigated as well, and that the land he has obtained from the Commissioners shall be acquired and distributed among the evicted tenants. I hope the Government will give some indication that they intend to do justice in this matter.

It is not surprising that the Irish Members should select as one of their subjects for discussion this enormous Land Commission Office. I quite agree it presents a very large front to criticism. It is engaged in carrying out a most important work in Ireland, namely the transfer of land from the former owners to the tenant occupiers, and, of course, any public Department undertaking such work as this must throw itself to some extent on the kind consideration of its critics. It is impossible to hope that any such operation can be carried out on this scale without errors of judgment, or errors due, it may be, to delay or red tape. Hon. Members must recognise that this great office has imposed upon it an enormous work, which it is doing to the best of its ability. The present staff of the Irish Land Commission, including about one hundred outdoor employes, now number 620 persons, as against a staff of 153 in 1882. The cost it imposes upon public funds is very large. It is increasing year by year, and this year the automatic increase amounts to £27,000. I should like to give the Committee some particulars which will enable it to form an opinion upon the extent of the work which has to be carried out. The Land Commission is composed of no fewer than 13 separate branches. In the first place there are two secretariats, one for the Land Commission proper and the other for the Estates Commissioners. The secretariat for the Land Commission proper consists of 31 persons, occupying six rooms at 24, Upper Merrion-street. The secretariat of the Estates o Commissioners consists of 32 persons, occupying seven rooms in two other houses in the same street. Last year the correspondence dealt with in the two branches numbered 112,000 letters, and the number of Parliamentary questions answered was 978. So far as I am personally concerned, I lave no complaint to make of the number of questions put. They do not impose on me any very enormous amount of labour, but they certainly do impose a great deal of labour upon the secretariat who have to provide the answers. We are sometimes told that these questions are not put until an endeavour has been made to get the information direct from the Estates Commissioners. It really does not save the Commissioners much trouble in the long run, whether the hon. Member puts the question direct to them or whether it is put to me and they receive a telegraphic communication from me requesting them to forward the answer. So far as I am concerned I am accustomed to answering 20 or 30 questions daily, and, indeed, I should feel unhappy if I did not get that number on the Paper. These two secretariats employ a large number of persons to conduct the vast correspondence. Now, I come to the Registrar's branch. There are eleven persons employed on the land purchase side, and they are engaged in making up the orders of the Commissioners, the allocation of purchase money, etc. Nearly 28 millions sterling was allocated up to 31st March last, and a number of persons on the fair rent side were busily engaged in entering originating notices, listing cases for hearing in Sub-Commission and Appeal Courts, and in recording decisions, taxing costs, etc. Thirty-six persons were thus engaged, and they have made over 700,000 records since 1881. The third branch deals with agreements for purchase. That has a staff of 57 persons, occupying ten rooms, in three houses. Their work is most difficult; they have to examine and classify all purchase agreements lodged, and they have to compile the statistics. Since 1903 they have had to deal with over 214,000 agreements lodged in direct sales alone. The fourth branch deals with the purchase and management of estates and the reinstatement of evicted tenants. Fifty-eight people are engaged in this work, and they occupy 11 rooms in three houses. The fifth branch is the Inspection branch, on which various criticisms have been passed. Here there are 12 persons engaged, including two chief inspectors, and they are located in four rooms. The sixth branch is the Surveying and Mapping branch. In this there are employed ten surveyors and draughtsmen and five clerks, and, in addition to that, there are 17 surveyors constantly in the country. You will find that the maps of the estates which they produce have to be drawn on a very large scale indeed, because they have to deal with rights of turbary, and there is the difficulty of making out the boundaries. The seventh branch is the Examining and Vesting branch. Here there are 29 persons engaged in six rooms and three houses. The eighth branch is composed of Examiners of Title. There are 13 examiners and 16 clerks located in Nassau-street, and this branch is suitably and conveniently housed. Then we come to the Land Collection branch. Here the staff is composed of 89 persons, of whom 39 are engaged on the collection of land purchase annuities, and 50 on the collection of interest in lieu of rent. The number of annuity payers is 142,976, and the number of payers of interest 168,517, making a total of 311,493. The amount collected at present under both heads is about three and a half millions sterling annually. The Accountants' branch is composed of 28 persons who are occupied upon the general accounts of the Land Commission, Land Purchase Funds, Land Stock Funds, etc. Then we have the Record Department of 25 clerks, with a staff of scriveners which fluctuates from day to day; the Search Property Department, with a staff of 32, which receives and distributes a quarter of a million sterling per annum; and, finally, we have the Solicitor's Department, which consists of a solicitor, two assistant-solicitors, and 13 clerks. Everyone of these Departments has an enormous amount of work to do. It is work of a complicated character, and I can only say I think it is very creditable to the country that it should have been able to produce this large staff of persons to discharge these really difficult duties of transferring the land of the country from one set of persons to another under the peculiar difficulties of Land Purchase in Ireland. These Departments are carrying out work at once difficult and delicate, and of the Land Commission, I may say that, whatever its faults may be, and all public Departments form the bad habit of trying to keep the public at bay, there is not more red tape in connection with it, or even so much, as may be found in most public offices. Then something has been said, though not very much, about the housing. Of course, I agree that it is rather scanty. [An HON. MEMBER: "How many houses are there?"] There are nine separate dwelling-houses, but really you must remember that we do not contemplate this job, big as it is, going on for ever. It is not a permanent service of the country, and you cannot expect, nobody would do so even in the wealthiest country in the world, to have this staff housed in magnificent offices, such as those which I do not think add to the beauty of our immediate neighbourhood, but which at all events give an aspect of permanence. We do not want these offices to be permanent, and we look forward to the time when the work will dwindle, though, of course, the collecting department will have to remain, with its 80 or 90 men, for a very long series of years, but all the correcting and surveying will be got rid of within a reasonable period of time, and nobody would wish that these offices, which are of a temporary character, should be housed with great magnificence.

Is it not a fact that some of these houses have actually been condemned as insanitary, and that 30 per cent, of these men were ill all through the winter owing to the insanitary state of these houses?

I think the hon. and learned Gentleman puts the case a little bit higher than the actual facts. Some of the houses are old, and I dare say a little bit overcrowded. I am not for a moment suggesting that the present accommodation is as ample or as good as it ought to be, but a large addition to the buildings is in course of construction—a very large addition indeed at the back is in course of construction—and in a very short time a very great improvement will take place in the buildings, and, I hope, in the health of those employed in them. The hon. Member calls my attention, however, to that fact, and I admit that it is not one which should be lost sight of.

Is it a fact that 30 per cent, of the employés were incapacitated from doing their work during a large portion of the winter owing to the insanitary condition of these houses?

I did not hear the percentage put so high as that, but I agree that old houses in Dublin are not very sanitary, and they are not suited, I agree further, for public work of this kind, but you have got to provide accommodation for these 520 people, and some allowance must be made for the difficulties of doing so within the limited time at our disposal. The expenditure is very great as it is, and I have made representations as strongly as I can, but I do think the new buildings which will be opened shortly will cause a marked improvement, which I hope will be shown in the better health of the staff, and I quite agree that we have an obli- gation towards them, which we have no right to overlook. It must be remembered that this is one of the biggest concerns in Ireland, although it is not so large as Guinness's Brewery, but at all events it is a great, big, growing concern, and it has had under difficult circumstances to perform a very difficult task. English people who set going these great reforms, and then forget all about them, and naturally I do not blame them—they hardly realise how stupendous a task it was, they imposed upon the Land Commission offices, when they passed, as I am glad they did, the Act of 1903, but anyone who sees the work done, and knows the complications of it, particularly with Irish property and Irish estates, will know the magnitude of the work that has been done. Then I am asked how I account for what is called the block? This block, as has been said with perfect truth, do as we may and increase our output, as we have done, cannot be wholly disposed of for a period of seven years, and all that I can say is that it was never contemplated by anybody in Ireland or any part of the House, that the great operations of the Act of 1903 could be carried through, except by the expenditure of time. The idea was started, though it was not in the Bill, and is not in any Bill, or any Act of Parliament, that five millions a year cash would be supplied by the Treasury in order to create Stock to be put upon the market, so that the buyers of it could set this great operation going, and five millions was apparently ucquiesced in by all parties and all critics as a reasonable amount.

I mean only for the first three years, but still no figure was ever given and nothing was ever done—it would not have been reasonable to do it—which could lead anyone to imagine that this great work of land purchase was going to be carried through except after a long series of years. All that I say, however, is that, as has been very kindly and generously acknowledged by the critics of this Department, we have made very considerable advances in this matter. The advances made in the last financial year 1908–9 were 6½ millions, more than a million over the average of all the preceding years. The advances made during the 2½ months of the present financial year up to the middle of June are at the rate of 8½ millions a year, and that shows that we, as I said we would if we could, were proceeding to increase the pace, and we shall do so as far as possible. A question was put to me fairly and squarely: Is the Treasury at the bottom of this in any shape or form? Will the Treasury stand in your way if you go on increasing this output? And I would say that they will not do so and they will not in any way interfere. Of course, you cannot expect, nobody interested in the finances of this Land Bill as it at present stands could expect, that supposing you could, as I do not suppose you could, transact 30 millions in a year, or 20 millions in a year—I quite agree that if I were to go to the Treasury and say, "I see my way to do 20 millions in the next year," the Treasury might say, "How, in the name of conscience, are we at present prices, to get you 20 millions; and what a burden that will be upon the local authorities because of the flotation, and the more you complete, the more the cost of flotation will be"—I do not conceal from the House for a moment that the Treasury, and any Treasury, would regard with alarm in the present state of the money market, an output of 20 millions in a year on Irish Land Stock.

Will the right hon. Gentleman state the maximum amount he will deal with in the course of one year?

I have said that my belief was, though I do not wish to pledge either myself or those who come after me, and there is no suggestion whatever of inserting these limitations within the purview of an Act of Parliament—I have said that 10 or 12 millions a year would be the very outside that any human being could, wholly irrespective of the money market altogether, unless some new arrangement of dealing with land which has never recommended itself to me were made — would be the greatest amount which could be dealt with.

Is he aware that Mr. Finucane, one of the Estates Commissioners, in giving evidence, said he saw no reason why the Estates Commissioners could not deal with 15 millions?

I am very glad if Mr. Finucane took that view. I said that I had been cautious to limit myself, but I think 15 millions a year is at present much too sanguine a view, and I do not believe myself that there can be more than 10, with a margin of 12 millions, if we could get rid of some of the legal difficulties in the way. I confess that I threw out a hope, if not an expectation, that I should find that the obstacle, the delay, was partly occasioned by the legal block. It is to some extent occasioned by the legal block, but not quite so much as I had anticipated. My own view, having been a conveyancer for 30 years of my life, is that you may very easily dispense with a great number of the questions that are asked by lawyers in connection with these cases, because, after all, what is wanted in Ireland is a title, under which you will not be ejected. You want to be secure in your possession, and you want to have a marketable possession. That you can get, although the titles in Ireland are complicated to a degree, such as I have never seen in any English title. The complication, however, is not of the right to possession, but the right to the money which arises from the purchase, and all sorts of different persons get jointures, and there are mortgagees and all sorts of different people, all concerned, all interested in the estate. It is not a question of being turned out, however, and I am quite sure that a nominal insurance fund would be large enough to meet the exceedingly improbable case of any tenant purchaser finding himself liable to be turned out. You cannot always guarantee, however, and there are possible cases, which are, however, very few in number, and you might destroy them altogether by the tiniest possible insurance fund.

So far, looking into this block, I have not been able to satisfy myself that it is in any sense occasioned by the legal work, because the vesting of the land in the tenant is not delayed by questions between the persons entitled to the purchase money. When once the thing is settled, and the tenant is put into possession, the courts retain possession of the purchase money and determine the right to it, and, therefore, the actual tenant is not kept out of his land pending the solution of all these nice points. I think, therefore, I was perhaps too sure in saying that I expected to find the legal block was really the cause of the delay. I do not think it is so, because I think the delay was occasioned to a very large extent by a faulty system of inspection and by over inspection, and also by delays in the shifting, which has been referred to by Gentlemen who criticise this Department. In the first place, it seems a gentleman was sent down to begin the work and was then sent away somewhere else, and he lost his knowledge of it, and someone else was sent down to the place, and he had to begin all over again. We have reorganised the office, although I do not like to use too large a word, to some extent, and we are satisfied that we have reduced very materially the inspection, and arranged in a better way the work of inspection. I, therefore, hold out hopes that we shall be able very largely to decrease, as we have done already, the amount of work in this respect. No doubt if arrangements can be made whereby landlords take stock, and if they take part stock and part cash, it will be, of course, very much easier to hope to increase the output, perhaps even to the limit that Mr. Finucane appears to have suggested. But I should deceive the House and deceive myself if I did not ask everyone to recognise that this cannot be done in ten minutes. Everyone wants to do it as quickly as possible. I am exceedingly sorry if the landlords are kept out of their money, and I am sorry for the tenants who have to pay interest in lieu of rent at a higher rate than purchase annuities. I am very sorry also that the period of 68-years is, as it were, postponed by this delay. We would get rid of the delay if we could, but we cannot, and we must recognise that this is a very long furrow that we have to plough, and it will be many years before you carry these transactions-through. I do not say we are going faster than was contemplated by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover (Mr. George Wyndham), but we are going faster than anyone has ever done before, and I see my way to go faster still. So far as an increase of the staff is concerned, that increase will be in the inspection department. The fair rent department is now not doing so much work as before. We have effected substantial economies in that department, and we shall increase the strength of the staff in the way of the actual inspection of the estates, having for our object the putting in of as many tenant purchasers on their land as is possible within the course of each financial year. That I look forward to being able to carry out with considerable improvements.

Does the right hon. Gentleman wish the House to understand that he is satisfied that the staff as it exists is sufficient to deal with the output to the extent of £15,000,000 a year?

No; I think the staff will have to be increased on the inspection side, and I hope it will be increased at an early date, but it will be on the inspection side, and not on the fair rent side, and by a proper organisation I think also the increase need not be quite so considerable as at one time I thought it would have to be. But that there will have to be an increase of the staff in that direction I entertain no doubt whatever. Nor do I see any difficulty in the way of the increase of the staff being accompanied by showing in all respects that we are working the office on economic and sensible lines, and I do not anticipate any difficulty whatever in getting the men I want. Then I come to the subject of the evicted tenants. The hon. Member (Mr. Kilbride) made a speech which interested me very much. He said they had kept off a number of the plan of campaign men, and the Commissioners had not done their full duty by these men, whereas if only a priest or a bishop shouted on behalf of some bogus evicted tenant he got a holding. That is not the first time I have heard of bogus claims for evicted tenants. Still, it is the other side of the shield from that which is usually presented from that side of the House.

Does the right hon. Gentleman doubt the fact that men have got farms under the pretence that they were evicted tenants who were never evicted by a landlord?

I can only say humanum est errare. I will not say it is not true, just, as I daresay, some Irishmen have got old age pensions who are not 70. That is because of the difficulty of proof in a country where they do not keep birth registers. I should be sorry to say that no bogus-evicted tenants have got land. I am very sorry to hear it, and I do not believe that has happened in many cases. It certainly would be a misuse of Parliament, which listened to the claims of the evicted tenants with great kindness and consideration on both sides of the House. It was not made a party question, and I, therefore, can only hope that in the future, at all events, my friends the Estates Commissioners, now that their attention has been called to the way they have been humbugged by the clergy, will not do it again, and I trust some hope may come out of that criticism. Now, with reference to the plan of campaign men. The hon. Gentleman seemed to think that any wounded soldier in this war who had been evicted was to be restored, wholly irrespective of his personal means, his wealth, the farms that he might otherwise have acquired, or, indeed, his fitness for the work. He seemed to think, once given one of these wounded soldiers, however well off he might be, or however unfit for the heavy life of a tenant farmer in Ireland, he was to be put upon the land. I do not think the Estates Commissioners could be expected to take that view.

I said that was the intention of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover when he was passing the Act.

The Estates Commissioners have imposed upon them by this evicted tenants' legislation a most difficult and a most invidious task. They had first of all to sift out thousands of cases, many of which were obviously improper. They had to decide between many which were on the line, and they had also to do their duty by the plan of campaign men. There were 17 plan of campaign estates specially reported upon by the Evicted Tenants' Commission, and on 10th April, 1905, it appeared that eight of these estates remained unsettled. On all these eight estates what has happened? I agree, of course, that the Clanricarde estate remains. I will not say anything about that now. The intentions of this House have certainly been frustrated in a very remarkable manner with regard to that estate. The Commissioners understand that the evicted tenants on that estate number about 133, and of these seven have been provided by the Commissioners with holdings elsewhere. At any rate, the Clanricarde estate still remains unsettled. On the Ponsonby estate, with a few exceptions, all the evicted tenants were restored and have purchased under previous Acts, and the residue of the estate is now being sold by the Commissioners, and in connection with the sale two evicted tenants have been restored and one has been given a holding on another estate. I think, therefore, it is true to say that the Ponsonby estate has been completely settled. Then there was the Luggacurran estate. It must be remembered that that estate has been purchased by the Commissioners, who entered upon negotiations with the owner and bought it, and they proceeded to place the tenants on the estate in their holdings, and they are now the purchasers of the estate. I daresay some of these persons may be new tenants, or planters as they are called, but, the estate having been purchased by the Commissioners and having been distributed amongst the tenants, a few of the evicted tenants have not yet been provided with land. Thirty-four of the tenants were restored to their former holdings and one has been provided with a new holding.

According to my information, 34 of the tenants have been restored. As I understood the hon. Member there were some 73 tenants altogether—that is, 73 who alleged themselves to be evicted tenants. The Estates Commissioners dealt with these persons as best they could, and they found some of their claims could not be substantiated, and they rejected a very considerable proportion of them, but they restored others, and I think it will be found that very few of the old evicted tenants have not, in one way or another, been provided for.

Then their claims have not been admitted. I am not here to state the reasons of the Estates Commissioners. By the Act of Parliament the obligation of restoring these tenants and finding land for them, even by compulsory powers, was put not upon me, but upon the Estates Commissioners, and they have to discharge the difficult and invidious duty of deciding upon the claims of these men, and it is admitted on all sides that, outside the body of the wounded soldiers of the war, other persons made claims which do not bear examination, and, therefore, it is just possible, at all events, that some of the persons whom the Estates Commissioners refused to restore were not fit and proper persons to have holdings. The Estates Commissioners—I certainly support them in this most strongly—think it will be most unwise to give their reasons. They have stated generally in the Parliamentary Paper the reasons upon which they act. They will be found on page 6, paragraph 20, of the Command Paper, 3,507. They may be right sometimes and they may be wrong. They would not be human if they did not sometimes make mistakes, but no one has brought any accusation against the character of the Estates Commissioners, and all will agree that they have done their duty to the best of their ability. The complaint of the hon. Member is that they do not state their reasons in order that he may challenge those reasons. All I can say is that there must be an end to litigation and quarrels and disputes of this kind, and the House—by its Act—entrusted the task of settling these most difficult questions to the Estates Commissioners, and I do not think they would be wise if they published the reasons which led them in particular cases to refuse, for one reason or other, to restore these persons.

I really think that we may honestly say that this evicted tenants question, which is a very difficult one and by no means a popular one, is approaching as satisfactory a conclusion as well can be in this world. We have, I think, dealt with all the claims that have been received. Up to 31st May last we received 11,349 claims. Now we have reduced the number to 9,000, because a number were not sent in within the statutory period. Out of these 9,000 we have rejected 5,000; there have been reinstated by the landlords 1,493, and by the Estates Commissioners 792, making in all 2,285, while we have provisionally for consideration in the allotment of untenanted land 1,301. Therefore, we really think the Estates Commissioners have come to very nearly the end of this very difficult task, and, although I know that some people will be dissatisfied, and that there will be some old tenants who think that their cases have not been fairly considered, on the whole I think all reasonable men will come to the conclusion that both this House and the Estates Commissioners have dealt with this very difficult task in a good spirit. It was never supposed it was so large a proportion as it was. The hon. Member for East Mayo, in the Debates of 1903, said it was a very small question indeed. He said there were only a few hundreds of men to be dealt with. A great many more have turned up, quite genuine persons, and the expense of restoring them and giving them grants in order to set them going in their agricultural life, either in new or in the old farms, has been very considerable. Hundreds of thousands of pounds have been expended in that way, but I think we are now approaching the end of the evicted tenants question.

Reference has been made by hon. Members to two cases of gross fraud on the law, if the facts are as stated by the hon. Members. A case has been instanced of one I tenant purchaser who has by false representations obtained £18,000 of money ad- vanced by the credit of the British Government for the purpose of carrying out land purchase; and in another case a gentleman has obtained £9,363. Those sums being enormously in excess of the £7,000 limit imposed by Act of Parliament, could only be obtained by fraud. The fraud, I think, was not the Estates Commissioners' fraud. It consisted in the person himself transferring to the names of other persons, not honestly or bon½ fide , but for the purpose of obtaining these improper grants of public money, farms in the name of other people. That fraud, of course, was not discovered, otherwise the grants would not have been made. They are very lamentable occurrences. I believe that when you set in operation the criminal law the proof is strict. The persons could have been prosecuted for fraud in misrepresenting the facts upon which they have obtained these grants of public money, but whether anything can be done now in that way I really do not know. I am glad to think that in the Bill before Parliament I am determined to turn to the virtuous path of the right hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Wyndham), who in his original Bill restricted the public advances to £3,000. That was afterwards altered and increased on the suggestion of others. I certainly think the £3,000 limit is a very proper one to be imposed for future transactions.

Something was said about the clerks in the Land Commission Office getting much longer holidays and a greater number of off-days than any other public servants in Ireland. I really do not think there is any foundation whatever for that statement, but as this statement has been made I will look into it. I think it is not a statement that can be fairly made against those very hardworking public servants in the Land Commission offices. Something was said about the qualification for inspectors. That is another very vexed and difficult question. An inspector of land ought to know something about land, and yet if this unfortunate man has been a land agent or in a land agent's office he is suspect. Where is he to learn his knowledge of land? [An HON. MEMBER: "On a farm."] So the proper person to be an inspector is a practical farmer? Are we to understand that you will appoint no one unless he has been a farmer? Then it is said he must not come from Ulster.

It is said that Ulster Liberals have been appointed. I say that I know nothing of these things. It is certainly not fair to either of my hon. Friends who represent Ulster constituencies and who sit near me. They have never put any pressure on me at all or suggested anything. Ulster Liberals, as they are called, are a class of persons who, I suppose, are entitled to exist even in Ulster, if they can only find sustenance enough.

Well, never mind, all the Apostles could have been put into a saloon carriage. I quite agree that inspectors should be persons well acquainted with the land of Ireland, and that under the circumstances the pleasanter manners they have and the more pleasantly they can speak, the better they will get on. Still, we have to have a great number of them, and it is not always a very easy task to know who is the right man to appoint. I confess I have once or twice appointed men thinking I had done a really good thing for the country and for everybody, but no sooner was it done than I was informed that they were landlords of the worst type. I cannot undertake to enter into these nice distinctions between people. But when it is said that in order to get the appointments they must be devolutionists, I think that is carrying suspicion almost to the point of lunacy. The idea of anybody caring two straws whether an inspector appointed to carry out this work was a devolutionist—why, I might as well be asked whether he was a bimetallist. I am quite sure it does not enter into our minds when we are appointing inspectors whether they are devolutionists, or evolutionists, or revolutionists, or any other kind of man, provided they are honest, straightforward persons, who know these nice distinctions between one kind of farm and another.

The hon. Member for Kerry (Mr. John Murphy) made some reference to my conduct and the conduct of the police in an eviction which has lately taken place. I will not go into it now, but I will call the attention of the Committee, in justice to myself and to the police, to the fact that Mr. Welsh is not a tenant at all. There is no use saying that from mere technicality. He ceased to be a tenant. He paid no rent for years, and a writ was issued to recover possession of the land. His own interest as a tenant had been purchased and transferred to the landlord. He was as absolute a trespasser as I should be inside Buckingham Palace. I am always very anxious to avoid collisions, and I am particularly anxious on behalf of the police, because there is no duty that the police hate more than standing by to see that peace is preserved while the bailiffs are recovering possession. It is not their job. They do not like it. They have no desire to do so, and at all events I have the greatest possible desire to keep them off it. At the same time it is absolutely clear law, about which there is no room for doubt or dispute, that I, who stand here at this Table, have absolutely no right whatsoever to interfere with the execution of a writ of a court of justice in Ireland which has been placed in the hands of a Sheriff to be carried out. That has been laid down by the highest courts of law in Ireland, and there is no use referring to what this man or that man may have said at different times. I should be liable not only to legal process—to which perhaps I might be indifferent—but I should be most blameworthy if I affected, or pretended in private conversation or letters, that I had any power whatsoever to interfere with the execution of a writ. It is my bounden duty to provide the Sheriff and his bailiffs with sufficient police protection to prevent an eviction scene being turned into a scene of disorder. Therefore, I have no power in any shape or way to interfere in the matter. It is all very well for hon. Members to talk about it. But this late tenant had defied the law in the strongest possible manner. He had fortified his house with very considerable skill. The house was strenuously defended. Tar, boiling whitewash, and other fluids were dashed out on the police; the bailiffs were beaten back, and the police were attacked, and retreated. I am happy to say that, although the eyesight of one of them is, I am afraid, imperilled, I think we may hope that his injuries will yield to treatment. But it is really too much to represent that as a case of hardship or a thing which ought not to happen if the Estates Commissioners did their duty. They have no more right to interfere in this matter than I have. On the estate itself under consideration some of the tenants have agreed to purchase, and an inspector went down and visited the place. I am sorry that this matter has been introduced, for it is one that lies altogether outside this particular controversy.

I am entitled to interrupt the right hon. Gentleman, and say that Mr. Walsh's father and grandfather were tenants on this property; that his interest was merely sold out under a Sheriff's sale, and that the Estate Commissioners last Friday sent down their inspector to value his interest. He agreed to abide by the decision of the inspector. Subsequently, the right hon. Gentleman allowed the police to take part in the matter, and to effect the eviction.

Nothing that the hon. Member has said interferes in any way with the statement which I have made that before this eviction took place the man was not a tenant at all, and was not within the purview of the Land Purchase Act, and could not have become a purchaser under this Act until reinstated by his former landlord. At all events, to drag in the Estates Commissioners in this matter is altogether outside this Debate. Then there is the question which has been referred to by the hon. Member for North Londonderry (Mr. Barrie), and which is a very complicated one, and one in which the county council have been a little bit agitated and irritated in Ireland, and that is the deductions which are made in respect of arrears from the monies which they receive. They are always writing letters wanting to know who the defaulters are. The reason why the difficulty arises is this. As soon as a tenant is in arrears for three months the amount by which he is in arrear becomes deductable from the sum received from over here by the several councils; but, as a matter of fact, immediately after that lapse of time proceedings are taken against these defaulters, and in almost every case—there are, of course, a few who do not pay—the sum subsequently is recovered, and the consequence is there is always a floating balance against these counties in respect of this amount, and they write and say, "Will you tell us who the defaulters are?" The reply, which is rather complicated, comes to something like this: "There is not much use telling you who these defaulters are, because by the time you will get the letter the great majority of them will have ceased to be defaulters at all." It is rather like a landlord's account with his tenant—it fluctuates. There is always something liable to be deducted in respect of these amounts, but it is a fluctuating sum, and there would be no use supplying the county council with a list of defaulters, because by the time it would reach them most of these people would have ceased to be defaulters. It is made up to a particular date from the annuitants who are then in arrear for three months. By the time it comes to be a subject matter of deduction 80 per cent. of these people will have ceased to be defaulters at all.

If the deductions are made without a clear statement to the county council of what the deduction is, what security have the county council that the off-set is credited to the account? If a tenant is in default there is a deduction made from the grant due to the county council to that extent. The county council have no knowledge whether the corresponding sum is given back to them.

There may be something in that, because what happens is, when the annuitant pays up, the sum is carried forward and the county council is credited with the payment; otherwise the sum against them would be very much larger than it is. I am quite willing to agree that the letters sent to various county councils have not been as explicit in this matter as they might be. The matter, however, is perfectly clear; but I quite agree that in order to show how it stands I will see that letters are written on the subject which will make it plain.

I observe that the two most important questions discussed by the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Birrell), as it seems to me, were first the question of the acceleration of the pace at which purchase transactions were proceeding, and, second, the question of the evicted tenants. On these two questions I wish to address a very few words to the Committee. The right hon. Gentleman has quite rightly said that no one on these benches has attributed any improper or dishonourable motive to the Estates Commissioners, or has denied that according to their lights they have been trying to do the best they could. But that is no reason why they should be exempted from the most searching criticism. They are, as the right hon. Gentleman himself has pointed out, administering an enormous office, and with an enormous number of officials transacting an enormous amount of business, and we have reason to complain in many directions of the way in which that business is done and of the delay that has occurred, and which is continuing, in the transaction of that business. Therefore, while it is true that we do not make any charge against the Commissioners, it is also true that we have serious complaints to make, and it is our duty to seize opportunities such as this to subject, so far as our knowledge will permit us, the whole operation of this vast office to the light of criticism and discussion. The right hon. Gentleman is to be congratulated on the fact that he has been able to come down to the House of Commons and to say, whereas the average of land purchase transactions completed in the past has only been about £5,000,000 a year, that now these transactions are proceeding, according to the average of the last few months, at the rate of £8,500,000 per year. That, so far as it goes, is very satisfactory, and I remember the right hon. Gentleman told us the last time we were discussing this matter that in his opinion £10,000,000 a year was the utmost limit that could be reached. I ventured on that occasion to differ from him, and I differ from that opinion now. I think his experience in the last few months ought to show him that he under-estimated the amount. I have always held the view that, owing to the defects of the machine in Dublin and the way the machine was starved and the way it was worked the progress of land purchase has been far slower than it ought to be, and, as the right hon. Gentleman has already accelerated the pace from five and a half to eight millions, I am convinced that if he will only apply himself in the future with vigour to the examination of the working of this office he will find that it will be possible, even without increasing the staff, to increase the rate, although, of course, in my judgment, it is his duty to insist on the staff being largely increased. I do not think the estimate that was given of 15 millions a year is an excessive estimate. I do honestly believe, with the machinery overhauled and properly worked and an efficient staff, it ought to be possible to reach 15 millions a year. The right hon. Gentleman says, "You ask me whether the Treasury are in fault, and if I can get 10 millions a year through, or more than that, will the Treasury refuse to give me the aid that I need?" I know that up to the present land purchase has not been retarded by reason of the Treasury withholding money, because there has always been as much money at the disposal of the Commissioners as the Commissioners could allocate.

That is not the way in which up to the present, I say, the Treasury has been injuring and blocking land purchase. There are a hundred ways. First of all, the right hon. Gentleman knows from his own experience since he went to Dublin Castle there has been a continual struggle with the Treasury to get an increase of staff, and every effort made has been met by the Treasury by giving him some small increment of staff, but not what he asked. The increase has been given in a niggardly way, and to this moment the Treasury have not acceded to the full demand made in this direction. Let me allude to what some hon. Gentleman might think a small matter, but which goes to the very root of the whole position of the Treasury in reference to land purchase. The right hon. Gentleman was asked by me during his speech about the offices in which this business is transacted. He told the Committee that this vast business is transacted in a multitude of separate offices scattered here and there in different streets, with a certain set of clerks in one office and a certain set of clerks in another. What has been the history of that office? From the very date of the passage of the Act of 1903 there has been a continuous effort made by the Department, and I am bound to say as far as I know by the Irish Government, to get decent and efficient offices for the working of land purchase, but these efforts have been blocked all through. Instead of being provided with offices, where all the Departments would be under one roof, they have been provided with various unsuitable private houses scattered about in Merrion-street, Ely-place, Merrion-square, and Nassau-street, with the result that the various departments of this great Land Commission are scattered and divided, and the work is carried on necessarily under the greatest possible difficulties, and the public is inconvenienced, and confusion and inefficiency are the result; and the result of confusion and of delay of that kind has been a block in the working of land purchase, and in that respect the Treasury has been directly responsible. From the very moment of the passage of the Act of 1903 they have behaved in this way. Not a single year has passed since then that they have not been remonstrated with. The extraordinary institution in Ireland called the Board of Works is the representative of the Treasury in these matters in Ireland. The Board of Works have constantly refused to give to this Department proper housing accommodation to enable it to transact its business efficiently and quickly. There was an opportunity early in the history of this institution of getting quite cheaply a large building next door almost to the old Land Commission offices which would have been quite sufficient for all the work of the Department, but the Board of Works came in and higgled and bargained, and for the sake of a few paltry pounds they allowed that chance to pass away, and they had to take offices for this Commission here and there in half a dozen streets in small private houses.

I think this matter of such importance that I just want to dwell on it a little further. What happened when they lost the chance of getting that other place? They got these small private houses scattered about, and then they began to erect in the backyards of these houses a number of small sheds, and I venture to say the Estates Commissioner or the Secretary to the Land Commission or any of these officials in that Department would have perhaps, before deciding on any point, to send to half a dozen different streets to see half a dozen different officials housed in half a dozen different houses. So bad has the state of things been that these houses have become insanitary. I asked the Chief Secretary whether it was a fact that some of these houses had been actually condemned as insanitary. He did not deny my suggestion, but he did not corroborate it. I assert here that so bad has been the sanitary state of these houses that the sanitary authorities of the Dublin Corporation have been repeatedly called in to inspect them, and have repeatedly had to make reports as to the insanitary condition of these houses, owing to the overcrowding and want of accommodation, and I assert also that all during last winter upwards of 30 per cent, of the clerks employed in this Department were incapacitated almost the whole winter from various diseases which they got owing to the insanitary condition of these houses. I am informed on authority which is unimpeachable that so bad are these houses that the smell in these offices is constantly intolerable. Recently several of these offices had to be closed owing to the outbreak of diphtheria, and throat affections amongst the employés in that division were rife all through the winter. There was more or less bad air invariably in some of the rooms, and experts were brought in to try to remedy matters, but without success. How can business be efficiently and rapidly carried out under these conditions? Who is responsible for these conditions? The Treasury, Therefore the Treasury, apart altogether from the floating of sufficient loans, by their niggardly conduct in refusing a sufficient staff and decent offices for this institution, have starved and clogged the machine, preventing it from turning out the work which it otherwise would. What for? For economy? What a false economy, that makes 30 per cent. of the staff useless for half the year. The right hon. Gentleman told us that this is only a temporary institution, that it is not to last for ever j but the shorter the time it lasts the cheaper it will be for the Treasury, and the more efficient the surroundings of the institution the quicker will it do its work. Anything more ridiculous than that the Treasury, in the name of economy, should refuse the necessary money for these purposes I cannot conceive. I hope that even now some effort will be made to bring all these departments of the Land Commission under one roof, to give them some decent habitation, to increase their efficiency; and I am convinced if that is done the right hon. Gentleman will be able to rapidly increase the pace at which land purchase is going on in the country.

In reference to evicted tenants, I entirely sympathise with the feelings of my hon. Friends when they are able to point to a state of things in Ireland in which men who were evicted under the plan of campaign are still out, and a number of other men, who made no sacrifices in the land war, have got back into farms. I do not understand that my hon. Friend the Member for Kildare (Mr. Kilbride) asserted or admitted that there were many cases of bogus-evicted tenants having been restored. I do not think anything of the kind. When we were fighting for years for the evicted tenants in Ireland, the men we had in our mind were not simply a body of tenants who had lost farms, either through misfortune, or want of thrift, or misconduct. When we spoke of evicted tenants we were speaking of men who had generously come out and run risks by taking part in the land war, and who most undoubtedly, by their sacrifices and their sufferings, and the sufferings of their children, brought about land reform and the land revolution. These are the men we are concerned about. I do not at all say the others are bogus-evicted tenants, and I do not say they are not entitled to take advantage of the evicted tenants' legislation. For my own part, I would be glad to see every unfortunate evicted tenant in Ireland restored to his holding, and I hope that as many as can be restored will be restored. I claim that this legislation was primarily passed for the benefit of the other kind of tenants, and when two or three thousand evicted tenants have been restored in Ireland it is rather hard that we have to complain that a few of those evicted tenants are still out on the roadside with no provision whatever made for them under this legislation.

So far as the Clanricarde tenants are concerned, that is a separate case. It is a most extraordinary thing that we have not only passed great land measures pretending to deal with the Clanricarde tenants, and which would never have been passed were it not for the Clanricarde example, but we have in this Parliament passed two compulsory Evicted Tenants Bills, each of them intended to deal with the Clanricarde case, yet a coach and four have been driven through them, and the evicted tenants are still out. I think the right hon. Gentleman will very likely be forced to introduce a Clanricarde Bill—a Bill not general in its terms, but a Clanricarde Compulsory Purchase Bill directed to the Clanricarde case alone. I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman he ought not much further delay doing that which will have the sympathy of men on all sides of the House. Gentlemen sitting on these benches and the House of Lords having passed two compulsory Bills to deal with the Clanricarde estate, and both Bills-having proved useless for that purpose, I do not think in these circumstances that you would have any difficulty in passing a Bill through Parliament. I do not think it is quite fair to critcise the action of the Estates Commissioners about the evicted tenants. They are not wholly to blame, or indeed are not to blame at all in regard to the Clanricarde case. I believe the Commissioners are doing all they can under existing legislation, and they are anxious to exercise the compulsory powers they possess; but this Clanricarde case is one by itself, and must be argued on its own merits.

With reference to the general case of evicted tenants, I think the Estate Commissioners ought seriously to reconsider the case of these men on the other estates who could have been provided for, but who have not been provided for, and apply to them far more lenient ideas in regard to the qualifications for restoration than the ideas that they apply to the ordinary evicted tenant, who has no claim of this kind. I most earnestly press these considerations on the Commissioners, so that we may have, in addition to the large number of two or three thousand evicted tenants restored, what is more precious to us, the knowledge that the real soldiers in the land war have been provided for. The moral of this Debate, to my mind, is this: Push on your Irish Land Bill. That Bill touches 101 of the points that we are discussing. You cannot have a settlement of the Irish land question, of the evicted tenants question, or any part of the Irish land question until you have further legislation. Delays are dangerous. We are getting into a late period of the Session. On the other side of the Lobby, in another place, they will have an excuse ready to their hand to deal roughly with your Bill if you send it up very late in the year. Surely it is more important that it should be discussed than the Cinematograph Bill put down for to-morrow week, or the Public Works Loans Bill, or anything of that kind.

I would remind the hon. Gentleman that it is not in order, on the Question before the House, to discuss legislation.

Certainly, I will not discuss the Cinematograph Bill. You were quite right, Sir, in interrupting me, and I feel that I was going too far in that direction; but I conclude by making an appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, as the only result of this Debate, that he will use all his exertions to force on the consideration of the Irish Land Bill as soon as ever he can, knowing as he does that until it is settled, many of the points that are under discussion cannot be set at rest.

The question of the evicted tenants does not appear to me to be so satisfactory as, apparently, it does to the right hon. Gentleman. He said that the Commissioners were approaching the end of this question, but, so far as my experience goes, I cannot say that is the case with reference to the county of Limerick. This subject is a very pressing one in Ireland, when we consider how long these people have been out of their holdings, and when we know that they are in very poor circumstances indeed. There are two classes of such cases in my Constituency, and I suppose it is the same in other parts of Ireland—those who have a prospect of getting back into holdings from which they were originally evicted, and those who have not. Their farms are in the occupation of persons who will not give them up for compensation, and they cannot be brought within the pro- visions of the Evicted Tenants Act. While I fully appreciate the good work done by the Estates Commissioners in many cases in my Constituency, there are still a great many cases just as deserving of being dealt with. With regard to these I have asked a number of questions in this House, and I have been told in some cases that the Commissioners were inquiring into the matter of the reinstatement of the tenants, and would reinstate them as soon as possible. In other cases the reply was that they would get back, if not to their own farm, to other land when available. This was the usual and stereotyped reply which I received from the Chief Secretary. In the case of the Shelton estate, I understood from the reply that the landlady agreed to the price so far back as 19th March, 1908. Instead of taking over those lands the Estates Commissioners in February last told her to let them to next November. This is a matter of great public interest, and on 18th February, 1909, I received a reply from the Chief Secretary to a question on the subject, in which he said:— I was glad to hear from the Chief Secretary that the Commissioners have at last acquired the untenanted lands at Style-park, and I am certain the people will appreciate that good work. While in the constituency during the recent Recess a district councillor told me that in his locality there was much congestion and a large number of uneconomic holdings, and that the people in the locality were expecting to get a share of those lands, just as much as the evicted tenants. I trust the Chief Secretary will put that matter before the Commissioners, and get for those people some of those lands.

It is said in some of those localities where the untenanted land is situated that the Commissioners intend to import evicted tenants from other counties for those lands, while those in the county (Limerick) are to be passed over. If that be true, it will be strongly resented by the people of the locality. [Mr. WILLIAM MOOEE: "Hear, hear."] I think the hon. Member who has cheered will agree with me when I say that the local men should have the first claim. We most strongly object to bringing in evicted tenants from other counties and giving them these lands and putting aside the local men. This matter was discussed at Kilmallock District Council, and a resolution dead against it adopted. A resolution was unanimously passed at a public meeting at Fedamore protesting against such action. Surely such a proposal is not in accordance with common-sense, and I hope the Commissioners will act in accordance with public opinion. If they do not their action will be strongly resented, the peace of the county will be disturbed, and I can easily foretell what the result will be. I hope the Commissioners will now take prompt steps to reinstate the evicted tenants. I take two cases which have been recognised by the Commissioners the people are still out of their holdings. I am receiving letters from those people asking why they are not getting back. I bother the Chief Secretary with all the questions I ask with reference to the evicted tenants, and all I get is most sympathetic replies. I would really like to see those people who are out of their holdings so long provided for. There is the case of the Dunworth family, who were evicted for non-payment of rent 21 years ago. The Estates Commissioners recognised them as evicted tenants, and would give them untenanted land elsewhere, but they would take no other farm but that from which they were evicted. That farm is in the hands of a local land agent and land speculator living near the place, who was associated at one time with the Landlords' Defence Association. He had no interest in the farm, but threw a covetous eye upon it, and has been in occupation of it for a number of years. I believe he would give up that farm if he got untenanted lands in the county of Dublin or some other locality. In a letter to the solicitor for the Dunworth's he wrote:—

On the general question I feel that there is one step which the Estates Commissioners can, and should, take in dealing with public money, and it is a step which would give great satisfaction to everybody interested. The Estates Commissioners are dealing with about £60,000,000 of money. That money is allocated by them in advances for the purchase of estates, and in these days of delay it is vital that proper priority should be maintained amongst the various appli- cants. Priority means money, owing to the scarcity of funds necessary to work the Act. Priority is supposed to be determined by the order in which the originating applications for the sale of estates are made. When delay happens it may be for a large number of perfectly proper reasons, but as a rule the reasons are not communicated to the purchasers. Both sides are dissatisfied, the tenant because he wants to get the vesting order, and the landlord because he wants to get the money. Again and again, without any explanation being vouchsafed by the Estates Commissioners, men who have lodged their originating applications find that somebody else, who came in 18 months or two years later, has got his estate through, and his tenants are in possession. I have had letters of complaint from men saying that they are not fairly treated by the Estates Commissioners in this respect. As a business transaction I submit that it would be only fair that, by regulation, there should be a recognised printed register, showing the dates on which the applications were made, that that register should be brought up every quarter, and explanations given why particular estates have not been dealt with, and why other estates have taken priority. That would restore much confidence in the Department; it could be done by a stroke of the pen; and it is not unreasonable that it should be done.

On the question of the evicted tenants, when we have hundreds and thousands of honest, ordinary everyday tenant-purchasers waiting to be given possession of the estates for which they have contracted, why should they be kept out of their money, as they are in Ulster counties, in order that the whole of the work of the staff of the Estates Commissioners, and all the money that can be got from the Treasury, should be applied to the evicted tenants in the South and West of Ireland? That is a matter against which we shall continue to protest. The Land Act of 1903 was not meant primarily for the evicted tenants. It was meant to abolish dual ownership by putting the ordinary everyday tenant in possession of his holding when his landlord would sell it to him. The Estates Commissioners have mistaken the whole policy of the Act of 1903. That Act provided that when an estate was being sold to the tenants, if there was any untenanted land over, there were certain classes of people who should have that untenanted land divided amongst them. It was a mere ancillary purpose to get rid of untenanted land instead of having it left on the Commissioners' hands. But the Commissioners have inverted the whole transaction. They pick out a bit of untenanted land, and write to the owner saying that if he will sell those five or 10 acres they will call them an estate, and give him the bonus. As a rule the owner does not mind getting the bonus, but it is a complete inversion of the policy of the Act, because by leaving the rest of the estate outside the Commissioners make what was meant to be ancillary the primary purpose.

When we come to the Evicted Tenants Act, it seems to me that there is a positive double-shuffle going on. I am not saying that the right hon. Gentleman is personally responsible, but the evicted Tenants Act was passed on the express understanding that it was to meet the case of about 2,000 evicted tenants. Those tenants were to be qualified in a particular way, and they had to send in their applications by a given date. It was understood that the powers of that Act, which was said to be necessary to finish the evicted tenants' question, were only to be applicable to tenants of that particular class. But I gather from the Chief Secretary's answers that what happens is that an evicted tenant who did not apply before 1st May, 1907, makes an application to the Estates Commissioners, who reply that they cannot give him public money under the Evicted Tenants Act, 1907, but that they will buy untenanted land and put him in under the Act of 1903. By this shuffle disqualified tenants are getting public money under the Act of 1903. It would certainly help to discourage all this sort of thing if there could be even now a list of the applicants who were qualified prior to 1st May, 1907. The question is simply interminable. The number of evicted tenants seems to grow every year. We are told that if an evicted tenant is dead, his son is to have a farm. It now seems that if a man dies leaving five sons, each of the five can claim a farm. We were told there were only 2,000 cases; they have now grown to 5,000 or 6,000. Hon. Members below the Gangway complain that the Estates Commissioners have not acted rightly, and it is asked that they should give more lenient consideration to certain cases. Fortunately the Estates Commissioners are limited by the terms of the Act of 1907. A man must be the son or descendant of an evicted tenant; he must have applied; and he must be a man who under ordinary circumstances will be able to repay the advance. That is perfectly reasonable, and I should be sorry to see the Estates Commissioners given any further powers.

I wish to speak with no unfriendly feelings to the Estates Commissioners as a body. They have approached their work in a sympathetic and friendly spirit, and, I believe, with the intention of doing their best to settle a question which has so long divided landlords and tenants in Ireland.

And it being a Quarter-past eight of the clock, and there being private business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further Proceeding was postponed without Question put.

Private Business

Taff Vale Railway (Cardiff Railway Vesting, Etc.) Bill

Order for Second Reading read.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Bill be now read a second time."

I rise to a point of order. A few weeks ago the President of the Board of Trade announced to the House that a Committee had been appointed for the purpose of inquiring into the question of railway amalgamation and agreement. He said that they were to report, among other things, what, if any, general provisions ought to be embodied for the purpose of safeguarding the various interests affected in various Acts of Parliament authorising railway amalgamation or working unions. The Bill which is now before the House is a Bill to authorise an amalgamation. I wish to ask your ruling, Sir, as to whether the announcement of a responsible Member of the Government does not prevent this Bill being now proceeded with?

The merits of the Bill may be a question to argue upon, but it is not a point of order for me to decide. The promoters have their Bill put down for second reading, and they are entitled to have a hearing.

I beg to move "To leave out the word 'now,' and at the end of the Question to add the words, 'upon this day three months.'" This Bill ought not to receive the sanction of this House. It is an extremely unfair and unjust Bill, and I shall endeavour by my remarks to show that it ought not to be passed. I shall ask you, Mr. Speaker, to allow me to refer to the two Bills. They are the Taff Vale Railway (Cardiff Railway Vesting, etc.) Bill and Taff Vale Railway (Rhymney Railway Vesting, etc.) Bill, because they virtually are one and the same. The Taff Vale Company is purchasing the Bute Docks and Railways, and the company is also purchasing the Rhymney Railway lines. It is impossible really to speak of one of these companies apart from the other. It is essential that I shall address the House with a view of considering both Bills at the same time. The ports which are detrimentally affected by the provisions of the first Bill are Barry and Newport, and the port which will be benefited is Cardiff. I doubt very much whether there is another such case as that in the provisions of the Bill which is now before the House, and which seeks that the whole railway system of a district shall be amalgamated with one port of the district, to the destruction, as I believe, of their right to the traffic which would otherwise come to two other big ports.

In order, however, to prove my case, it is necessary that I should show that this monopoly is contrary to the public interest. This is a Bill which I think ought not to be considered by the Committee. It is a mischievous and bad Bill. Members of this House should judge of this Bill on its merits, or rather, I should say, on its demerits. If they do that there will be no difficulty in getting a majority to prevent this Bill being considered by Committee, an honour which it is not worthy of. In the first place, it represents a monopoly contrary to the public interest. Secondly, it affords unfair advantage to one port in the district over the other two ports. Thirdly—and this is, I think, the point which we ought to consider chiefly to-night — no possible Amendment in Committee could prevent the amalgamated railways from favouring their own dock. With regard to the first point, that the amalgamation is contrary to the public interest. Parliament has for many years constantly given powers to the various lines to compete with one another with a view that the interests of the public should be safeguarded by this competition. By this amalgamation this great combination of railway lines may in their own interests, in order to make more money, divert the traffic according to their own sweet will to the detriment of certain districts which are now nourishing under the present conditions. This Bill would destroy competition, and with a monopoly of the kind you never know the evils which may be introduced. Human nature is the same all the world over, and when people, or any one man, has a monopoly he must be a very good man if he does not wish that monopoly to work to his own advantage. At the present time the Cardiff Railway Company, and the Bute Docks; the Alexandra Railway Company at Newport and docks; and the Barry Company, who are also the owners of docks, have each of them railway lines which run up to certain centres of distribution. I think I am right in saying that none of them run their lines quite up to the pit's mouth. If they do, it is only to a very limited extent. But all this means that the docks of Barry, Newport and Cardiff are now virtually on an equality of competing conditions. Parliament has dealt fairly with them. By this Bill the docks will be dealt with unfairly. What would be the position of affairs if this Bill is passed? It will be this: that Cardiff Docks—the Bute Docks—will have communicating with them a series of railway lines which will throw them right up to the very end of the system to the pit's mouth; they will have direct communication, and one system will connect them with the docks of Cardiff. I maintain that is a very unfair advantage to Cardiff. That things should be so fixed that Cardiff should have a complete system of lines which will draw the coal to their own docks without let or hindrance, while the other companies have only lines of a comparatively short extent, is very unfair. No Amendment can be introduced in Committee which would prevent the amalgamated lines feeding their own docks at the expense of other docks. That is the reason why we should not allow the Bill to go to Committee. When-a Bill goes to Committee it is very unusual that the preamble is not passed. Members do their best to improve the Bill by Amendments, but no Amendments could do anything in this Bill which would prevent its being unfair. Parents are most indulgent to their own children, and so it will be under this Bill. They will feed their own docks at the expense of other docks without any consideration to previous Acts of Parliament under which equal advantages were granted to all the docks. When one turns to the capital of those various companies the case presents itself in a still more unfavourable light for the other docks. The capital of the Taff Vale is £10,500,000, the capital of the Bute Dock and Railway Company is £6,800,000, the capital of the Rhymney Railway Company is £2,500,000, and I may say that all these companies—certainly as regards the Taff Vale and Rhymney—pay 8 per cent, per annum, while the Cardiff or Bute Dock, I understand, pay 3 per cent. That they do so must be the ease, because their preference shares are in the Trustee List, and that proves it. The Cardiff company quite recently got powers from Parliament to promote a line from Cardiff to a place called Pontypridd. This line has only just been completed. This line was made in order that it might compete with the Taff Vale. It is only one month finished, there has been no time for it to pay, yet they come down now and ask that it should not compete with the Taff Vale, but that it should be amalgamated with it. I think that shows that there is a recent change in their methods and ideas. At the present time the capital of the Barry and Docks Company is £6,250,000, Alexandra Docks £4,000,000, at Newport they have just opened a new dock at a cost of £1,500,000. I put it to the House, is it fair that when they have just built the dock at the expense of £1,500,000, and practically before they have completed it, that they should have their trade filched from them by a rival port by the unfair methods I have laid before the House? To put it in another way. This amalgamation consists of £20,000,000, and it consists of companies that are making money. Surely these companies will compete very unfairly with the other docks and railway companies that have not got so large a capital. What will happen if this Bill is passed? The only person and the only company to gain will be the Marquis of Bute and the Bute and Cardiff Docks. I have no objection at all to any individual doing well in this world, but I do not like the idea of his doing well at the expense of his neighbours, and if this Bill is passed the property of Cardiff will be enhanced at the expense of the neighbouring docks, and will have an unfair preference.

With regard to the traffic of the neighbourhood, in 1908 the traffic at the Newport Docks was 6,000,000 tons, at the Cardiff Docks 12,000,000 tons, at the Penarth Docks 5,000,000 tons, at the Barry Docks 10,000,000 tons, making a total of 33,000,000 tons, of which 27,000,000 tons were coal. If this Bill is passed 80 per cent, of the whole export and import traffic will pass, as it does now, over the amalgamated line. That is to say, 80 tons out of every 100 tons will pass over the amalgamated lines, which will then be in the power of Cardiff. Of the 27,000,000 tons of coal, 20,000,000 tons will be carried on the lines of the amalgamated company. I put it confidently to hon. Members that the dangers following from this Bill cannot be overestimated. Of course you cannot prevent amalgamated lines and docks from making money for themselves. Hon. Members may not be aware that Lord Bute owns all the ordinary shares of the Cardiff Company and Docks. If I am wrong I hope some hon. Member will correct me. Lord Bute is a man who is fairly well off, and Cardiff is a rich city, and there is no doubt about it, if they wanted capital to maintain or construct docks, they would not have the slightest difficulty in getting it, but why do they want this Bill? Because they will get advantage of all these railway lines up to the pits' mouth to the detriment of the other docks. They are quite capable of raising sufficient money to manage their own docks, and there is no reason why this House should sanction a privilege to one dock which is not allowed to another. I should like to emphasise the position which the people of Cardiff take up in this matter. Here is an extract from an appeal made by the Lord Mayor of Cardiff, approved by the Cardiff Council:— before the House, and it was then deliberately stated by the President of the Board of Trade that it was advisable that this question of amalgamation should go before a Select Committee. Here is one of the most vicious kinds of amalgamation which can be imagined. If this Bill is not rejected, I hope some means will be found to consider the whole question of amalgamation. I do not oppose this Bill because I am opposed to amalgamation in principle. I know there are amalgamations of railways which are beneficial not only to railway companies but also to the community, but this does not happen to-be one of those cases. It is because I believe that no Amendment can be introduced which will make this Bill reasonably just that I earnestly plead for support in favour of the Motion which I have on the Paper.

I desire to second the Amendment which has been moved by the hon. Member opposite for the rejection of this Bill. I do not do so for the same reasons as the hon. Member who moved this Motion. He pleaded that we should reject this measure because it would put an end to competition. I am afraid competition is going very fast to death, so far as railways are concerned, if it is not already dead, and therefore there is no point, or, at any rate, very little in that in regard to the question of competition. I will not follow the hon. Member into the question of the dispute in the various localities concerned with regard to this particular Bill. I do think, however, on that point the hon. Member has made out a case with regard to Newport, and the same applies to Barry. Those towns already have a railway system and docks under powers granted by this House, and those districts have grown up and prospered. Consequently to allow one port to step in and practically ruin another port is something which I hope this House will never allow.

It seems to me that this Bill shows the viciousness of allowing railway companies to own docks at all. I think this House has made a mistake in permitting railway companies to own docks. What I should like to put forward is that I support this Amendment largely on the ground that I am opposed to any further railway amalgamations whatever until the Committee which has been set up has inquired into the whole subject. It is useless if a Committee is to be set up to inquire into a subject by this House to be asked to go on sanctioning amalgamation Bills which it is the chief object of that Committee to consider. No amalgamation certainly ought to be allowed to take place until the Board of Trade possess more complete control over the railways of this country than they do at the present time. It seems to me that we have insufficient powers now with regard to dealing with these huge rival monopolies. A great deal of this kind of thing has been going on in regard to the whole question of the railways of this country. The railways are a matter of vital importance to the whole of the traders and travellers and the people of this country, and there is nothing which touches the life of the people more. We are face to face with a crisis in the general history of railways which demands the earnest attention of the Board of Trade. For my own part, I am against private monopolies, and I am in favour of a public monopoly on this great Question. Then I should like to point out that I am opposed to this Bill on behalf of the local railway men and on behalf of the Amalgamated Society of Railway Servants. The society held its annual meeting not long ago, and it opposed this system of amalgamation, and a declaration was made in favour of nationalisation of railways. The local railway men at Cardiff met and discussed this whole question, and they decided that they were strongly opposed to this Bill. It is a matter of this kind. There are three methods of employment at Cardiff, but if this amalgamation takes place there will be only one. No Amendment which can be introduced in Committee will thoroughly safeguard these men. The second clause would mean less employment, and there are particular reasons, and very strong reasons, why this particular amalgamation should not be allowed to take place. The circumstances are quite different from the Bill we had before us a month or two ago. In that case we had three companies which were in a good financial condition, and they desired to safeguard the interests of the shareholders. That is not the case in this instance. This company is in a good financial condition. I understand that if this amalgamation takes place the Taff Railway Company have promised the Rhymney Railway Company £14,000 and the Cardiff Railway Company £22,000, which will make a total of £36,000. That £36,000 is to come from somewhere. It is not coming certainly out of the Taff Railway, and there- fore it must come eventually out of the employés rather than from any other source. I should like to point out that the Taff Railway is not of such a character that it ought to be entrusted with such a large amount. It was formed in 1840. In 1841 it paid a small dividend, but in 1855 the dividend rose to 7½ per cent., and then it gradually increased to 17½ per cent. The original Act only allowed the company to distribute 9 per cent., and when 9 per cent, was distributed there was a drawback of 25 per cent. In 1889 the ordinary stock of this company could be bought for £300, but in 1890 the company got a Bill through Parliament which enabled it to exchange £100 of stock for £250. During the 10 years, while the company had been paying 12¾ per cent., it had been raising money and it had been issuing stock to the public at an increased value. The company has been a little gold mine to its proprietors. In the evidence given by Mr. Beasley it was shown that the shares that were sold were sold to the shareholders themselves. The Bute Dock was offered to the Cardiff Corporation, and there is no doubt that it is a valuable property. It seems to me that the Bill, as brought forward by the Taff Railway Company, is intended to consolidate its position in Cardiff. It was well known that this Bill was coming on to-night. The amount of lobbying that there has been in connection with this Bill has been extraordinary, and what has happened shows what may happen in the future if private interests are to become the sole concern of this House. In response to this lobbying, I hope the Members of this House will reject this Bill because amalgamations of this character ought to be considered on their merits. I am not opposed to railway amalgamations, but I am opposed to them unless the State takes every precaution to protect the interests of all the men who are employed by the railways. There are clauses in this Bill which protect Rhymney and Cardiff men to some extent, but there is no clause to protect the men employed on the Taff line. Therefore, if the Bill is allowed to go to a second reading, I hope it will not be permitted to pass through Committee unless the interests of all the men on the three railways are conserved.

Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

I have made up my mind to vote for the second reading of this Bill, but not without some misgiving and not without reserving to myself the right to oppose the third reading if, in the Committee stage, it should not have been altered in some important particulars. My own feeling is that unless there is something inherently vicious in a Bill of this kind, it should have a second reading. There are some points which the Committee will have to consider, and upon their treatment of which the ultimate determination of this House must depend. This amalgamation cannot fail to be of great advantage to the Port of Cardiff. The House may know that the Bute Docks, which are the outlet for the coal which comes down to Cardiff, are badly in need of further development and equipment. It seems extremely unlikely that Lord Bute, the owner of the docks, will be either willing, or, it may be able, to continue the money expenditure which such an equipment involves, and it is obvious it is very much to the advantage of Cardiff that this equipment should be completed, and that Cardiff should be placed in a position to afford the facilities which are so much required by colliery proprietors and by traders generally. Although it is the equipment of the dock which is of so much importance to Cardiff, there is no clause in the Bill putting the new company under any obligation to complete that equipment, and that is all the more curious because no longer ago than 1893, when the North Eastern Railway Company acquired the Hull Docks, under section 24 of their Act the company were obliged to spend half a million sterling on the equipment of the docks within a period of seven years, and the corporation had a locus standi which enabled them to oblige the North-Eastern Company to fulfil that obligation. I very much hope that the Cardiff Corporation will not lose sight of this principle and will see that they secure these advantages, because they are of so much importance to the port. I think it will be admitted that the competition which has existed in the South Wales district between the various railways and the various docks has been on the whole beneficial to trade. The suggestion is that this amalgamation will very largely diminish the competition which has existed in the past. To some extent that may be true, but the real question must turn upon this, will the result of this amalgamation be such as to bring the Barry Dock to the ground. As long as the Barry Company are able to hold their own, so long will there be reasonable competition within that area, and it will be for the House to consider as to whether the more remote effect of what it is asked to do to-day will be to make the Barry Company come into the amalgamation. I think it would be very unfortunate if that should prove to be the result. There is one clause in the Bill which the Barry Company regard with very grave misgiving. It is clause 17. It is a technical matter, but, briefly put, under the Barry Act the Taff Railway Company were obliged to deliver coal sent to Barry to the Barry Company at the Forest Junction, and the coal passed over the Barry system. If that obligation is not maintained the main line of the Barry Company may be denuded of traffic, and the company are afraid that, under clause 17, the new company will be able to transfer the traffic from the Barry Company's line to their own. I am given to understand that the new company are willing to insert any words which the Barry people may desire to meet that objection, and we shall see when the Bill comes down from Committee whether that undertaking has been fulfilled to the satisfaction of the Barry Company. I hope the House will appreciate the very serious injury it would be to all concerned if the result of the amalgamation were to destroy the independence of the Barry Company. The new company will have a capital of £20,000,000 as against the Barry Company's capital of £6,000,000, and the latter will therefore be at a great disadvantage. I do not, however, think that that company will complain of any legitimate competition if the result of the amalgamation should be to enable Cardiff to deal with more despatch and greater convenience with the coal sent there and to return the empties with the least possible delay, as well as to generally afford grater facilities to traders. At the same time I feel very strongly it will be the duty of the Committee to safeguard the interests of the Barry Company, and my vote on the Third Reading will be very much influenced by what they do. I listened with considerable interest to the observations of the last speaker (Mr. Wardle) with regard to the advantages of competitive feeding railways as regards the position of the employés. That did not seem to be a very strong argument in favour of the nationalisation of railways, but if he is satisfied that competing systems afford advantages for employés I am very glad to agree with him on that particular point.

I find myself in rather a delicate position in rising to support the rejection of this Bill. It is my fortune or misfortune on this occasion to be interested in two docks, so far as representing the constituency is concerned, although I am not a shareholder—one at Penarth, which is an important part of my Constituency, and another at Barry, which is also a very large and important part of it. Their opinion is divided upon the question, and I have received a number of letters from Constituents at Penarth asking me to support the Bill, but I have also had an overwhelming number of resolutions and letters and deputations asking me to oppose it. Therefore I find myself, after carefully going into the matter; in the position as the representative of the Division, of being bound to ask the House to reject the Bill. There is no necessity for me to examine carefully and in detail the points that have been advanced by the Mover and Seconder of the Amendment. I thought when my hon. Friend the Member for Cardiff was speaking, if he had said that he opposed the Bill, it was not for this House to take its courage in both hands and give it a second reading. It is hemmed round with limitations, and it brings before our minds the great difficulty that we have of dealing with a great amalgamation such as this. Let me say at once that I accept the proposed clauses of the Bill in all good faith and I believe that the contracting parties, that the promoters of the scheme do not intend to mislead this House, or to mislead Parliament, but that they would endeavour, if given these powers, to the best of their ability to carry out their undertakings. But, then, I would like to say I do not appreciate the position of this House if it gives the Bill a second reading, after having agreed to the appointment of a Select Committee, to inquire into the whole proposal, scheme, or idea of amalgamation. I can foresee that if the Committee report that amalgamation is valuable under certain conditions, the promoters of this scheme can well undertake to incorporate those conditions, in the powers that Parliament may give to them, in passing this Bill. But supposing the Committee report that amalgamations of this kind ought not to be recognised by Parliament. Then Parliament could not call back the powers that it had given, and therefore the work of the Select Committee would be valueless for the protection of the interests in whose name and on whose behalf I speak in this House.

Take the case of Barry. My hon. Friend did a very proper and simple service in pointing out that, after all, it is a simple duty which falls upon this House to see that Barry as a competing company is nor handicapped to the degree that they will be wiped out altogether, or that they will have to come in at a future date into the amalgamation of the railways. Without some means of competition I am certain that the condition and the cost of transit will not be so good as it is to-day, and it is because I feel that Barry is entitled to some protection that I shall have to call the attention of the House to the fact that the people of Barry themselves, to the best of my knowledge and belief, without exception—business men, ratepayers, and working men—are violently opposed to this project or this scheme altogether. The town of Barry has been entirely created by the Barry Railway Company and the Barry Docks. As a matter of fact, the town of Barry owes its existence to the making of these docks and to the making of the Barry railway. Before these docks were made the population was only 499, but in 1891 it had increased in consequence of the making of the docks to 12,780, and in 1901 to 27,030; whilst to-day the population there is upwards of 30,000–33,000 I think, to be accurate. The heads of families, the captains of industry, the people who have the right to speak in the name of the prosperity of Barry, unanimously declare, in public meeting and by petition, that they are opposed to this scheme. As a matter of fact, a petition has been sent in, which has been collected in a matter of three or four days, which has the signatures of 4,000 ratepayers against the Bill. I am not personally interested in the Barry Railway Company nor the Barry Dock Company. They are well able to take care of themselves, but what I am venturing to call the attention of the House to is the interests of the people who have gone to Barry, who have invested their small earnings there and put them into little businesses, and the prosperity of Barry determines the prosperity of those people, and it is because I believe that by passing this Bill, or, rather, by giving a second reading to this Bill, you may be placing Barry in the position of either being crippled or having to come into the combine that I venture to protest against either of these calamities falling upon these people.

I notice in one of the petitions the Miners' Federation are being named as supporting the Bill to the extent of 150,000 members, but if my memory serves me right, and I speak subject to correction, I will explain what has taken place. It is this. The Bill was promoted for this amalgamation, and our Federation commenced negotiations with the promoters for the purpose of getting some clauses and some recognition of the rights of workmen, principally when they go to work, and when they come home. In our part of the district a number of colliers travel to their work in colliers' trains. But when they get to the colliery they find they cannot return without some special arrangement, or they must pay the ordinary fare and come by ordinary train. That is a very serious thing, if a man is reduced to that expedient once or twice a week. We, therefore, opened negotiations with the promoters to get some of these grievances met. We were, it is only fair to say, handsomely met, and there is a particular clause in the Bill, and our petition dealt only with that clause. I suppose in Parliamentary procedure that is called "supporting" the Bill, but there has been no resolution passed, and I think it is putting it rather higher than it ought to be put when it is said that 150,000 miners are supporting the Bill. The public have some right to be protected against monopolies. I do not care for monopolies of any kind, but save me from railway monopolies. I have had some experience of them. I have lived all my life in a one-railway area, and they do just as they like with us. You may grumble, or you may rave, but there is no remedy—you are helpless. You must travel and use that railway or do without it, but you cannot do without, and therefore you are at the mercy of the railway company. This House will be very ill-advised in sanctioning an amalgamation, if they see that the public interest is jeopardised by such an amalgamation. The trade unionists in the Division for which I speak are very strongly against the Bill. I believe the Taff Vale Railway will endeavour to carry out their obligations as set forth in the clauses, and I do not think, if power is given to them, they intend to discharge men. I am not interested in arguing the matter farther. I accept what they propose in good faith. I am thinking about the future. Does it not stand to reason that if a man now has the option of three companies to work for he is in a stronger position to-day, so far as securing employment is concerned, than he would be if there was only one company? And it is because the railway men feel they will not have that liberty that they, through their trade unions in mass meeting, have sent me petitions, letters, and resolutions asking me to oppose the Bill. I ask the House to reject the Bill, because I do not think, under all the circumstances, that a case has been made out for it.

I listened very carefully to what the three hon. Gentlemen who have spoken said, and I had expected to have found some very much stronger objection to the Bill than I heard. One of the hon. Gentlemen said you must not improve the docks, but keep them as they are, in order that Newport may do a little better. But that is no reason for stopping the second reading of the Bill. I believe the Bill will do a great deal of good to Cardiff. We are talking about competition, and if anyone wants competition it will be the traders above all others. But we find that even the Monmouthshire people, whose output is 6,000,000 tons, support the Bill. Whether this is a good or a bad Bill—and I think it is a good one—I am going on this principle: We have an old, antiquated, clumsy, and expensive way of dealing with these things, but it is the only way in which we can deal with them. I never voted against the second reading of a private Bill in my life. If we take every step to ascertain what is right we have no right to oppose the Bill. Whether it is good or bad I should advocate its being sent to a Committee, and I ask the House not to depart from its old tradition, and from what is almost an unwritten law of the House, to give a second reading to every Bill unless there is some question of principle, which I fail to see in this Bill.

Those who are opposing this Bill are not against having the Bute Docks improved. All we are opposing is a monopoly of the lines by which the Bute Docks are fed. I distrust the placing of the powers of a monopoly in the practically uncontrolled hands of a private company. The hon. Member for Cardiff (Mr. Ivor Guest) twitted the hon. Member for Stockport (Mr. Wardle) that, being a Socialist, he favoured competition. He favoured competition so long as railways and like monopolies were in private hands, and until the State has been educated up to the point of taking over these monopolies.

Further reasons why I oppose the Bill are that the interests of the workmen are not properly safeguarded, and that this Bill will throw a burden upon the trade and commerce of Cardiff of a very serious kind indeed. The reason for this Bill is not any demand on the part of the traders. According to the evidence of the general manager of the Taff Vale Railway when he was asked:—

That is not the kind of safeguard these men have a right to expect. I turn from the working men to call the attention of the House to what I think everyone will admit to be a very serious matter in connection with the measure we are now discussing. Under clause 46 of the Cardiff Bill it is stipulated, in accordance with the terms of agreement, that the present Marquess of Bute and his successor in title for the time being (being of full age) shall from the date of the transfer be a director of the Taff Company, and during the minority of any Marquess of Bute any one person nominated for that purpose by the guardian trustees or other person or persons having the management of his estates in the county of Glamorgan shall, subject to any reasonable objection to such person by the Taff Company, in like manner be a director of the Taff Company, and the Bill shall provide for any necessary increase in the number of direc- tors and otherwise as may be requisite in order to give effect to this provision. That is to say, we are asked by Act of Parliament to set up the principle of hereditary directorship in connection with the management of a great industrial concern. I do not know whether there is any precedent for a clause of this kind appearing in this Bill, but it appears to me to be an innovation, and, if it be an innovation, it is one of a most dangerous character to say that by Act of Parliament, and apart from the holding he may possess and apart from abilities and qualifications, this one man in whose interest this Bill is being promoted and his successors are to have a perpetual say in the management of this great industrial concern.

I come to the item for the fixing of a charge of a serious character on the Cardiff Docks. Under one section of the Act all the liabilities for which the Docks are at present under obligation to the Marquess of Bute, apart from interest and dividends, are to be perpetuated. May I remind the House what these obligations are. Under section 33 of the Bute Docks (Transfer) Act of 1886 it is specified that there shall be the following periodical payments:—

"(a) A royalty of one half-penny per ton payable to the present Marquess of Bute, his sequels in estate, and assigns as hereinafter mentioned, upon all iron, ironstone, iron-ore, copper-ore, coal, coke, culm, cinders, lime, limestone, bricks, and tiles, building stone, and other minerals which shall at any time, or times after the date of the transfer, be shipped or unshipped, or received, or delivered at any dock forming part of the Docks Undertaking, except limestone and building stone landed and disposed of as ships' ballast, or used by the Company for the purpose of the Docks Undertaking."

There is no difficulty in defining minerals for this purpose.

"(b) Payments of the amount of 10 per centum of all wharfage, or landing, or embarking dues, or rates received by the Company after the date of the transfer in respect of all goods, wares, merchandise matters, and things whatsoever other than those before mentioned, and in respect of live stock and passengers using the Docks Undertaking, such payments to be made to the present Marquess of Bute, his sequels in estate, and assigns as hereinafter mentioned.

"(c) Payments of the amount of one-half of the net rent or other pecuniary consideration (not being rates or dues of any kind or anything of the like sort) from time to time received by the company after the date of the transfer in respect of any lands, warehouses, buildings, or property comprised m the transfer which are let at the date of the transfer, or which may be thereafter let, and one-half of all payments in the nature of rent or otherwise in respect of any rights, interests, or easements granted, or to be granted, over land comprised in the transfer; all such payments to be made to the Marquess of Bute, his sequels in estate and assigns, as hereinafter mentioned. Provided that in every case in which the company let any land, with any building erected by and at the expense of the company thereon, the rent or other pecuniary consideration as aforesaid at or for which the company let such land shall be apportioned so that a due proportion thereof shall be attributed to the building so erected, and the proportion so attributed shall not be taken into account as rent or consideration whereof one-half is to be paid by the company as aforesaid."

For the past year the total sum which the Bute Docks have paid to the Marquess of Bute in respect of these charges, in addition to interest and profit, was £37,440 10s. 7d. That charge is bound to increase with the prosperity of the docks, and a growing payment will have to be made. The Marquess of Bute, in handing over the docks, is being well paid for handing them over. The company is expected to spend money in improving the docks, and for every added ton of trade and penny of rent the Marquess of Bute draws his tribute. I hope even were there nothing else objectionable in the Bill save this fixing of a perpetual charge upon the trade and commerce of South Wales, that the House will seriously hesitate before giving the Bill a second reading. My final word is a point made by speakers in connection with similar Bills this Session. The Government, in response to the feelings of the House, set up a Departmental Committee to consider and advise the House as to how far it was wise to allow those Bills to go through, and as to the conditions, restrictions, limitations and safeguards to be imposed. This Bill is even of a more serious kind than the one in connection with which the Government took that action. I hope the House will see fit to refuse the second reading of this Bill until such time as the Departmental Committee has reported. We shall then be in a position to consider what course should be taken. I repeat that while I have no personal in- terest in this matter, while as a matter of fact the town council of Merthyr and the chamber of commerce in Merthyr are both supporting the Bill, still, in the interests of the workmen whose interests are jeopardised, in the interests of the trade which is going to be handicapped by the charges I have just read, I should certainly offer the measure all the opposition in my power.

I do not know that I should have intervened in this Debate were it not for the remarks which have fallen from the hon. Member who has just sat down with reference to Lord Bute. As I happen to represent, from my position on the Cardiff Railway Company, Lord Bute in this House, I think the House will allow me to make a few remarks. With regard to what the hon. Member for Merthyr said in reference to the royalty and the moiety of the rents to be received by Lord Bute under the proposed Bill that is simply a continuation of what he is now receiving by Act of Parliament under the present Cardiff Act; and it is nothing more than the consideration for the land. The same principle has already been authorised by Parliament in the case of Barry and Penarth. The clauses in the Cardiff Act which are continued in this Bill are in fact practically copied and taken from previous Acts associated with Penarth and Barry, and it suited the promoters on both occasions to pay for the land in this way. I am quite aware that the hon. Gentleman and others associated with him think that there ought to be no private ownership of land, and they may, or may not, on some occasions be in a position to bring about the ideas they hold. Personally, I hope it will be a long time before they can do so; but I do think, in fairness to Lord Bute, that it ought to be really understood by the House that what Lord Bute receives in this respect is nothing more or less than the consideration for the land taken over by the companies. The hon. Gentleman objected also, as I understood him, to Lord Bute being allowed to be a director under the proposed new company.

I only objected to the Act establishing Lord Bute as a director in perpetuity without requiring successive election.

You are objecting to the hereditary principle in directorship. I should like to inform the House that if it had not been for Lord Bute's grandfather and his foresight, persever- ance, and courage Cardiff would not exist at this moment. I do not know that it is asking so very much that on a board of something like 15 the descendant of the man who really started and made Cardiff should have a seat. I should not have intervened in these personal remarks, quite recognising that they are outside of this Bill, had it not been for the speech of the hon. Member. It is not for me to enter into the details of this measure. They have already been alluded to by the hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Welsh party (Sir Alfred Thomas). But I agree with what fell from him and with what fell from the hon. Gentleman the Member for Cardiff (Mr. Ivor Guest) that this is indeed a Bill that ought to be allowed to go to a Committee, and I hope that the House will allow it to do so.

I should not have risen, this being a matter in which I have no interest whatever, except that this Bill embraces principles which should appeal to every Member of this House, and I rise to ask the Government to make some declaration in regard to this Bill which will settle this principle, at any rate, for some time to come. The hon. Member the Leader of the Welsh party (Sir Alfred Thomas) said he had always voted for the second reading of a private Bill, and he thought that no one spoke against the second reading unless there was some principle involved. I quite agree, and I say in reply, that there is such a fundamental principle involved here, a principle which compels us to resist to the uttermost sending to the Committee. That principle has been named by several Members, and it is this: that Parliament has recently decided that no amalgamation of this sort shall be allowed, or ought to be allowed, until Parliament itself has settled what shall be the condition of all such amalgamation. This House has realised, I believe, that one of the great troubles of the future before this country is the enormous power, the growing power, of these aggregations of capital. A kindred nation across the Atlantic is now fighting for its life against this terrible difficulty, and years ago in this House I raised my voice as loudly as I could against these combinations, because their evils are most disastrous to the masses of the people who are dumb and cannot make their views heard in this House. But, above all, as one of the hon. Members said, all these aggregations of capital, unless carefully regulated, are dangerous to the happiness and welfare of the community, but particularly so are aggregations of capital in connection with railways. Railways are essentially monopolies, and monopolies that concern the comfort and daily life of the people in an intimate way in which no other monopolies do. Therefore in regard to railways in particular we must be most careful that we do not allow these aggregations of capital except under conditions which perfectly safeguard the rights and liberties and proper amenities of the people.

The House has appointed a Committee to advise on these very matters, and has acted upon that advice, and laid down conditions. I appeal to the Government to make it quite clear that it is useless for any railway company to come before this House to ask for any such amalgamation. The time of the House ought not to be taken up by Bills of this kind. Instead of its being improper for us to interfere, I venture to say that it is, I was going to use the word impertinent, in railway companies to ask us to deal with a Bill of this kind, particularly so when they have the power to enter into private arrangements. In my own part of the country, the Northwestern; the Midland, and the Lancashire and Yorkshire, have made a private arrangement for working together, and I should like to say that even that private arrangement is not working for the advantage of the people. The results we see of it make us certainly very doubtful about agreeing to such arrangements. But in this instance the parties come for a statutory arrangement, when we are absolutely uncertain as to what the fundamental principles of that statutory arrangement ought to be, and it is not only trifling with the time of the House, but is more or less an act of impertinence. A number of us will resist it to the very utmost. I do not care two straws about the local conditions. I stand upon the fundamental principle that until Parliament has fixed the principles we should absolutely refuse every amalgamation of the kind. In this particular Bill there is a slight upon Parliament in another respect. When one looks at the map of these railways one sees that they run side by side almost perfectly parallel for long distances. I have taken the trouble to look up the facts, and I find that Parliament granted these parallel railways on the very ground that it was desirable for the good of the community that there should be competition, and now we are asked to reverse the very principle upon which Parliament granted these railways. That again is presuming upon the dignity and rights of this House, and it is a presumption which wants a smart rap of the knuckles to prevent its repetition.

The very facts brought before us tonight by the parties concerned in this proposed amalgamation are what Frenchmen call suspect in a very high degree, indeed. They say the Taff Railway Company is going to be the sole employer. What are the facts about that railway company? It is a company that has most outrageously watered its capital in order to escape its legal obligations. I do not know whether I can find language strong enough to express one's judgment on a transaction of that kind. So much for the Taff Railway Company. Then comes the Cardiff Railway Company. The Noble Lord (Lord E. Talbot) has spoken about the interest which he is supposed to represent in this House. I have looked into the evidence given before the House of Lords Committee on this Bill. According to that of the Noble Lord himself, he allowed that in this Cardiff Railway, which is practically the property of the Marquess of Bute, that the Marquess regularly puts sums out of one pocket into the other in order to make up the 3 per cent, which was necessary to provide for it as a trustee investment. It was stated by Sir H. Lloyd that this had been done to the extent of £313,000 in five years. Here we have the railway company carrying on a process known among commercial people as "ladling," which the ordinary business man would think anything but honest. Personally I do not want to speak harshly, but we are obliged to look on what are the probabilities in regard to the treatment of the people if this monopoly is granted. We have been told that the people are in favour of it. I have repeatedly seen it represented that the people are in favour of a great many things when they are really not in favour of them. There is such a thing as squaring the people—the kind of people who speak out. It is the dumb majority of people whom nobody squares, and because they are not heard it is said that all the people are in favour of the proposal. I have enormous respect for the intelligence of the Welsh people, which has been largely increased since the Budget has been introduced. But I am not to be told or asked to believe that the people are in favour of this proposal. Take Merthyr or Aberdare. What position will they be in, great communities up valleys, with only one railway communication to the sea? Do you tell me that these people are in favour of a monopoly of this kind? Such stories should be told to those soldiers who go upon ships. I say the conditions are such as to make this House very suspicious. I believe Lord Bute is the owner of large regions of mineral property in this neighbourhood. He and his descendants will become the permanent rulers of it. They have one-twelfth of the capital of the whole concern; they are to have permanent power upon the board—a power which was never granted by anyone acting upon proper business considerations. Lord Bute owns large mineral traffic. He will have command of the railway leading from these tracts to the sea, and he will have command of the docks in which the coal is shipped. It is asked whether the Cardiff Docks are to be left in a state of not being fitted up to meet modern requirements, or will we allow this amalgamation? What a preposterous alternative! If the Cardiff Docks are not fitted up properly, that shows to me, as I have always held, that Parliament ought never to allow railways to hold docks at all. Let the railway company put the docks into a proper condition, but do not let them ask for a monopoly of the railway systems in order that Cardiff Docks may be put into a proper condition.

If that had been argued about the Port of London, my hon. Friend will excuse me for saying, the House would have laughed it out of court, and that is what we do. I rise as a private Member and as one who has the greatest horror of those combinations of capital, and who has suffered personally; but, apart from that, as one who has watched the public suffer, and who sees this power growing all over the civilised world, and who feels that this is one of the creatures, the dragon of the future, that St. George of the future will have to slay. I ask you, therefore, to make plain, once and for all, to those railway companies the position the House takes, and not to leave it from time to time to private Members to protest, but to declare that we will not alone refuse but will not discuss any amalgamation of the sort until Parliament has laid down conditions of such amalgamations.

I will not follow my hon. Friend the Member for Bolton (Mr. Harwood)—who appears in the character of a modern St. George—into his remarks as to the aggregations of capital. I believe a very large portion of the human race are engaged in trying to aggregate as much as they can. I suppose everyone who has listened to the Debate will see that it is not so very easy or simple a matter. In the first place, it deals with questions of very large concern, matters of considerable dimensions involving large issues. I have given this question a very great deal of thought and a good deal of time, as my hon. Friends who have been before me on deputations know. I want the House to realise that, inasmuch as this matter is a very important one, involving large issues as to the welfare of a great and important part of the community. We of the Board of Trade have devoted considerable attention, and given great time and thought, to the matter. I have received no less than five deputations on this subject within the last two or three days. The principal points to be urged against this scheme are, in the first place, that no public advantage will accrue from it; but, on the contrary, great disadvantages. In the second place, that these Bills ought not to be allowed to be received pending the proceedings of the Departmental Committee which has been appointed by my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade; and, in the third place, that the restriction of competition will be injurious to the coal trade, which has grown up on the competition between the companies both in rates and facilities. With regard to the first point, as my hon. Friend the Member for East Glamorgan (Sir A. Thomas) has informed the House, Cardiff—which has the most considerable interest in the passage of these Bills—is, if not unanimous, at any rate enthusiastic, in its support of these measures.

The Trades Council of Cardiff, representing 80,000 workers, is opposed to the Bill.

I am sure the hon. Member will acquit me of any desire of trying to misinform the House. There have been petitions in favour of the Bill from the Cardiff Corporation, the Cardiff Incorporated Chamber of Commerce, the Cardiff Pilotage Board, the Cardiff Shipowners' Association, Glamorganshire, Monmouthshire and Brecknock Federated Chambers of Trade, Merthyr Tydvil Corporation, Newport colliery owners, viz., Ebbw Vale Steel Iron Company, Partridge Jones and Company, Limited, T. Vachell (on behalf of several companies). On the other hand, there have been petitions against the passage of these Bills from the Barry Chamber of Trade, Barry Urban District Council, Caerphilly and District Trades and Labour Council, Cardiff Trades and Labour Council, and Merthyr Trades and Labour Council. That gives the House some idea of opinion in the district. [An HON. MEMBEE: "It is divided."] It is obvious it is divided. Cardiff, with which I was dealing, is, apart from the trades and labour council, enthusiastically in favour of the Bill. It has been urged—and I think the House will apprecitae that there is something in it—that the control of the traffic of the docks with the railway in the same hand will lead to much greater advantage than if you are working them as at present with four different companies and four different owners. The result of that is stated to be that in the traffic with the docks there is great congestion, and the colliery owners there are put to great inconvenience in the collection of wagons. Improved working means less delay in returning the empty wagons to the collieries, rendering less likely stoppages at the collieries. It is not now possible to load at Bute Docks with the expedition possible at Penarth or Barry. Another advantage urged is that there will be a smaller number of appliances at work. The Member for South Glamorgan (Mr. Brace) referred to the fact of the absence of opposition from the South Wales Miners' Federation. It has been asserted that they are in favour of these Bills. I think there is some justification for that, inasmuch as they petitioned the House of Lords against alteration of clauses, and I think it is not too much to assume that they are in favour of the Bill. I do not wish to exaggerate their position or to misrepresent in any way. There is one other point I should like to deal with in the matter of public advantage, and that is that at Penarth and Bute, at present, if you have a ship in one dock and wish to repair it in the other you have to pay double duties. One firm of ship repairers at Cardiff estimate that if the Penarth and Bute docks were in one hand they would save £700 or £800 a year.

Then I come to the point to which the House no doubt attaches considerable importance, and which is to me a powerful argument, namely, that we should not pass these Bills pending the report of the Departmental Committee appointed by the Board of Trade. But that Committee has been appointed, not to consider whether particular amalgamations are desirable or not, but to lay down certain general safe-guards, which should accompany those amalgamations when Parliament has decided that they should be authorised. The hon. Member for Bolton said it was almost impertinent for the Taff Vale Railway Company to ask the House to pass its Bill pending the Report of the Departmental Committee. But the Taff Vale Railway Company brought its Bill before Parliament long before there was any suggestion or idea of the appointment of a Committee of that character. That amalgamation is not a crime, but has proved in the past to be most useful, is shown by the growth of the railway system in this country. Hon. Members who think that the existing railway system is entirely to be deplored will not share that view; but, having travelled a good deal in different parts of the world, I think that our system, if not the best, is nearly the best in existence. It has grown up upon a system of amalgamations, as is shown by the fact that whereas there have been authorised in this country 1,043 railway companies, no less than 933 of those companies have been absorbed by the remaining 110. When the hon. Member for Stockport suggests that we are on wrong lines in placing docks in the hands of railway companies, I submit that it is rather late in the day to put that forward. We have already allowed 65 separate dock companies to be absorbed by 33 railway companies. It is alleged that if this Bill does not pass, and if something is not done quickly in regard to Bute Docks, there will be an arrest of all improvement, and that Cardiff will not be able to take its place as it should in the race of commerce in that part of South Wales. There is a new dock for which capital and energy are demanded in order that it may be equipped, and I doubt very much whether it is in the public interest that that equipment should be postponed for a year, as it would be if we deferred the second reading of this Bill till we could receive and act upon the report of the Departmental Committee. That I submit would be a great detriment to South Wales, and not in the interests of either Cardiff, Newport, Barry, or Glamorganshire generally.

The Taff Vale Railway Company have shown themselves very anxious to meet the views held by Members of this House. They have announced their willingness to accept any clause which the Board of Trade may approve embodying any recommendations at which that Committee may arrive, even though those recommendations had not been given the force of law. The wording of their undertaking is: "The promoters have no desire to escape any obligations which the Departmental Committee may recommend, and which the Board of Trade may consider to be applicable to these Bills. The promoters are, therefore, quite prepared, if it is thought desirable, to accept a clause in their Bill in such form as the Board of Trade may approve, applying any recommendation of the Committee to these Bills where applicable, whether the Report of the Departmental Committee is followed by legislation to carry it out or not." I think the House will agree that that shows on the part of the Taff Vale Railway Company a great inclination to be reasonable, and to carry out the wishes of Parliament. There are also safeguarding clauses in the Bill. The hon. Member for Merthyr (Mr. Keir Hardie) referred to clause 41 of the Cardiff Bill. I entirely agree that that is a clause which the Committee ought not to allow, and in point of fact did not allow to stand alone. It was in the original Bill, and since that Bill was before the House of Lords Committee an amended clause has been inserted. They claim to have safeguarded the interests of the public in respect of passenger stations, interchangeable tickets, etc., and to have safeguarded colliery proprietors, small householders, shopkeepers, and the workmen and servants of the companies; and if they have not satisfied them, the company have asserted their willingness to accept clauses to meet the wishes of these various classes in Committee. The questions which have been raised to-night are, so far as the great majority are concerned, questions which, in my judgment, ought to be sent to a Committee to be subjected to the very careful and close examination which is always given in Committee, where you have the searching processes of cross-examination at your disposal. I have heard a great deal that I have not heard before as to the great disadvantages which accrue to the community from the restriction of competition. I am the last person to deny as to competition having been helpful in building up the fabric of our great commerce, but I also would be one of the last to deny the claim of one of my hon. Friends below the Gangway, who said, perfectly fairly said, that if you could divert the energy, time, and ingenuity that is involved in what one might call cutthroat competition—and which in some ways may be considered to be a strangling industry—to the improvement of the tem, the reduction of rates and charges, and to the general betterment, as they call it in America, of the railway, then you will have done a great deal to give the public that which they are fairly entitled to, namely, better facilities for the general public and a more reasonable return for the capital invested. I venture very humbly to say to the House that I think this Bill ought to go through the Committee, and I come to that conclusion because I believe that if this Bill is read a second time, and is carried out in the spirit in which I believe it will be and ought to be carried out, we should thereby be broadening the basis not of taxation, but of trade, and widening and smoothing out the channels and avenues down which we hope our commerce will flow in ever-growing stream.

The representatives of the Board of Trade seem to suggest that they have learnt nothing and forgotten nothing since the last time this subject was under discussion in this House on the Great Northern, Great Central, and Great Eastern Bill. Where we stood then we stand to-day. The arguments pro and con were put by hon. Members, and then the representative of the Board made a most powerful speech in favour of the Bill. I might even say it was a piece of remarkable special pleading, and to my mind curiously unusual in one who represents a public Department, who should have adopted a somewhat more judicial attitude. But the most remarkable contradiction is that while the Board of Trade have appointed a Departmental Committee to consider the whole question of amalgamation, its representative now invites us to pass this Bill on the ground that it was deposited before the appointment of the Committee was made. But so was the Bill of the Great Northern, Great Eastern, and Great Central. Indeed, it was on the strength of the Debate on that Bill that the Departmental Committee was appointed, and we are solemnly invited tonight by our action to stultify the action of the appointment of that Committee, and make the position of the Members difficult, by passing an amalgamation Bill which to my mind is rather worse than the Bill which this House refused. That Debate and that Committee set up to consider the whole question of amalgamation, induced the directors of those companies to withdraw that Bill. We now hear from the Board of Trade that the English railway systems have been built up by amalgamation; while passage after passage of the recently published Blue Book issued by the Board of Trade shows that competition and emulation have been the great spurs which have made the English railways what they are. That statement wll be found in the memorandum by Mr. Fay (General Manager, Great Central Railway), and Mr. Granet (Midland Railway), and finds its way in different froms into the reports of most of the railway managers. With all this information at his disposal the representative of the Board of Trade, which published this Blue Book, comes down to this House and informs us that amalgamation is the very thing to stimulate trade and commerce. One sometimes wonders whether the Board of Trade ever realised what the traders of this country think, and what they would have to say about it if they were to express their views. The traders most interested in this subject not infrequently take a very different view. It is all very well to tell us what the Corporation of Cardiff thinks. Why does the hon. Gentleman not tell us what the people who have the trade on these lines think? I have in my hand a statement published which shows that traders representing an annual output of 14,000,000 tons of coal out of 20,000,000 altogether, are opposed to this amalgamation. In 1897 a Bill was passed by this House called the Cardiff Railway Bill. That Bill was passed on the very ground of creating competition, and when that railway was just about finished and was getting to work the Taff Railway very astutely came down and apparently induced the owners of the Cardiff line to hand over their railway and docks to them. I have been unable to gather whether it is that the Taff Vale Railway is taking up the burden of the Bute Docks or whether it is the Bute Docks that are taking up the Taff Vale burden. One thing I am quite certain of is, that the traders are not going to get any improvement from the amalgamation and from the doing away with competition. If I were to refer to the evidence before the House of Lords I could show that competition between the Taff Vale and the Rhymney caused reductions in the price of the transit of coal, and this continued for a large number of years. One gentleman who gave evidence said it mostly happened before his time and that he did not connect the reduction of rates on the Taff Vale with the Rhymney, but that, by a curious coincidence, it continued for a very long time. Am I to be told that the great city of Cardiff cannot take over the Bute Docks just like Swansea, Manchester, and Liverpool have done? Are we to be told that in order to equip the Bute Docks with machinery and provide it with a good management, it is necessary to allow this iniquitous amalgamation to take place? That seems to me to be the most monstrous proposition ever advanced to a business assembly. We are told that this Bill should go upstairs and that we have no business to discuss these matters at all in the House of Commons. I know it is the custom upstairs to leave these matters to Gentlemen who are "learned in the law," who monopolise most of the discussion. That may be the old tradition, but I do not think it will be the new. I cannot see why a private Bill of such vast importance cannot be discussed across the Floor of the House of Commons, which is perfectly capable of appreciating the principle. contained in this measure. I would remind the House that this Bill has been through a Committee once, and now we are told, through the mouth of the representative of the Board of Trade, that our objections can be met in Committee upstairs. Why were those offers not made before? My experience in these matters has been that offers like these, so freely made, are not always carried out before the Committee upstairs.

I must ask my hon. Friend not to make that kind of charge. I do not think it is fair to impute bad faith.

I do not mean to impute bad faith to my hon. Friend at all. What I say is that many things are promised and raised in a manner which makes it impossible to carry them into effect, and many of them are overlooked. Very often clauses which are promised are not asked for upstairs, and that is why I am always very jealous about leaving things to the Committee upstairs, where the interests considered are largely private interests. We are here to look after the interests of the public. I hope that this House, having laid down the principle that we shall not allow railway amalgamations until the Departmental Committee has made its report, and we have had an opportunity of studying it, will not now go back upon that position. I feel very sorry for the promoters of this Bill, but I understand that the question of these docks not being properly equipped is some twenty years old, and it is no new thing at all. Under these circumstances surely they can wait another twelve months. For these reasons I hope the House will not go back upon the decision it has arrived at, which, I may add, has been approved by the President of the Board of Trade. After the last Debate on this Question the President of the Board of Trade said he would appoint a Committee, and it was then understood by all parties interested in this controversy that until that Committee had reported things should remain as they were before. I hope, therefore, that the House will support that position, and decide to allow things to remain as they are at the present moment.

The hon. Member for Cardiff has put the case very fairly. I happen to be a member of the Cardiff Corporation, and when this Bill was considered by the corporation every part of it was dealt with. There are Labour members on the Cardiff Corporation, and they took every precaution that the interests of labour should be protected. I am prepared to support the proposal that every facility shall be afforded to the railway men. I trust that the House will allow this Bill to go to a Committee, and I shall be prepared to support an Instruction which will protect the workers.

There is one thing I desire to say, and that is that if the hon. Member who spoke from the Treasury Bench represents the views of the Board of Trade then a considerable change for the worse has taken place since the hon. Member arrived at the Board of Trade. A more reactionary statement of a railway policy has not been heard in this House during the last 25 years. We are told that amalgamation is a good thing. From the time of the railway era until now the railway system in this country has been that of a competitive policy. Every railway has been granted a competitive franchise. It is suggested that amalgamation will save railways from disaster. What is the position? They are asking the House to substitute for a competitive franchise a monopoly franchise. In that case we have a right to insist that any advantages which may accrue from amalgamation shall be shared with the traders and with the community. There is not a single clause or suggestion from the beginning to the end of the Bill giving the trader or the community a halfpenny of the advantage by reason of the amalgamation. The present position of which traders have been earnestly complaining is simply stereotyped. I do submit that if the House is to be asked to reverse its present policy and to substitute a monopoly for a competitive franchise it should only do it after careful inquiry. The President of the Board of Trade came down the other day and announced the appointment of a Committee on this subject of railway combines, but the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board (Mr. Tennant) has spoken of that as merely an abstract proposition not affecting this particular Bill. I submit that the terms of reference show conclusively that this Committee is to consider what provisions, if any, shall be inserted in future Acts of Parliament.

I did not understand so. This Bill does not directly affect either England, Scotland, or Ireland. But, so far as Wales is concerned, it is of the utmost importance; and why should Wales be deprived of the benefits of the recommendations of this Parliamentary Committee? This Bill is a most impudent request. The Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade may laugh, but one of the ugliest of facts in connection with any great concern has been brought to the notice of the Department and of the House. That fact was brought to the notice of the hon. Member the Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Trade.

The fact that the Marquess of Bute and the trustees of the Marquess of Bute for the purpose of deluding the public into the belief that the Preference stock of the Cardiff company was a Trust stock, and to evade the terms of the Trustees Act of 1893, have deliberately, on their own showing gone through the process of Lord Bute, qua Lord Bute, and the owner of some thousands of pounds in shares in the Cardiff company, paying sums to be paid by the Cardiff company to himself as an ordinary shareholder.

It was not what I said in my evidence; it is what was said for me by counsel.

I have the passage, and I shall be pleased to read it. The Noble Lord was giving evidence, and he had been somewhat severely cross-examined, and it was in re-examination by his counsel, Mr. Honoratus Lloyd, K.C., it occurred, and this was put to him:—

"Question: My learned Friend put it that there has been in your shares a large amount of new capital which for some time has not earned a dividend. Then my learned Friend has said that 3 per cent. is paid upon the ordinary capital, but as a matter of fact the 3 per cent. has not been earned at all. Has not Lord Bute for some time been actually paying out of his own pocket as Lord Bute into his other pocket as an ordinary shareholder a large sum to make the dividend up to 3 per cent.?

"Answer: That is quite true.

"Question 392: And that is done with a view of keeping the prior securities, that is the preference stock, in the hands of the public as trust stock?

"Answer: That is so.

"Question 394: In order to keep up the public interest he, Lord Bute, has been paying large sums of money out of one pocket into the other?

"Answer: That is the point."

I do not know whether, in the face of that, the Noble Lord still desires to suggest that what happened is different to what he gave in his evidence.

The construction the hon. Member puts on the evidence is entirely new to me.

I repeat it, that by the Trustees Act of 1893 no trust money may be invested in railway Preference stock unless there has been for the previous 10 years 3 per cent, earned on the Ordinary stock. I say that for years there was not sufficient profit earned by the Cardiff Railway Company to make up 3 per cent., and this was done to make it appear that there was 3 per cent., to disclose it without explanation, and to show it as a dividend and as a proved dividend in the half-yearly balance-sheet of the Cardiff Railway, so that people on the open market might buy this Preference stock, believing that they were entitled to do so as ordinary trust securities. I leave it to the Noble Lord to make his own construction, and I leave it to the House to put their construction on it. All I am concerned about is to state what are the facts.

There was issued to Rhymney shareholders by a great Rhymney shareholder, Sir George White, a stockbroker at Bristol, a circular appealing to them to come into the amalgamation scheme on the ground that it would be of immense advantage to them. What happened? Mr. Beasley, the manager of the Taff Vale Railway, is asked whether a commission is not to be paid to Sir George White. He denies it time after time, and finally, under pressure, he is compelled to admit that there is such an agreement, and that Sir George White is to receive a commission if the Bill goes through. The particular circumstances under which this Bill is asked for by the promoters are such circumstances of scandal that the House ought not to entertain the second reading for a moment.

It has been suggested by the hon. Member for Chatham (Mr. Jenkins), a resident of Cardiff, that there has been no suggestion made by those who are opposed to the Bill that any harm would be done to anyone else than Barry and Newport. I do not think the hon. Member is quite correct, but I say advisedly that while Cardiff as a city might derive some immediate benefit from this particular amalgamation, the effect immediately in other districts, and ultimately in Cardiff and the whole of South Wales, will be exceedingly disastrous. What is the position at this moment? You have the great Barry Railway Company with the Barry Docks not in touch by its own system with any colliery in the South Wales area, but preserved as an element of competition by special provision in the Barry Railway Company's Acts. These provisions are that any goods coming by the Taff system from the collieries for Barry Dock must be transferred at particular junctions. When these provisions were first inserted the effect was extraordinary. It was to reduce the coal rates from the Rhondda and neighbouring valleys by £150,000 a year. That was the measure of the effective competition of the Valley Company. By this proposal for a like reason it is sought by a sidewind to abrogate the whole of these competitive and protective clauses, and to give to the Taff Vale Amalgamated Company the right to run the whole traffic not on the valley system to those particular junctions, but down to a junction called Cogan, about four miles from Barry. I venture to prophesy that if this Bill becomes law the Barry Company will, within a few months, become so embarrassed and put in a position of such difficulty that its competitive value will cease, and it will have to do one of two things. It will have to seek immediately to make terms with the new company, or it will dwindle on until it has ceased to be of service as a competitive element. When that is done you will have the whole of them in this one octopus company, and the colliers will suffer in consequence. It is because I foresee great disaster to the future trade of South Wales after what fell from the President of the Board of Trade in regard to the Departmental Committee, and the absurdity of dealing with amalgamation, and because of the particular circumstances of scandal under which the promoters have come here, that I ask the House to reject the Bill.

The hon. Member for Denbigh (Mr. C. Edwards) has shown how strongly the interests which he represents feel in regard to this particular Bill. But those arguments which he used, I venture to say, are not the kind which influence the House of Commons on a Motion for the second reading of a Bill. They are the kind of arguments which should be most carefully examined and thrashed out by a Committee. No one who has listened to those arguments—carefully prepared, full of technical and local details, full of the special interests and circumstances which the hon. Gentleman is well acquainted with—can doubt for a moment that they are not the arguments which the House of Commons ought to decide upon when asked to give a second reading to a Bill. I shall submit to the House only one or two general arguments. The first is that there is nothing wrong intrinsically in a railway company acquiring docks. That is quite a different thing from an ordinary railway amalgamation. In the case of a great amalgamation it is a union of rival interests. This is a union of complementary and supplementary interests. Let me say that the Committee of Inquiry which is sitting is intended to lay down the general principles governing the Question, but it was not intended to act as a bar to railway interests or an excuse for denying to all railway companies before Committees of the House of Commons the rights to which they are entitled. Those who move the rejection of a private Bill on its second reading have to make out a case for the House of Commons denying inquiry and examination. When a Bill goes before a Select Committee the preamble has to be proved before examination of the measure in its details is entered upon, and there you have every opportunity of all the competing interests coming forward and stating their case in the fullest possible manner, and having it tested thoroughly in all its details. I do not wish to go into details of the measure, though my advisers—who examined these questions without the slightest interest one way or the other—are of opinion that there is a primâ facie case for this Bill being considered on its merits by the Committee. I do not attempt, or desire, to go into the merits, but I do submit for this—as for almost all the private Bills submitted to the House—that they are entitled to a fair examination, unless it can be shown that there is something fundamentally immoral and scandalous, as the hon. Member asserts, but which I have no hesitation, as representing the Board of Trade, in saying absolutely has not been proved by anything brought forward in this Debate. Unless something of that kind can be shown, the Bill should go forward to be examined and analysed, so that the House may judge after a full examination and not from a few prejudicial statements made by people representing special interests in particular groups of localities in this country. It should not be judged in this way, but should be judged broadly and fairly, after full knowledge and thorough investigation. These are the general principles if the House wishes to deal fairly with this Question. It has got to decide first of all if the Bill is fundamentally so wrong that it would be almost indecent to pass it, and that it should be cast away. If hon. Gentlemen can conscientiously say that, then they are right to vote against the Bill, but if they are of opinion that such a position is not established, then they should, I venture respectfully to submit, allow the Bill to have that examination which, on behalf of the Board of Trade, I have no hesitation in saying, it thoroughly deserves.

Question put, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."

The House divided: Ayes, 107; Noes, 81.

Division No. 193.]

AYES.

[10.59 p.m.

Agnew, George William

Gretton, John

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

Ainsworth, John Stirling

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid)

Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)

Guinness, Hon R. (Haggerston)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Balcarres, Lord

Guinness, W. E. (Bury St. Edmunds)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Barker, Sir John

Hamilton, Marquess of

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Barrie, H. T (Londonderry, N.)

Haslam, James (Derbyshire)

O'Mailey William

Beauchamp, E.

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Bellairs, Carlyon

Helme, Norval Watson

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Bignold, Sir Arthur

Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert T.

Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Hogan, Michael

Raphael, Herbert H.

Bramsdon, T. A.

Hope, W. H. B. (Somerset, N.)

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Bridgeman, W. Clive

Houston, Robert Paterson

Reddy, M.

Brigg, John

Illingworth, Persy H.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Brocklehurst, W B.

Jenkins, J.

Redmond, William (Clare)

Bull, Sir William James

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Renwick, George

Carlile, E. Hildred

Jones, Leif (Appleby)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecciesall)

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Joyce, Michael

Roche, John (Galway, East)

Cheetham, John Frederick

Kavanagh, Walter M.

Roe, Sir Thomas

Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.

Kennaway, Rt. Hon. Sir John

Rogers, F. E. Newman

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Keswick, William

Russell, Rt. Hon. T. W.

Clough, William

Lamont, Norman

Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)

Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E.

Lewis, John Herbert

Schwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dublin, S.)

Sheffield, Sir Berkeley George D.

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Lundon, T.

Smith, Hon. W. F. D. (Strand)

Craik, Sir Henry

MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.)

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Dalrymple, Viscount

M'Callum, John M.

Stanier, Seville

Delany, William

M'Calmont, Col James

Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G. (Oxford Univ.)

Dickson, Rt. Hon. Charles Scott

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Tennant, H. J. (Berwickshire)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)

Toulmin, George

Falconer, James

Middlebrook, William

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Fardell, Sir T. George

Moore, William

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Fell, Arthur

Morrison-Bell, Captain

Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.)

Findlay, Alexander

Murphy, John (Kerry, East)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Fletcher, J. S.

Murphy, N. J. (Kilkenny, S.)

Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)

Nannetti, Joseph P.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Sir—Sir

Glendinning, R. G.

Nolan, Joseph

A. Thomas and Mr. S. Robinson

NOES.

Abraham, W. (Cork, N.E.)

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Fenwick, Charles

Ambrose, Robert

Channing, Sir Francis Allston

Flynn, James Christopher

Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)

Collins, Sir Wm. J. (St. Pancras, W.)

Glover, Thomas

Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)

Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead)

Goddard Sir Daniel Ford

Barlow, Percy (Bedford)

Cory, Sir Clifford John

Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil)

Barnes, G. N

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Harwood, George

Belloc, Hilaire Joseph Peter R.

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Heaton, John Henniker

Bennett, E. N,

Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Berridge, T. H. D.

Davies, Timothy (Fulham)

Henry, Charles S.

Bowerman, C. W.

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Hon. S.)

Brace, William

Edwards, Clement (Denbighs)

Higham, John Sharp

Brodie, H. C.

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Johnson, John (Gateshead)

Brunner, J, F. L. (Lanes., Leigh)

Everett, R. Lacey

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Jowett, F. W.

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Straus, B. S. (Mile End)

Kekewich, Sir Robert

Nicholls, George

Summerbell, T.

Kelley, George D.

Parker, James (Halifax)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Laidlaw, Robert

Pointer, J.

Tomkinson, James

Lamb, Edmund G. (Leominster)

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Verney, F. W.

Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)

Priestley, W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Walton, Joseph

Levy, Sir Maurice

Ridsdale, E. A.

Watt, Henry A.

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Roberts, G-H. (Norwich)

Wedgewood, Josiah C.

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.)

White, Sir George (Norfolk)

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Seaverns, J. H.

White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire)

M'Laren, H. D. (Stafford, W.)

Seddon, J.

Wiles, Thomas

M'Laren, Sir C. B. (Leicester)

Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Maddison, Frederick

Snowden, P.

Mond, A.

Spicer, Sir Albert

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr.

Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen)

Steadman, W. C.

L. Haslam and Mr. Wardle.

Main Question again proposed.

Debate arising, and, it being after eleven of the clock, Mr. Speaker proceeded to interrupt the business, where upon

rose in his place, and claimed to move "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The House divided: Ayes, 107; Noes, 71.

Division No. 194.]

AYES.

[11.8 p.m.

Agnew, George William

Guiness, W. E. (Bury St. Edmunds)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Ainsworth, John Stirling

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)

Hamilton, Marquess of

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Balcarres, Lord

Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester)

O'Maliey, William

Barker, Sir John

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Helme, Norval Watson

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Bcauchamp, E.

Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert

Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)

Bellairs, Carlyon

Hogan, Michael

Raphael, Herbert H.

Berridge. T. H. D.

Hope. W. H. B. (Somerset, N.)

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Bignold, Sir Arthur

Houston, Robert Paterson

Reddy, M.

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Illingworth, Percy H.

Redmond, John E. Waterford)

Bramsdon, T. A.

Jenkins, J.

Redmond, William (Clare)

Bridgeman, W. Clive

Jones, Sir D. Brynmer (Swansea)

Renwick, George

Carlile, E. Hildred

Jones, Leif (Appleby)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Eeclesall)

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Joyce, Michael

Robinson, S.

Cheetham, John Frederick

Kavanagh, Walter M.

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.

Kennaway, Rt. Hon Sir John H.

Roche, John (Galway, East)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Keswick, William

Roe, Sir Thomas

Clough, William

Laidlaw, Robert

Rogers, F. E. Newman

Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E.

Lamb, Edmund G. (Leominster)

Russell, Rt. Hon. T. W.

Collins, Sir Win. J. (St. Pancras, W.)

Lewis, John Herbert

Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dublin, S.)

Schwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Lundon, T.

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Cralk, Sir Henry

MacNeill, John Gordon Swift

Stanier, Beville

Dalrymple, Viscount

MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.)

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Delany, William

M'Callum, John M.

Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G. (Oxford Univ.)

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott-

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Tennant, H. J. (Berwickshire)

Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)

Thomas, Sir A. (Glamorgan, E.)

Everett, R. Lacey

Middlebrook, William

Toulmin, George

Falconer, J.

Moore, William

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Fell, Arthur

Morrison-Bell, Captain

Whitley, John Henry (Halifax)

Findlay, Alexander

Murphy, John (Kerry, East)

Wilson, J. W. Worcestershire, N.)

Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)

Murphy, N. J. (Kilkenny, S.)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Ginnell, L.

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Gretton, John

Nolan, Joseph

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Sir—Sir

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

F. Banbury and Sir W. Bull.

Guinness, Hon. R. (Haggerston)

O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mfd)

NOES.

Ambrose, Robert

Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead)

Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil)

Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)

Cory, Sir Clifford John

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Heaton, John Henniker

Barlow, Percy (Bedford)

Crooks, William

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Barnes, G. N.

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Henry, Charles S.

Belloc, Hilaire Joseph Peter R.)

Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

Bennett, E. N.

Davies, Timothy (Fulham)

Johnson, John (Gateshead)

Bowerman, C. W.

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Brace, William

Edwards, A. Clement (Denbigh)

Jowett, F. W.

Brigg, John

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Kekewich, Sir George

Brodie, H. C.

Fenwick, Charles

Kelley, George D.

Brunner, J. F. L. (Lanes., Leigh)

Flynn, James Christopher

Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Harwich)

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Glover, Thomas

Levy, Sir Maurice

Channing, Sir Francis Allston

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)

Verney, F. W.

Maddison, Frederick

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Wardle, George J.

Manfield, Harry (Northants)

Seaverns, J. H.

Watt, Henry A.

Mond, A.

Seddon, J.

White, Sir George (Norfolk)

Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen)

Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie

White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire)

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Snowdon, P.

Wiles, Thomas

Nicholls, George

Steadman, W. C.

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Parker, James (Halifax)

Straus, B. S. (Mile End)

Pointer, J.

Summerbell, T.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr.

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

G. Harwood and Mr. J. S. Higham.

Ridsdale, E. A.

Tomkinson, James

Question put, "That the Bill be now read a second time."

The House divided: Ayes, 102; Noes, 72.

Division No. 195.]

AYES.

[11.15 p.m.

Agnew, George William

Guest, Hon. Ivor Churchill

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

Ainsworth, John Stirling

Guinness, Hon. R. (Haggerston)

O'Brien, K. (Tipperary, Mid)

Allen, A. Acland (Christchurch)

Guinness, W. E. (Bury St. Edmunds)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Balcarres, Lord

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Hamilton, Marquess of

O'Kelly, Conor (Mayo, N.)

Barker, Sir John

Harmsworth, Cecil B. (Worcester)

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Malley, William

Beauchamp, E.

Heaton, John Henniker

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Bellairs, Carlyon

Helme, Norval Watson

Pearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek)

Bignold, Sir Arthur

Hermon-Hodge, Sir Robert

Philipps, Owen C. (Pembroke)

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Hogan, Michael

Raphael, Herbert H.

Bramsdon, T. A.

Hope, W. H B. (Somerset, N.)

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Bridgeman, W. Clive

Houston, Robert Paterson

Reddy, M.

Brigg, John

lllingworth, Percy H.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Bull, Sir William James

Jenkins, J.

Redmond, William (Clare)

Carlile, E. Hildred

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Renwick, George

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Jones, Leif (Appleby)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Cheetham, John Frederick

Joyce, Michael

Roche, John (Galway, East)

Cherry, Rt. Hon. R. R.

Kavanagh, Walter M.

Roe, Sir Thomas

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Kennaway, Rt. Hon. Sir John H.

Rogers, F. E. Newman

Clough, William

Keswick, William

Russell, Rt. Hon. T. W.

Cochrane, Hon. Thomas H. A. E.

Lewis, John Herbert

Rutherford, W. W. (Liverpool)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter (Dublin, S.)

Schwann, C. Duncan (Hyde)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S)

Lundon, T.

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Craik, Sir Henry

MacVeigh, Charles (Donegal, E.)

Stanier, Beville

Dalrymple, Viscount

M'Callum, John M.

Talbot, Lord E. (Chichester)

Delany, William

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Talbot, Rt. Hon. J. G. (Oxford Univ.)

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott-

Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)

Tennant, H. J. (Berwickshire)

Douglas Rt. Hon. A. Akers-

Middlebrook, William

Toulmin, George

Falconer, James

Moore, William

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Fell, Arthur

Morrison-Bell, Captain

Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.)

Findlay, Alexander

Murphy, John (Kerry, East)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Gibbs, G. A. (Bristol, West)

Murphy, N. J. (Kilkenny, S.)

Ginnell, L.

Nannetti, Joseph P.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES. —Sir—Sir

Gretton, John

Nolan, Joseph

A. Thomas and Mr. S. Robinson.

NOES.

Ambrose, Robert

Fenwick, Charles

Parker, James (Halifax)

Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)

Flynn, James Christopher

Pointer, J.

Baring, Godfrey (Isle of Wight)

Glendinning, R G.

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Barlow, Percy (Bedford)

Glover, Thomas

Ridsdale, E A.

Barnes, G. N.

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)

Belloc, Hilaire Joseph Peter R.

Hardle, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil)

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.)

Bennett, E. N.

Harwood, George

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Berridge, T. H. D.

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Seaverns, J. H.

Bowerman, C. W.

Henry, Charles S.

Seddon, J.

Brace, William

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

Smeaton, Donald Mackenzie

Brodie, H. C.

Higham, John Sharp

Snowden, P.

Brunner, J. F. L. (Lancs., Leigh)

Johnson, John (Gateshead)

Steadman, W. C.

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Straus, B. S. (Mile End)

Channing, Sir Frederick Allston

Kekewich, Sir George

Summerbell, T.

Corbett, C. H. (Sussex, E. Grinstead)

Kelley, George D.

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Cory, Sir Clifford John

Laidlaw, Robert

Tomkinson, James

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Lamb, Edmund G. (Leominster)

Verney, F. W.

Crooks, William

Lever, A. Levy (Essex, Hawich)

Watt, Henry A.

Davies, David (Montgomery C.)

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

White, Sir George (Norfolk)

Davies, Ellis William (Elfion)

Maddison, Frederick

White, J. Dundas (Dumbartonshire)

Davies, Timothy (Fulham)

Manfield, Harry (Northants)

Wiles, Thomas

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Mond, A.

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Edwards, A. Clement (Denbigh)

Morgan, J. Lloyd (Carmarthen)

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

TELLERS FOR THE NOES. —Mr.—Mr.

Everett, R. Lacey

Nicholls, George

L. Haslam and Mr. Wardle.

Bill read a second time, and committed.

rose to move an Instruction to the Committee, but objection was taken.

Supply

Considered in Committee.

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1909–10

[Class III.]

Irish Land Commission

(In the Committee.)

Postponed Proceeding resumed on Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £183,677, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on 31st day of March, 1910, for the salaries and expenses of the Office of the Irish Land Commission."

Question again proposed.

Question put and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next (28th June); Committee to sit again upon Monday next.

Adjourned at Eleven O'clock.