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Commons Chamber

Volume 23: debated on Monday 3 April 1911

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House Of Commons

Monday, 3rd April, 1911.

The House met at a Quarter before Three of the clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.

Private Business

Private Bills [ Lords] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with)—Mr. Speaker laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:—

Hastings Corporation (Water and Finance) Bill [ Lords].

Charles Shell's Charity Bill [ Lords].

Swinton Urban District Council Bill [ Lords].

London Cemetery Company Bill [ Lords].

London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway (Steam Vessels) Bill [ Lords].

Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time.

Bicester Urban District Gas Bill,

Furness Railway Bill,

Manchester and Milford Railway Bill,

Marple Urban District Council Gas Bill,

Tamworth Gas Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Luton Water Bill [ Lords],

To be read a second time To-morrow.

Slough Urban District Water Bill [ Lords],

Read a second time, and committed.

Gas Light and Coke Company Bill (by Order),

Consideration, as amended, deferred till Wednesday.

Message From The Lords

That they have agreed to,

Great Northern Railway (Ireland) Bill, with Amendments.

Civil Servants

Return ordered, "showing the total number of persons in the established Civil Service of the State on the 31st day of

March, 1911, distinguishing those in each Department of the Civil Service and Revenue Departments, respectively (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 409, of Session 1902.)"—[ Lord Charles Beresford.]

Oral Answers To Questions

Territorial Waters

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs what was the limits in distance from the mainland of territorial waters claimed for fishery purposes by Norway, Russia, Denmark, Germany, Spain, and Portugal; whether all the sea between the most southernly of the Lofoden Islands and the mainland is claimed as territorial water by Norway; what was the approximate distance from that island to the mainland; whether the pearl fishery banks of Ceylon were claimed by Great Britain to be in territorial waters; and what is their greatest distance from the mainland of Ceylon?

Denmark, Germany, and Portugal maintain a territorial limit of three miles for fishery purposes. Russia is at the present time claiming twelve miles, while Norway and Spain have for some time past claimed four and six miles respectively. His Majesty's Government, however, have always declined to recognise these extensions of the generally accepted three-mile limit. Norway claims exclusive fishery rights in the Westfjord, which lies between the Lofoden Islands and the mainland, but no definite limit to the waters thus claimed appears ever to have been specified. The distance from the most southern of the Lofoden Islands to the mainland is about fifty miles. In 1869 His Majesty's Consul-General at Christiania was informed that His Majesty's Government could not recognise any right to exclude fishing, except within the limits adopted by the British, French, and German Governments. His Majesty's Government do not claim jurisdiction over the Ceylon pearl fisheries on the ground that they are situate within territorial waters, but because the beds are capable of being physically occupied in a manner analogous to the occupation of land; and, further, because from time immemorial, and, therefore, before the adoption of the present three-mile limit, they have been treated by the successive rulers of Ceylon as subjects of property and jurisdiction, and have been so regarded with the acquiescence of other nations.

Is it a fact that along about one-half of the coast of Europe the three-mile limit is not accepted by the bordering State?

Declaration Of London

asked whether, in view of the interest excited amongst the shipping and commercial community by the Declaration of London, and of the importance of a sound judgment being arrived at as to the advisability of the ratification by Parliament of the Declaration, he would cause a translation into English to be prepared of the Blue Book (Miscellaneous), No. 5, 1009 [Cd. 4555], being The Proceedings of the International Naval Conference held in London, December, 1908, to February, 1909, which volume is entirely in the French language?

It is in accordance with precedent that the full reports of the proceedings of international conferences which are conducted in the French language are laid before Parliament in their original version. This was notably done in the case of the two Peace Conferences of 1899 and 1907. The principal papers respecting the work of the London Naval Conference have, however, been translated into English, and will be found included in the Blue Book (Miscellaneous) No. 4, 1909 [Cd. 4554]. As was stated in reply to a similar question in this House on June 23rd, 1908, to furnish a complete translation of all the protocols of such Conferences, with the papers annexed thereto, would involve considerable labour, and would require an addition to the staff of the Foreign Office, for which there does not seem to be any real occasion, in view of the fact that the principal papers have been translated.

Canada And United States (Tariff Agreement)

asked whether, in connection with the reciprocity negotiations between the United States and Canada, any instructions, whether verbal or written, were given to His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington as to the course he should adopt to safeguard the interests of the United Kingdom and the Empire in the United States' market; and whether any representations have been made to either of the negotiating Governments on behalf of these interests?

I have nothing to add to the answers which have been repeatedly given to questions upon this subject.

Would the hon. Gentleman kindly let me have some indication where they are to be found?

Can the hon. Gentleman say whether, when our Ambassador mentioned an offer of general reciprocity was made, His Majesty's Government took any steps to give instructions to our Ambassador as to what course he should pursue?

The answer to that supplementary is the same as the answer to the original question.

May I ask whether our Ambassador at Washington has reported to the Government whether our interests are affected by this reciprocity?

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he was aware of the appointment of an International Joint Commission, representing the Governments of the United States and Canada, for the settlement of boundary disputes; and if he would state the powers of this Commission and its bearing upon Imperial relations?

I presume that the hon. Member is referring to the Boundary Waters Treaty of January 11th, 1909. The powers of the Commission are defined in Articles 8 to 12 of the Treaty, which was laid before Parliament in September, 1910. It is a treaty made between His Majesty's Government and the United States Government.

Registration Of Teachers

asked the President of the Board of Eduction whether he was aware that in November, 1909, a representative gathering of teachers of all kinds unanimously pressed for the registration of teachers; whether the ground in taking this action was to encourage the more adequate training of teachers, especially of secondary teachers; whether any notice of this demand had been taken by the Board of Education; and whether it was intended to reintroduce in any form the registration of teachers or to give encouragement to regular training of secondary teachers?

I am aware that at a meeting, such as my hon. Friend describes, resolutions in favour of the registration of teachers were passed. I do not understand that there was absolute unanimity as to the form the register should take or as to the constitution of the Teachers' Registration Council. The answer to the third part of the question is in the affirmative. With regard to the fourth part of the question, the Board have been discussing the question with representatives of various branches of the teaching profession, some important conferences having been held in the Board's offices in the last week or two which seemed to suggest the possibility that agreement on the outstanding points of difficulty may soon be reached. The Board already encourage, by the payment of grants, the training of teachers for secondary schools.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the first register was destroyed by Oxford and Cambridge snobbishness?

Elementary Schools (Inspectors)

asked how many inspectors of elementary schools, including assistant and sub-inspectors, but excluding inspectors of manual training, drawing, and music, have been appointed by the Board of Education during each of the past four years; how many in each case were graduates of Oxford or Cambridge; and how many had previous education of elementary schools as elementary teachers?

The total number of appointments of inspectors of elementary schools of all grades, excluding inspectors of manual training, drawing and music, appointed by the Board of Education during each of the past four years, with the further particulars asked for in the question, is shown in the following table:—

Year.Number of Appointments.Number who were Graduates of Oxford or Cambridge.Number having experience in teaching in Elementary Schools.
1907966
190813105
19091388
1910211516
Totals563935

Board Of Education (Mr Holmes's Circular)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman has examined other circulars and memoranda which have been issued by permanent officials without his previous knowledge or consent; whether he has discovered any which are not in accord with the policy of the Board; if so, what was the nature of their contents; and will he cause them to be circulated to Members of this House?

I have read some Memoranda which have been circulated among members of the staff of the Board without my previous knowledge. It is in accordance with my wish that educational subjects, on which there is wide divergence of view, should be freely discussed and inquiries made amongst the Board's officers under confidential conditions. Some of these Memoranda contain expressions of opinion which I do not share; but Memoranda conveying instructions or advice are in a different category. When instructions or advice are given they are given in unmistakable terms, and are not left to be gathered by inference. I am afraid I cannot undertake to ciruclate the Memoranda referred to above. I could not expect to get the free and helpful discussion I now get from members of my staff if their individual opinions, freely expressed in confidence, were to be subsequently published to the world at large.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether there are any similar documents to what is known as the Holmes's Circular in existence at the Board of Education which are not in accord with the policy of the President?

I think that question is the same as the one on the Paper which I have answered fully.

The hon. Member had better wait until he gets a copy of my answer, and then he will understand it more clearly.

Is there no way of bringing the policy of the President into harmony with that of the Permanent Secretary?

The policy of the Permanent Secretary ought to be brought into harmony with that of the President.

Does the right hon. Gentleman agree that the Permanent Secretary should not give his sanction to the issue of circulars affecting appointments by local authorities until they have been first submitted to the President?

I have already answered many questions on this subject almost in the same terms as that put by the hon. Member. I cannot add anything to the answers I have already given.

asked whether there are any more private and confidential memoranda issued by his Department; and if he will specify those with which he does not agree?

I must refer the hon. Member to the answer I have just given to the hon. Member for Sunderland.

Technical Schools

asked the right hon. Gentleman if it is his intention to extend the system of block grants now applied to schools of art to technical institutions of established reputation, with the view of relieving such institutions of a large amount of clerical work?

This matter is being carefully considered in connection with the revision of the regulations for technical schools.

asked if the President will state the total number of actual students enrolled in the following technical schools, from the beginning of the Session in September or October up till the end of March, and the actual number of individual students in attendance during March: Manchester, Bradford, Leeds, Liverpool, Birmingham, and Sheffield.

I regret that the statistical returns for the schools in question will not be available until the Autumn.

Secondary Schools (Teachers' Register)

asked whether in view of the anxiety of secondary teachers throughout the country for the reintroduction of a register of secondary teachers, the right hon. Gentleman can state what progress has been made in the setting up of such a register?

I am afraid I can add nothing to the answer I have already given to the hon. Member for North Somerset on this subject.

Small Holdings And Allotments

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture if he could state the number of persons who have been supplied with allotments during the last five years, the approximate size of such allotments, and if the Board of Agriculture have advanced to such persons any money or material for the building of houses?

16,944 persons were supplied with allotments of land acquired by local authorities in England and Wales for the purpose in the three years 1908, 1909, 1910. The average size of the allotments was approximately one rood and nine perches. It is not possible to give similar information for the years 1906 and 1907. The Board have no power to advance money to allotment tenants for the building of houses.

Can the hon. Gentleman give me separately the number of allotments furnished in Scotland to the knowledge of his Department?

Is it not the case as stated in the papers that since the passing of the Agricultural holdings Act for England and Wales the number of small holdings is less now than it was before the passing of the Act?

That is so, but of course there are explanations of that which are too long to give now.

I think it would be better if the right hon. Gentleman would wait until there is an opportunity in debate of raising this question.

asked what is the total number of persons now in occupation of land let to them as small holdings by county councils under the Small Holdings Act, 1908; and what is the total acreage of such land?

On the 31st of December last 5,343 small-holders were in actual occupation of land let to them by county councils to the extent of 69,429 acres.

Can the hon. Baronet state when the other 1,000 applicants will be provided for?

asked how many of those who were approved by the county councils in 1908 as suitable applicants are still without land?

The Board have no information on this point. The men whose applications were approved in 1908 are not separately distinguished in the returns made by the county councils.

asked if the hon. Baronet can see his way to add the name of one practical tenant farmer to the Departmental Committee appointed to inquire into the position of tenant farmers on the occasion of the sale of their holdings?

The President regrets that he does not see his way further to enlarge this committee, which now consists of fourteen members. Mr. Colin Campbell, the president of the National Farmers' Union, who is a member of the committee, is himself a practical tenant farmer.

Is there anybody on the committee who represents the dairy farming industry from a dairy farmer's point of view?

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture if he is aware of the practice of certain county councils on the receipt of applications for land under the Small Holdings Act, 1908, to put a representa- tive of the Commissioner of Canada in communication with the applicants in order to induce such men to emigrate; and whether he will take any steps to prevent the Act being carried out in this way?

No, Sir, but if my hon. Friend will furnish me with the names of the county councils to which he refers I will inquire into this alleged practice.

Is it not a fact that it was done in Lincolnshire in the case of the Kesteven county council?

I have already informed my hon. Friend I am not aware of the practice, but I will inquire into it.

asked what steps the President of the Board of Agriculture is taking to carry out the promise he made to secure the Idstone farm, Berkshire, for small holdings?

My Noble Friend undertook to do his best to secure the farm in question for small holdings, but he is informed by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners that they are advised that it is not suitable for this purpose, and for this and other reasons of a practical character, as also on account of the displacement of labour which would be entailed, they are not prepared to let it to the Small Holdings Association which desired to take it. The Commissioners are, however, very willing to do all that they can to meet the requirements of the local applicants. The Commissioners are the owners of other land in the neighbourhood which may be found suitable for subdivision, and arrangements will be made at an early date for conference on the spot between the representatives of the Commissioners, the Board and the local Small Holdings Society; and the President has every reason to hope that an arrangement satisfactory to all concerned will be arrived at.

Would the hon. Baronet exert his influence with the Board to see the necessary steps are taken to prevent the owner letting the farm while negotiations are pending?

Can he tell me who it was advised the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, contrary to the opinion of the President of the Board of Agriculture, that this was not suitable for small holdings?

May I ask the hon. Baronet if he is aware that the county council have also considered the question whether this farm is suitable for small holdings, and have refused the application because they thought it undesirable?

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture, whether his attention has been called to the action of the Kesteven County Council in letting off the shooting rights over small holdings belonging to the council, without reference to the occupiers of the holdings and against their interests; whether he is aware that a memorial of protest, signed by fourteen of the small holders was disregarded by the council; whether any provision for letting the shooting rights in this way was included in the scheme submitted to the Board; and what is the policy of the Board in this matter?

Can the hon. Gentleman tell me whether any provision is made as to the question of shooting rights in the scheme submitted to the Board?

Foot-And-Mouth Disease (Outbreak In Surrey)

asked whether any foreign hay, litter, or oats were used on the farms in Surrey where foot-and-mouth disease broke out; and, if so, from which country they came and whether they have been traced?

A small quantity of Russian oats forming part of a cargo of over 10,000 quarters which left from Libau on 21st January last had been used for feeding the stock on Brooklands Farm. Inquiries have been instituted which showed that the cargo was very widely distributed in comparatively small quantities, and some of it is known to have been fed to cattle in the same neighbourhood as the infected place, but without any evil result. I should be glad to show to the hon. Member the reports which have been made by an inspector on the subject if he would care to see them.

asked the Parliamentary Secretary whether he can give the number of cases of foot-and-mouth disease in Russia, Germany, and France during the year 1910, and also up to date during the present year?

The latest information with regard to Russia shows that in October last foot-and-mouth disease existed in 1,039 communes, and that many thousands of animals had been attacked. In Germany there were, in February last, 8,513 infected places, including premises in which the disease was suspected to exist, in 2,564 parishes. In France the official returns show that no case of the disease occurred in 1910, but we were informed last month that the disease existed in the arrondissement of Dieppe, and we have reason to believe that it has now made its appearance elsewhere. We are in communication with the French Ministry of Agriculture with a view to obtain further information on the subject.

asked whether, in order to trace the cause of the recent outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in Surrey, in view of the germs of the disease being impossible, microscopically, to identify, hay, straw, chaff, and other feeding stuffs of foreign origin are being fed to healthy animals, or how otherwise, if at all, attempts are being made by the Board to find out the origin of the outbreak?

In the opinion of the Board's veterinary advisers it would be extremely undesirable to adopt the suggestion of the hon. Member. The fullest investigation whence feeding stuffs and fodder came from has been made.

Swine Fever

asked the hon. Baronet if he will say to what cause he attributes the increase in the number of outbreaks of swine fever during the current year, in spite of the existing stringent regulations of the Board and the continuing large expenditure of public money in carrying them out?

I should not like to express an opinion till I have had an opportunity of reading and considering the evidence and Report of the Departmental Committee on Swine Fever.

Anthrax

asked the Parliamentary Secretary if he will say to what cause he attributes the increase of anthrax among farm animals in Great Britain during the last two years and its occurrence in almost every part of the country, including many localities where it was previously quite unknown; and what proportion of the cases of death officially returned as due to anthrax have subsequently been proved to be due to some other cause?

The increase in the number of recorded eases of anthrax is probably due, speaking generally, to the fact that the existence of this disease is more frequently reported. It is not possible for me to give a full reply to the last part of the question except in considerable detail. Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to refer him to the Board's Annual Reports for the past two or three years.

Is it not a fact that the statistics relating to anthrax are misleading owing to the fact that many of those cases are subsequently found not to be anthrax at all?

Bee Diseases

asked whether the Board of Agriculture is fully equipped, both financially and scientifically, for conducting inquiries into the diseases affecting bees?

asked whether the agricultural departments of several foreign governments have bee farms of their own for purposes of investigation and research; and whether he will consider the desirability of following their example?

The Hungarian Government have a State Bee Farm which, however, has for its object instruction in bee-keeping rather than investigation and research. In Berlin the Imperial Biological Institute conducts investigations into bee diseases. I will consider the hon. Member's suggestion.

asked what immediate steps his Department is taking to collect further information on the Isle of Wight bee disease?

The Board's Inspectors are collecting very detailed information from bee-keepers as to all the various circumstances connected with outbreaks of the disease, and we are making arrangements for its further scientific investigation at Cambridge under the charge of Dr. Graham Smith.

Water Roe In Sheep

asked whether the disease called water roe in sheep, which occurred in France, is known to the Board; and whether it has occurred in this country?

Our veterinary officers cannot identify the disease by the designation given in the question. Perhaps the hon. Member would kindly give me the French equivalent or some further particulars respecting it.

Rats (Extermination)

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether, in view of the expense and trouble now being given by local authorities to diminishing the prevalance of rats, the Board of Agriculture will issue a leaflet giving information as to the estimated effect on the prevalence of rats of the trapping of stoats and weasels; and will he cause such a leaflet to be issued to landowners, farmers, and game preservers in counties where trapping prevails?

The Board issued a leaflet in December last calling attention to the enormous damage done by rats, and urging upon farmers the necessity for their destruction. Nearly 50,000 copies of the leaflet have been circulated. It will shortly come forward for revision, when we shall be glad to consider the suggestion made by my hon. Friend. I will send him some copies of the existing leaflet.

Copenhagen Fisheries Congress And Exhibition

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether he is aware that a fisheries congress and exhibition is to be held in Copenhagen in the summer of 1912, special prominence being given to the motor and oil-engine section; and whether he contemplates taking steps to ensure that the Britsh fishing industry in all its branches shall be represented, both in the exhibition and at the congress?

Yes, Sir; and we have brought the matter to the notice of the National Sea Fisheries Protection Association and of the trade journals. We shall be glad to do what we can to carry out the suggestion made in the latter part of the question.

Agricultural Organisation Society

asked whether the Government gives a yearly Grant to the Agricultural Organisation Society; if so, what is the amount of that Grant; what are the terms on which it is given; has the Government representation on the board of the society; and, if so, who are the representatives?

The Board have agreed to make a grant of £1,200 per annum for a period of three years from 1st April, 1909, provided that the income of the society subscriptions and donations in each year is not less than £1,200. In the event of the income of the society exceeding that sum, the grant is increased by a corresponding amount to a maximum of £1,600. The actual amount granted for 1910–11 was £1,491 8s. 4d. The conditions are too detailed to give in reply to a question, but I shall be happy to send a copy to the hon. Member. The Board nominate six members of the Committee of Management, who are at present as follows:—

  • Mr. T. Baines,
  • Mr. E. J. Cheney,
  • Small Holdings Commissioners.
  • Mr. C. Roden Buxton,
  • Mr. J. C. Gray,
  • Central Small Holdings Society.
  • Mrs. Roland Wilkins,
  • Mr. D. McInnes,
  • Co-operative Union, Limited.

May I ask whether, with a view to further assistance, the Government will make representations to the Development Fund Commissioners urging a Grant-in-Aid of this society and its admirable national work?

Northumberland Fishery Committee

asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture where the police or patrol boats employed by the Northumberland Fishery Committee are stationed; whether they have, on a single occasion within the last six months, been at sea for the purpose of detecting illegal trawling; and whether he will consider some more efficient manner of protecting the line fishermen?

The Committee hire vessels and employ them as occasion arises. They do not possess any vessels of their own stationed at definite points. In 1910 vessels were hired on twenty-three different occasions for the purpose of detecting illegal trawling. We are in communication with the Committee on the subject, and I hope that it may be possible for us before very long to assist the Committee to make more efficient arrangements for the enforcement of the By-laws?

Delivery Of Letters (Caherciveen)

asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention has been called to the late delivery of letters in Caherciveen in consequence of the un-punctuality of the train due in Caherciveen at 8.26 a.m.; and whether, in view of the fact that nearly four hours is allowed for the journey between Farranfore Junction and Caherciveen, a distance of thirty-eight miles, he will state what action he proposes to take in the matter?

Frequent representations have been made to the Great Southern and Western Railway Company on the subject, and I am assured that at the present time there is a marked improvement in the time kept by the train. I shall continue to have the working of this service carefully watched.

Post Office ("Premium Bonds")

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the postal authorities refuse to allow newspapers containing records of premium bonds for redemption to pass through the post on the ground that the system of premium bonds amounts to a lottery; whether it has been explained to the Department that in nearly all instances the bonds which have been sold in this country bear interest and are sound investments, and that even where no interest is paid all genuine bonds must eventually be redeemed, the issue being thus wholly distinct from a lottery; and whether, in view of the hardship to many thousands of people in this country who have bought such bonds and who are now prevented from learning whether they are drawn for redemption or not, apart from any question of premiums, he can see his way to modify the restriction?

It has been judicially held that the so-called "premium bonds" are within the Lottery Acts, and the procedure of the Post Office must follow the decision of the courts.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he intends to apply the same principle to all bonds redeemable at a premium—for example, to the Brazilian Four per Cents, recently issued by the Rothschilds?

It depends entirely upon a legal decision given on the subject. The Postmaster-General cannot undertake himself to discriminate. It must follow the decisions of the courts.

May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is not discriminating already?

No, Sir; not further than the courts have gone, so far as I am aware.

East Central Postal District (London)

asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention had been called to the absences on account of illness amongst the female staff of the East Central district during the past twelve months; whether such sick absence is due to excessive pressure of work and inadequate staff to supply vacancies caused by annual leave and normal sick leave; and, if not, how he accounts for the sick absences?

My attention has been called to the amount of sick absence among the female counter clerks and telegraphists in the Eastern Central district. It is attributed to the concurrence of a variety of causes. It has undoubtedly thrown additional work on the remainder of the staff, and I think there is a case for increasing the number of established officers for substitution purposes. I am already in communication with the Treasury on the subject.

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that, in the year 1907, several branches in the East Central district were visited by Mr. A. P. Vaughan, a Home Office factory inspector, in consequence of complaints made that basements were being used for the meals of the staff and for rest purposes; that the inspector recommended that the use of basements for such purposes should be discontinued; whether underground rooms are still used for the same purposes at the Aldermanbury, Gracechurch Street, Great Tower Street, and Ludgate Circus branches; and, if so, whether he will take the necessary steps to give effect to the inspector's recommendation?

It is the case that at the offices mentioned the basements are used for dining and retiring rooms. The Report mentioned in the question, which followed an inspection made at the request of my predecessor, recommended the disuse of basements, but recognised that this might be a counsel of perfection, and suggested that if it proved to be impracticable, electric fans should be introduced. I much regret that the accommodation available does not allow a change which is doubtless desirable, but the electric fans have been installed at three of the offices mentioned, and one is about to be installed at the fourth.

Athey Urban Council (Telephone Service)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that more than two years ago the Athey Urban Council, county Kildare, signed an agreement with the postal authorities for the installation of the telephone system; can he say what are the reasons for this prolonged delay; and whether he can state approximately the date on which the wants of the public in this matter will be complied with?

I regret that I have not been in a position to accept the offer of the Athey Urban Council to guarantee the extension of the telephone system to that town. I am, however, in communication with the Treasury on the subject.

Wick Post Office

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that inconvenience and loss have been caused to the commercial community in Wick by the recent restriction of the hours during which postal and telegraphic business can be transacted; that the Wick Chamber of Commerce have memoralised the Secretary of State on the subject; and whether, in these circumstances, he will consider the desirability of extending the hours of business in the Wick post office, at any rate during the summer months?

Reports have been furnished to me on the subject, but I am not, so far, satisfied that any real inconvenience has resulted from the changes made about twelve months ago in the hours of business at the Wick post office, and I should not feel justified in extending them on the information at present in my possession. In a recent memorial received by the Secretary for Scotland the Wick Chamber of Commerce ask for further telephone and telegraph facilities, and I am making inquiries in the matter.

Continental Telegraphic Communication

asked the Postmaster-General if he has considered a resolution passed by the Associated Chambers of Commerce on the 16th instant urging him to adopt, in connection with Continental telegraphy, a system of urgent telegrams for extra payment; whether he will inform the House what steps have been taken since June, 1909, to improve telegraphic communication with the principal commercial centres of the Continent; what further steps he now proposes to take; and whether he will adopt the system of urgent telegrams advocated in the resolution?

I will give full consideration to the resolution in question, which as yet I have only seen in the public Press. Since June, 1909, multiplex apparatus similar to that previously in use in the French and Swiss circuits has been introduced into the Netherlands circuits; and experiments are in progress with a view to a further extension in the use of such apparatus, especially over the longer cables between England and Germany. This presents certain technical difficulties, which my officers are endeavouring to surmount in concert with the officers of the German administration. The question of giving additional facilities for urgent telegrams in return for extra payments has been for some time under my consideration. Difficulties arise through the necessity of avoiding the imposition of delay on other telegrams paid for at existing rates. But the proposal will not be lost sight of.

Does the right hon. Gentleman know that at the present time it is possible to telegraph to New York from Liverpool and get an answer within three or four minutes, whereas it takes four hours to telegraph one way from London to Marseilles; and that from Havre you can telegraph to London viâ New York, in ten minutes, while it takes one and a-half hours to send from London to Havre by direct route?

I am not prepared to accept the figures without investigation; but I know it is the case that during the hours when the London and New York Stock Exchanges are not open at the same time it is very easy to get extraordinarily rapid communication between Europe and New York and back again.

Does the right hon. Gentleman know that telegrams to the Cotton Exchange at Liverpool go backwards and forwards within three minutes at the opening of the New York market?

There are other ways of imparting information to the Postmaster-General.

Municipal Tramways (Speed Limits)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has any power to regulate the speed of tramway cars in municipal areas; can he insist on such speed being reduced to ten miles per hour; is he aware that municipalities refrain from applying for the ten miles limit within their area because such limit would interfere with the speed of the municipal tramway cars; and will he introduce legislation dealing with this matter, in view of the number of accidents in large cities due to the speed of vehicles?

The Board of Trade have power to fix the speed limits to be observed by tramway cars, and the matter is dealt with in the regulations made by the Board after inspection of the routes. The limits vary on different tramway systems, and on different sections of the same system, according to the gradients and curves on the lines and the local conditions generally, and I do not think that it would be in the public interests to fix a hard and fast limit of ten miles an hour. The question of the limitation of the speed of motor-cars is not governed by the speed limits fixed for tramcars, and comes within the province of my right hon. Friend, the President of the Local Government Board.

Caherciveen Train Delays

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention had been called to the failure of the morning train, due at Caherciveen at 8.26 a.m., to run up to the scheduled time on several occasions during the month of March; is this due to the want of sufficient employés between Farranfore and Caherciveen or to lack of supervision; and will steps be taken to secure punctuality in the future?

The railway company inform me that since the 20th March the times of running of this train have been altered, and that it is now due at Caherciveen at 9.15 a.m., and has arrived punctually at that time since the alteration was made.

Coronation

asked whether, in view of the fact that the Coronation day and the day following will be public holidays in the county of London, it is intended that the workpeople employed in the Deptford Victualling Yard, Enfield Small Arms Factory, Pimlico Clothing Factory, Woolwich Arsenal, Waltham Abbey Gunpowder Factory, and West India Dock Naval Store shall be granted and be paid for such holidays?

The question should be addressed to the representatives of the War Office and Admiralty, which are the Departments concerned.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will recommend the payment of an allowance towards the cost of entertaining distinguished visitors attending the Coronation incurred by naval commanders-in-chief and general officers in command of districts?

I am informed that no applications on the subject have been received from naval commanders - in - chief nor from general officers commanding. If commanding officers have to entertain there are funds provided for the purpose. If these should be regarded as insufficient in any instance the case can be considered.

May I ask whether that answer will be brought to the notice of the naval commanders-in-chief and others concerned?

asked, having regard to the proposal of the Government as to the duration of the Coronation holidays, that it was proposed to make two days' holiday apply merely to the county of London, he will state if the Royal Proclamation is rightly worded in stating that 22nd and 23rd June shall be both public holidays under the provisions of the Bank Holiday Act throughout the Kingdom; and, if so, why this alteration was made in the original proposal?

I am advised that the legal effect of the Proclamation is in accord with the announcement made—namely, that Thursday, 22nd June, will be observed as a bank holiday throughout the United Kingdom, including London, and Friday, the 23rd, as a bank holiday within the administrative county of London alone.

House Of Lords (Judicial Powers)

asked the Prime Minister whether there is any proposal to abolish or diminish the powers of the highest appellate court, commonly called the House of Lords, in view of Mr. Justice Avory's remark at the conclusion of the election libel action brought by the hon. Member for the Skipton Division of Yorkshire, that he might go to the Court of Appeal or to the House of Lords, if there is one; and whether, in view of the confusion in the minds of electors between the House of Lords in its legislative and judicial capacity, colour to which is now given on the high authority of one of His Majesty's judges, ho will consider the advisability of designating the House of Lords in its judicial capacity by some other title?

I am informed by the learned judge (as is indeed obvious) that the observation referred to was made in a spirit of pleasantry and was only intended for counsel to whom it was addressed. I see no evidence of such confusion in the mind of the electors as the hon. Member attributes to them.

Is there any objection to reconsidering the question of combining the functions of the Privy Council with the judicial functions of the House of Lords?

Is it not a fact that in reference to the House of Lords in its judicial capacity, provided three members of the judicial bench are present, the sitting of that House of Lords is a sitting of the House of Lords itself, and that any Member, whether he be a lay Member or not, is perfectly entitled, so far as the law is concerned, to take part in the Sitting.

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that considerable confusion has been deliberately instilled into the minds of the people in this regard, especially in respect of the Osborne Judgment.

Is it not the fact that the forms of the House of Lords in giving judgment are exactly the same as the forms of the House of Lords in ordinary procedure, and that so far as the law is concerned any Peer twenty-one years of age can take part. [HON. MEMBERS: "Agreed, agreed."] No, it is not agreed.

St James's Park

asked whether the Government have practically consented to the changes in St. James's Park proposed by the King Edward Memorial Committee, inasmuch as the First Commissioner of Works was a member of the sub-committee which unanimously recommended the proposed changes?

The sub-committee in question is, as I understand, composed of subscribers to the memorial, and the Government are in no way responsible for any recommendations it may make.

asked whether, in view of the regret at the diminution in the size of St. James's Park due to the formation of the Processional Way, the Government will consider the advisability of reducing its width and restoring a portion of it to St. James's Park?

The Mall affords a great opportunity to people to witness processions, and the First Commissioner does not think it would be in the public interest to remodel it at great expense. He regrets, therefore, that he is unable to adopt the suggestion of the hon. Member.

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the regret that, before the curtailment of St. James's Park and Green Park in connection with the Queen Victoria Memorial took place, the House of Commons was not afforded any opportunity of expressing its opinion, he will give an assurance that no alteration of the existing plan of any national park shall in future be undertaken without submission to the House?

As regards the first part of the question, I think my hon. Friend is under a misapprehension. I am informed that the plans for the Queen Victoria Memorial and the Mall Extension were exhibited in the Tea Room some time before work was begun upon them, and the sum necessary for the construction of the new Mall was voted by Parliament. I cannot give an undertaking in such wide terms as are suggested in the second part of the question, but I do not think that serious or substantial changes in the parks should be undertaken without notice to the House of Commons.

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the opposition to the full details of the King Edward VII. Memorial scheme in St. James's Park, he will consider the advisability of devoting a considerable portion of the funds available to improving and beautifying Victoria Park or other open space in East London, so that the poorer subjects of His late Majesty may obtain some benefit from the memorial scheme?

The funds in question are entirely raised by voluntary contribution, and the Government have no voice whatever as to their application, except in so far as public interests are involved in the execution of a memorial scheme.

Labour Day Celebrations

asked whether, in view of the fact that organised labour in this country is in favour of 1st May being celebrated as Labour Day, His Majesty's Government can see its way to concede a holiday to as many as possible of the workpeople in all departments on that day without loss of pay?

No, Sir; His Majesty's Government cannot see their way to adopting this suggestion.

Parliamentary Franchise (Royal Navy)

asked the Prime Minister whether he will introduce a Bill providing facilities for officers and men in the Royal Navy to exercise their Parliamentary franchise when on duty at sea?

Does the right hon. Gentleman recognise the disabilities under which these officers and men are?

Parliament Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that, by the order and tradition of Parliament, it is not possible to amend or omit any of the enacting words which have for so many centuries been included in every Act of Parliament; whether, as a consequence of the passing of the Parliament Bill, there may in future be Acts of the greatest constitutional importance which will contain these enacting words, although it will be an accepted fact that they have not had the consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal; whether he has considered the legal effect of the inclusion of such a mis-statement of fact upon the interpretation of such Acts judicially; and whether he proposes to take legislative action so as to secure that, when Acts are passed under the provisions of the Parliament Bill, the enacting words shall clearly indicate that such Acts are the legislative product of a Single Chamber?

It is clearly possible to amend or omit enacting words with the sanction of Parliament. The only question is in what manner that sanction should be expressed. Whether the sanction should be expressed by means of legislative enactment or not can be and is raised by Amendments to the Parliament Bill.

Does the right hon. Gentleman say that it is possible to alter the enacting words of any particular Act without general legislation?

asked whether the sanction of the Crown was obtained for the introduction of the Parliament Bill, having regard to the fact that it contains in the Preamble a statement that it is the intention of Parliament to curtail the Prerogatives of the Crown; if so, when was such sanction obtained; and, if not, whether it will be in accordance with constitutional precedents and principles to proceed further with the Bill without such sanction?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers may I ask him whether he is aware that there is no precedent for the adoption of his suggestion embodied in the question, or whether it is not the fact that the Preamble of a Bill cannot restrict or extend the granting part when the language in such other Act are not open to doubt, and that when the Preamble is more extensive than the granting part it cannot curtail the effect of that part when otherwise free from doubt.

I think the hon. Member is under a misapprehension as to the law. The assent of the Crown to the discussion in Parliament of measures which would affect its Prerogative can, in the case of a Government Bill, be given at any stage in its progress by the Minister in charge. The practice, so far as I know, only applies where the operative Clauses of the Bill would, if carried, affect the Prerogative. It has, therefore, no application to the Parliament Bill.

Is it not the fact that the Preamble of the Parliament Bill commits Parliament to an expression of intention, and whether, apart from the Preamble, it is not the fact that the operative part of the Bill limits the Royal Prerogative by limiting the rights attached to a writ of summons to the House of Lords which is part of the Royal Prerogative?

The hon. Gentleman, as a lawyer himself, must be familiar with the distinction between the recitals and the operative clauses of a Bill.

I think the right hon. Gentleman has not answered the second part of the supplementary question, whether the operative part of the Bill apart from the Preamble does limit the Royal Prerogative by limiting the rights attached to a whit of summons to the House of Lords which is part of the Royal Prerogative?

Board Of Agriculture (Fishery Advisory Committee)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the facts that the Development Commissioners have appointed a committee to advise on fishery questions; that the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries considered that its constitution gave no adequate representation to English and Welsh fishery interests, and made representations to the Development Commissioners accordingly; that the Development Commissioners have given no effect to these representations; and whether he will take steps to see that the expressed views of the Government Department in charge of English and Welsh fishery matters carry their proper weight with other Departments of the Government where fishery interests are concerned?

I have considered the matter, and see no ground for interfering with the action taken by the Development Commission in the exercise of the discretion allowed to them.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, in reference to the first part of the question, a difference exists in fishery matters between the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Development Commissioners.

The Board of Agriculture and Fisheries have not brought that question to my notice.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will endeavour to secure that England may obtain from the Development Fund a suitable grant for fishery development and may be treated with the same generosity as has been extended to Scotland and Ireland in respect of grants for this purpose?

The Development Commissioners do not intend to make any attempt to adopt any proportionate basis of distribution of their funds between the various parts of the United Kingdom, but are simply dealing with applications on their merits. Applications for grants for fishery purposes will be carefully considered from whatever part of the kingdom they may be received. I understand that no application from England for fishery development has yet been received by the Commissioners.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Lancashire Committee absolutely deny that they have applied?

They have applied for representation on the Advisory Committee, but I have no information that they have applied for a grant.

House Of Commons (Payment Of Members)

asked the Prime Minister whether, before the actual amount of salary to be paid to Members of this House is definitely settled, he will consider the proposal that the salary paid shall be graduated in accordance with the number of electors that each Member represents in Parliament?

All relevant considerations will be duly taken into account, but among them I cannot include the suggestion of the hon. Member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider graduation according to length of service?

Is it proposed to add to the salaries of Members sitting on the Treasury Bench, or will the salaries allotted to Members be deducted from their salaries?

When the proposal is produced the hon. Member will be able to form his own opinion.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, arising out of that answer, when we are going to be paid—when?

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider carefully the amount paid to the Members of Parliament in the United States with a view to having all classes of the community represented in this House without any loss to individuals?

Will the right hon. Gentleman send us something on account at once?

House Of Commons (All-Night Sittings)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that in order to assimilate an all-night sitting to a normal sitting it is considered advisable to deduct eight hours out of eleven occupied beyond the regular limit of a Parliamentary day, he will make arrangements to avoid the recurrence of such conditions?

I cannot admit the assumption which underlies the hon. Member's question. The deduction which for the purposes of the argument I made the other day was, as I stated at the time, one of extravagant generosity.

Scottish Small Landholders Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the continued emigration of the rural population of Scotland, which the Scottish Small Landholders Bill was designed to check, and which passed through the House of Commons during two Sessions of Parliament and was rejected by the House of Lords; and whether, as this Bill has been twice submitted to and approved by the electors of Scotland, he will give special facilities for passing this Bill through the present Parliament?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the hon. Member for Peebles and Selkirk (Mr. Donald Maclean) has obtained first place on Friday, 2nd June, and has given notice of a Scottish Small Landholders Bill in the same terms in which it has twice been passed through this House; and whether, if that is so, he can give facilities to give effect to the Second Reading of this Bill?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of his assurance as regards the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill, given at the border meeting at Earlston, he can see his way to reintroduce the said Bill at an early opportunity?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the amount of emigration from the rural districts in Scotland, and of the fact that the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill, designed to counteract this tendency, passed through the House of Commons in two successive Sessions, he will grant special facilities for the passage of this measure during the present Parliament?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware of the feeling in Scotland with regard to the necessity of passing the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill; and whether he will give special facilities for passing this Bill into law so soon as the Parliament Bill has become law?

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill has been twice passed through the House of Commons and has been before the people of Scotland and endorsed by them at two General Elections, he will give an assurance that the wishes of the people of Scotland so emphatically expressed shall not be set aside, but shall be pressed forward so that they may be passed into law at the earliest possible opportunity within the lifetime of the present Parliament?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that the Scottish Small Landholders Bill, which was twice rejected by the House of Lords, is the measure of land reform which has the approval of a large majority of the Scottish people; and whether he will use every endeavour to introduce that Bill, and make progress with the discussion of it, at the earliest possible moment?

asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that suggestions have been made in favour of the postponement of the Small Landholders (Scotland) Bill until after the passing of a Home Rule Bill for Scotland; that this suggestion has caused apprehension in the minds of the people of Scotland, who are deeply interested in land reform; and whether he will give an assurance that the Small Landholders Bill of the Government will be proceeded with at the earliest possible opportunity, and will not be postponed as suggested?

The pressing importance of this subject, which is alluded to by my hon. Friends is, I believe, admitted on all hands. I repeat the assurance I have already given that the Government are fully alive to the urgency of this matter, and that they have every hope that the necessary legislation will pass into law during the present Parliament. I have publicly intimated at Earlston and elsewhere that they are willing to consider any amendments from any quarter not inconsistent with the general principles of our Bill.

Has it been brought to his notice that this side of the House is perfectly ready to discuss this subject in a friendly way?

Financial Relations Committee

asked the names of the financial experts and other well-qualified persons, including in the number representatives of different sections of Irish opinion whom the Cabinet have taken into consultation in connection with the financial relations between Great Britain and Ireland; will those Gentlemen sit with the Committee of the Cabinet or as a separate Departmental Committee; will they take evidence and make a formal report; if so, will the nature of the evidence be made public, and for what period of time it is estimated their investigation will last; will they proceed on the basis of the Report of the Childers Royal Commission of 1894; and, if not, upon what other basis?

I am not at present able to give the names or the particulars for which the hon. Member asks.

Is it not a fact that the Chief Secretary has publicly announced that on the result of this inquiry will depend whether we shall have Home Rule, and that he himself apprehends that it will be a very tight fit, and whether, in view of the importance of this investigation the Irish people will be left in total ignorance of who the men are who will decide their fate?

They will not decide their fate at all. This is information which is required for the guidance and information of the Government.

There is no secrecy whatever. I am going to give their names as soon as practicable.

Have the names of the financial experts been confided to the two Nationalist Members who have gone on a begging expedition to Australia?

Irish Estimates

asked the Prime Minister whether no Irish Vote has been put down during the present Session which would make it possible to discuss the practical cessation of land purchase or the charge of partiality in the administration of justice preferred against the Irish Government in connection with the Bantry and Crossmolina riots; and whether he will arrange that the Vote for the Chief Secretary's salary, or some other appropriate Irish Vote, shall be taken on Friday?

I do not think that Friday would be a convenient day for the purpose. We shall take Irish Estimates later in the Session on a day which is convenient to all parties.

Alteration Of Load Line

asked the President of the Board of Trade the number of seamen who have been drowned by being washed overboard and the number of ships which have foundered each year since the alteration of the load line; and also the numbers of men and ships drowned and foundered, respectively, for each year during the same period before the alteration of the load line?

I will give the particulars asked for in a printed answer as they are too voluminous for a verbal answer. But I am sure that my hon. Friend will be glad to learn that the figures are most satisfactory, and that the comparison of the two periods he asks for shows a substantial diminution in loss of life. The number of masters and seamen reported as having been drowned by being washed overboard, during the four years previous to the alteration of the load line, namely, 1903–1906 inclusive, was 257. The corresponding figure for the four years 1907–1910 inclusive was only 163. The number of vessels lost in the respective periods was 201 before the alteration, and only 144 since the alteration.

Pomona Haulage Company, Limited

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the compulsory winding up of the Pomona Haulage Company, Limited; whether the Co-operative Banking and Investment Society, Limited, and other similar societies, all registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, are or were ventures of a similar character run by the same individuals; whether he is aware that in December, 1909, the attention of the Chief Registrar was called to the matter at a time when at least one of their ventures was in liquidation; will he state what action the Chief Registrar took in the matter; and whether full inquiry will be made into the operations of the persons who trade as the Pomona Haulage Compay, Limited?

I have ascertained that a company called the Pomona Haulage Company, Limited, was ordered to be compulsorily wound up at Manchester on the 15th March. A full inquiry is always made into the affairs of every company ordered by the court to be wound up compulsorily, and an inquiry will be made in the ordinary course into the affairs of the Pomona Haulage Company, Limited. The rest of the question relates to societies registered under the Industrial and Provident Societies Act. These societies are outside the province of the Board of Trade, and the part of my hon. Friend's question which relates to them should be addressed to my right hon. Friend the Secretary to the Treasury.

Port Of London Authority (Dock Labourers)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that, in connection with employment at the London Docks, shipowners and others are constantly breaking the agreement made between employers and workmen after the great dock strike, relating to fixed hours for taking on men and for minimum periods; and whether the Port of London Authority will issue regulations insisting that the terms of that agreement must be adhered to, especially those relating to taking men on at fixed hours—namely, 7 and 8 a.m. and 1 and 6 p.m., with a minimum of four hours' employment?

Is the right hon. Gentleman responsible to this House for the Port of London Authority, and ought a question to be addressed to him in respect of it, and what control has he over the Port of London Authority?

When questions of this sort are put to me I communicate with the Port Authority in regard to the matter. I have no information which would lead me to confirm the view expressed in the first part of the question. As my hon. Friend is no doubt aware, the whole question of casual labour at the docks is at present engaging the attention of the Port of London authority.

Mercantile Marine (Foreign Seamen)

asked what is the number of men of foreign nationality serving in the British mercantile marine; and what proportion they bear to men of British or Colonial birth?

It is not possible to state definitely the number of men of foreign nationality now serving in the British mercantile marine. The figures showing the number of persons employed in vessels belonging to the United Kingdom, Isle of Man, and Channel Islands during 1909, published in the Annual Statement of Navigation and Shipping (Cd. 5292) for that year are the latest available. These are as follows:—

British198,474
Foreign31,873
The proportion of foreign seamen was 16.06 to every 100 of British nationality, the lowest percentage reached since 1893. These figures are exclusive of lascars and Asiatics, of whom a large proportion are British subjects. Detailed figures with regard to these are not available.

Labour Exchanges (Staff)

asked whether the staff of the Labour Exchanges has been filled by patronage or by open competition; and whether there are a number of redundant clerks available who, having passed the Civil Service examination, would be better qualified to deal with the work of a new Government Department than persons appointed merely through patronage?

When the Labour Exchange Act came into force it was necessary, in view of the special nature of the duties to be performed, to obtain the services, as far as possible, of those who would be likely to be conversant with the work required of them. The Labour Exchange staff was not, therefore, recruited by competitive examination, but the great majority of the higher appointments were originally filled on the recommendation of a committee presided over by the First Civil Service Commissioner. In view of the special nature of the duties, I do not think that it would be desirable to limit the appointment of Labour Exchange officers to persons chosen by competitive examination; but I need hardly say that any applications from those who have passed the Civil Service examination would be carefully considered. I am at the present moment considering what improvements can be effected in the methods by which appointments are made in this service.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not think, subject to what he has said, that preference ought to be given to those who have passed through a Civil Service examination, and more especially to those who have been squeezed out of other offices through re-organisation, having taken place in those offices?

I think that in some cases the work is not suitable for those who, in the ordinary course, are called Civil servants, but I am giving the matter my consideration. I desire, certainly, as far as possible, to utilise their service. As regards the last part of the question, it depends, of course, on the circumstances under which a particular officer may have been squeezed out, whether his application will be favourably or unfavourably considered.

How many of these officials were appointed on the personal recommendation of the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor in office?

I have already pointed out that the great majority of the higher appointments were originally filled on the recommendation of the committee presided over by the First Civil Service Commissioner.

Could we not revert as quickly as possible to the good old Liberal practice of open competition and do away with these bureaucratic nominations?

Will the nominees of the Labour party get preference, as in the days of the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor?

United States (Cost Of Living)

asked whether the Report on the cost of living in the United States will be published before Easter; and, if not, what is the reason for the delay in publishing this Report, which, on the 16th March, 1910, he promised would be ready for issue last autumn?

The Report referred to by the hon. Member is now in the Press, and will, I hope, be issued before Easter.

Trade Unions (Unemployment And Sick Pay)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the reports of the Registrar-General show that 100 trade unions have paid out to their members during ten years, for unemployment, £4,018,176; for sickness and accident, £3,424,376; for superannuation, £2,363,254; for death, £954,007; and whether he has any means of deciding the amount of similar benefits paid by the remaining 1,073 trade unions not dealt with in the report?

The figures referred to by my hon. Friend are based on a Report issued by the Board of Trade on Trade Unions in 1909. They relate to 100 principal trade unions, and represent the great bulk of the expenditure of all trade unions on these benefits. I will, however, consider whether similar information could be furnished as regards the other trade unions.

Food Prices (Germany)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if his attention has been drawn to the authoritative estimates based on official German returns showing that in the past five years food prices in Germany had increased by 13.6 per cent. and miners' wages by 20 per cent. over the preceding five years; and whether he will bring up to date the information on these matters contained in the Report on the Cost of Living in German Towns?

I am not aware of any authoritative comparisons of the relative rise in the wages of German miners and of food prices. Many unofficial statistics of the kind quoted by the hon. Member are published from time to time in connection with current controversies in Germany as to the effect of the rise in prices on the purchasing power of the working classes in that country. The Report on Cost of Living in German Towns dealt with the facts at a given date. The information was obtained by personal inquiries in Germany, which occupied a very considerable time and involved great labour and expense. In order to bring the figures up to date similar prolonged and costly inquiries would be necessary, and the Board of Trade cannot, I fear, at present undertake this work.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the reason why miners' wages have been increased in Germany to the extent of 20 per cent. is because they have powerful trade unions?

Accidents (Great Central And Metropolitan Joint Lines)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that on the Great Central and Metropolitan Joint lines, near Northwood, an engine driver, named Huckell, was severely burnt on the 27th instant; whether he is aware that with the same class of engine two men have been killed and two men maimed for life from the same cause; and whether, having regard to these circumstances, he will prevent these engines doing further work until a full inquiry is made into the causes of these accidents?

Can the right hon. Gentleman prevent this class of engine going out pending the inquiry, having regard to the fact that two men have been killed and two maimed for life arising out of the same cause?

I have considered that point carefully, and I am informed that I have no power to make such an order, but I will communicate with the company in regard to the matter generally.

Railway Companies (Income Tax)

I beg to ask the Financial Secretary to the Treasury whether he can explain the action of the Inland Revenue in sending round to the offices of the railway companies and suggesting that that portion of the Income Tax due by them in March should not be paid, but held over until April?

I much regret that owing to the mistake of a subordinate officer certain railway companies which are usually asked to pay on 30th March taxes not due under the Special Taxes Management Act until 20th March were this year asked to defer payment till April. The instructions to the chairman of the Board were to receive payment on 30th March.

In consequence of the unsatisfactory nature of the right hon. Gentleman's reply I beg to ask leave to move the adjournment of the House in order to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the action of the Treasury in suggesting to the taxpayers that they should delay their payment of Income Tax and thus break the law.

The urgency is that by this action money which should have been received this year and used for the Old Sinking Fund is diverted into next year. It is urgent, I submit, that the taxes should be collected at the proper time. Every day that goes by delays the collection.

But the end of the financial year has passed. I do not see that any action which the House could take could go back on that. Supposing the House were to adjourn to-day in consequence of the hon. Baronet's Motion, how would that affect the matter? This is altogether new to me, and that is why I am asking for information.

It would compel that part of the Income Tax which has not been collected to be collected.

Lady In House Of Commons Crypt

May I ask the hon. Member for Southampton whether it is true that a lady has been found in the crypt, and, if so, when she got there, and what he proposes doing?

I have just been informed that a lady was found in the crypt this morning. I have not yet had time to make myself fully acquainted with the circumstances. Presumably the lady went there in order to avoid the Census. The only step I propose to take at present is to inform the President of the Local Government Board so that she may be enumerated with the rest of the population.

One other Member took and subscribed the Oath.

New Writ

New Writ for the County of Haddington, in the room of the right hon. Richard Burdon Haldane, now Viscount Haldane, called up to the House of Peers.—[ Mr. Gulland.]

Bills Presented

Civil Service (Women) Bill

"To throw open additional posts in the Civil Service to women," presented by Mr. SNOWDEN; supported by Mr. Atherley- Jones, Mr. John Robertson, and Mr. Theodore Taylor; to be read a second time upon Friday, 19th May.

Education (Girls) Bill

"To give better educational facilities to women," presented by Mr. SNOWDEN; supported by Mr. Atherley-Jones, Mr. John Robertson, and Mr. Theodore Taylor; to be read a second time upon Friday, 19th May.

Summary Jurisdiction (Married Women) Bill

"To give the wife claim for maintenance," presented by Mr. SSTOWDEN; supported by Mr. Atherley-Jones, Mr. John Robertson, and Mr. Theodore Taylor; to be read a second time upon Friday, 19th May.

Sheriffs' Substitute (Scotland) (No 2) Bill

"To make provision for choice of law agents as Sheriffs' Substitute and as interim Sheriffs' Substitute in Scotland, and to fix an age limit for their compulsory retiral," presented by Mr. WATT; to be read a second time upon Friday, 14th April.

Parliament Bill

Order for Committee read.

had on the Paper the following Notice of Motion:—"That it be an Instruction to the Committee that they have power to insert provisions for altering the Constitution of either House of Parliament."

The Instruction in the name of the hon. Member for the Central Division of Sheffield appears to me to be beyond the scope of the Bill.

On the point of Order, I venture to submit that this Bill deals with the relations of the two Houses of Parliament. The relations of the Houses must depend in some degree on their composition, and to change their composition or Constitution might be the best way of harmonising opinion. Therefore I submit to you that the Instruction that the Committee should have power to insert provisions for altering the Constitution of either House is in order.

I do not think so. It is one way of dealing with the difficulty, but not the way proposed by this Bill.

I beg to Move, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee that they have power to divide the Bill into two Bills, the one dealing with the powers of the House of Lords as to Money Bills, and the other with the restriction of the powers of the House of Lords as to Bills other than Money Bills and with the duration of Parliament, and that the first Bill be reported to the House before the other is proceeded with."

The two parts of the Bill are, I think, quite distinct, and should naturally be dealt with separately, namely, the part which deals with the House of Lords as regards finance, and the other part which deals with the powers of the House of Lords as regards general legislation, and the question of the duration of Parliament which is involved in the question of general legislation. I submit that the course I am recommending is one which would be to the convenience of the House and to the convenience of the country. In the last few months, in dealing with this question in the country, I have met very many people who hold that there ought to be some further limitation, at all events some definition by reducing them to writing, of the powers of the Second Chamber with regard to finance. But, at the same time, I have found that many of those same people feel very strongly that there ought not to be that great curtailment of the powers of the Second Chamber with regard to general legislation which is proposed in the latter part of the Bill. In fact, the feeling is that while we may rightly curtail the powers of the Second Chamber as to finance, we ought to preserve strong powers to the Second Chamber as to matters of legislation, and not to reduce that Chamber to absolute impotence, as the present Bill proposes to do. For that reason I think it would be far more convenient that we should separate the Bill into two portions. I venture to think that course would be convenient not only to the House and the country, but also to the Government. As I understand the position it is this. The Government and the party who support them are entirely agreed as to the desirability of the first part of the Bill, and they have made up their minds that they are going to take away altogether from the House of Lords power over finance. They have gone further and said, in the words of the Home Secretary, that this diminution of power is to apply not merely to the present House of Lords, but to any Second Chamber that may arise in future under the words of the Preamble. These are his words on 31st March, 1910:—
"We, by our Resolutions, take the view that this House should be invited to exclude deliberately and by law the House of Lords or any other Second Chamber from any control in the business of finance."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 31st March, 1910, col. 1574.]
4.0 P.M.

While it is quite clear on the question of finance that the Government take that view, do they take the same view with regard to general legislation? Will those limiting powers given in the second Clause of the Bill apply not only to the present House of Lords, but also to any future Second Chamber that may arise? That is a very important point. We will not even know until the Preamble is passed, and after that we will not know whether there is to be a Second Chamber at all. We know that the Government say there ought to be a Second Chamber, and we know that the Foreign Secretary (Sir Edward Grey) has said that for his party to advocate a One-Chamber system as regards general legislation would spell disaster, death, and damnation. But while we know that is the view of the Government with regard to the Second Chamber and the necessity for it, we also know that hon. Members below the Gangway on the other side distinctly say that there should be no Second Chamber, even for general legislation, let alone finance. As regards hon. Members from Ireland below the Gangway on this side—I do not wish to misrepresent them—I believe I am expressing their opinion rightly when I say that they are perfectly indifferent whether there is a Second Chamber or not, provided that they get Home Rule for Ireland. It is clear that while on one question all the supporters of the Government are agreed, on the other question there is such a diversity of opinion that surely it would be far more convenient not only for the country but for this House, and also for the Government themselves, that they should take the opportunity of dividing the Bill, proceeding with that part on which there is agreement among their own supporters, and postponing for further consideration that part on which there is so much division among themselves. As there were many people who held that some limitation on the question of finance in the relations of the House of Lords to the House of Commons was a perfectly proper position to take up, I may remind the House that Lord Lansdowne, dealing with this very question on a Resolution in the House of Lords, abandoned for that House the power of finance. The Resolution declared with regard to Money dills such provision would be on the following lines: "The House of Lords are prepared to forego their constitutional right to reject or to amend Money Bills which are purely financial in character, provided that effectual provision is made against tacking." And then follows a long further explanation of what particular Amendments would be necessary to make it clear who was the person or who were the persons to decide what was a Money Bill, and also what tacking was, whether it was merely overt tacking of a Clause not financial which was simply there in a Money Bill, or whether it included the far more subtle kind of tacking which consists of including non-financial measures in the garb of financial propositions.

When we find not only on that side, but even on this side, that the Leader of the Unionist party in the House of Lords is prepared to abandon the financial position of the Lords, but not their general legislative position, surely the obvious course for the Government to take is to divide the Bill in the manner that I have suggested, and to deal with that part upon which there may be some general agreement, and postpone for further consideration that other part of the Bill, which is far more contentious and far more difficult for this House to decide. The proposition I am making is in accordance with the practice of our Colonies and of all foreign countries whose constitutions I have had an opportunity of studying. And it is also in accordance with precedent in this House. In our Colonies today and in nearly all foreign countries the Second Chambers have practically equal powers with the First Chambers in matters of ordinary legislation. But there are restrictions of varying degree with regard to the position of Second Chambers in matters of finance. That is the case in Austria, France, Italy, Prussia, and even in the United States, though in the United States the restrictions on finance placed on the Senate are very slight indeed. It is the same in our Colonies. In Canada, Australia, and South Africa the Second Chamber has equal power with the first on matters of general legislation, but there are restrictions in regard to finance. Coming to this House the proposition I am making is strictly in accordance with precedent. Over and over again in the history of this House declaratory Resolutions have been passed limiting the power of the House of Lords with regard to finance. In the beginning of the year 1671 the celebrated Resolution was passed which has often been quoted here, "That in all Aids given to the King by the Commons the rate or tax ought not to be altered by the Lords." Passing on from thence there are similar Resolutions in 1678 and 1689 and down to 1860, when very strong Resolutions were passed by this House on the rejection by the House of Lords of the Bill repealing the Paper Duty. The House of Commons has attempted by Resolution to deprive the House of Lords of certain powers in regard to finance, but, with the solitary exception of the Campbell-Bannerman Resolution of three years ago, no attempt has ever been made by this House to deal with the general legislative functions of the House of Lords. I say, therefore, it would be in accordance with precedent that you should follow the suggestion made in my Resolution, and that before we deal with the far bigger and more contentious questions we should attempt to deal with the powers of the House of Lords with regard to finance.

There is another reason which I would like to submit. My proposal would exactly enable the Government to meet the political situation which has arisen at the present time. What has been the cause of all the agitation in the country, and in this House during the last eighteen months, and the cause of the great crisis we have had? The cause has been one thing only—namely, the rejection by the House of Lords of the Finance Act in the year 1909. [An HON. MEMBER: "That was the last straw."] If it had not been for that fact should we have had the General Election of January, 1910? Should we have had the Resolution brought in to this House by the Prime Minister on the assembling of the new Parliament? Should we have had the Conference last year? Should we have had even the more mysterious General Election of December, 1910? Or should we have this Bill now? No. The reason why this Bill has been brought in is on account of the interference of the House of Lords with the question of finance. The right hon. Gentleman practically said so in introducing his Resolution into this House condemning the action of the House of Lords. On that occasion he said that the Motion was made because the House of Lords had made a breach of the Constitution and the usurpation of the rights of the Commons. And he went on to point out that the action of the House of Lords in this matter differed in kind from their action in other matters, because by interfering in finance and rejecting a Budget they had practically interfered with the Executive Government, and taken upon themselves the right to compel a Dissolution. I submit, therefore, that this crisis has arisen in consequence of the rejection of the Finance Act by the House of Lords. Hon. Members opposite may take a different view, but I ask them whether on other occasions when the House of Lords have not dealt with the Finance Act, when they have dealt with general legislation, have we ever had a measure of this sort proposed to the House of Commons?

I was a Member of this House in the year 1893, when the House of Lords rejected the Home Rule Bill, a Bill in many respects of greater importance than the Budget of 1909. The right hon. Gentleman was a Member of the Government then. Did he or his colleagues come down to the House with a Bill for abolishing the legislative action of the House of Lords? Not at all. There was a little agitation in the country, and then the Government quietly proceeded to pass the Parish Councils Bill. Again, in 1906, when the House of Lords interfered in general legislation and amended the Education Bill brought in by the present Chief Secretary for Ireland, the House of Lords on that occasion, as the Government said, causing them to drop the Bill, did the Government then bring in a Bill for abolishing the legislative power of the House of Lords? So far from that, they quietly proceeded for several years with their Government, and two years later they actually included in another Education Bill most of the Amendments made by the House of Lords in their first Education Bill. In the year 1908 the House of Lords rejected the Licensing Bill. Did the right hon. Gentleman then come down here with a measure to destroy the legislative power of the House of Lords and set up Single-Chamber Government? Not at all. There was no agitation in the country then. The chief thing that I remember was a big dinner in the National Liberal Club, at which the right hon. Gentleman made a great speech, and said that the House of Lords would occupy a prominent position in the party programme of the future. No measure was brought forward to deal with the House of Lords, and I think my proposition therefore is absolutely correct that had it not been for the rejection of the Budget by the House of Lords in 1909 we should not have had these two General Elections, we should not have had this agitation in the country, we should not have had the Resolution of last year, and we should not have this Bill at the present moment. If that is so, if the power of the House of Lords with regard to finance is to be curtailed, if they committed a crime and an outrage when they rejected the Finance Bill, if they are to be punished for that, then let the punishment fit the crime. If you are to deal with the weak spot in the Constitution which enables the House of Lords to upset the Executive Government and to force a Dissolution, then you ought to confine your Bill to questions of finance and you ought to define exactly what are to be the relations of the Second Chamber to finance in the future.

I submit therefore that it would be for the general convenience of all parties that we should divide this Bill into those two portions into which it naturally falls. There are a great many people in this country, people belonging to all parties, moderate men on both sides, who hold that no lasting and no permanent settlement of this great crisis can be arrived at except by consent. I fully realise that the Government can if they like force the whole of this Bill by their big composite battalions through this House, and I recognise that they may also be able to force it through another House. If they have got those guarantees we used to hear so much about, though we never hear about them now, they may by sheer force of their majority be able to force this measure through both Houses and make it the law of the country. I submit that if they do that, if they use their majority in that way, they will effect no lasting and no peaceful settlement. A system which provides practically One-Chamber Government is a system which this country, I am sure, will never tolerate. The country may tolerate the taking away of the power of finance from the Second Chamber. It will not tolerate that Cabinet despotism which will follow if the House of Lords or any Second Chamber is to have no power over general legislation. I submit that the proposition contained in my Instruction is a proposition which may lead to a settlement of this question on friendly lines. The lines are there. I have already read the Resolution of Lord Lansdowne offering, on behalf of himself and the Unionist party in the House of Lords, to abandon their power over finance. There is the obvious making of a settlement. If the Government accept my In- struction, and I hope they will, I say there is the possibility of a settlement at this initial stage of the Committee proceeding on this Bill. If they do not we must fight it out in Committee. For these reasons I venture to move the Instruction which stands in my name.

I beg to second the Motion.

I would point out to the House that the genesis and origin of the first and second Clauses are entirely different, and they are also different in regard to subject-matter. My hon. Friend stated, and rightly stated, that the origin of this Bill was entirely due to the rejection by the House of Lords of the Finance Act of 1909. It was wholly that action of the House of Lords which resulted in the present critical situation, and we were told that such a state of things as then resulted could not be allowed to exist in future, for the reason that it would make the Executive Government dependent not upon one House but upon two Houses. That is an argument which has to be met. It was admitted that the House of Lords, when they took that action with reference to the Budget, did so under very special and extraordinary circumstances, and it was only those very special and extraordinary circumstances which justified their so taking it. Personally, I think we have to meet the question, that if the Second Chamber is to have power over finance, it might put in jeopardy the stability of the Government if the Government does not command a majority in the other House. We are ready to admit and to agree to that proposition. But Clause 2, which has relation to general legislation, has a wholly different origin. It goes back, certainly in recent times over a number of episodes in regard to which at different times the two Houses have found themselves in disagreement. It arises, of course, out of the Resolutions that were carried by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1907, consequent upon the failure of the Government to pass the Education Bill a year before. It affects general legislation, and proposes to make a far wider change in the old practice of Parliament. It is perfectly true that the House of Lords seldom rejected a purely financial proposition, but it has during many generations of Parliamentary Government, over and over again, rejected or amended general legislation. Therefore, the change proposed by a Clause of that sort goes far further against the old Parliamentary position than does Clause 1. Certainly, whatever we may think of Clause 1, we have to admit that the difficulty of the Executive in the two Houses may lead to very grave embarrassment, if, as we are told by hon. Gentlemen opposite, the Second Chamber could produce a Dissolution of Parliament, so long as it has a majority against the Government. That, of course, is obvious, but I think it fair to assume that we could find a measure of agreement. Therefore I submit that the financial question had better be considered first, and reported in a separate Bill to be sent up to another place. If that were done, I have no doubt that as regards Clause 1 a settlement might be arrived at without much difficulty.

I need not say that the Government cannot recommend the House to assent to this Instruction. Its object is practically to confine this Bill and the present discussion of it until the Report stage, to these provisions which deal with the relations of the two Houses with regard to finance. I recognise, with much pleasure and satisfaction, the admissions which have been made, admissions of which we shall take note, by both the Mover and Seconder of this Instruction, that this situation, as created by the action of the House of Lords in the year 1909, is not one which any House of Commons can be advised to submit to. I recognise, very gladly, that that shows a very considerable advance on the position taken up by hon. Gentlemen opposite at the General Election of January, 1910, when, throughout the country, they vindicated the action of the House of Lords. [HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no."] Some of them are doing it now—as representing the real opinion of the people, and strictly within the ambit of its own recognised Constitution. That position is not tenable by any of those who support this Instruction on the grounds submitted by the Mover and Seconder. The hon. Gentleman who moved the Instruction has somewhat misread and rather inverted the true history of this situation. It is perfectly true the action of the House of Lords in the rejection of the Budget made the question of the relation between the two Houses one of acute political controversy. But the controversy was of much older standing than the rejection by the House of Lords of the Budget. As the hon. Member reminded us, my predecessor, Sir Henry Campbell - Bannerman, in 1907, when it was common ground between us that the House of Lords would never venture to deal with finance, moved the resolutions upon which the main part of this Bill is founded. In point of history, it was not the action of the House of Lords in regard to finance, it was their action on general legislative questions which brought the relations between the two Houses to the forefront of political controversy. But while I note with satisfaction the admission that the claim put forward in 1909 by the House of Lords in regard to finance is no longer going to be sustained—[HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no"]—I am in the recollection of the House, and the House will bear me out in that; I think the hon. Member even quoted the declaration of Lord Lansdowne, which, if I understand the meaning of English, was in exactly the same sense—while I recognise with satisfaction that that position has now been completely abandoned—[HON. MEMBERS: "NO, no"]—it is not abandoned; it is the basis of the Instruction——

Perhaps I may be allowed to explain. I never made the admission the right hon. Gentleman says I made. All I said was that the Government view was that the House of Lords had gone beyond their sphere. That was the Government view. The contention I put forward, and always have put forward, was that the view of the House of Lords was that the Bill of 1909 was not a pure Finance Bill.

Then why did the hon. Gentleman quote Lord Lansdowne in the citation to which I have already referred? I certainly do not understand the logical process that was in the hon. Gentleman's mind. But, quite apart from that, it must be obvious that the Motion for the division of this Bill into two parts at this stage is altogether impossible. Why should the Bill be divided? Let me take for a moment the hon. Gentleman's view, that it is possible for people to think that the powers of the House of Lords in regard to finance are to be curtailed, circumscribed, and defined by Act of Parliament, and at the same time its powers with regard to general legislation ought to be left where they are. That I take to be his view. But that can be done perfectly well, if it is the general opinion of this House, which I do not believe it is, without any division of the Bill at all. How? In the simplest possible way. You can pass Clause 1, with such Amendments as the House sees fit to introduce in it, and you can reject Clause 2, and then the result which the hon. Gentleman seeks to obtain will have been achieved. The only other effective operative Clause in the Bill is the Clause which limits the duration of Parliament.

Will the right hon. Gentleman accept an Amendment to reject Clause 2?

Of course I shall not. I am pointing out that this Instruction is totally unnecessary, because if it be the general opinion of the House that the Bill ought to be confined to the reconstitution of the relations between the two Houses with regard to finance, then, without a division of the Bill, you can carry out that intention by passing Clause 1 and rejecting Clause 2. Therefore, upon any view of the case, the Instruction is totally unnecessary. But I take it further than that: In the view of the Government the Bill is not a separable Bill. When you are dealing, as this Bill proposes in its title, with reconstruction, with a new definition, with a new circumscription of the relation between the two Houses of Parliament, you must deal with the matter as a whole. It is quite true that different considerations apply to finance from those we apply to ordinary legislation; but they are correlative one with the other; they are part and parcel of a single scheme that has been discussed over and over again inside and outside this House, and, as we believe, they are parts of a political scheme approved by the electors of the country. I again say that we cannot submit to any separation of the Bill, and, upon these grounds, which I think are practical and most logical grounds, the Government must ask the House to reject the Instruction.

The right hon. Gentleman's speech was divided under two heads, in one of which he criticised my hon. Friend (Colonel Griffith-Boscawen), and in the other of which he laid down the policy to which the Government are prepared to adhere. I dissent from the right hon. Gentleman under both heads. In the first place, he entirely misrepresented the view taken by my hon. Friend. The right hon. Gentleman seemed to think that if anybody is of opinion that, while the relations between the two Houses are under consideration, some modification ought to be made in those relations on financial matters, that carries with it the view that the House of Lords exceeded their constitutional powers when they asked the people to decide upon the merits of the Finance Bill of 1909. The House of Lords may have been wise or unwise in that action. I remember the right hon. Gentleman the other day, in a very eloquent passage of a speech he was then making on the subject, declared that the House of Lords had been extremely unwise, and that their action amounted to suicide. He then took an entirely different view from the one which he has just propounded to the House. He then took the view that if it had not been for the action of the House of Lords with regard to the Budget of 1909, the policy which we are now asked to discuss might never have been brought to a practical issue. I dissented from him then, and I am inclined to dissent from my hon. Friend now, because my hon. Friend in his speech took exactly the same historic view that the right hon. Gentleman took a few weeks ago, and which the right hon. Gentleman has now wholly abandoned. The right hon. Gentleman now says that it is quite true that the House of Lords are greatly to blame for exceeding their constitutional powers in 1909, but that that was not the origin or genesis of the policy now proposed to the House; that the policy was started by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in 1907, and even further back if you like; at all events it was more or less formulated in 1907, during the continuance of the present Government, and that was done long before the provisions of the Budget of 1909 had entered into the fertile brain of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The right hon. Gentleman has changed his view. I do not think it is very relevant or very important to the issue now before us. At all events the right hon. Gentleman thought it worth while to attack my hon. Friend for having in his historical aspect of the question held precisely the opinion which the right hon. Gentleman himself held only a very short time ago.

For my part I adhere to the view which I always held. I think that on this subject the present party came into power determined to destroy the Constitution, that they have been looking for an issue, and, indeed, while the General Election of 1906 was going on they began the policy of looking for a cause of quarrel. They found cause of quarrel in every modification of a Bill by the House of Lords, in every rejection of a Bill by the House of Lords, and, finally, in the rejection of the Budget they thought they had got sufficient cause for quarrel, and they are happy and satisfied.

That is the historic aspect of it, What we are now called upon to decide has really no direct relation to that historic aspect at all. What we have now got to decide on the Motion which you, Sir, put from the Chair, is whether it would be desirable or advisable or not to divide this Bill into two and treat the first Clause as a separate measure from the second Clause. Why does the Prime Minister object to that? The objections to that, if I understood him rightly, are because, in his own words, the Bill is not separable, that the Bill contains one undivided and indivisible policy, and to treat it as two Bills would be to separate that which neither in logic nor in policy ought to be separated. I think the right hon. Gentleman is absolutely precluded from pursuing that line of argument. In the first place, from the Government's own point of view, the Bill is not complete. They admit in their Preamble, and in their speeches, that this is merely a stage in the general revolutionary course which they desire to pursue. My hon. Friend does not ask them to maim and mutilate an admirable and coherent scheme of policy, but a policy which is avowedly incomplete and avowedly inchoate, and he says if you cannot take it all at once you had better divide it into logical and convenient sections, and if yon carry out that view you will have to divide Clause 1 from Clause 2. If that argument is not sufficient, is not the Preamble sufficient? Consider the relation of the Preamble to the two Clauses. The Preamble of the Bill is one which is almost a revival or antiquated relic of a legislative age which had for ever gone until the Government have chosen to revive it. How have they revived it? They have put forward a Preamble which is by way of governing all the Clauses in the Bill. What relation, however, has it to the first Clause of the Bill? What possible relation has it to the first Clause of the Bill? What the Preamble says is that you must have a Second Chamber, that it should be a poular Second Chamber, and that the time has come when you should create that Second Chamber, and that you should decide exactly what its powers are to be. But this Clause has nothing whatever to do with the relations between the two Houses in modifying Money Bills. It says that the House of Lords should not touch a Money Bill at all. It shuts out the House of Lords completely, reformed or unreformed, and as the policy of the Government is that no future House of Lords should touch pure Money Bills at all, therefore, what has the Preamble got to do with Clause 1? What on earth has the Preamble got to do with a Clause which (undoubtedly excludes a Second Chamber, reformed or unreformed, from touching Money Bills. Clearly it has got nothing to do with it. The Preamble, if it has got to do with anything has got to do with Clause 2.

It seems to me by the way the Government have constructed their own Bill that it is clearly shown that my hon. Friend is proceeding on perfectly logical lines when he suggests that Clause 1 should be taken and treated separately altogether from the very controversial matters contained in Clause 2. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to Resolutions passed at the instance of Lord Lansdowne by the House of Lords, and he stated that, as an admission on the part of both Lord Lansdowne and my hon. Friend who moved this Motion, that the House of Lords were wrong in their action in 1909. That is not so. There was no admission of error on the point, but the question practically considered, and which was considered by the House of Lords, is whether there should be some change in the relation between the two Houses in that respect, a change which would, no doubt, go to eliminate the House of Lords as a controlling factor. Under the circumstances I want to know how the Government themselves can defend these two Clauses as belonging to an inseparable fraction of this great controversy. You may put the two Clauses together, and the Government are not acting out of order in doing so; but they do not pretend that their scheme is a complete one or that Clause 2 depends on Clause 1, or that Clause 1 depends on Clause 2. Under those circumstances, considering the magnitude of the conflict and controversy which lies before us, I think my hon. Friend was well advised in suggesting that, in the first place, we should limit our discussion to that part of the general Government proposal on which we seem to be nearer agreement than we are likely to be if other Clauses be joined with Clause 1.

I think the statement of the Prime Minister has thrown a new and very alarming light on the intentions of the Government. He has told us that this Bill is inseparable, that the scheme foreshadowed is one whole, and cannot be in any way modified. For a long time we have been pressing on this side to find out whether the Government intend permanently to deprive the House of Lords of any effective Veto in general legislation as opposed to financial legislation. For the first time this evening we have the Prime Minister throwing over what I understood to be the meaning of a statement of the Home Secretary that that distinction would take effect, and that there was to be different treatment as to financial powers in the new House of Lords in comparison with general powers. The Home Secretary said on 31st March last year:—

"We, by our Resolutions, take the view that the House of Commons should be invited to exclude deliberately and by law the House of Lords or any Second Chamber from any control in the business of finance,"
That is to say, the financial control is to be permanently invested in the House of Commons and in the House of Commons only. The Preamble of the Parliament Bill shows, or it might be argued to show, that the Government did not intend to extend this disability to all legislation. The Preamble says:—
"Whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber. …"
You are to limit the powers of a Second Chamber as regards finance for ever, and, presumably, the Preamble, if it means anything, applies only to the other general parts. If the Government really mean the Preamble earnestly and do intend in good faith to reform the House of Lords and to give it back effective powers, then it would be a sound matter of drafting to divide the Bill into two parts. The financial provision being permanent and the general provision being temporary, surely it is best to keep them in separate Bills, so that you would have one Bill dealing with finance, which is to be entirely untouched, and another Bill which would deal with those powers of the House of Lords which would be affected by the Veto.

The answer of the Prime Minister rose in my mind, as in the mind of my hon. Friend, who has just spoken, some surprise. I was not surprised, of course, that he repeated all the old story about whether we have admitted or do not admit that the House of Lords was wrong in 1909. That point of controversy is necessarily over. In my view the House of Lords acted quite constitutionally, and I have never been able to understand how anyone who looked into the precedents could doubt their constitutional action. The question whether it is desirable for the House of Lords to take action of that kind, and whether it is desirable that it should be taken from them by Act of Parliament is a wholly different controversy. It is with that controversy we are now concerned. My hon. Friend argued very properly on the admissions of the Government, and on the position of the Government themselves set up, the question of the taking away of the power of the House of Lords in respect to Money Bills took priority, and was indeed the essential point in this Bill between the two Houses. Certainly that corresponds to the language used by the Prime Minister in the beginning of the Session and by the Noble Viscount who has recently left us for another place, and who, when he was a member of this House, very emphatically stated, and I think he said, that if the House of Lords had left the Government alone that the Government would have left the House of Lords alone, a view not very dignified for constitutional reformers, but that is by the way. The striking thing which impresses me, as it did my hon. Friend, is that the right hon. Gentleman proposes, as I understand it, that even if they have an elective Second Chamber that they would give us no power in matters of finance. That is, of course, utterly without precedent in the world. There is no elective Second Chamber that has no powers in finance. I can understand persons arguing in favour of or against an elective Chamber, but I cannot understand being in favour of an elective Second Chamber, and saying that it ought not to have power in finance. The whole case against the House of Lords on that depends on the character of its constitution. If you alter its constitution to be a purely elected body, then naturally it should have powers as to finance. The Instruction says that the Government ought to separate the Bill, because it is perfectly clear if you are going to treat the financial part of the Bill as permanent and the rest as temporary then it is very much better to have two Bills. If part of the change is to be permanent and to go on for ever, and part merely temporary, how can it be argued that it is desirable to deal with the whole matter in a single Bill?

There is another argument which ought to weigh with the Government, and it is this. It is conceded, indeed, and so far understood, that the disagreement on the first Clause between the two parties in this House and throughout the country is very slight. The Unionist party have been prepared to make great concessions on the point of finance. Therefore, it would probably be possible to adjust an agreed Bill so far as Clause 1 is concerned. Supposing you separated this Bill into two Bills, you would have your agreed Bill carried through both Houses and passed into law. That would be a great step towards settlement, and by consent one great part of the subject would be out of the way and would be satisfactorily settled. If therefore the Government really approached this subject with a view of making a settlement and not fighting a party battle, and if their intention were really to approach the matter patriotically—— [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] am not surprised that hon. Members below the Gangway opposite, having a much more intimate acquaintance with the Government than I have, should regard any suggestion as to their patriotic action as merely derisory. The way I have suggested, however, would be the way if they wanted a national settlement. They would take the financial part of the Bill separately, carry it through both Houses, probably rapidly, and pass it into law, leaving the remaining matters to be threshed out at leisure. That is the way to secure a national settlement, but it is not the way the Government propose to proceed. They do not want to make a national settlement. What they want is to reform the Constitution in the interests of their own party. They are engaged on a gigantic gerrymandering job, and they will not accept any instructions or any Amendment that would interfere with the fundamental purpose—that is, the gerrymandering purpose—which the Bill has in view. The only question the Government have ever asked themselves in this controversy is this: "Does the Constitution as it now exists inconvenience our party I If so, how can it be made to inconvenience our party less? We want a Constitution that will work for the Liberal party and against the Unionist party. That is all we want." The party opposite would never agree to any measure which tended to arrive at a settlement by consent. They do not want a settlement by consent. They want a party victory. Hence they go on fighting, with a great deal of bombastic talk about their courage, the mandate of the people, and so on, and phrases of that kind come readily to their lips if the Government take a single step towards making a businesslike and workmanlike settlement.

I wish to make an appeal to the Prime Minister regarding this Bill as a constitutional reform, in order that he may modify his attitude on the question of dividing the Bill into two parts. It is quite clear that the questions of reform in the first Clause are entirely different from those which arise in the remainder of the Bill. In reference to Money Bills, the Prime Minister himself has stated very often that the constitutional principle is that as subsidies are given by this House and all money provisions are initiated in this House, the Second Chamber, whatever it may be, ought to have no power whatever with regard to such Bills. Whether we agree with that or not—and I think that historically it is not true—a constitutional principle is involved. It may be a proper constitutional principle that as regards Money Bills this House, and this House alone, should interfere. That is the principle which is involved in the first Clause of the Bill. I would say in passing that if the Second Chamber is hereafter to be elective, the basis on which Money Bills have been dealt with in this House alone is, of course, immediately undermined, because the whole principle on which money powers are exercised by this House alone is that we are an elective and representative Chamber. The theory is that no one in this country is taxed except by his own consent, and that he gives that consent through his representative. No one knows at present what the view of the Government is as regards the Second Chamber, but if it were altered as the Preamble suggests into an elective Second Chamber the whole basis of the constitutional principle governing the control of Money Bills by this House alone would be altered, because the Second Chamber being elective would have equal rights with the House of Commons, and ought to have equal powers and privileges in regard to Money Bills. It is a most difficult matter, unless this Bill is divided as proposed, to determine whether as regards Money Bills the old powers of this House ought to be asserted to the extent of giving the Second Chamber no power at all, or whether in the event of our having an elective Second Chamber we ought not to realise that that Chamber will then be as representative as this, and will have as good a right as this to deal with money as well as other matters of legislative concern.

The second reason why I think this Instruction should be agreed to is that as regards legislative matters the question of interference depends on a wholly different principle. It depends not on the rights of this House at all, but on the principle whether or not the Second Chamber is so constituted that you ought to give it real and substantial powers in matters of legislation. Everyone who has any knowledge of constitutional principle and of the constitutional laws of this country ought to realise that we are proceeding absolutely in the teeth of all Liberal principles if we propose as regards matters of general legislation to have a uni-cameral system instead of the bi-cameral system which in days past has been in the forefront of the protection of our civil and religious liberties. Let us assume for the moment that, as regards matters of finance, as a constitutional principle, this House should be supreme. I do not agree with that principle myself, but I take it for the purpose of my illustration. Coming, then, to questions of legislation, what is proposed in the Bill? It is said that at some time or other there is to be a Second Chamber. In the meantime there will be an interregnum. That means that for a period of time—and in my opinion a very long period if this Bill is once passed—the Cabinet and the majority in this House will have an absolute tyrannical power to pass any legislation they like, without any restraint either from a Second Chamber or from the possibility of an appeal to the will of the people What do the great political philosophers like Burke say? They say that the glory of our Constitution is that you do not find this absolute power vested in any single individual or in any single body; whereas if the proposal of the Government is passed you will have an autocracy greater than that which is known in any other civilised country in the world. Surely we ought to separate great legislative questions from the entirely different question of whether it is a proper constitutional principle that this House should be supreme in money matters, and that no Second Chamber, however constituted, should be allowed to interfere. Let me ask the Prime Minister this question, as I should lay great weight on his view on any question of constitutional principle. Is it not a fact that historically, as regards constitutional principle, there has always been a clear dis- tinction between matters of finance and matters of general legislation? Has it not been part of his argument that it is because of their undue interference in matters of finance it has become necessary to deal with the House of Lords? I do not want to rule out the other matters of legislation to which he has called attention; but they depend on an entirely different principle. The Prime Minister complains that the existing Second Chamber has been one-sided. That that is so in one sense I as a Member of the Unionist party, entirely agree, and I am one of those who sincerely hope that drastic reforms may be carried out. But the two questions stand on an entirely different footing. I ask therefore, on constitutional principles, that whatever may be done in the matter of finance these legislative questions should never be put under the tyrannical power of a particular Cabinet, without any control from a Second Chamber or from the chance of an appeal to the electorate. On these grounds I strongly support the proposed Instruction, and I hope that some further reply will be made on behalf of the Government.

The outstanding feature of this Debate has been the unanimity with which hon. Members opposite seem to have agreed that the financial aspect of this measure is now practically accepted on the other side. [Several HON. MEMBERS: "No."] I gathered from the speeches that we have heard that it was now common ground, and that the taking away of financial control from the House of Lords was accepted by both parties, provided that no tacking took place. [Several HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Then I would suggest to the Sub-committee in charge of the Amendments that they ought to agree to a common policy in an important matter of this kind, so that the Debate might have a more fruitful result. Undoubtedly the Mover of the Instruction accepted that position, and from that point of view I congratulate the Government on the improved prospect of their measure. If that is the position of the Opposition, I do not see why we should not pass Clause 1 without any very great delay. I rose particularly to enter my protest against the assumption that this Bill is only a temporary measure. Is it to be assumed that we have had two General Elections on a measure which is only of a temporary character? Is it to be assumed that the limitation of the Veto is to apply only to legislation and not to finance? We on this side are supporting a Bill which we hope and believe will be of a permanent character. We hold that the limitation of the Veto will apply to legislation under any Second Chamber that may be constituted, and that the absolute control of finance will rest with this Chamber, no matter what the constitution of the future Second Chamber may be. Let us, therefore, have no misunderstanding on that point. From that point of view I support the Government in opposing this Instruction.

5.0 P.M.

I think the hon. Member opposite has a curious misunderstanding in regard to Members on this side. I speak only for myself, but it seems to me that there are two points in connection with the question of financial control. One is the question of tacking, about which a great deal will be heard in connection with Clause 1, and the other is the question of whether the Second Chamber, reformed or unreformed, should have the opportunity of saying "No" to the whole of the financial legislation. On that point I am entirely unrepentant in reference to the action taken by the House of Lords in 1909 in referring the Finance Bill to the people. In fact, I do not know whether I do not go further than some of my hon. Friends, because I am one of those who think that if the House of Lords had not referred that Bill to the people it would have deserved for that reason to have had its functions abolished; because I do not think it would be a fit Second Chamber to deal with this large question. I go further than that. I have always been in favour of some change in the composition of the Second Chamber. I am far more strongly in favour of it now than before. When this action of the House of Lords was taken it seemed to be suggested that it was improper. I then said to myself that that action and those powers were what a Second Chamber ought undoubtedly to take and to possess. If the Second Chamber is not thought a proper Chamber to possess those powers and to exercise them, then the sooner you reform the composition of that Chamber the better, and give us a Second Chamber which, like every Second Chamber in other countries, has the power in the last resource of dealing with finance. After all——

The observations of the hon. Member are not relevant to the point at issue.

I apologise. I was really replying to the point taken by the hon. Baronet opposite. I will deal more exactly with the Instruction which has been moved. One of the reasons that I support this Division is precisely because of the very great attention that I have paid to the distinction between financial and ordinary legislation. As a Member of the House of Commons, which has and must have the chief control over matters of finance, I think it is a great pity that the distinction should not be clearly laid down in the very Bill which deals with the powers and limitations of the House of Lords. I think you ought to draw the distinction more clearly than you can draw it in one Bill. The distinction between financial and ordinary legislation ought to be emphasised by being dealt with in two Bills. Moreover, when you are going to deal with these great constitutional changes, surely it is enough at first to take one great change by itself. The change advocated in Part I. is a very great change. I hold it is a great change in the Constitution, and it is enough for this House of Commons to deal with in one Session. I question the desirability of going further on further grounds. I believe myself that this Bill is itself and as it stands one of the worst examples of "tacking" ever sent up to the Upper Chamber. I believe, with many of those who have spoken already, that what the country is most interested in is the question of finance, and that generally the people did not imagine when this Bill was going to be brought forward that it would contain in addition to these regulations about finance, such enormously extended further powers of the House of Commons in regard to general legislation. I think the right hon. Gentleman will agree with me, so far, that it is enormously important for him to carry this country with him in his great constitutional changes. I would submit, therefore, that the first Clause of this Bill should first be dealt with as one; Bill, and then—I won't say that it ought to be submitted to the country—but that some considerable interval should elapse before the passing of the second portion, in order that the country may be perfectly clear upon it. And after all, the right hon. Gentleman knows that such a course would enhance a good deal the value of the Bill; when the country may have the opportunity of saying whether it is satisfied by the first constitutional change, or whether it wishes to go on to the further and larger constitutional change dealing with legislation.

There is one more point arising out of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. The right hon. Gentleman talked about "a perfect whole." You can have a very good whole if you follow the suggestion put forward, because during the interval that I have proposed, and which I hope the right hon. Gentleman will accept, he will have an opportunity of maturing his second portion of the Bill for reform in the constitution of the House of Lords. Then he would have a measure which would be a whole. You would have a measure that deals with the legislative powers of the Second Chamber, and at the same time says what the composition of that Chamber has to be. If you are going to proceed with this measure now you lay yourselves open to a terrible charge. I think it is a most discreditable charge against those who are wishful of altering our Constitution. That charge never has been, and never could have been, brought before against any of those persons, who in the past have made great changes in our Constitution, that is that they were going to make a change, and at the same time going to take advantage of the opportunity, for party purposes, to put two Bills through in the interregnum which they otherwise would not have passed. If you are going to make a great constitutional change, let it at least be made with some sort of decency and decorum. Let not that charge be levied at it that may truly be levied against right hon. Gentlemen opposite. Let them, by the method I have suggested, the method embodied in the Instruction of my hon. Friend, take the second part of their measure and unite with it reform of the House of Lords. Then no one can say in the future: "What is the validity of these Bills that you have passed; what is the validity of your Bills about licensing, Welsh Disestablishment, Education, and all those matters which you are going to rush through whilst unshaped is that Second Chamber which you yourselves say ought to exist?" If this Bill passes before the House of Lords is reformed, those measures that you will pass are really revolutionary measures, passed in the interregnum. They cannot have that same moral validity—whatever legal validity there may be—as measures which have been passed by two Chambers. I ask the right hon. Gentleman, therefore, to remove from his party, from those who are accepting this great constitutional change, the possibilities of the charge being levied against them, that they are making constitutional changes for other than great national reasons. If the right hon. Gentleman does that, I believe he will get a perfect whole more worthy of him than this will be.

I am not quite sure that the speech of the hon. Baronet the Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir Henry Dalziel) is not really directed against the members of his own household. He asks whether the Bill is to be temporary or permanent, and trusts that it will be permanent. That will not carry conviction in the House at all until the Preamble has been got rid of. The Bill is a wolf in sheep's clothing. If the Preamble is got rid of we will have the wolf in its own clothing. That is really what this Bill is—a Single Chamber measure. The hon. Baronet tried to make us believe, as he apparently himself believes, that the country is in favour of a measure of this kind, because, he said, the people had twice declared for such a Bill. I am afraid that that has very little effect upon my mind. What I judge from these elections really is only this: that after the Budget had been thrown out by the House of Lords the majority of hon. Gentlemen opposite was reduced to fifty-two. When the second election came last year the Government was returned to power with only a bare majority. I do not, therefore, think they can say that they base the strength of this Bill upon any great support in the country itself.

The hon. Member is not discussing the Instruction at all. He is dealing with the general question.

I am sorry. As for the Instruction itself the House is advised to a certain course of action by the Prime Minister. I think it would be better advised by my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Colonel Griffith-Boscawen). I have heard of Instructions being accepted which have made some difference to the passing of a Bill. I have never heard, in a Bill which only consisted of three operative Clauses, that it was the wise course to take to throw out the second, and perhaps the most important of the three Clauses. The better course, surely, is that we, a practical assembly, should accept the Instruction to divide the Bill. It is perhaps obvious that the Prime Minister does not intend to take any Amendment. His Bill is virtually inspired, I suppose, from the beginning to the end, and no Amendment or Instruction will be accepted from this side of the House. But perhaps he would listen to the appeal which I consider was made to him from far off Dundee the other day by no less a person than a colleague of his own, the Lord Advocate, whose speech I read in this morning's "Times." I find the right hon. Gentleman says:—

"Though the House of Lords might be quite indefensible on paper, it might work well in practice, and he refused to rail at an institution, which, honestly speaking, he had very few faults to find with. He did not know of a Second Chamber in the world that did its work so well as our Second Chamber. There was no sloppiness or slovenliness in the way it revised its Bills or discussed public questions."

I regret exceedingly having transgressed the second time, but the point I would like to make in regard to this is that whereas the Instruction invites the House to divide the financial operations of the House of Lords from other legislative matters, I was trying to bring the Lord Advocate on to my side to show that on those legislative matters the House of Lords was a fair and efficient body. We therefore ask in this Instruction that whatever may be done with regard to the financial side of the Parliamentary Bill, general legislation shall be left to the House of Lords as it is until it is reformed. I call the Lord Advocate on our side to witness that at the present time the House of Lords as to general legislation is very effective. I hope the appeal of the Lord Advocate will not fall in vain on the ears of the Prime Minister.

I must be allowed to congratulate the Member for Kirkcaldy upon having broken the silence that seems to have settled upon benches opposite. It is a great testimony to the discipline of the heterogenous combination that supports the Government that he is the only Member who has risen from those benches opposite to take part in this Debate. He has expressed a belief that all the measures of this Bill should be permanent. I suppose he is the only Member that could entertain that idea. He got up, as the Home Secretary would say, to "ginger up" the Government. At the same time, how he could imagine that this Bill, which is the most transient and embarrassed phantom which has ever crossed the floor of the House, should be permanent is to myself beyond the possibility of belief. I do not suppose that there is a Member on our side who does not in his heart believe that the Second Chamber which is to be constituted ought to have the same powers over finance that every one of those legislatures which we have prescribed for colonies by our own direct order has. After all, finance, as the Prime Minister has often said, is the most elastic instrument of government. To say that no Second Chamber ought to have any power of dealing with finance is virtually to abandon a great part of the sphere of government and men's affairs in the future. I do not believe there is a man upon this side who does not think a Second Chamber ought to have that power, and I do not suppose the Prime Minister, who knows as well as anybody in this House constitutional precedent, thinks we ought not to give to a reformed Second Chamber exactly the same powers as we give, and as we were careful to insert in laws conferring self government upon our Colonies which passed through this House. The power over finance possessed by a Second Chamber is the general reserve of the Constitution. It is not its exercise, but it is the existence of that power that has the real effect, and I am bound to say I think the financial powers of the Second Chamber is worth a good deal more legislation than is proposed in this one bare Clause. Nothing could be more curt or unsatisfactory than the Clause in this Bill dealing with the financial powers of a Second Chamber. I cannot imagine that the Government realise that they are going to disfranchise the whole of the Members of the Upper House so far as finance goes, and this Clause ought to be followed by others, pointing out in what way the Peers, who pay a considerable part of the taxation of the country, will be able to deal with finance, or why they should be selected for disfranchisement—why they should be put outside the Constitution in regard to that which touches men far more closely than any other question of legislation.

The Clause as it stands is almost insulting in its brevity. There ought to be some provision for the Peers. I can understand in a reformed Second Chamber, not based upon hereditary principles, it would be generally thought all men represented here, would have their views on finance; but as at present proposed the Peers are to be really outside the Constitution in regard to finance, and there has not been a single word mentioned in the change of status in this Bill, which is a good reason for the Amendment. The question of finance is so vastly important, it is worth a good deal more consideration than is given to it here, and I do not know whether any Amendment introduced will show that at least so far as the Peers are concerned, it is only of a suspensory character. I think if there is to be a reformed Constitution, the Peers having their votes for representatives in this House will exercise the same pressure upon their representatives as any other class. But that is not in this Bill and, the subject is so important, there ought to be some mention of it. I cannot help contrasting the way in which we are approaching this question with the way in which the makers of the American Constitution approached theirs. Finance was considered by them, not merely by rhetorical artifice, but upon the great principle of Government, and debates took place which lasted days; while in the recasting of the Constitution here, we seem to have no reverence for it at all. We are going to deal with finance in one Clause, and we are going to turn out the Peers and prevent them having any voice in taxation. In the old days the Peers taxed themselves. Up to the time of Henry IV. each estate used to tax itself. But the Peers are not to tax themselves now, we are to tax them and they are to be deprived of saying a word upon the subject. It is all very well to say that power was only latent, but it was always there, and in days gone by it acted as a check upon Chancellors of the Exchequer using Finance for other than its own proper purpose; they did not use it in those days for social reform, they used it simply for the purposes of revenue. The Prime Minister has told us that Finance is elastic, but the Peers who have to pay are to have no voice either in the passing of the Finance Bill or in the election of representatives who are to vote away the money. I think this matter is worthy of much more legislation than is proposed to be given it in one Clause, and if we had a tithe of the reverence for our Constitution that the Americans have, we should not attack it in this haphazard way.

I oppose this Instruction because I support the Bill in its entirety. I could understand if this were intended to be a permanent Bill, there might be something in the assurances we have had from the other side that they were prepared to support the Finance Clauses in this Bill and to make it a matter of agreement while desiring to oppose Clause 2. I entirely repudiate the suggestion made by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy. He said he supported the Bill because it is going to be a permanent measure. If he supports it on that ground it seems to me he cannot support it at all, because the Government have made it very clear indeed that they are in favour of two Chambers, and they do not propose by this Bill to change the Constitution of this country into a Single Chamber, and when my hon. Friend tells the House that this is a permanent Bill which is to last for all time he is quite mistaken.

My hon. Friend misrepresents me. I said nothing about the Preamble of the Bill or about the Government's intentions. What I said was that at this moment we have had no word from the Government that the limitation of the Veto is not to be permanent. It has nothing to do with the Bill at all.

If the hon. Gentleman thinks a Second Chamber, such as is promised in the Preamble of the Bill, which is to have no Veto power, is to be a real Second Chamber, then I am entirely against him. I listened very carefully to the speech of the Prime Minister, and it was very clear and explicit, as his speeches always are. He said the Government are in favour of a Second Chamber. Now it must be clear to every Member of this House that this Bill, if it is to be a permanent Bill, so far as doing away with the Veto of the other Chamber, would mean the creation of a Single Chamber. That must be perfectly clear.

That has really nothing to do with the Instruction. It is a separate issue altogether.

Then, Sir, may I ask this question. How it can be, that the speech of the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy is absolutely in order and that my speech, in which I endeavoured to answer him, is not in order?

It may have been through my negligence that I allowed the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy to make his speech, but the fact that one hon. Member has been out of order is no reason why every other hon. Member should be. I think I have allowed the hon. Member some latitude to reply, and I now invite him to keep to the Instruction.

I shall endeavour, Sir, to keep to your ruling. I oppose the Instruction because I believe this is a temporary Bill. If it was to be part of the permanent Constitution of the country, I think the Instruction would be reasonable, but we have the assurance of the Government that this Bill is to be only a temporary measure until the Government have an opportunity of bringing before the House a Bill which would constitute a real and effective Second Chamber based upon democratic principles. If this Bill was to be a permanent one, and was to provide that the House of Lords was to have nothing to do with legislation except to delay it for a short time, then I would support the Instruction and would, in fact, oppose the Government Bill, but it is because I support this Bill from one end to the other, and because the Bill was submitted to the people of the country during the last General Election, and was approved not alone the provision which takes away from the House of Lords the right to Veto, but also the more important provision, as I understand it, which shows that the Government intend at the earliest possible moment to introduce a measure which will give an effective Second Chamber to this country, that I support it, and no Chamber can be effective unless it provides an effective Veto for measures passed in this House. For that reason I oppose the Instruction, and I hope this Bill will be passed. I quite appreciate the position of the Government; they desire that there should be a Second Chamber for this country, they desire that that Second Chamber should be constituted by the people of this country as representing this country and not by the House of Lords.

I look upon this Instruction as an extremely valuable one, and if it were accepted by the Government it would very much facilitate business. I do not go so far as to adopt what has been said by some of the speakers on this side. I do not say for a moment that if the Bill was divided it would be possible for those of us on this side, or for any large number of us to accept Clause I as it stands, but I think we would be able to discuss these important matters better separately, and we should have a fair discussion upon the very important question as to what should be done with purely financial measures. I venture to think if the Government could see their way to look at the subject from that point of view, it would help the real solution of the question we have before us. This Bill consists of three distinct matters. It is very curious, as has been already pointed out by one or two hon. Members, that the Preamble of the Bill does not seem to have anything to do with either of these two Clauses. The Preamble, of course, simply deals with the one question as to reform of the House of Lords. There are no operative words whatever, as it turns out, in the Bill itself upon that particular point. Then, when you come to the Bill you find it deals with two distinct topics. One topic dealt with is that in Clause 1 as to the procedure which should be adopted when the measure is exclusively a Financial Bill.

It will be agreed that if we could find out at a very early stage of any Bill whether it was exclusively a Finance Bill, and if there was more attempt to give a proper definition of what were exactly Finance Bills, it would be better. It would be very difficult in the scope of one Clause to really deal with all these conflicting questions connected with the defining of a Finance Bill, and what is perhaps even more important—the exact point of time in the course of the passing of a Bill at which the question ought to be decided whether it is a Finance Bill or not. It must be evident we ought to know in this House and in the other House at a very early stage, if any such Bill is being considered, whether it is being taken as a Finance Bill or not, because the procedure would be entirely different. I will give a very simple illustration. There are many remedies for disease that had very much better be taken in separate parts. When one part is taken it displays its effect. There is the familiar illustration of the Blue Pill and Black Draught. If we take the Blue Pill first—that is, the financial portion—and get rid of that, we would find whether it will be necessary to take the Black Draught later on. I think the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy said he had not read the Preamble of the Bill. If he had read it he never would have made the astonishing speech he did, in which he said the Bill was to be a permanent one because we are to read the Bill both with regard to the financial portion and the other, which is only to operate until the constitutional House of Lords is elected.

I join in urging upon the Government the very great desirability of dividing this Bill into two parts. The very important question of what is purely financial could then be disposed of in a separate measure, whereas if the two are kept together it will take a long time. It would create very great confusion and difficulty in dealing with the Clauses from a practical point of view in Committee if the two are forced through together.

Question put, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee that they have power to divide the Bill into two Bills, the one dealing with the powers of the House of Lords as to Money Bills, and

Division No. 104.]

AYES.

[5.32 p.m.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F.Fleming, ValentineNewman, John R. P.
Anson, Sir William ReynellFletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)Newton, Harry Kottingham
Anstruther-Gray, Major WilliamFoster, Philip StaveleyNield, Herbert
Archer-Shee, Major M.Gardner, ErnestNorton-Griffiths, J.
Ashley, Wilfrid W.Gastrell, Major W. HoughtonO'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)
Astor, WaldorfGilmour, Captain JohnOrde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.
Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.Goldsmith, FrankOrmsby-Gore, Hon. William
Baird, John LawrenceGoulding, Edward AlfredPease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)
Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)Grant, J. A.Peel, Capt. R. F. (Woodbridge)
Balcarres, LordGuinness, Hon. Walter EdwardPeel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)
Baldwin, StanleyHaddock, George BahrPeto, Basil Edward
Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond)Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)Pole-Carew, Sir R.
Baring, Capt. Hon. Guy VictorHall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)Pollock, Ernest Murray
Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)Hambro, Angus ValdemarPretyman, Ernest George
Barnston, H.Hamersley, Alfred St. GeorgeQuitter, William Eley C.
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.)Hardy, LaurenceRawson, Colonel Richard H.
Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh HicksHarris, Henry PercyRemnant, James Farquharson
Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)Rice, Hon. Walter Fitz-Uryan
Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)Hickman, Colonel Thomas E.Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)
Bennett-Goldney, FrancisHill, Sir Clement L.Ronaldshay, Earl of
Bentinck, Lord Henry CavendishHillier, Dr. Alfred PeterRothschild, Lionel de
Beresford, Lord CharlesHills, John WallerRutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)
Bird, AlfredHill-Wood, SamuelRutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)
Boscawen, Col. A. S. T. Griffith-Hoare, Samuel John GurneySalter, Arthur Clavell
Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)Hohler, Gerald FitzroySamuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)
Boyton, JamesHope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)Sanders, Robert Arthur
Brassey, H. Leonard CampbellHorne, William E. (Surrey, Guildford)Sandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)
Bull, Sir William JamesHouston, Robert PatersonSassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Burgoyne, Alan HughesHunt, RowlandScott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)
Burn, Col. C. R.Hunter, Sir Charles Rodk. (Bath)Smith, F. E. (Liverpool, Walton)
Butcher, John GeorgeJessel, Captain Herbert M.Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Campion, W. R.Joynson-Hicks, WilliamStanier, Beville
Carlile, Edward HildredKerr-Smiley, Peter KerrStanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.Kerry, Earl ofStarkey, John Ralph
Cassel, FelixKimber, Sir HenryStaveley-Hill, Henry
Castlereagh, ViscountKinloch-Cooke, Sir ClementSteel-Maitland. A. D.
Cautley, Henry StrotherKnight, Captain Eric AyshfordStewart, Gershom
Cave, GeorgeLarmcr, Sir JStrauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Law, Andrew Bonar (Bootle, Lancs.)Swift, Rigby
Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford Univ.)Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)Sykes, Alan John
Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.Lee, Arthur H.Terrell, George (Wilts, N. W.)
Chambers, JamesLewisham, ViscountThynne, Lord Alexander
Clay, Captain H. H. SpenderLocker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)Tobin, Alfred Aspinall
Clive, Percy ArcherLonsdale, John BrownleeTouche, George Alexander
Courthope, George LoydLowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)Tullibardine, Marquess of
Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)Walker, Col. William Hall
Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)
Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeaghWarde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)
Craik, Sir HenryMackinder, Halford J.Weigall, Captain A. G.
Crichton-Stuart, Lord NinianMacmaster, DonaldWheler, Granville C. H.
Cripps, Sir Charles AlfredMagnus, Sir PhilipWhite, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)
Croft, Henry PageMalcolm, IanWilliams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)
Dalrymple, ViscountMallaby-Deeley, HarryWilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)Mason, James F. (Windsor)Winterton, Earl
Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. SMiddlemore, John ThrogmortonWolmer, Viscount
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Mildmay, Francis BinghamWorthington-Evans, L.
Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.Morpeth, ViscountYate, Col. C. E.
Falle, Bertram GodfrayMorrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)Yerburgh, Robert
Fell, ArthurMorrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)Younger, George
Finlay, Sir RobertMount, William Arthur
Fitzroy, Hon. Edward ANeville, Reginald J. N.TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Viscount Valentia and Mr. H. W. Forster.
Flannery, Sir J. FortescueNewdegate, F. A.

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)Ashtcn, Thomas GairBarran, Sir J. (Hawick Burghs)
Acland, Francis DykeAsquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryBarran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.)
Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R.Atherley-Jones, Llewellyn A.Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.)
Ainsworth, John StirlingBaker, H. T. (Accrington)Barton, William
Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud)Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)Beauchamp, Edward
Anderson, Andrew MacbethBalfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)Beck, Arthur Cecil

the other with the restriction of the powers of the House of Lords as to Bills other than Money Bills and with the duration of Parliament, and that the first Bill be reported to the House before the other is proceeded with."

The House divided: Ayes, 186; Noes, 271.

Benn, W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.)Isaacs, Sir Rufus DanielPollard, Sir George H.
Bethell, Sir John HenryJardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire)Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineJohnson, W.Power, Patrick Joseph
Boland, John PiusJones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Booth, Frederick HandelJones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)Primrose, Hon. Neil James
Bowerman, C. W.Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe)Pringle, William M. R.
Brocklehurst, William B.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)Raffan, Peter Wilson
Brunner, John F. L.Jones, W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts., Stepney)Rainy, Adam Rolland
Bryce, J. AnnanJowett, Frederick WilliamRaphael, Sir Herbert Henry
Burke, E. Haviland-Joyce, MichaelRea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)
Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)Keating, MatthewRea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)
Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)Kellaway, Frederick GeorgeReddy, Michael
Byles, William PollardKennedy, Vincent PaulRedmond, John E. (Waterford)
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Kilbride, DenisRedmond, William (Clare, E.)
Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)King, Joseph (Somerset, North)Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)
Cawley, H. T. (Lancs. Heywood)Lambert, George (Devon, S. Molton)Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Clancy, John JosephLambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)Roberts, George H. (Norwich)
Clynes, John R.Lansbury, GeorgeRoberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.)
Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock)Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld., Cockerm'th)Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)
Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.Lewis, John HerbertRobinson, Sidney
Condon, Thomas JosephLogan, John WilliamRoch, Walter F. (Pembroke)
Corbett, A. CameronLough, Rt. Hon. ThomasRoche, Augustine (Louth)
Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)Roche, John (Galway, E.)
Cory, Sir Clifford JohnLundon, ThomasRose, Sir Charles Day
Cotton, William FrancisLyell, Charles HenryRowlands, James
Cowan, William HenryLynch, Arthur AlfredRunciman Rt. Hon. Walter
Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)St. Maur, Harold
Crawshay-Williams, EliotMacdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)
Crumley, PatrickMacGhee, RichardScanlan, Thomas
Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)MacNeill, John Gordon SwiftSchwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)MacVeagh, JeremiahScott, A. MacCallum (Glasgow, Bridgeton)
Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)M'Callum, John M.Seely, Col., Rt. Hon. J. E. B.
Davies, S. W. Howell (Bristol, S.)McKenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldSheehy, David
Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan)M'Laren, H. D. (Leices.)Sherwell, Arthur James
Dawes, J. A.M'Laren, F. W. S. (Linc., Spalding)Shortt, Edward
Delany, WilliamM'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe)Simon, Sir John Allsebrook
Dickinson, W. H.M'Micking, Major GilbertSmith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)
Donelan, Captain A.Markham, Arthur BasilSmith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)
Doris, WilliamMarks, George CroydonSmyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)
Duffy, William J.Martin, JosephSnowden, Philip
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)Mason, David M. (Coventry)Soares, Ernest
Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)Masterman, C. F. G.Spicer, Sir Albert
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Meagher, MichaelStanley, Albert (Staffs, W.)
Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)Strachey, Sir Edward
Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master ofMeehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West)
Elverston, HaroldMenzies, Sir WalterSutherland, John E.
Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)Millar, James DuncanTennant, Harold John
Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)Molloy, MichaelThomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)
Essex, Richard WalterMolteno, Percy AlportThomas, J. H. (Derby)
Esslemont, George BirnieMoney, L. G. ChiozzaThorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)
Falconer, JamesMooney, John J.Thorne, William (West Ham)
Ferens, Thomas RobinsonMorgan, George HayToulmin, George
Ffrench, PeterMorrell, PhilipTrevelyan, Charles Philips
Fitzgibbon, JohnMorton, Alpheus CleophasUre, Rt. Hon. Alexander
Gelder, Sir W. A.Muldoon, JohnVerney, Sir Harry
Ginnell, LaurenceMunro, RobertWalton, Sir Joseph
Glanville, Harold JamesMunro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)
Goddard, Sir Daniel FordNeilson, FrancisWard, W. Dudley (Southampton)
Goldstone, FrankNicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster)Wardle, George J.
Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)Nolan, JosephWaring, Walter
Greig, Colonel James WilliamNorman, Sir HenryWarner, Sir Thomas Courtenay
Griffith, Ellis JonesNorton, Capt. Cecil W.Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)
Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)Nugent, Sir Walter RichardWason, John Cathcart (Orkney)
Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Watt, Henry A.
Hackett, JohnO'Brien, William (Cork)Webb, H.
Hancock, J. G.O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Wedgwood, Josiah C.
Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)White, Sir George (Norfolk)
Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)O'Doherty, PhilipWhite, Sir Luke (York, E.R.)
Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.)O'Dowd, JohnWhite, Patrick (Meath, North)
Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.)Ogden, FredWhitehouse, John Howard
Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)O'Grady, JamesWhittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.
Havelock-Allan, Sir HenryO'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)Whyte, A. F.
Hayden, John PatrickO'Malley, WilliamWiles, Thomas
Hayward, EvanO'Shaughnessy, P. J.Wilkie, Alexander
Henderson, Arthur (Durham)O'Sullivan, TimothyWilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)
Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)Palmer, Godfrey MarkWilson, Henry J. (York, W.)
Herbert, Col. Sir IvorParker, James (Halifax)Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Higham, John SharpPearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek)Winfrey, Richard
Hinds, JohnParce, William (Limehouse)Wood, T. M'Kinnon (Glasgow)
Hodge, JohnPease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)Young, William (Perth, East)
Holt, Richard DurningPhillips, John (Longford, S.)Yoxall, Sir James Henry
Horne, C. Silvester (Ipswich)Pickersgill, Edward Hare
Howard, Hon. GeoffreyPirle, Duncan VernonTELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.
Hughes, Spencer LeighPointer, Joseph
Hunter, William (Lanark, Govan)

The next Instruction standing in the name of the hon. and learned Member for South Bucks (Sir Alfred Cripps) proposes "That it be an Instruction to the Committee that they have power not to proceed with the consideration of the Clauses of the Bill until the Constitution of the Second Chamber mentioned in the Preamble has been determined." With regard to that, I should say that the hon. and learned Member's proposal seems to me to negative the decision to which the House came when it passed the Resolution "that this Bill be now read a second time." If the Instruction of the hon. and learned Member were passed the Bill would be set aside, and none of the Clauses could be considered, and some other Bill not yet introduced would be taken up; therefore, I think the Instruction is not in order on those grounds. With regard to the Instruction standing in the name of the hon. Member for Banffshire (Captain Waring), it proposes "to limit the scope of the Bill to such measures as are set out in the Preamble thereof." This limitation can be imposed without any Instruction, and the Instruction is, therefore, unnecessary. The next Instruction, standing in the name of the hon. Baronet the Member for Wandsworth (Sir Henry Kimber), contains two parts. The first part deals with a proposal "to insert provisions for the rectification of the representation of the people in this House by a redistribution of the seats," and that is beyond the scope of this measure. The second part of the hon. Baronet's Instruction provides "That the remainder of the Bill shall not take effect until after a General Election and the adoption of the Bill by a new Parliament." That is out of order, because it can be done by process of limitation in Committee. There is another Instruction, standing in the name of the hon. Member for Enfield (Mr. Newman), which deals with the composition of the Lower House, and that is beyond the scope of this Bill. With regard to the Instruction standing in the name of the hon. Member for Carlisle (Mr. Denman) it proposes "To add provisions further adjusting the relationship between the two Houses of Parliament by removing the disabilities which prevent Peers from being elected Members of the House of Commons." That is beyond the scope of this Bill, and the same remark applies to the Instruction standing in the name of the hon. Member for South Devon (Mr. Mildmay), which proposes "To insert provisions enabling Peers to vote at Parlia mentary elections." That is beyond the scope of this Bill.

As this Bill places a peer in the position of being subject to taxation without representation, may I urge, Mr. Speaker, that it is within the scope of the Bill to correct a position which I think every hon. Member of this House will regard as being impossible to last permanently.

That is a point on the merits which the hon. Member can urge as a reason against the Clauses of the Bill. I must also point out to the hon. Member that his Instruction is out of order because it is a mandatory Instruction, and you cannot give mandatory Instructions to a Committee of the whole House.

Bill considered in Committee.

(IN THE COMMITTEE.)

[Mr. EMMOTT in the Chair.]

On a point of Order. I desire to call your attention to three Amendments to the enacting Clauses—not the Preamble—which are incorrectly printed on the last sheet of Amendments. One of them stands in my name. It proposes——

If that is the case we will deal with it when we come to it. It is not the occasion now for asking questions about an amendment to which we have not come.

If the hon. Member is dealing with the enacting words, they are not open to Amendment.

Is it your ruling that a Committee of the whole House is incompetent to touch the enacting Clause?

Clause 1—(Powers Of House Of Lords As To Money Bill)

(1) If a Money Bill, having been passed by the House of Commons, and sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session, is not passed by the House of Lords without amendment within one month after it is so sent up to that House, the Bill shall, unless the House of Commons direct to the contrary, be pre- sented to His Majesty and become an Act of Parliament on the Royal Assent being signified, notwithstanding that the House of Lords have not consented to the Bill.

(2) A Money Bill means a Bill which in the opinion of the Speaker of the House of Commons contains only provisions dealing with all or any of the following subjects—namely, the imposition, repeal, remission, alteration, or regulation of taxation; charges on the Consolidated Fund or the provision of money by Parliament; supply; the appropriation, control, or regulation of public money; the raising or guarantee of any loan or the repayment thereof; or matters incidental to those subjects or any of them.

(3) When a Bill to which the House of Lords has not consented is presented to His Majesty for assent as a Money Bill, the Bill shall be accompanied by a certificate of the Speaker of the House of Commons that it is a Money Bill.

(4) No amendment shall be allowed to a Money Bill which, in the opinion of the Speaker of the House of Commons, is such as to prevent the Bill retaining the character of a Money Bill.

I beg to move to postpone the Clause.

I move this Amendment because I think it will be generally convenient to deal with the Clause about general legislation before we deal with the narrower issue of financial legislation. The Committee will remember that the Resolution passed in Parliament presided over by the late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, on 24th June, 1907, was confined to general legislation. It ran in these terms:—
"That in order to give effect to the will of the people, us expressed by their elected representatives, it is necessary that power of the other House to alter or reject Bills passed by this House, should be so restricted by law as to secure within the limitation of a single Parliament that the final decision of the Commons shall prevail."
I admit that when the Veto Resolutions were passed last year another element was introduced. The Resolutions passed in 1910 came about in this way. The Budget had been referred by the House of Lords to the judgment of the people, and an additional Veto Resolution was moved by the present Prime Minister to cover the case of a Finance Bill which had been passed by this House and had been rejected by another House. I think it would be very much more convenient if the larger issue were discussed first for this additional reason. It may be that in the discussion on Clause 2 matters may arise which may largely affect the financial issue on Clause 1, and it would be extremely inconvenient to the Committee, having discussed and disposed of Clause 1, to have to discuss matters which naturally enter into Clause 1 on Clause 2. That, I think, is a very good reason why we should postpone Clause 1 as being the narrower issue. There is a further reason. Various Resolutions have been from time to time passed by this House on financial matters. The first I will mention was in the year 1671. There was another in. 1679, and a third in 1860, when the Paper Duties were rejected by the House of Lords. If we discuss this financial Clause now, all these Resolutions, I take it, will have to be opened up in a most complete manner before we are in a position to deal with the question of general legislation. That is another very good reason why we should take the Clauses in their natural and logical sequence, which is that we should take the general question and general legislation first, and then take the narrower issue and limit it to financial questions.

I must congratulate the hon. Gentleman and his Friends on the fertility and resource which they are all exhibiting, from a dialectical point of view, in the discussion of this Bill. I observe the hon. Gentleman himself who has moved the Amendment, has also got down an Amendment on page 58 to postpone Clause 2, so what provisions of the Bill he desires the Committee to discuss I am at a loss to know. If the hon. Gentleman had his way, we should commence our discussions in Committee by discussing Clause 3. "Any certificate of the Speaker of the House of Commons given under this Act shall be conclusive for all purposes, and shall not be questioned in any court of law."

My object was clearly to postpone Clause 2 until after the Preamble of the Bill had been taken.

Let us see exactly where the hon. Gentleman is. He wants us first to postpone Clause 1, and then, when we come to Clause 2, he proposes we should postpone Clause 2, and then, I understand, he proposes ws should postpone Clauses 3, 4, and 5 in order that we may discuss the Preamble of the Bill. So much for the hon. Gentleman. But what of those who are sitting around him? I suppose they are going to support him in this dilatory Motion. We have been engaged for nearly two hours in discussing an instruction—I am not complaining—to divide the Bill into two parts. Why? In order that we may take Clause 1, the Clause dealing with finance, and that Clause may be exhaustively discussed and reported to the House before we ever entered upon the consideration of any other part of the Bill. Now, after two hours spent on that discussion with a division which has negatived that proposition, we have an hon. Gentleman getting up to move the direct contrary, and that we should proceed at once to postpone Clause 1, the Clause on which we were assured at any rate there was a certain amount of common ground, in order that we may enter at once upon the most controversial part of the Bill. I think I have said enough. It seems to me, quite apart from these dialectical difficulties on the other side of the House, that the logical course is to begin with finance, where we are absolutely limiting the powers of the House of Lords, and then to proceed to general legislation, where we only impose a qualified restriction.

If the object of this Amendment were simply to postpone Clause 1 in order that we might proceed with the consideration of Clause 2 there would be some ground for the reasons given by the Prime Minister, but what my hon. Friend desires is that we should postpone the Clauses of the Bill in order to get to the discussion of the Preamble. I think what took place on the last Amendment is enough to show how absolutely desirable it is that we should know exactly the position of the Government on the Preamble before we come to the Clauses of the Bill. We had in the course of that discussion two hon. Gentlemen sitting below the Gangway on the other side, one of whom said he would support the Bill out and out on the ground that it was permanent and intended to be permanent, and the other of whom declared he would support it on the ground that it was temporary and intended to be temporary. How is it possible the House should with advantage engage in the discussion of a measure when they are absolutely in the dark as to what the Government mean with regard to the intention stated in the Preamble?

The Preamble stands postponed until after the whole of the Bill is dealt with, and we cannot now therefore discuss the question which the right hon. and learned Gentleman is discussing.

I should like to give a few reasons why it would be convenient that Clause 1 should be postponed until we have considered Clause 2. The case for Clause 1 will be in a large measure destroyed if Clause 2 is passed in its present extraordinary form. If Clause 1 stood alone, and if the proposal in the Bill was one to deprive the House of Lords of their constitutional right to amend and reject Money Bills, it might fairly be argued that is bringing the constitutional right of the House of Lords in accord with what is the usual practice. That would be a proposal that might be considered on its merits, and as a separate proposition, as was proposed by my hon. Friend earlier in the afternoon. Clause 2 does not stand alone. The Bill proposes not only to exclude the House of Lords entirely from the domain of finance, but also to restrict its power in the most drastic manner as regards Bills not Money Bills. It must be obvious that to deprive the House of Lords of its financial powers, while leaving its powers as regards general legislation, is one proposition, and that to propose to deprive the House of Lords of its financial powers, while restricting its powers over general legislation in an extraordinary manner, is an entirely different proposition, and I think we are entitled to know what is the exact proposition before the Committee with regard to Clause 2 before we come to the discussion on Clause 1, If Clause 1 stood by itself and was the whole Bill it could be considered in an entirely different way than what we understand to be the conjoint proposal of the Bill.

The proposal of the Bill, as a whole, is a proposal for which I venture to say there is no precedent in the whole world. The Australian and South African Senates can reject a Money Bill, and they have only a suspensory veto as regards general legislation. Provision is made for joint sittings of the two Houses, and in the Australian case there is power of reference to an electorate. While the whole of Clause 1, taken by itself, might be accepted as a temporary measure, it cannot be accepted in conjunction with Clause 2 and what we understand to be a permanent proposal as regards the powers of the Second Chamber in this country. Therefore I venture to submit that really, as a matter of convenience, it is extremely desirable to know in what form Clause 2 is going to be passed before we have to consider what should be the financial powers of the Second Chamber. For that reason I hope the Government will agree to let Clause 1 be postponed.

I think the Prime Minister was really not quite fair to my hon. Friend in suggesting that the present Amendment was irreconcilable with the Instruction of my hon. Friend the Member for Dudley (Colonel Griffith-Boscawen). The object of that Instruction was not that Clause 1 should be taken before Clause 2, but that it should be taken and reported as a separate Bill. That was the whole, I think, of that proposition. The ground then taken was that if it were discussed and reported as a separate Bill it might be possible for all sides to agree.

6.0 P.M.

I do not like to be accused of misrepresenting the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Samuel Roberts). The hon. Gentleman (Mr. James Hope), although he is seconding, does not appear to have read the Instruction. What was it?

"To divide the Bill into two Bills, the one dealing with the powers of the House of Lords as to Money Bills, and the other with the restriction of the powers of the House of Lords as to Bills other than Money Bills and with the duration of Parliament, and that the first Bill be reported to the House before the other is proceeded with."
In effect Clause 1 was to be reported before we could proceed to consider Clause 2 at all.

The idea was that the first Clause should be reported as a separate Bill, and the reason why we put that forward was that an agreement of that Clause as a Bill by itself was not impossible, when the Clause had been threshed out and amended. In the speech I made I suggested it would be practically possible that it should not only be reported as a separate Bill, but even passed as an agreed Bill. The right hon. Gentleman would not consent to that course; hence the present motion. There are certainly very good reasons why the second Clause should be taken first, and I think the right hon. Gentleman will see that it is really to his own interest that it should be so. There are certain objections applicable to both Clauses, but some of these apply in a far greater degree to the second Clause than to the first. If the objections are argued on the first Clause it may be that the answer given will not apply to the arguments that would be advanced on the second Clause, and when the first Clause has been disposed of these arguments may again be put forward with still greater force as against the second Clause. The Debate will consequently have to be taken all over again. I think the course which the right hon. Gentleman has taken will very much prolong the Debate. Important as the first Clause is and great as is the evil that lurks in it, as at present drawn, undoubtedly the whole pith of the controversy, as it is understood outside this House, turns on the second Clause. I am sure the right hon. Gentleman wishes our Debates to be conducted not only for the edification of Members of this House, but also for the information of the country outside, and I suggest that the proper course is to go straight to the important issues involved. I would add that that cannot be achieved if we discuss the technicalities of Clause 1 instead of proceeding to the broad issues of Clause 2 at the first possible moment.

I think my hon. Friend is fully entitled to say that the discussion which took place on the Instruction dealt entirely with the question whether or not the Clause should be reported as a separate Bill, and not with the chronological order in which the discussions should take place. My hon. Friend, in moving his Amendment, based himself entirely on the recommendation of the Committee and on the desire that the Preamble should be discussed in a certain place under certain circumstances. You have ruled that out of order. I should have supported my hon. Friend for the reasons he gave had it been possible for us to discuss the point, but I am not sure he will think it worth his while to carry this matter to a Division in view of your ruling, in which you tell us that at this point it is not convenient to discuss the question of the postponement of the Preamble.

I wish to make an appeal to the Government. It is in their power to suspend the Standing Order which prevents a postponement of a Clause until after the Preamble. I think such a suspension might easily be carried by agreement, and that would enable us to raise the question whether the Preamble should be discussed first. The Standing Order certainly was not passed in view of Preambles of this kind; and, therefore, I would invite the Government to consider whether it would not be wise, in the interests of sensible discussion in this House, to have the Preamble first discussed, and then pass to the discussion of the Clauses. It certainly would be much more convenient and much more businesslike

Division No. 105.]

AYES.

[6.10 p.m.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F.Flannery, Sir J. FortescueNewman, John R. P.
Anson, Sir William ReynellFleming, ValentineNowton, Harry Kottingham
Anstruther-Gray, Major WilliamFletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)
Archer-Shee, Major M.Forster, Henry WilliamNield, Herbert
Arkwright, John StanhopeFoster, Philip StaveleyNorton-Griffiths, J.
Ashley, Wilfrid W.Gardner, ErnestO'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)
Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.Gastrell, Major W. HoughtonOrde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.
Baird, John LawrenceGilmour, Captain JohnOrmsby-Gore, Hon. William
Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)Goldsmith, FrankPease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)
Balcarres, LordGoulding, Edward AlfredPeel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge)
Baldwin, StanleyGretton, JohnPeel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeGuinness, Hon. Walter EdwardPeto, Basil Edward
Baring, Captain Hon. Guy VictorHaddock, George BahrPole-Carew, Sir R.
Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)Hall, Fred (Dulwich)Pollock, Ernest Murray
Barnston, H.Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)Pretyman, Ernest George
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)Hambro, Angus ValdemarQuilter, W. E. C.
Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.)Hamersley, Alfred St. GeorgeRawlinson, John Frederick Peel
Bathurst, Charles (Wilts., Wilton)Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)Rawson, Colonel Richard H.
Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh HicksHardy, LaurenceRemnant, James Farquharson
Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)Harris, Henry PercyRice, Hon. Walter Fitz-Uryan
Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)Hickman, Col. Thomas E.Ronaldshay, Earl of
Bennett-Goldney, FrancisHill, Sir Clement L.Rothschild, Lionel de
Bentinck, Lord Henry CavendishHillier, Dr. Alfred PeterRutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)
Beresford, Lord CharlesHills, John WallerRutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)
Bird, AlfredHill-Wood, SamuelSalter, Arthur Clavell
Boscawen, Col. A. S. T. Griffith-Hoare, Samuel John GurneySamuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)
Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)Hohler, Gerald FitzroySanders, Robert Arthur
Boyton, JamesHope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)Sanderson, Lancelot
Brassey, H. Leonard CampbellHouston, Robert PatersonSandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)
Bridgeman, W. CliveHunt, RowlandSassoon, Sir Edward Albert
Bull, Sir William JamesHunter, Sir Charles Rodk. (Bath)Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)
Burgoyne, Alan HughesJessel, Captain Herbert M.Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Burn, Col. C. R.Joynson-Hicks, WilliamStanier, Beville
Butcher, John GeorgeKerr-Smiley, Peter KerrStanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)
Campion, W. RKerry, Earr ofStarkey, John Ralph
Carllie, Edward HildredKimber, Sir HenrySteel-Maitland, A. D.
Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.King, Sir Henry Seymour (Hall)Stewart, Gershom
Cassel, FelixKinloch-Cooke, Sir ClementStrauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)
Castlereagh, ViscountKnight, Captain Eric AyshfordSwift, Rigby
Cautley, Henry StrotherLarmor, Sir J.Sykes, Alan John
Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)Law, Andrew Bonar (Bootle, Lancs.)Tobin, Alfred Aspinall
Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford Univ.)Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)Touche, George Alexander
Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.Lee, Arthur HamiltonTullibardine, Marquess of
Chambers, JamesLewisham, ViscountValentia, Viscount
Clay, Captain H. H. SpenderLocker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)Walker, Col. William Hall
Clive, Percy ArcherLong, Rt. Hon. WalterWard, A. S. (Herts, Watford)
Courthope, George LoydLonsdale, John BrownieeWarde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)
Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)Weigall, Captain A. G.
Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)Wheler, Granville C. H.
Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)
Craik, Sir HenryMacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeaghWilliams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)
Crichton-Stuart, Lord NinianMackinder, Halford J.Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude
Cripps, Sir Charles AlfredMacmaster, DonaldWilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Croft, Henry PageMagnus, Sir PhilipWinterton, Earl
Dalrymple, ViscountMalcolm, IanWolmer, Viscount
Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)Mallaby-Deeley, HarryWood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)
Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. ScottMason, James F. (Windsor)Wood, John (Stalybridge)
Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Middlemore, John ThrogmortonYate, Col. C. E.
Du Cros, Arthur PhilipMildmay, Francis BinghamYerburgh, Robert
Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.Morpeth, ViscountYounger, George
Falle, Bertram GodfrayMorrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)
Fell, ArthurMorrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)
Finlay, Sir RobertMount, William ArthurTELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Samuel Roberts and Mr. Cave.
Fisher, William HayesNeville, Reginald J. N.
Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.Newdegate, F. A

I would have withdrawn my Amendment if the right hon. Gentleman had agreed to suspend the Standing Order; but, as he will not, I fear I must press it to a division.

Question put, "That Clause 1 be postponed."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 190; Noes, 282.

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)Goldstone, FrankMuldoon, John
Acland, Francis DykeGreenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)Munro, Robert
Addison, Dr. C.Greig, Colonel James WilliamMunro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.
Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R.Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir EdwardMurray, Capt. Hon. Arthur C.
Ainsworth, John StirlingGriffith, Ellis JonesNeilson, Francis
Allen, A. A. (Dumbartonshire)Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster)
Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud)Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)Nolan, Joseph
Anderson, Andrew MacbethHackett, JohnNorman, Sir Henry
Armitage, RobertHancock, J. G.Norton, Capt. Cecil W.
Ashton, Thomas GairHarcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)Nugent, Sir Walter Richard
Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryHarcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)
Atherley-Jones, Llewellyn A.Harmsworth, R. LeicesterO'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)
Baker, H. T. (Accrington)Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.)O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)
Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.)O'Doherty, Philip
Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)O'Dowd, John
Barran, Sir J. N. (Hawick)Havelock-Allan, Sir HenryOgden, Fred
Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.)Hayden, John PatrickO'Grady, James
Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.)Hayward, EvanO'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)
Barton, WilliamHenderson, Arthur (Durham)O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)
Beauchamp, EdwardHenderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)O'Malley, William
Beck, Arthur CecilHerbert, Col. Sir IvorO'Shaughnessy, P. J.
Benn, W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.)Higham, John SharpO'Sullivan, Timothy
Bentham, G. J.Hinds, JohnPalmer, Godfrey Mark
Bethell, Sir J. H.Hodge, JohnParker, James (Halifax)
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineHolt, Richard DurningPearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek)
Boland, John PiusHorne, C. Silvester (Ipswich)Pearce, William (Limehouse)
Booth, Frederick HandelHoward, Hon. GeoffreyPease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)
Bowerman, C. W.Hughes, Spencer LeighPhillips, John (Longford, S.)
Brocklehurst, William B.Hunter, William (Lanark, Govan)Pickersgill, Edward Hare
Brunner, John F. L.Isaacs, Sir Rufus DanielPirie, Duncan Vernon
Bryce, J. AnnanJardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire)Pointer, Joseph
Burke, E. Haviland-Johnson, W.Pollard, Sir George H.
Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.
Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)Power, Patrick Joseph
Byles, William PollardJones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe)Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)Primrose, Hon. Neil James
Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)Jones, W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts, Stepney)Pringle, William M. R.
Cawley, H. T. (Lancs., Heywood)Jowett, Frederick WilliamRaffan, Peter Wilson
Chapple, Dr. William AllenJoyce, MichaelRainy, Adam Rolland
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.Keating, MatthewRaphael, Sir Herbert H.
Clancy, John JosephKellaway, Frederick GeorgeRea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)
Clynes, John R.Kennedy, Vincent PaulRea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)
Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock)Kilbride, DenisReddy, Michael
Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)King, Joseph (Somerset, North)Redmond, John E. (Waterford)
Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.Lambert, George (Devon, S. Molton)Redmond, William (Clare, E.)
Condon, Thomas JosephLansbury, GeorgeRichardson, Albion (Peckham)
Corbett, A. CameronLaw, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)
Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld., Cockerm'th)Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)
Cory, Sir Clifford JohnLewis, John HerbertRoberts, George H. (Norwich)
Cotton, William FrancisLogan, John WilliamRoberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.)
Cowan, W. H.Lough, Rt. Hon. ThomasRobertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)
Crawshay-Williams, EliotLow, Sir Frederick (Norwich)Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)
Crumley, PatrickLundon, ThomasRobinson, Sidney
Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)Lyell, Charles HenryRoch, Walter F. (Pembroke)
Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)Lynch, Arthur AlfredRoche, Augustine (Louth)
Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Roche, John (Galway, E.)
Davies, S. W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)Rose, Sir Charles Day
Davies, M. Vaughan- (Cardigan)MacGhee, RichardRowlands, James
Dawes, J. A.MacNeill, John Gordon SwiftRunciman, Rt. Hon. Walter
Delany, WilliamMacVeagh, JeremiahSt. Maur, Harold
Devlin, JosephM'Callum, John M.Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)
Dickinson, W. HM'Kean, JohnScanlan, Thomas
Donelan, Captain A.McKenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldSchwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.
Doris, WilliamM'Laren, H. D. (Leicester)Scott, A. MacCallum (Glasgow, Bridgeton)
Duffy, William J.M'Laren, F. W. S. (Linc., Spalding)Seely, Col., Rt. Hon. J. E. B.
Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe)Sheehan, Daniel Daniel
Edwards, Enoch (Hanley)M'Micking, Major GilbertSheeny, David
Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Markham, Arthur BasilSherwell, Arthur James
Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master ofMarks, George CroydonShortt, Edward
Elverston, HaroldMartin, JosephSimon, Sir John Allsebrook
Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)Mason, David M. (Coventry)Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)
Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)Meagher, MichaelSmith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)
Essex, Richard WalterMeehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrlm, S.)
Esslemont, George BirnieMeehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)Snowden, Philip
Falconer, JamesMenzies, Sir WalterSoares, Ernest
Ferens, Thomas RobinsonMillar, James DuncanSpicer, Sir Albert
Ffrench, PeterMolloy, MichaelStanley, Albert (Staffs, N. W.)
Field, WilliamMolteno, Percy AlportStrachey, Sir Edward
Fitzgibbon, JohnMoney, L. G. ChiozzaStrauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West)
Furness, StephenMooney, John J.Sutherland, John E.
Gelder, Sir W. A.Morgan, George HayTennant, Harold John
Glanville, Harold JamesMorrell, PhilipThomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)
Goddard, Sir Daniel FordMorton, Alpheus CleophasThomas, J. H. (Derby)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)Wason, Rt. Hon. E. Clackmannan)Wilkie, Alexander
Thorne, William (West Ham)Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough)
Toulmin, GeorgeWatt, Henry A.Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)
Trevelyan, Charles PhilipsWebb, H.Wilson, Henry J. (York, W.)
Ure, Rt. Hon. AlexanderWedgwood, Josiah C.Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Verney, Sir HarryWhite, Sir George (Norfolk)Winfrey, Richard
Walton, Sir JosephWhite, Sir Luke (York, E. R.)Wood, T. M'Kinnon (Glasgow)
Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)White, Patrick (Meath, North)Young, William (Perth, East)
Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton)Whitehouse, John HowardYoxall, Sir James Henry
Wardle, George J.Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.
Waring, WalterWhyte, A. F.TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.
Warner, Sir Thomas CourtenayWiles, Thomas

The first Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. James Hope) is not in the right place. It will come in later on. The Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for West Derby (Mr. Watson Rutherford) is also in the wrong place.

I wish, Sir, to call your special attention to the fact that unless my Amendment is allowed to be Moved at this stage there will be no opportunity of making it clear at what stage we are to know whether we are discussing the case of an alleged Money Bill or a Bill that is not a Money Bill. May I draw your attention to the fact that the Clause as drafted begins by saying:—

"If a Money Bill having been passed by the House of Commons and sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session,"
We ought to know in the first stage of a Money Bill whether it is a Money Bill or is claimed to be a Money Bill, and not wait till it is passed, because there are different provisions made with regard to such a measure, and it comes in a different category if we pass the Clause. In my judgment, there is no place so proper as the commencement of the Clause for putting in the words which I propose, which are:

"A Bill which has been certified by the Speaker of the House of Commons (in manner hereinafter provided) to be exclusively a Money Bill shall," and so on—I think it will be proper to make it clear whilst we are passing this part of the Clause that it cannot be made a Money Bill by a subsequent proposal.

I have listened to the hon. Member, and the point which he wants to make, because later on in the Clause I may tell him I was completely puzzled as to what he meant, because the very next Amendment standing in his name is to leave out the word "if" which stands at the commencement of the Clause.

The Amendment is out of place and will come later on. The same thing applies to the Amendments of the hon. Member for St. Pancras (Mr. Cassel) and the hon. Member for Wirral (Mr. Stewart). The hon. Member for St. Ives (Sir Clifford Cory) proposes an alternative Clause, which is not in order. The hon. Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave) has an Amendment which is also out of place.

I do not know what has happened in connection with the Amendment standing in my name. Have you ruled that out altogether, or will it come on later in the Clause. The substance of it is that I want to raise the whole question of substituting a Joint Committee of the two Houses for the Speaker. Although, of course, it can be raised in another way, this is a way in which it is open to us to raise the discussion, and I think the Committee will be glad to come to the discussion of the question early.

I think the best way would be to take the alternative course after that which is at the beginning of the Clause. I take the order in which the provisions are in the Bill as a general rule, unless there is some definite advantage to be gained by taking another course. The next Amendment which appears on the Paper is to leave out Sub-section (1), and it is not in order. The Sub-section in question is an operative part of the Clause, and its omission would necessitate leaving out the Clause. The next Amendment of the hon. Member for Sheffield (Mr. James Hope) is not in order unless it is to be taken in conjunction with the consequential Amendment later on.

It is to be taken in conjunction with the Amendment later on. I beg to Move in Sub-section (I) to leave out the word "If." ["If a Money Bill having been passed by the House of Commons."]

I desire to move this Amendment in order to ask the Government what func- tion they expect the House of Lords to discharge in future with respect to Money Bills at all. Under the Section a Bill will go to the House of Lords in the ordinary course, and I presume it will go through all its stages. I presume it will be moved and discussed, but apparently whether it is moved or whether it is not, whether it is discussed or whether it is not, it equally becomes law at the end of a month's time, and is sent for the Royal Assent at the end of the month. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he attaches any importance to keeping up the form on this occasion. This Bill will be discussed, and the Peers may say "content" or "not content," but the result at the end of a month is the same and the Bill is to receive the Royal Assent. If this Amendment is considered in the light of a subsequent one which is on the order paper, the substance of the proposal is that the House of Lords may suggest changes in a Money Bill and send them down to the House of Commons simply by way of suggestion, just as in a similar way it is provided in a later Clause in this Bill that Bills are to be passed about between the two Houses.

Will the hon. Member explain where the subsequent Amendment which he means to propose is to be found

I know it is a little difficult to follow. I am now proposing to leave out the word "If" subsequently to that is an Amendment at the bottom of page 38 to leave out from "Commons" to end of Sub-section and to insert:—

"Shall be presented to His Majesty and become an Act of Parliament on the Royal Assent being signified, notwithstanding that the Bill has not been before the other House of Parliament."

The effect of the two Amendments taken together is that the Bill will not go through these forms in the House of Lords. I move, then, not because I am enamoured of their substance, so much as to ask the Government what importance they attach to any of these Bills going before the House of Lords at all. Presumably they go through all their stages. I suppose it is brought in and read the first time, and then another day is given for its discussion on the Second Reading, then, perhaps there will be a Committee stage and a Third Reading, but whether it is discussed or not, whether it is divided against or not it is apparently to have the force of law at the end of a month. As things stand, I do not see why the Government attach importance to these stages. If they would accept an Amendment lower down on the Paper, which would give the House of Lords power not to make amendments but suggestions to the House, the matter would be entirely different. By that Amendment I suggest that the House of Lords may at any stage return to the House of Commons any Money Bill requesting by message the omission or amendment of any provisions therein, and the House of Commons may if it think fit, make any such omissions or amendments with or without modifications. If anything of that kind were possible the Clause would have some value, but if nothing of the kind is possible I really do not see any explanation of the point as to the necessity for going through these stages. I cannot help thinking that this is done deliberately in order that the ugliness of the Government proposal may be cloaked, and, perhaps, if Thomas Carlyle were yet alive he would re-write another chapter in "Sartor Re-sartus" to show how the present Government had adopted certain clothes so as to cloak their present proposals. I think that is the reason why the Government want to retain these old forms while they are still proposing by this Clause to deprive the Second Chamber of any right to do anything with a Money Bill, the result of such a proposal being to throw an unendurable onus upon the Crown.

It is always very dangerous to reason by metaphor, and the hon. Gentleman has alluded to the philosophy of clothes as explained in Carlyle's "Sartor Resartus." The difference between the hon. Gentleman and us in this matter is that we propose to retain the present constitutional arrangement, whereas he proposes to divest us of it altogether. That is the most revolutionary proposal that has yet been made, and I wonder whether it will be supported by the Noble Lord the Member for Oxford (Lord Hugh Cecil). It is, as I say, the most revolutionary proposal that has yet been made. It is not merely that we should assert the supremacy of this House in matters of finance, but that we should not even allow the House of Lords to have an opportunity of discussing any financial measure which has passed through this House. That is the proposal, and when the hon. Gentleman asks me why I resist it, I say it is because I see no reason for it. It is going further than the Government think it necessary to go in asserting the rights of this House, because our view has always been that in this Clause we are giving legal and statutory effect to what has hitherto been, or was till 1909, the almost unbroken constitutional usage. There is no innovation here of any sort or kind—absolutely none—except that we are putting into the form of an Act of Parliament now that the necessity has arisen that which up to a couple of years ago, by universal consent, was the adopted practice without any Act of Parliament at all. The House of Lords discussed Finance Bills; they did not amend them; they did not reject them. We are proposing to leave them in the position in which by constitutional usage they always have been, to discuss financial proposals which emanate from this House. That other is a power which for over fifty years they never claimed, and certainly never exercised—namely, that to amend or reject. The hon. Gentleman proposes to go further, and deprive them of the power even of discussing these proposals. The Noble Lord shakes his head, but he has not read the Amendment, or has not read the consequential Amendment, because, according to the hon. Member for Sheffield, if this word "if" is omitted, the Clause will run as follows: "A Money Bill having been passed by the House of Commons, shall be presented to His Majesty and become an Act of Parliament on the Royal Assent being signified, notwithstanding that the Bill has not been before the other House of Parliament." The House of Lords would then have no power of expressing any opinion upon it or considering it. That is the proposal. The advantage of the Government proposal is three-fold, although the Noble Lord attaches no importance to it. The Government view is that we should disturb the existing constitutional system as little as possible. In the second place, if the Bill is sent to the House of Lords, in ninety-nine cases out of one hundred the House of Lords will pass it.

That is exactly the point. What I am arguing against is the proposal that the Finance Bill should not go to the House of Lords at all.

I understood that, but the right hon. Gentleman said, in reading it, "and sent up to the House of Lords at least one month before the end of the Session." If the Amendment is carried that will be left out altogether.

I admit that. I apologise. We are talking about the difference between sending a Bill to the House of Lords under the limitations proposed by this Clause and not sending it to the House of Lords at all. In the first place, we make the minimum of disturbance with existing constitutional practice. In the second place, the House of Lords in all probability will pass the Bill. It always has done so, and most likely it will do so again. The Bill will go to the country with the joint assent of both Houses of Parliament. Perhaps the Noble Lord (Lord Hugh Cecil) attaches no importance to that. In the third place, even when the House of Lords refuses to pass the Bill, is it to be said it is no advantage whatever to have a debate there, considering the manner in which that House is constituted and the eminent persons who take part in its deliberations? We are constantly being told that is the real reservoir of political wisdom and ability. Is it to be said that the country is to deprive itself of the advantage of hearing the financial proposals of the Government discussed and reviewed with all its vast resources of dialectical skill. I do not go so far as that. On the contrary, it is very desirable that we should preserve in the House of Lords the powers it already possesses, and that we should not plunge into revolutionary innovations in our Constitution unless abundant reason is shown for doing so. As regards the only other point raised by the hon. Gentleman—namely, the later Amendment of his own—I need not point out that it will be quite out of order to discuss that at this stage. It is an alternative proposal. It assumes that Finance Bills do go to the House of Lords, and it gives the House of Lords a new power of suggestion, as distinguished from Amendment, which would bring Bills back to this House for further consideration. We can discuss that point if and when the Amendment is reached. It is sufficient for present purposes to say that the Government is proposing the least possible disturbance of our existing arrangements which is consistent with the assertion of the uncontrolled supremacy of this House in all matters of finance.

I really should like to know what place the word "revolution" fills in the right hon. Gentleman's vocabulary. He informed my hon. Friend Mr. Hope) that this was the most revolutionary proposal ever made in this House.

I suppose by "this discussion" the right hon. Gentleman means the discussions which have been going on for the last two or three years?

There has been no proposal to-day. If it is the most revolutionary proposal yet made to-day, I quite agree. The proposal which we have discussed at great length, though very important, is not revolutionary. No doubt it is possible to deal with the Constitution in a more revolutionary spirit than at all appeared on the face of the Instruction which occupied the earlier part of this afternoon's debate. In truth, my hon. Friend's proposal, whether it be good or bad, may deserve many epithets, but it certainly does not deserve the epithet "revolutionary." The right hon. Gentleman is passionately attached to the existing forms, which he seemed to think only carry with them that the House of Lords and the eminent persons in that Chamber may make speeches, but may do nothing else with regard to finance, and he has taken this opportunity of reiterating the amazing doctrine, for which he has made himself responsible on more than one occasion, that the House of Lords have at present, under our existing system, no constitutional right whatever to reject Money Bills. That is really a profound delusion on the part of the right hon. Gentleman. Quite apart from party purposes, I understand and agree with those who say the House of Lords has not the power of amending, but certainly has the power of rejecting Money Bills. There can be no doubt whatever. It is perfectly true that that power has never been exercised since 1860 because in that year arrangements were made by this House, not with a view of preventing the House of Lords from rejecting Money Bills, but with a view of preventing the House of Lords dealing with part of the financial proposals of the year without dealing with the whole of them, and no doubt if you put, as since 1860 you have put, the House of Lords in the position of either leaving alone or rejecting in toto the financial provision of the year, of course the constitutional power which they possess is one which must be exercised on the rarest possible occasions. I really do not believe that any impartial student of our constitutional history can doubt that that is the true interpretation of the development of our Constitution in regard to the power of the House of Lords over Money Bills. That power has not been exercised for amending purposes for more time than is worth considering now. When it could be exercised in the form of rejection of a part of the financial schemes of the year, of course it was much easier for the House of Lords to use that power. The House of Commons made it extremely difficult for the House of Lords to use that power, and, having made it more difficult, of course the result is that it has been very rarely used and ought only in cases of extreme necessity to be used. Whether 1909 was a case of extreme necessity is, of course, open to dispute. Hon. Gentlemen opposite may think the Budget of that year was of so ordinary a type that the House of Lords ought to have let it go through as all other Budgets have gone through since 1860. I think the House of Lords would have been failing in its duty if it had not referred to the people so very exceptional and so very remarkable a departure in the finance of the country. However, that particular point may be disputed, and I cannot conceive why the right hon. Gentleman should have raised it on this Amendment, to which it appears to be only remotely relevant.

What we have to discuss now is whether we shall retain these forms which the Government propose to leave to the House of Lords, and which my hon. Friend (Mr. Hope) proposes to withdraw from them. To withdraw these powers is not revolutionary—it is absurd to call it revolutionary—but in my judgment it is not expedient, and I should be sorry to see these forms withdrawn from the House of Lords, not in the least, because I think the proposal of my hon. Friend is revolutionary, but because I think the possession of these forms by the House of Lords on a Money Bill might, in certain very easily foreseen circumstances, be extremely useful. Supposing this Clause passes, as I most earnestly hope it will not pass in its present form—supposing, in other words, it is left to the Speaker of this House alone to decide, after a Bill has gone through its stages here, whether it does or does not contain tacking provisions, I think it is an excessively bad proposal, but if the Amendment is carried there would be no opportunity for reviewing the decision of Mr. Speaker, which may have the most far reaching consequences, beyond the sphere of the House over which Mr. Speaker reigns, stretching perhaps into the life of every man and every commercial institution of the country. The House of Lords, if your Clause passes, will have no power of rejecting the Budget, but they will have the power in debate of showing that the Budget, which has been decided by Mr. Speaker to be purely a financial measure, is nothing of the sort. They will be able to show that it goes far beyond the limit of a purely financial measure, and it may be that, as the result of their debates, the Government themselves might think it worth while to modify a scheme, the unconstitutional character of which has been thus exposed. That is only one illustration, though I think a very important one of the sort of advantages which might still accrue, even under this Clause, to the House of Lords, if you leave with them the power of surveying the Budget. I do not take so low a view of the effect of discussion in Parliament upon public opinion as some critics of our Parliamentary institutions are disposed to do, and even if the House of Lords retains the constitutional power which it now possesses of referring great new financial departures to the constituencies, debate in that House upon some great issue, in which the whole country is interested, cannot fail to modify and mould public opinion. In these circumstances, though I think the epithet "revolutionary" is probably the last epithet which the Amendment really deserves, I am disposed to think that this Clause will not be improved by the modification which my hon. Friend suggests.

After what has fallen from my right hon. Friend I do not desire to press the Amendment on the Committee, but there are one or two points which deserve attention as a matter of Debate. The Prime Minister seems to suppose that because a power is not exercised for a number of years it is non-existent and, whether existent or not, is of no importance. That is a profound misconception. This House has never exercised in the whole course of its history the power of rejecting an Appropriation Bill. Would he say it is desirable that the passing of an Appropriation Bill should be taken as a matter of form? It is obvious that the existence of a power, even, may be a valuable thing. It may check proposals being introduced. It remains in the background, a security against scandalous and unusual abuses of the power of this House, and for that reason I regret that, whether in the hands of the present House of Lords, to which there are objections, or in the hands of a more popularly constituted body, there should be no financial power. Some financial check on this House will ultimately be found to be necessary.

But the important objection to the Government proposal, though I quite agree with the weighty argument my right hon. Friend has put forward, is simply that it is an untruthful proposal, which makes believe that you have a security when there is no security. In the language of the late Lord Salisbury, it erects a rotten fence on the edge of a precipice, against which people may lean, and, leaning, fall over. Lord Rosebery, in a memorable metaphor, said the Bill was like hamstringing a horse and entering it for the Derby. If you are cruel enough to hamstring a horse, it is better not to enter it for the Derby. To see it limp round the course is unseemly and merely an exercise of cruelty. However, my right hon. Friend thinks the House of Lords limping round the course will produce an effect on public opinion, and it is possible that it may show the inhumanity of the hamstringing to which it has been subjected. From that point of view no doubt there is a good argument against the Amendment, but I think the Prime Minister's speech was a revelation of his point of view. What he cares about is the clothing of the Constitution—the seemliness, the pretence, the unreality—that is what he values. The real power of the Second Chamber he does not value at all. He does not value it because it is inconvenient to the party he leads. Because the thing is merely pretence, he likes it for the purpose of throwing dust in the eyes of the public among other useful functions. My hon. Friend's Amendment shocks his constitutional sense, and he rebukes him for being revolutionary. The right hon. Gentleman's conception of a sound Constitution was what the late Mr. Carlyle would have called a thing which depends elaborately on pretence. The right hon. Gentleman wants one House managed by the guillotine in the interest of the Liberal party, and another going through mere forms. I quite agree that my hon. Friend's Amendment, if pressed, would shut out other Amendments, and there is so much weight in that that I do not think he should divide the Committee upon it.

The Prime Minister says this proposal is the most revolutionary that has been made in this discussion. It is the most honest proposal made since the Bill was brought before the House. I say so because it says what will happen if the Clause is passed. The Prime Minister objects to the Amendment because it is going to get the clothes off the Government and the party opposite. That is exactly what I want to do. I want to take the clothes off hon. Gentlemen opposite. That would have a startling effect upon the electors of this country. My hon. Friend, like myself, is a businesslike person. We both dislike shams, and therefore my hon. Friend says, "This Bill is going to take away from the House of Lords their power to alter or amend a Money Bill. Take away their power to debate, and do not let them sit in the gilded Chamber discussing nothing at all, or only subjects which are not to be affected by their discussion." He says further, "Let the House of Commons say whether a Money Bill is for the good of the country or not." I was rather surprised to hear the right hon. Gentleman say that he likes to hear speeches.

I thought he did. I apologise. I see where I made the mistake. He said he liked speeches in the House of Lords where he cannot hear them. He does not like them here. Why does he not like to hear speeches in this House? There would be only one advantage apparently if this Amendment were carried. My hon. Friend desires to allow this House to send up a Money Bill once. "Alice in Wonderland" said, "If I say a thing three times it is so." Why does not my hon. Friend say, "If the Liberal party pass any Bill three times it must become law." When passed the first time Parliament can be prorogued to meet on the following day. It can then pass the Bill a second time, and prorogue again. In the third Session it would become law. Then we shall all be happy, and hon. Members opposite will be able to indulge their love of legislation. I share with my hon. Friend the desire to reject, if possible, every Clause in this Bill, but if we are going to have a Bill let us have an honest one. Let the Government say to the country, "In our opinion we are the only people who ought to have any power in legislation." That may be a very laudable ambition for them, but my business instincts prevent me from supporting such a proposal. I think it is a sheer waste of time. I think my hon. Friend has done a very valuable service in bringing forward the Amendment. If his speech is reported it will show clearly that he wishes to be straightforward and honest.

The Prime Minister said that it was desirable that the Second Chamber should be able to express its assent. I wonder if that commends itself to hon. Gentleman below the Gangway on the other side. What is the value of being able to assent if a person has no power to dissent. If a slave had power to assent to his sale that power would have no value if he could be sold contrary to his will. The power of assent by the House of Lords is a thing to which not the slightest attention would be paid by this House or Government. It seems to me that the pretence is not worthy of the Government of a constitutional country. The Prime Minister attaches great importance to discussion. Personally I attach no importance to discussion where it is not accompanied by any power to act. Everyone who has sat on a Consultative Committee knows it is the most weary thing that has ever been known. The Committee has power to make recommendations, but no power to enforce them. I assure my hon. Friends below the Gangway that I dislike unrealities. If this were to be a permanent. Bill I would say that the unrealities had better be swept away. On the other hand, if it is not to be permanent, I would say that before we part with realities we should know what is to be done. If the realities are left, some control to the Second Chamber may be restored. When this Government are no longer in power and others have taken their places, the very forms which are left may be utilised to restore what has been destroyed.

I think the Committee is very much indebted to the hon. Member for bringing forward this Amendment. The discussion of it has led to a remarkable speech by the Leader of the Opposition. The Amendment itself is based upon the proposition that this Bill is intended to establish Single Chamber Government. That is entirely denied by the right hon. Gentleman, who has admitted that the mere power to discuss a Finance Bill in another place is a valuable possession. I build upon that a fortiori the argument that the power of discussion and revision contained in the Bill will be valuable also under the second part in relation to ordinary legislation. Therefore early in this Debate we have got the admission that this Bill does not set up Single Chamber Government, but leaves powers to the other place which are valuable. I hope I shall have an opportunity of saying later on that that admission carries the right hon. Gentleman a little further with the powers which are left to the other place. I think I am speaking for other hon. Members on this side of the House as well as for myself when I say that the powers so retained or left to the other Chamber instead of being too shadowy or too vague, are rather too large to be entrusted to that Chamber.

I cannot help pressing a little further the metaphor of the Prime Minister when he said that the Government proposed to leave to the House of Lords their clothes. There is a story in Hans Andersen which relates that there came at one time to a town people who gave out that they were going to make clothes of such wonderfully thin texture that no one could see them except people who were wise. What followed was that they went through the gesture of making clothes, and they sold like wildfire. Everybody bought them and admired them, until one day a little child came, and, looking at them, said, "Why they have got nothing on." Then the whole fraud came out. It came out that these people had been trading on the credulity of others. In this case the Government are conferring power like the merchants in these clothes. My hon. Friend takes the part of the child, and is frank enough to say, "If this Bill passes there will be no clothes at all." I think the Amendment is useful as showing that the Bill is, in fact, a sham. Those who pretend to leave under this Bill any powers whatever to the House of Lords are only misleading this House, and it would be better, if possible, to have reality in the Bill, and to say that no Money Bill can go to the other House at all. The Prime Minister said in terms that the Upper House has now no constitutional right either to reject or to amend a Money Bill. I venture to differ entirely from that statement, and I think he is the first Minister and this is the first Government who have said it in this House or elsewhere. I need only refer to Mr. Gladstone, who said in the clearest possible terms——[An HON. MEMBER: "He is dead."] Mr. Gladstone's reputation is not dead. There are many in this House, mainly I think on this side, who have still some reverence for what Mr. Gladstone said on constitutional matters, because in these matters no one was more Conservative in the best sense of the word than Mr. Gladstone. On 5th July, 1860, he said that the House of Lords had the right both to reject and to amend. What he said was this: that, in fact, the two Houses meant the same thing:—

"The House of Commons by its privilege with respect to Money Bills has meant to reserve to itself the integrity of the taxing power, and the House of Lords, by declining to admit the claim of the House of Commons, has intended to preserve to itself an effective means of preventing the House of Commons from forcing upon it other matters of general legislation under cover of Money Bills."
Mr. Gladstone was not the only one, because Lord Morley, in very recent times indeed gave utterance to sentiments something of the same kind. I have his words here:—
"The bare legal right (to reject the Budget) has not been denied. Some, no doubt, and I do not know that I would quarrel with them, would argue that the bare legal right may, on certain occasions, be appropriately transformed into a moral duty. Yes, but I can imagine a state of things—I can imagine it with difficulty—which would justify the transformation of a legal right into aspect of moral duty by reason of the wildcat proposals of a demented House of Commons."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 29th November, 1909, cols. 1140–1.]
That admits the constitutional rights in an extreme case. That is all that anybody can look forward to. I think it right to protest against the view as things stand that there is this constitutional bar, and if you are going to define a Money Bill in the wide terms of this Clause, I should strongly oppose the restrictions of the House of Lords further in this matter. If you are going to restrict the House of Lords against interfering only with—to use the old word—Bills of aid and supply, that is one thing, but under the terms of this Clause the Government will be able to bring in, without any check whatever, without even the check of delay, proposals which may alter the whole aspect of this nation. I am glad my hon. Friend moved this Amendment, because it will enable us to know, though, of course, we knew it before, but it will expose to the Committee what this Clause really does, namely, to remove, so far as these matters are concerned, all power whatever from the other House.

I do not think we can congratulate the Opposition on the skill with which they have selected the Amendment of which they are taking their first stand. The hon. and learned Gentleman who has just sat down described the Bill which we are discussing as a sham.

I did not say the Bill was a ham. I said that the Bill would make the House of Lords a sham.

Then there is some reality in the Bill itself. I only refer to that in order to describe this Amendment, and to say that if this Amendment is not a sham then I do not understand what a sham is. Hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House have been denouncing the very extreme character of the proposals of the Government in regard to finance, and the limitation of power of legislation on the part of the House of Lords, yet here we have them to-day-occupying a great amount of valuable time of the Committee in supporting an Amendment which will go a great deal farther than any proposals which the Government have made. In effect the intention of this Amendment is that a Finance Bill cannot go to the House of Lords at all. How many of them will have the courage to vote for that in the Division Lobby? They have brought it forward for discussion, with no real earnestness of intention of pressing it upon the House.

The Amendment has been brought forward in order to expose the character of the Government Bill.

7.0 P.M.

Are we to understand that the attitude of the Conservative party is simply to expose the policy of the Government? I think that that policy will stand any exposure, but we are now to understand this, that in exposing the policy of the Government you bring forward proposals of your own that have no reality as far as you are concerned. Those who talk of exposure have no belief in their own proposals, and they have not the courage to vote for them in the Division Lobby. This is, in my opinion, a good proposal, and but for the argument put forward by the Prime Minister as to leaving the existing state of things to some extent as they are, with regard to the machinery of Bills passing from this House I certainly would have advocated this Amendment myself. If we mean, as I presume the Government do that in future the House of Lords shall have no power in regard to finance then I contend there is a great deal to be said for the view that we might send the Finance Bill direct from the House to the Throne to receive the Royal Assent. That is the purport of the Amendment which the hon. Gentleman has moved. If they care to go into the Division Lobby in favour of that with any real earnestness I shall certainly support him. So far as I can see, the Amendment is only put forward with a theoretical, but not very useful object, because they have not the intention of voting for it in the Division Lobby. Unless it is unanimously rejected I shall vote for it in the Division Lobby.

I think that the speech to which we have just listened shows rather less than the sense of humour which is said to be possessed by natives of the country to which the hon. Gentleman and myself both belong. I consider that this discussion has been extremely useful in showing up the real character of the Government proposals. What the Government propose is this, to leave the people under the impression that they have a Second Chamber, and I say that the simulatum of a Second Chamber is a great deal more dangerous than the absence of a Second Chamber altogether. The Prime Minister talked about constitutionality and about the danger of revolution. But he is carrying out a revolution. I absolutely differ from the right hon. Gentleman when he asserted that this Clause merely embodied the existing law of the Constitution. Of course, I do not intend to enter on that subject at the present moment, but no one who looks into the precedents can assert that the proposition laid down by the right hon. Gentleman is a correct statement of the law upon the subject. This proposal is revolutionary, because it deprives the. House of Lords of any right to deal with Bills of this class, while at the same time it proposes to leave the country under the impression that that right exists by leaving to the House of Lords the power of discussion. The Amendment moved by my hon. Friend has been extremely useful in unmasking the real character of the Government proposals, and having unmasked the Government proposals, I think that my hon. Friend will be of opinion that the whole purpose of the discussion has been served, and that any one who is capable of appreciating that ridicule is sometimes the best way of combating dangerous proposals will agree that he was well advised in moving this Resolution.

The hon. Knight the Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs (Sir H. Dalziel) mentioned the other day, I think, in a speech in the country that when he sat on this side of the House he delayed business with more artistic flavour than those who sit here now. All I can say is that he has lost that art since he went to sit on that side. I must protest against the assumption which is apparently held by him and his friends that it is not for the Opposition to bring forward an Amendment in order to obtain a discussion, and an answer from the Government, and not to go to a Division. I never heard such an argument before. I think we shall have had a most useful discussion on this Amendment if we can get an answer to a question which I now propose to put to the Government. There is a point which I think has been hitherto missed in the course of this discussion. The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister in the course of his speech was good enough very wisely to refer to a head shake of mine on the subject whether or not a Money Bill could be discussed if this Amendment is carried. This is a point which I think is very clear. There is nothing whatever, and there cannot be in this Act anything that will prevent the House of Lords from discussing anything they want. Nothing that the Government can put into this Bill can affect the power of the House of Lords to discuss money or any other Bill. As I understand my hon. Friend's Amendment, it is that these Bills shall be presented to His Majesty and become an Act of Parliament, the Royal Assent being signified notwithstanding that the Bill has not been before the other House of Parliament. The point I thought made admirably by my hon. Friend which has not been taken up is this: Are you going to say that the House of Lords is in future to go through all the action of discussing the Bill? Is the Chancellor to rise upon the Woolsack and ask the "contents" and "non-contents" to signify their approval or disapproval, and is all the form to be gone through when they know perfectly well that by going through it they will gain absolutely nothing and that they have neither power to give assent to or dissent from the Bill. In this Amendment there is nothing to prevent them discussing it, but, as I understand it, the point of my hon. Friend's Amendment is to prevent the hollow mockery being gone through of this Bill being brought to the other place and their assent being asked for when it makes no difference what they do. The junior Member for Merthyr Tydvil (Mr. Keir Hardie) said on 7th April, 1910:—

"They are not to have the power to amend the Bill, nor to reject it, nor to suspend it. Why send it to them? Why make two bites at, the cherry? Why not say emphatically here and now that the House of Commons is supreme in finance, and so show that in practice as well as in theory by sending the Finance Bill direct to the Crown, without going to the House of Lords at all?"—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 7th April, 1910, col. 705.]
That is exactly what the Government propose to do. They propose to make these unfortunate gentlemen whom they have sent in such confusion to the other place Viscount Morley, Viscount Haldane, and all the rest of them—give their time and sit in the House while they are being asked whether they are in favour of the Bill, and, whether they say Yes or No, it will not make the slightest difference on the question of whether the Bill will become law or not. If that is not a mockery I do not know what the meaning of the term is.

The hon. Member for Northamptonshire quoted the words of the Leader of the Opposition as admitting that discussion of financial provisions on the part of the House of Lords would be valuable, and the hon. Member said that, therefore, there would be still a two Chamber system. But the point we are making is that under the new powers, though the House of Lords may have opportunity of discussing, they would have no power of revision; there would not be an opportunity for the House of Lords to do so, even if they thought fit. For that reason the Prime Minister was not accurate when he said that this Clause leaves the House of Lords in the position in which they have always been. Of course, he was alluding to the fact that it is very rare for the House of Lords to reject the Finance Bill; but he seems to forget that it is a very common occurrence for the House of Lords to put Amendments in Money Bills which are often accepted.

My point is that under the present proposal of the Government there will be no opportunity here for considering Amendments which have been made in the House of Lords by consent.

The hon. Member can deal with that point in a later Amendment. A question upon it was asked of the Prime Minister, who said that this was not the time to deal with it. It arises on a subsequent Amendment, and therefore the hon. Member is out of order.

May I ask the Prime Minister to deal with this question? He said that the House of Lords would have power to discuss Money Bills. May I ask whether they will have any opportunity of making Amendments, and whether the House of Commons will have an opportunity of reconsidering the matter after it has been discussed in the House of Lords?

I must point out that we cannot discuss these questions over and over again. There are later Amendments which raise the point. A question was put to the Prime Minister in regard to it, and he refused to deal with it now because it comes on at a later stage. I think, therefore, the hon. Member should wait until we come to that Amendment.

The Prime Minister stated that the situation of the House of Lords under the Government proposals will be left as it has always been, but we show that it is changed, suggestions made by the Lords cannot be sent down to this House for consideration.

May I point out that the House of Lords has very often amended Money Bills, and those Amendments have been accepted. May I quote the ruling of the Speaker on the occasion of the Old Age Pension Bill:—

"Almost every year, certainly very frequently this House does not insist upon its privilege. It accepts amendments, and in sending a message to the other House the statement is made that this House does not insist upon its privilege."
My point is that the position of the House of Lords will not remain the same under this Clause, and for that reason we are perfectly entitled to resist it. We have seen the House of Lords making Amendments to Money Bills with the consent of the Government, yet the House of Commons under these proposals will have no opportunity of taking those Amendments into consideration. What will be the effect? The Bill will go to the House of Lords, and there will be no means of reconsidering it here, unless the Government withdraw it, prorogue Parliament, start a new Session, and reintroduce it. If there is to be no power of reconsideration, though it might be of merely drafting mistakes in Money Bill——

This is really dealing with a later Amendment, and the hon. Member is arguing a point which does not rise upon the Amendment before the Committee.

rose in his place and claimed to Move:—"That the Question be now put," but the Chairman withheld his assent, and declined then to put that question.

I hope the hon. Member will restrain his impatience. I fancy that we had better all arm ourselves with a certain amount of patience considering the magnitude of the enterprise upon which we are now entering.

I must ask the hon. Member to speak to the Amendment before the Committee.

I will endeavour to do so, Sir. A more legitimate Amendment than that which my hon. Friend has moved was never placed before the Committee of this House, and if only because of the speech elicited from the Prime Minister, a speech which appears to me to contain a tacit admission of the profound sense the Prime Minister has of the value of the cooperation of the House of Lords in matters of finance in any Constitution. If my hon. Friend does not press this Amendment to a Division it is not because of any one of the three reasons which the Prime Minister urged upon the Committee against it. What were the three reasons the Prime Minister gave? He said, first of all, "We are retaining the old system, and you are departing from it." That is a very edifying observation in the mouth of the Prime Minister. Why is it that our Finance Bills—and I observe with great interest that the Prime Minister used the expression "Finance Bill," which may be very important at a later stage of this discussion—have gone to the House of Lords? They have gone there in order that we might have the additional authority and assent of the House of Lords, and because the House of Lords had the undoubted and unchallenged right to reject Money Bills. The Prime Minister talked about retaining the old system. Is it retaining the old system to substitute for a discussion in the House of Lords, which was real and which could be followed by action, a discussion which is to be academic and have no more practical result than the discussion of a college debating society? The Prime Minister's second point, and, to me, the most interesting, was that the House of Lords will support and carry ninety-nine out of one hundred Finance Bills which we send up to them. But there is one out of the one hundred to which they will refuse their assent, and we are going to make a new and invidious distinction between those Money Bills which are styled an Act of Parliament in the present day, and those Money Bills which are mere decrees of the House of Commons.

We shall have to invent a new Preamble, and we shall have to divide our Money Bills into two classes—those which receive the assent of both Houses, as I take it, under the Preamble of the Bill, "by the King's Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled." But for that percentage—and I agree with the Prime Minister it would be a small one—which is not assented to by the House of Lords, we shall have to find some new term which will distinguish those House of Commons Money Bills from Money Bills which are Acts of Parliament in the old sense. That invidious distinction will have to be made. The Prime Minister's third point is this. He said that we will have the great advantage of discussion in an assembly, so illustrious as the House of Lords, where there are able and highly qualified men and financiers, who are there to give us the advantage of their mature consideration. But does not it follow that the more valuable the discussion in the House of Lords the more invidious this distinction will be between those Money Bills to which they have assented and those Money Bills in regard to which they differ from this House, and from which they withhold their assent. These are the three points which the Prime Minister urged, but which, if I may respectfully say so, seem to have no very great substance in them. While I agree with what fell from the Leader of the Opposition in regard to the Amendment, I submit that it is one which substitutes a reality for a sham, and it would save the last month of the Session for finance, a period which will be wasted under the Government proposals.

As the hon. Members who have proposed and supported the Amendment do not intend to go to a Division, I would appeal to the Committee to let us dispose of it, and proceed to other questions such as that raised by the hon. Member below the Gangway, and which come up for discussion on later Amendments.

I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question. He dwelt with some seriousness upon the value of discussion in the House of Lords among the distinguished Members of that illustrious assembly on any measure, including even Finance Bills. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to tell us by what means the views of that illustrious Chamber on a Finance Bill will be conveyed to this House. As I read the Clause, it will be impossible for the Lords to move an Amendment to a Money Bill. Will the Prime Minister be good enough to explain to us by what constitutional means under the Clause, if carried in its entirety, the House of Lords will be able to convey to this House their valuable views on a Finance Bill which he insists should be sent to them?

With regard to what the Prime Minister says as to the House of Lords not having rejected any Money Bill between 1860 and 1909, I would remind him that, in 1861, the year after, Mr. Gladstone proposed to make it more difficult in the future for the House of Lords to deal with these questions, and Lord Derby, who was Leader of the House, entered a very emphatic protect against any interference with their rights. Of course, Money Bills in former days were something very different from Money Bills as defined in this Clause, and I must enter that caveat against what the Prime Minister has said, because undoubtedly we have had instances of Money Bills having been dealt with by the House of Lords. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir Henry Dalziel) referred to the fact of the Amendment being moved for the purpose of discussion, and with no intention of dividing upon it. The hon. Gentleman must know that when he was in opposition such a thing was constantly done, and perfectly legitimately done. I must say frankly that I did not propose this Amendment with a view to going to a Division, but simply to see what the Government had to say in defence of their position. I ask leave to withdraw the Amendment.

Amendment, by leave, withdrawn.

I beg to move, after the word "if" ["If a Money Bill"] to insert the words "within" three years of the passing of this Act."

I hope this proposal will meet with a better reception from the critical hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir H. Dalziel) than did the last, because I think he will agree that this is an Amendment of real substance. I am seeking to limit the period of what I may call the interregnum, within which the Government are to be entitled to have the advantages derived from the passage of this Bill. At the present moment there is a declaration of their intentions in the Preamble, that at some period or other, which is not at all defined, they will reform the Second Chamber. The purpose of my Amendment is to limit the period during which this transition time will last, and to place on the Government the responsibility and the duty of reforming the Second Chamber after the period of three years. I think that an Amendment of this kind is not unusual in Bills of a certain class. It is one which gives the Government the opportunity of declaring before this House whether their intentions with regard to the reform of the Second Chamber are honest or are not honest. In point of fact, the Amendment in very few words crystallises the Preamble of the Bill. I think in proposing that the term should be extended for so long as three years that we are giving the Government rope enough. This Bill is, of course, only a means to an end. Everybody knows that, it is not denied. How long should the Government be placed in a position to exercise the immensely increased powers which they will get under this Bill, and within what limits shall it be confined. Within three years of the passage of this Bill it would be perfectly possible for the Government to pass through this House and the other its Home Rule proposals. It will be possible to pass certain other measures in the logrolling condition in which it is placed, and it will also enable all extremists to get their particular views carried into effect. There is no lack of generosity in the period which this Amendment offers to them for their very fell and unfortunate purpose. Therefore, I think, if there is a real intention on their part, and if they have any plan in their minds as to what proposals they intend to make for the reform of the Second Chamber, then three years would be plenty of time to formulate and pass a scheme. I do not know whether the intention of the Government, as expressed in the Preamble is ultimately to find its way to that place which we are told is paved with good intentions. I have my own suspicions. It is with a view to bringing the Government out to a definite and distinct statement on this question that this Amendment is submitted. I should be very glad, and I am sure hon. Members on this side would be glad, to know that the Government were able to accept an Amendment of this kind, which as I say, would be an earnest not only of their intention in the Preamble, but of their honesty in this matter.

The hon. Gentleman proposes also to move a similar Amendment, limiting the duration of this Bill in Clause 2. It would be far better, and I believe in accordance with the Standing Orders, that he should attempt to deal with that in a separate Clause at the end of the Bill instead of by Amendment at this point. This, at any rate, is not at all a convenient point for embarking on the discussion which it is now desired to raise. Even if he were not to take the course of moving a separate Clause to make a temporary limitation which he desires to establish, it is clear that what he desires to raise would come in more acutely on Clause 2 than on Clause 1. For after all, Clause 1, as the Prime Minister has shown in a speech on an earlier Amendment, only has the effect of restoring to the House of Commons the powers which, at any rate judged by the practice of the last fifty years with the exception of the Budget of 1909, have always been enjoyed by the House of Commons. To say that the operation of this most essential safeguard, namely, the assurance of our rights over finance, should be limited to a period of three years is obviously putting forward a proposal which we on this side of the House could not accept. We do not think this is a satisfactory time to embark on the general discussion of the Preamble. No doubt there would have to be a very grave and important discussion of that part of the measure, but coming as it does at this point of the Bill, I can only say that the Government hope the hon. Gentleman will not press his Amendment, but, in any case, it will not be in their power to accept it.

The right hon. Gentleman has explained the reasons which have influenced him in advising the Committee not to accept the Amendment. He says my hon. Friend would be well advised if he had made his proposal in the shape of a new Clause. My hon. Friend would perhaps reply to that observation by asking whether if he did put this in the shape of a new Clause, the right hon. Gentleman would afford any guarantee that there would be the opportunity of discussing it. I have not the least doubt, if such an assurance were forthcoming even now, my hon. Friend would concur in the view that that would be a more convenient course. I do not understand the right hon. Gentleman to offer any such assurance, and in that case I am a little surprised that he should have suggested to my hon. Friend to withdraw this Motion. As to the substantial merits of the proposal, my hon. Friend says that if three years were inserted in the Bill, it would give the Government reasonable time to make reform proposals to which so many of them are committed. I fully agree that there may be more suitable opportunities during the progress of these discussions for the whole of that argument to be laid before us. I do not dissent from that, but, at any rate, here at the very earliest stage of the discussion an opportunity is offered to the Government to state whether they contemplate any arrangement of the kind in three years. I would ask the Government, are they determined to take up the position that, however a Second Chamber may be constituted or reformed, or ultimately transformed, that under no circumstances whatever, and however such a Second Chamber may be constituted, will they leave to them any control of finance. It is a very different proposition to lay down here that as the Second Chamber is at present constituted, the Government is not prepared to allow any. I can only hope, when the full discusson is reached which raises the whole question of the Preamble, that we may obtain assurances which are satisfactory. I confess I am astonished that the right hon. Gentleman has not found it in his power to make some statement in answer to the particular Motion of my hon. Friend.

I only rise at this stage of the discussion because I am not absolutely sure that I wholly agree with one part of what has fallen from my hon. and learned Friend (Mr. F. E. Smith). He apparently takes the view of the Home Secretary that the whole of this question could be better discussed on a new Clause. I am not absolutely sure that is so. The question of finance is really different. The question of how the financial relations between the Houses may be modified by an entirely reconstituted House of Lords is really rather different. I do not say it could not be discussed on a new Clause, but it is really different from the question of how a reconstituted House of Lords would deal with ordinary legislation. For example, my own view is, that you may leave with propriety the practical control of our finance, except in certain grave cases which I will not deal with now, but, broadly speaking, you may leave the ordinary financial work of the country to the House of Commons, even if we do have a reconstituted House of Lords, provided that House of Lords were not simply elected. On the other hand, I think it is ludicrous, with a purely elected Second Chamber, to say that you are now going to give it no place whatever in financial matters. Therefore, it is really vital to discuss this question on this Clause, whatever we may think it necessary to do on the second Clause, and whatever may be done to bring the whole discussion together. If my hon. Friend were fortunate enough to be able to deal with it on a separate Clause, this is an entirely special question of what the relation between the two Houses is to be on questions of finance, and it entirely depends on what your Second Chamber is going to be.

If your Second Chamber is going to remain as it is, then I desire to see the great powers of the House of Commons maintained. Whether they be strengthened, they certainly ought to be maintained, but if you contemplate, as you say you contemplate in your Preamble, the creation in the near future of a Second Chamber on a completely representative basis, then, I say, it is all important that we should limit this Clause to a period of three years, because as soon as you have constituted your new Second Chamber, conditions will come into existence which, in my opinion, will make this Clause absolutely absurd and absolutely untenable. I believe that the right hon. Gentleman, even if the Preamble were carried out, would still wish to see this House the First Chamber absolutely uncontrolled, absolutely free, with regard both to the broad principles and to the details of every financial proposal and of every Bill which could be called a Finance Bill. If that is his argument, he is running counter to the views and opinions of every statesman in Europe, in America, or in the free self-governing dominions of the Crown, who has set himself to the task of framing a constitution and of determining what should be the relations between the two Houses in that Constitution. Wherever you have a completely elective Second Chamber there you have a Second Chamber which has a certain amount of power at all events in modifying and moulding the financial policy of the country. As the Government have announced their intention of having a completely elective Second Chamber, I cannot understand why they refuse, I will not say the actual time limit of three years, but a relatively short time limit, which would enable them to bring in their new Second Chamber, and in the light of its constitution to frame their proposals as to the relation between the two Houses, not on the basis of the House of Lords and the House of Commons, but on the basis of two Chambers both elective, the Second as completely as the First. That is the justification for my hon. Friend's proposal. In one sense there is a stronger reason for discussing this question on Clause 1 than on Clause 2, because it seems to me that in Clause 2 at all events there are some powers beyond the delay of a month or two which you propose to leave to the Second Chamber. But there are no powers in regard to finance. Therefore, when the time comes to fulfil the promises which they have somewhat rashly made in the Preamble, when they have induced Parliament to create a new Second Chamber elected on a democratic basis, the Government will be obliged to revise the provisions of Clause 1. That being so, it seems only rational, logical, and statesmanlike to put into the Clause itself a time limit which would enable them to do their best to carry out the pledges which they have made to the House and to the country.

The Home Secretary endeavoured to persuade us to postpone this discussion to a later date, asking us to wait until the Preamble came on or until we could discuss the question on a new Clause. But is it advisable for us to wait, in view of what we have suffered from this Government since 1906? Is there any guarantee that we should have any opportunities to discuss the Preamble at all or any of the new Clauses? We know what happened on the Revenue Bill recently, when no new Clauses were discussed. Therefore, unless we have a guarantee that such an opportunity will be given, knowing how greatly the Government loves the closure, I think it will be most inadvisable to postpone this discussion. I agree with my hon. Friend that it is absolutely necessary that some sort of limit should be imposed on the operation of the Bill. Surely three years will be ample time for the Government to fulfil the numerous pledges they have made to the various sections of their supporters and the new pledges they will probably be compelled to make in the course of the next year or so in order to get this and other Bills through Parliament. At the end of those three years the Government may have thought out what their Preamble really means, and if they are still in office—which, in the interests of the country, I sincerely hope they will not be—they will have arrived at some sort of conclusion as to what their reformed Second Chamber is to be. I therefore strongly support the Amendment.

We ought really to press the Government to give an answer on the very important question raised by this Amendment. The Government's plan seems to be, whenever a difficult question is put to them, to ride off on a technical objection. At an earlier stage of the proceedings, when I moved to divide the Bill, the chief answer of the Prime Minister was that the proposal was not necessary at that stage, and that all we had to do was to leave out certain Clauses when we came to them in Commitee. When I pressed the point as to whether he would agree to leave out those Clauses he declined to give an answer. NOW when my hon. Friend has raised the very important question whether the Bill is to be a permanent measure or strictly limited in its operations to three years, the Home Secretary simply says that it is not convenient to answer at this stage. I think we are entitled to have a definite answer on this substantial point. On its merits there is a great deal to be said for the Amendment. The Bill is obviously a temporary measure. The word "provisional" is writ large all over it. I would direct special attention to the extremely strong words of the Preamble:—

"And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution. …"

And so on. The Government apparently insist that something totally different is to come into being at a future time. That being so, why do not the Government come forward and candidly propose a strictly temporary measure which will have effect until they are able to carry out the great changes which they say "will re quire hereafter to be made"? The question has been raised whether it is necessary that this limitation should be put in in this particular Clause. It seems to me to be far more important in this Clause than in Clause 2, because this Clause raises the whole question of what is to be the future relation of a newly-constituted Second Chamber in regard to finance. We know that it is the opinion of the Home Secretary that not only the existing House of Lords but also any newly-constituted Second Chamber should have no power whatever over finance. That is a most extreme doctrine. To set up a popularly-elected Second Chamber such as you have in foreign countries or in our own Colonies, and to say that it is to have no power over finance, not even power to refer a Finance Bill back to the House of Commons, or to amend it in any particular, is to introduce a principle which is unknown in the whole civilised world. For these reasons it is necessary to insert these words at this particular point, and I shall support my hon. Friend if he goes to a Division.

This Amendment has more substantiality than the one previously before the Committee. I understand that its object is to bring the operation of the Bill to an end at the conclusion of three years, and its Mover urges that it will give the Government an opportunity for bringing forward their reform scheme either before or at the end of that period. Does the hon. Member seriously imagine that the Government are committed to bringing forward a scheme for the reform of the House of Lords in the course of the present Parliament? No Minister has ever said such a thing either inside or outside of the House of Commons. It is, therefore, altogether without foundation for hon. Members opposite to imagine that the operation of the Bill can be limited on that ground. It is true there is the Preamble. That is a pious opinion which will have to be dealt with when the time comes at a later period. It says "hereafter." When is "hereafter"? I have always understood that "hereafter" was a long way off.

When we come to the Preamble it will be time enough to consider it. It is not before us now. The suggestion is that we should do our work now, and that it should all come to an end in three years' time. No responsible Minister has suggested that we are to have a reform scheme in the present Parliament. I say that the Government has no authority, and would be ill-advised, to bring forward any proposal for the reconstitution of the Second Chamber in this Parliament. What may happen at the next General Election no one can at present tell, but, so far as this Parliament is concerned, we are not likely to see any proposals of the kind suggested. I hope, therefore, the Amendment will be rejected.

The Home Secretary would considerably facilitate the discussion if he answered the reasonable request put to him by the hon. Member for the Walton Division (Mr. F. E. Smith). The Home Secretary suggests that we should wait until a new Clause was under discussion, but when he is asked whether we should have an opportunity to discuss that new Clause he remains silent. I appeal to him to give an answer to that very fair question. If it is intended to give that opportunity there can be no difficulty in saying so. If, on the other hand, it is not the intention of the Government to give such an opportunity, I suggest that the honest, straightforward course will be to tell us so. Am I to understand that we are to have no answer?

It is usual in discussions in Committee that there should be time to discuss new Clauses, and the Government certainly hope that there will be time for the discussion of new Clauses on this Bill. In that case there will be an opportunity for the Clause to which the hon. Member refers. But, of course, the progress made in discussion is always a matter which must be taken into consideration by those who are responsible for the conduct of business.

8.0 P.M.

I am much obliged for that answer. I hope that it is not merely a pious hope. I hope that the hope which the right hon. Gentleman has just expressed will be given effect to, because he has the power to give effect to it. As the right hon. Gentleman has told us that he has every hope of giving us this opportunity, I suppose it will be possible, and that he will see that it is done. I ask him one thing: The object of this Amendment is to limit the operation of this Clause to three years. I should like to know do the Government intend that this Clause shall be permanent or not permanent?

The hon. Gentleman below the Gangway answers for the Government. I am very much obliged to him, but I should prefer the answer from the Home Secretary. If the right hon. Gentleman does intend that this Clause, shall be permanent it means this: that whatever change is effected in the composition of the Second Chamber then for all time that Second Chamber is paralysed as regards finance. I have no doubt that hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway will take care to ensure that result. Whether they will succeed in their object or not, I do not know; but am I to understand that the policy of the Government is that when this Second Chamber is reformed, as they say it must be reformed, that it still has to have no power whatever to reject or amend the Money Bills? If that is the intention of the Government, all that can be said is, that it will be utterly unlike the Constitution of every civilised country in the world wherever there is a Second Chamber or anything like a Second Chamber. It is utterly contrary to the Constitutions the Government have conferred on our Dominions. If, on the other hand, they tell us that this Clause is not permanent then is it not obvious that there ought to be some limitation placed upon it in the terms of the Bill itself? What an enormous advantage it would be to the Government to have here a limitation of three years. It would force them, and I think perhaps they want a little coercion in this matter, to bring in their proposals for this reformed Second Chamber, because at the end of three years the matter would come up for reconsideration. This Clause would drop automatically at the end of three years, and the Government would have to bring in their proposals which, I assume, from their Preamble, they desire to bring in in order to reconsider the whole question of the reform of the Second Chamber. Therefore, if they are sincere in their desire for reform of the Second Chamber they should welcome this limitation, which will enable them to bring some pressure to bear upon hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway opposite. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I note those cheers.

I hope the Government will be able to bring some such pressure. Hon. Members seem to have the Government now easily enough in the hollow of their hand. If, on the other hand, the Government will not give effect to this Amendment by introducing some limitation, then I am afraid I must assume that this Preamble is a sham. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Hon. Members below the Gangway agree with me. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Yes; have I the assent of the Government to saying that this Preamble is a sham? What, is there already a rift in the lute? Hon. Members below the Gangway declare that this Bill is a sham, a hollow, miserable sham, and hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway, at any rate at present, do not dare to differ from them! The hon. Baronet the Member for Kirkcaldy referred in terms of withering scorn—— [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear."] yes, withering scorn, to the word "hereafter." Possibly he is right in assuming that "hereafter" may be a long time to come. The object of this Amendment is to assist the Government against these rebellious people below the Gangway in putting in a time limit of three years, so that in that time they may carry out the excellent intentions expressed in this Preamble and bring in a measure for setting up a real reformed Second Chamber

I do not want to make a second speech arguing the merits of the case, but I want to appeal to the Home Secretary, who surely must see that this Bill cannot be properly discussed without the House knowing something as to the intentions of the Government in regard to the Preamble. We know their intentions about Clause 1. It may be very proper to carry out the suggestion of the Home Secretary and focus the whole of the discussion on the second Clause, but how can we discuss the merits of this Clause without knowing what the policy of the Government is with regard to it? That is the real difficulty. I am sure the Home Secretary will agree with me that it is not a question of prolonging Debate or of deferring the real issue. This is one of the most fundamental of all issues. The position of the Government and the announcement of policy which they make upon it will cover the whole of the discussions from this time on to the end of our proceedings on the Bill. The Home Secretary, I think, will not be prepared to deny that this question of the Preamble comes up with special force and with special characteristics in relation to Clause 1. But both on Clause 1 and Clause 2 I think that hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway—indeed hon. Gentlemen in every part of the House—will feel that the Government ought not to keep us in the dark as to what exactly this Preamble does mean. The hon. Baronet the Member for Kircaldy made a speech just now, in which he told us that it was preposterous to suppose that the Government ought in the next three years to bring forward, or that they in the course of the next three years thought of bringing forward, their scheme for House of Lords reform. How then does he interpret the words of the Preamble? How does he interpret the words of the King's Speech immediately after the election of 1910? Hon. Members may have forgotten the terms of that speech which the Government then put into the mouth of the King. The words that I wish to quote were as follows:—

"Proposals will be laid before you with all convenient speed to define the relations between the Houses of Parliament so as to secure the undivided authority of the House of Commons over finance and its predominance in legislation."
So far everything is plain sailing. Then the Government go on:—
"These measures, in the opinion of my advisers, should provide that this House——"
The House of Lords.
"should be so constituted and empowered as to exercise impartially in regard to proposed legislation the functions of initiation, revision, and, subject to proper Safeguards, of delay."
The reason I quote that is that in 1910 reform of the Second Chamber was part of the immediate programme of the Government. We are now, in 1911, told that in the next three years there is not the slightest prospect of this Government or any Government thinking of undertaking that reform.

Those words were subsquently partially modified in a speech by the Prime Minister.

If it is the business of the Prime Minister first to recommend words to His Majesty and then subsequently to modify those words, it is quite a new view—it is new to me, at all events—of part of the duties ordinarily undertaken by the First Minister of the Crown. I do not remember the modification, though I daresay, this and many other things have been modified by the Prime Minister in subsequent utterances. At all events, we have the King's Speech of 1910, and we have the Preamble of 1911, and I do not see how to reconcile the two in the light of the speech of the hon. Baronet the Member for Kirkcaldy—a speech assented to by hon. Gentlemen sitting below the Gangway on the other side. In spite of these loud-mouthed utterances that the Government mean to bring in reform of the House of Lords, we are now told that there is no such chance of their doing so for three years! Will the hon. Gentleman tell us that before the end of the three years, or before the House of Lords reform can be undertaken, there will not be another General Election? Apparently, therefore, his view is that that General Election may perhaps give us a third modification of the Prime Minister's policy! What then means this Preamble? It does not stand as an announcement of Government policy beyond three years. What does it mean? It may be obliterated three years hence by the General Election. What then is the use or the function of this Preamble? It seems to me that in the absence of explanation by the Government as to what is their policy, they will prolong the discussion needlessly by compelling us, whether we like it or not, to ask with regard to each provision: "What is intended by this?" This query, whether we like it or not, must come up again and again; possibly in this Clause, certainly in the next Clause, probably in the new Clause. Why? Until we know what the policy of the Government is as to the new Second Chamber, we cannot form a judgment about their Bill. The hon. Gentleman opposite in his heart thoroughly agrees with me on that point. Everybody must agree upon that point. Here we have a Bill with a promise in its Preamble, and no time given for that promise, which promise must, when fulfilled, react upon every single line and Clause of the Bill itself. Well, then, we must ask over and over again what is the Government policy about the Second Chamber?

In my opinion the hon. Member will know our policy long before that of the Government; because, though I have made this appeal with all the persuasiveness that is in my power, I am afraid, from the obstinate signs which the Government have shown, that I shall be as unsuccessful on this occasion as I have been on previous occasions.

The right hon. Gentleman has appealed with his usual persuasiveness, and I think I can in a very few sentences give him the answer of the Government to his question. The answer, I need not say, is no different to the answers which have been given by the Prime Minister in the speeches which he has made upon the subject last year and also in the present Session. We have expressed the view of the Government in the Preamble. We have also said that we do not propose to embark upon a reconstitution of the Second Chamber while the question of the Veto of the House of Lords is still unsettled. We regard the passage of this Veto Bill as an indispensable preliminary to the discussion of any grave questions in regard to the constitution of the Second Chamber. This is no mere obstinacy or perversity on our part. It is obvious that we could not embark upon discussion on equal terms while the last word rests with the House of Lords, and while we should be forced after all our suggestions and resolutions have been put forward to accept the decision of the House of Lords on all the points which have been under discussion. That position had been made perfectly clear from the very beginning of these discussions. The Government have no intention of departing from it whatever either during the currency of this Bill as to what will happen in that time in the future when there is a reconstituted Second Chamber. All I say on behalf of the Government is that while not assuming to prejudge these matters we do not prejudge them in either direction. They are matters which the House of Commons of the time, with the knowledge of the time, and in view of the facts before them, will have to decide, and it would be hampering altogether the discussion of this Bill for us to go forward into that future time, and having first of all to imagine a reconstituted Second Chamber then to proceed to consideration of the relations between that reconstituted Second Chamber and this House. We adhere with no desire to be unreasonable or discourteous to hon. Gentleman opposite to the simple course of policy in this Bill, and it is not until this Bill has been put upon the Statute Book that the consideration of these grave questions to which the right hon. Gentleman has referred; that is the consideration of future questions which will arise hereafter, can be profitably undertaken.

I venture to think the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down could, if he had chosen to do so, enlighten the Committee upon the points raised by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs. I know no one in this House, perhaps with the exception of the Prime Minister, who has greater power of expressing himself than the right hon. Gentleman, but he has carefully avoided the points raised, upon which I venture to think the whole support of this Bill rests. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy says there is no intention on the part of the Government to proceed during this Parliament with the reconstruction or Reform of the House of Lords. I submit that the present majority in this House would not exist if hon. Members had told their Constituents that that was the policy they proposed to follow. It is well know that a very large number of Members of this House, when explaining the Veto Bill of His Majesty's Government, distinctly said that, directly the resolutions which they had already submitted to the House of Commons were carried out by a Bill that was to follow, it would be immediately followed by reform of the House of Lords. Are we to take it now from His Majesty's Government that they do not intend, during the lifetime of this Parliament, to proceed with the reconstruction of the House of Lords. If that is the intention I appeal to the Home Secretary to say so. We want, as far as we can, to get from the Government the exact position in which they stand. Do they or do they not propose to proceed to the reconstruction of the House of Lords during this Parliament? Surely that is not an unreasonable question to ask the Government. I understood before the right hon. Gentleman got up just now he was going to give us some information about that. He is an admirable debater, but he fenced all round the subject, either because he did not wish to let the House know, or because he did not know himself. He is in charge of the Committee now, and I appeal to him direct to say, is it or is it not the intention of the Government to proceed forthwith to the reconstruction of the House of Lords? I do not believe the Government would command a majority of the Committee if it was known that they did not intend to proceed at once with reconstruction. If they pass this Bill giving us to understand they are not going to proceed at once with the reconstruction of the House of Lords they should say so. If they say they do not intend to proceed to reconstruction that would alter the whole course of these proceedings.

I think it is high time that the Committee of hon. Members opposite who are drafting these Amendments came to an agreement and said the same thing. We have been assured, over and over again, in the course of the last few years, that the period of danger in regard to the Parliament Bill was what was called the interregnum. It was during that period we were told that the "Dollar Dictator" was to have his sway; that we were to have Home Rule and disintegration of the Empire. It is quite evident other hon. Members opposite think we should exercise that power for three years. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no."] Well, that is the meaning of their Amendment upon the Paper. I pass from that to the question of the words themselves. What is the case with regard to the position of this House in matters of finance. For a century, with the single exception of the year 1860, the House of Lords has not rejected any Money Bill, and the rejection of the Paper Duties Repeal Bill is now over fifty years old. During these fifty years constitutional practice has become constitutional usage. The proper and successful control of the House of Commons over finance has grown into custom; custom has grown into usage, and this usage has grown into an unwritten law which we call the Constitution, and surely during that period we have got it as thoroughly established as any constitutional doctrine can be that the Lords cannot touch Money Bills. Yet we are asked in framing a Bill the avowed purpose of which is to write part of what was heretofore the unwritten Constitution of this country to limit the writing of the period for three years. Surely we cannot listen to such a suggestion as that. Then I come to the really important point cited by the hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition. I fully recognise in regard to that point his utterances in this House have always been perfectly consistent. I refer to the point as to what would be the position in the relationship of the two Houses with regard to finance if we are to set up, in time to come, a Second Chamber on an elected or purely elected basis. The Leader of the Opposition holds that if such a Chamber is set up it will have to have larger powers than have been possessed by the House of Lords in the past. Surely we cannot resign the function of deciding in their entirety what those relations shall be. It is true that certain other Second Chambers possess powers to a greater or a less degree with regard to financial matters. But those powers differ considerably as between the various countries——

I think the hon. Member is going a little beyond the scope of this Amendment.

I was only following the Leader of the Opposition's argument, which you, Mr. Whitley, may not have heard, but I will, of course, bow to your ruling. I think, however, I am entitled to point out in direct reply to the right hon. Gentleman, that those over-sea precedents which he quoted vary very considerably in their dimensions and scope, and we in this House, who have set up so many precedents for foreign and Colonial Parliaments—we, who claim to be the Mother of Parliaments—must claim that Clause 1 shall remain Clause 1 whatever Second Chamber we may seek to set up in the future.

I wish to refer to the statement that has been made by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy, who said no responsible Minister on the Front Government Bench had stated that it was the intention of the Government to attempt to reconstitute or reform the House of Lords in the present Parliament. I desire to refer to the election address of the Chief Secretary for Ireland. In that address he made no reference to the Parliament Bill or its provisions at all. What the right hon. Gentleman said to the electors of Bristol was that the House of Lords, having renounced the hereditary principle, it was the duty and the business of this Parliament to reconstitute and reform the Second Chamber. His colleague, the Secretary to the Treasury, who shares with the right hon. Gentleman the representation of Bristol, in his election address carefully ignored the provisions of the Parliament Bill, and made no reference to them. He appealed to the electors to support him on exactly the same grounds which were put forward by the Chief Secretary for Ireland. There you have two cases of right hon. Gentlemen on the Front Government Bench directly returned to Parliament by the electors of Bristol, not to destroy the powers of the Second Chamber and not even to diminish them, but to re-constitute and reform the Second Chamber. I do not know with what objects one Member on the Front Bench opposite appeals to his supporters on one ground, and another Member appeals on another ground, but obviously they have appealed on many grounds, and at any rate they have not appealed on the same ground. I rose to draw attention to that fact, and to reply to the inaccurate statement made by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy.

I rise to reply to a remark which was made by the last speaker on the Opposition side who stated that in his opinion the supporters of the Government would not have been here in such large numbers if they had not undertaken at once to re-constitute the House of Lords. I have no authority to speak for any one on this side of the House, but for my own part I deny that assertion, because I took great pains in my constituency to assure the electors that I should very much have preferred it if the Preamble had not been there at all. It is a very easy thing to limit the powers of the House of Lords in the way it is suggested, but it is a very different and almost impossible task to re-constitute it, and whichever side in politics undertakes the task of re-constituting the House of Lords or the task of altering its Constitution in any way whatever will find themselves in a very great difficulty. In my opinion this Preamble, which I understand I shall not be in order in discussing, is the only blot on this Bill.

Before the Debate proceeds any further I wish to draw attention to the reply made by the Home Secretary to my right hon. Friend. We are placed in a very extraordinary position by the speech of the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy who informed the House that there never had been, was not, and never would be, the smallest intention on the part of His Majesty's Government of carrying out the statement contained in the Preamble at all events during the present Parliament. My right hon. Friend followed him almost immediately, and called the attention of the Government to the statement which had been made with regard to their intentions, and the Government sat perfectly still, never opened their mouths, and never repudiated the statement in any kind of way whatsoever. My right hon. Friend challenged the Home Secretary to state what was the policy of His Majesty's Government on that point on the ground that it was impossible to discuss either the first or the second Clauses of this Bill until the House was in possession of the views of the Government on that point. What was the reply of the Home Secretary? He referred to speeches made outside this House, and to some speeches made in this House, to the effect that the Veto Bill must be passed first, and he said it is quite impossible for us to deal with the question of the reform of the House of Lords until that Bill is out of the way. Nobody asked him to say anything else. Nobody disputed that point, but the question put to him was: Is it, or is it not, your policy, as attributed to you by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy, that there is not the slightest intention on the part of the Government of dealing with the question of the reform of the House of Lords during the present Parliament? The Home Secretary went further, and he said, "I adhere to the Veto Bill, and I adhere to the Bill which is now before the House." Is not the Preamble part of the Bill before the House? That was the question put to him, but to that question he gave no reply whatever. Nor did he even attempt to do so. I wish to place on record that at this moment that His Majesty's Government, in reference to a statement made by one of their most ardent supporters, are allowing it to go forth to the country to-morrow that they have not the slightest intention of dealing with the reform of the House of Lords during the present Parliament, whatever may happen to the Veto Bill, and there they have remained up to the present moment silent, without repudiating that statement from one of their supporters.

This Amendment is to limit the duration of this Clause to three years. I think that is a point which has been lost sight of. The first answer we had from the Government was that this particular suggestion was in the wrong place, and that it was a sort of invitation on the part of the Home Secretary that if it was brought forward in the right place the Government would not only tell us how they propose to deal with it, but would be prepared to give some reasonable acceptance to the suggestion. When the Home Secretary was afterwards pressed to say how far he would go he entirely withdrew from that position. I will not say that we were very considerably "taken in," but that is what it amounted to by the earlier speech of the Home Secretary on this point. The complaint that this Amendment is brought forward in the wrong place is entirely owing to the manner in which the Bill has been drafted, because the measure does not lend itself to reasonable Amendments being brought forward in the way they ought to be brought forward and in the way we are entitled to bring them forward. I make no apology for addressing the Committee on this particular point. The question of the duration of this particular Clause and the real meaning of the Preamble are governing points which we ought to know the intention of the Government upon in order to enable us to deal with other points which may arise in the course of the discussion upon other subjects. The point we desire to put at the start is this: Are you honest in your Preamble, because in the Preamble it is elaborately explained that some day with a popularly-elected House of Lords there will have to be different arrangements made with regard to the relations between the two Houses. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs (Sir Henry Dalziel), who, I should say is about as honest a Member as there is in this House, has told us in the clearest possible manner that the Preamble was nothing but a pious hope, and that it was not the intention at all events of himself and of those who supported him—and at the time he made that statement they consisted of over three-fourths of the Members present on that side of the House—to allow Clause 1 to be ever interfered with again, whether the House of Lords was reconstituted or not. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs said no Minister had ever committed their party as to how long this should last. Of course, he had not; if any Minister had been honest and straightforward upon this question, we should not have been obliged to have moved this Amendment and to say, "Now, what do you mean?" Do you intend the arrangements in this Clause to be temporary or do you really intend to do what you say in the Preamble, and bring in a Bill within a reasonable period to define the relations of the two Houses in a permanent manner? The Home Secretary then followed, and he withdrew his first suggestion about discussing this point in another place, and said this part of the Bill is intended to be permanent.

I submit the position is a very serious one. The Preamble indicates that the provisions of the Bill are of a temporary character, and we cannot get an answer from the Government of the day as to how temporary they are to be. They tell us, "We will discuss that perhaps if you put it in another shape." Then they withdraw from that position. Their principal supporters take up another attitude altogether, and finally the Homo Secretary says this portion of the Bill is intended to be permanent. Why do they not make it clear in the Bill itself? I can only say that, so far as I am concerned, I shall go into the Lobby to support my hon. Friend on this Amendment, but, before I do so, I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill if he can give me a straight answer to one question. If the Government will not accept three years, will they accept four? What do they mean? They have deliberately evaded the point to-day on each occasion that it has been put to them. Would they accept four? If they would not accept four, would they accept five? I can understand the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill always preferring to accept two. Whatever period is put in, and however long these arrangements are to last, there is one very great difficulty. The Government of the day would not be able to collect a single sixpence from Members of the House of Lords for taxes, because whilst this Bill is in operation it is perfectly clear Members of the House of Lords, not being represented and not having taxed themselves, could not have taxes levied upon them. I consider for that reason it is very important to cut down the operation of this Bill, because I for one do not desire to see Members of the House of Lords walking off free from all taxation. If the right hon. Gentleman in charge of the Bill will not accept a time limit, would he at all events accept some kind of Amendment that would oblige the Government to proceed with or introduce their new House of Lords Bill within a reasonable period after the passing of this Act? I think that might meet the case, but, whether they accept or do not accept any of these suggestions, I think it would be a great relief to everybody concerned in this Debate, and to the country generally, if somebody on behalf of the Government would get up and give us some intelligible answer as to what they do intend to do on this point.

I rise to support my hon. Friend on this Amendment. I am surprised the Home Secretary, when the proposition was made to him, did not jump at it, because it would smooth the path of the Government considerably later on when they come to deal with hon. Members below the Gangway. My hon. Friend appealed to the Home Secretary and asked him what he proposed to do on this particular Amendment, and the right hon. Gentleman gave the answer which we are beginning to expect from the Front Bench, namely, that it would come better later and this was not the right opportunity to deal with this particular suggestion. It was one of those vague answers to which we are getting accustomed, and we on this side of the House are right therefore in continually pressing the Government until we get some definite answer. Fortunately, we do get some sort of information from the other side of the House on the rare occasions when Members opposite other than those on the Front Bench open their mouths. We had a most illuminating speech from the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy Burghs (Sir Henry Dalziel), who gave the House, and especially those who sit on this side, some very interesting information. In fact, the hon. Member seems to me rather taking up the part that we generally associate with the Lord Advocate. He seems to be becoming the understudy for letting the cat out of the bag. He informed us that the question would be dealt with, not within three years, which is the reasonable proposal of my hon. Friend, but hereafter, and, he added, that hereafter was a very elastic term, a remark which was cheered by hon. Members below the Gangway. Before this Bill gets through Committee, I hope we shall have been able to show to the country, which after all is the important thing, how absolutely fraudulent—I think that word is right and that it is in order—is the proposal of the Preamble. Hon. Members may laugh, but I tell them that outside this House there are men in the country who look upon this as very serious business; anyhow it is not a legitimate subject for joking, except possibly on those benches. We are now trying to put into a Workable shape this Bill, and we would like to know from the Government—it is very hard to extract information—upon what particular Clause or Amendment it will be in order to put this question. I hope we shall get some answer, instead of the matter being shirked and burked and run away from, as it has been by the Home Secretary to-night.

I desire to point out the extreme gravity of this Amendment. With hon. Members opposite it may be a mere matter of amusement, but it is not so with us. We are dealing with a very important Clause, a Clause which has a very wide bearing upon the Bill. We are told by hon. Members opposite that this Bill has been very carefully drawn. It contains two Clauses and two Preambles. There is not only the Preamble which says:

"It is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists, with a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis, but such substitutions cannot be immediately brought into operation," but the next Preamble, which, I assume, is also of some importance, has a great bearing on the statement made by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy. It reads:—

"Whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, but it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears, for the restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords."

Thus we are told in this Preamble we are to have hereafter another measure for effecting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, and we are also informed, on the authority of the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy, which is acquiesced in by Members of the Government present, that this Clause as to the powers on Money Bills is to remain constant in the Constitution in all cases. When the first Preamble is brought into operation there will be no need for the second. I do not think the Committee have fully appreciated what they have been asked to accept in the terms of the two Preambles contained in the Bill, and when we come into the House to debate a Bill which says, on its face, not only that there is to be another House constituted, but also that there will be the question of defining and limiting its powers, we naturally are astonished and surprised to find that Clause 1 is to be a permanent Clause in all circumstances, and that, under no circumstances, will any alteration be made in it. I doubt very much if the full effect of the two Preambles has been appreciated by hon. Members opposite. I hold we are perfectly right in asking that we should have some reason why this Clause, which we are now debating, is to be permanent, whatever the future may bring forth. The Amendment of my hon. Friend is very simple. Its object is merely to introduce a time limit as to the operation of this Clause. I have no doubt that the question whether it shall be three, four, or five years is comparatively unimportant. The point is whether or not there is to be some limitation of this Clause so that we may know the intentions of the Government as to carrying out the proposals foreshadowed in both Preambles. I desire to point this matter out because if it be the case that under no circumstances Clause 1 is to be altered, it makes a very considerable difference to us. It certainly renders unnecessary the second Preamble. We ask, in the uncertainty which exists, to be given some indication of the intentions of the Government and of the meaning of the two Preambles. Why are the Government unwilling to accept any form of time limit which, after all, would only be a guarantee that the Preamble would be carried out?

It seems to be assumed by nearly all the speakers on the other side of the House that, but for the existence of this Preamble many Members now seated on these benches would not be Members of this House. But as far as I am concerned, and as far as I gather from other hon. Members, the chief point raised was not as to the Preamble of this Bill. The hon. Member for Holborn certainly thinks that it is to the Preamble many of us owe our presence here.

What I intended to convey was that a large number of hon. Gentlemen opposite would not be in the House to-day unless they had distinctly told their Constituents that the Veto Resolutions were to be immediately followed by a Bill for the reconstruction of the House of Lords.

That, I understood, but I can assure the hon. Member that the main question before the country, both in the counties and in London, where I had experience, was the Veto Bill, which everybody assumed was simply a Bill to limit the Veto of the House of Lords. The voters did not care what the intentions of the Government may be hereafter. It may hereafter think fit to reform the House of Lords, but certainly my experience is that the country did not understand we were to have Veto first and reform immediately after. The hon. Member, in his Amendment, suggests a limitation of three years. I rather gathered from the speeches we heard on the Second Reading that that was deemed to be considered a dangerous period, because within three years it would be possible to pass Home Rule. I do not know what was the chief question put before the constituency of the hon. Member for Sleaford (Mr. Royds), but I am aware that over the Border it was quite understood that what was required was the abolition of the Veto of the House of Lords in order that a Liberal Government might have a chance of getting its measures through.

I sympathise with hon. Members on the other side of the House who wish that the Preamble was anywhere but in this Bill. But the Preamble is there, and I have always understood and I believe I am right in my supposition, that the Preamble determines the purport and the character of the Bill, and my hon. Friend's Amendment is designed to give to this particular Clause, at any rate, the character which the Preamble gives to the whole Bill, which is of a temporary character. I do not think anyone can read the Preamble with reference to the King's speech of last year and not see that the whole character of the Bill is designed to be temporary. The Preamble says:—

"And whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber. … And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament …"

The Preamble clearly contemplates the creation of a new Second Chamber who are to have not merely powers such as are indicated in this Bill, because these are to be powers which are to be defined under a future Bill, and if language means anything the Preamble means that we are to have a new Second Chamber, with different powers, not merely from its existing powers, but different to the powers indicated in this particular Bill, and that new Second Chamber was to be constituted with something like promptitude because the King's Speech of last year stated that—
"Proposals will he laid before you with all convenient speed to define the relations of the Houses of Parliament,"
and goes on to speak of the re-constitution of the other House. Therefore, the Government clearly contemplate that this Bill is a temporary measure, and having promised the country in the King's speech of last year that a new constitution of the House, as well as the new powers of the House shall be laid before Parliament "with all convenient speed," surely we are entitled to ask when we are called upon to limit the powers of the existing Second Chamber how far these limitations are to be permanent and when the change is to take place? We are asked to reduce the powers of the Second Chamber with regard to finance, but not of this particular Second Chamber, but of another Second Chamber. Is that so? Will the new Second Chamber have different powers in regard to finance? We are entitled to ask that.

9.0 P.M.

The Preamble, as the Leader of the Opposition said, covers the whole area of discussion on this and every other Clause of the Bill. It is not merely the present Second Chamber we are speaking of, but the future Second Chamber, and what we want to know is what is that Second Chamber to be, and has the Government any intention of presenting this Bill within any limited period of time to give us some idea of what the powers of that Second Chamber are going to be? It may be going too far to ask the Attorney-General or the Chancellor of the Duchy to do what the Home Secretary evaded doing and what the First Lord of the Admiralty has run away from attempting to-day, and that is to give us some information on what the Second Chamber in the contemplation of the Government is likely to be. It is very difficult at any time and under any circumstances to constitute a Second Chamber, and I should be the last person to ask the Attorney-General to give us his impromptu version of what his Second Chamber proposal is likely to be at some indefinite period of time. But I would like to ask whether the Government in their Preamble mean business—whether they really have in contemplation a Second Chamber which is either to have the powers under this Bill or the powers to be defined by some subsequent Bill. We are entitled to ask that, and, unless we get an answer, I think we are justified in pressing that the provisions of this Bill should be made specifically temporary. In that case the Government will be bound, or, I may say, will be assisted, having regard to the utterances we have heard from below the Gangway, in the carrying out of their promises, and their real Parliamentary intentions "with all convenient speed," if I may use the expression of the King's Speech of last year, and in furnishing us with the details of the Second Chamber which they propose to give in lieu of the present House of Lords, and to define the powers which they propose to give to that Second Chamber. The Amendment merely gives emphasis to the character of this Clause in relation to the Preamble; it merely puts the purport of the Preamble in the Clause, and I heartily support it.

On a point of Order, Sir. Would it be possible for any Member of the Government to respond to the challenge of the hon. Member and make an elaborate statement in regard to a reconstituted Second Chamber?

I should like to recall the attention of the House to this fact, that we have now been engaged for about three hours in the Committee stage of this Bill, and what do we see? We see that the Opposition have already run away. They have run away from this Clause and and are trying to fix us down to the Preamble. It is so, and we all know it. Not only so, but in regard to the second Amendment which they proposed they ran away before they ever got to the Division Lobby, and this process of running away from the point will, I suppose, continue till the end of the chapter. Why? Because the Opposition know perfectly well that we are in favour of the Bill as it stands, the whole Bill and nothing but the Bill, and we allow liberty of conscience on these benches for each man to interpret the non-operative Preamble according to his own individual ideas.

The Preamble is in the nebulous stage of development. When we come to those Clauses we do not intend to be moved from them by one single letter or word. We are going to have those Clauses without any modification or any time limit. A time limit may be appropriate for other measures, but I trust and believe that the Government will not seek to attempt any time limit to modify such Clauses as this and the consequent Clauses of this Bill. The Opposition are treating this matter as if it were very serious. This Amendment is not very serious, and their opposition is not very serious. It seems to me that we are making very rapid progress with the Bill. An hon. Friend points out that we have only agreed to one word, but hon. Members opposite expected to occupy two nights upon the Instructions to the Committee.

I will conclude by pointing out two things which strike me as being very remarkable. The first is the way in which we have been treated by right hon. Gentlemen opposite. Their action has hardly been consistent with dignified Debate. The right hon. Baronet (Sir W. Anson) began his speech by informing us that he sympathised with those who wished that the Preamble was anywhere but in this Bill. If he agrees that the Preamble ought to be out of the Bill will he move, or support those who move, that the Preamble be deleted when we come to it? I think I have said enough to show that the opposition to this Clause as it stands and the support of this Amendment are by no means sincere or sensible.

The speech to which we have just listened has, I think, cleared up the Debate a good deal. The Amendment is one to give statutory effect to the declarations made by a great many Ministers and their supporters in the country to carry the principle of the Preamble into the Clause. To that the hon. Member replied, very relevantly, that the Preamble is only intended to convey whatever meaning any supporter of the Government likes to put on it.

The Noble Lord is not at liberty to misrepresent me. What I said was that we allowed liberty of conscience and we know perfectly well that the Noble Lord is the last man to allow that in the schools.

My objection to undenominational education is not in the least irrelevant to the discussion. Every one puts his own interpretation upon it. The advocates of the Preamble treat the House as the advocates of undenominational education treat the people, and that is precisely where my objection to both comes in. I understand the Preamble was put before the country, and the declarations of the Government made in pursuance of the Bill were put before the country, with a serious purpose. One was the declaration in His Majesty's gracious speech last year. These declarations were intended to convey something to the country. They were intended to convey that the Government policy included the policy of reform. When an Amendment is moved to limit, in point of time, this Clause, so as to secure that Parliament will deal with the matter within the natural life of the present House of Commons, how are we met? Owing to the rather inconvenient rules of the House I was obliged to be eating my dinner when I should have much preferred to be listening to the eloquence of hon. Members opposite. But I understand we had some striking declarations. The hon. Gentleman (Sir Henry Dalziel) proposes not to deal with the subject of reform during the present Parliament. The Government are pressed to make a declaration, and they decline to make any declaration whatever. They decline to say that they are going to carry out the re-constitution of the House of Lords during the present Parliament. They decline to say also whether any part of the Bill is to be permanent when that re-constitution is carried out, or whether it is not, and they ask the House on these terms to reject an Amendment limiting this Clause to three years. We all understand why they hold this language, and why the hon. Gentleman holds language so much more definite. I suppose it is not ill-natured to im- agine that the hon. Gentleman is more keen about the general principles he professes than about the convenience of the Government, and therefore he says outright what they are very careful not to say. They are careful not to say it because they depend on two conflicting bodies of support. Part of their supporters want to deal with reform, and, if I understand correctly the declarations of more than one Minister, part of the Cabinet honestly and sincerely want to re-constitute the Second Chamber. On the other hand, part of their supporters—an indispensable part—are resolutely opposed to that policy altogether. It comes to this, that the Government are carrying by silence and ambiguity what they could not carry by straightforward speech. If they said the whole truth they would be in a quandary, so they do not say the whole truth.

I remember very well with what scorn and indignation hon. Members opposite attacked the Leader of the Opposition seven or eight years ago, when he, depending on a party not united on the fiscal question, refused to declare himself. How can hon. Members reconcile it with their conscience to say in a much more aggravated way what they then, with language of passion and sincerity, denounced him for saying. Are we not getting into the habit of playing politics as a game, and not a very honest game? Is it creditable to hon. Members opposite that they should deliberately try to arouse, by refusing to answer a plain question, by conveying to one section of opinion one impression and to another section a directly opposite impression, support which they could not possibly get if they were perfectly candid and outspoken? I greatly regret that pressure of Departmental work prevents the Foreign Secretary from attending our Debates. I do not always agree with him, and I do not think he is always very wise; but I have been accustomed to thinking him an exceptionally honest politician. He has declared more than once—he declared himself at the time of the election—very strongly in favour of reforming the Second Chamber. I do not say he said—he probably did not say—he would do it within a specified time, but an election speech is normally understood to refer to the affairs of the Parliament about to be elected. It was natural to understand, and I am sure the great majority of those who heard or read his speech understood, that he intended, being a most influential and important Member of the Government, that the reform of the House of Lords should be part of the work of this present Parliament, and that as soon as the Veto was out of the way, then within a reasonable time the Government should proceed to deal with this particular matter.

On a point of Order. Is it in order on this Amendment to discuss the exact intention of the Government with regard to the meaning of the Preamble? If this discussion is carried on now on the meaning of the Preamble, will it be in order to repeat the discussion when we reach the Preamble itself? I submit that if we are to take the discussion now, we cannot take it again. I appeal for your ruling on the point.

May I ask whether it is a fact that whenever a question has been put from the Chair that question can be debated, irrespective of the question whether it has been debated over and over again?

If a question is put from the Chair, it obviously can be debated unless it is one of those questions that can be put and decided without discussion. It may be that the Debate may be a limited or a wide one. I do not discuss that point at present. It is understood in taking the discussion on the words: "within three years after the passing of this Act," that naturally and formally it rules out any Amendment which attempts to raise the same question at a later stage.

The rules of debate will guide the Debates of the Committee, and no understanding will guide us. I am not discussing the Preamble, or whether it is expedient to put it in the Bill or not. I am discussing the declarations of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and whether in accordance with those Declarations this Amendment ought to be accepted. His words imply that the substitution for the present House of Lords of a reconstituted Second Chamber was to be a reform within three years of the passing of this Bill, and it is to these declarations that this Amendment applies. It is directly relevant. The question is whether the Government are not bound in consistency by the declarations made by their members at the election to accept this Amendment, or some other Amendment with the same purpose in view. I confess' that I cannot understand why a man of the scrupulous honesty of the Foreign Secretary should make these declarations if they are to be repudiated by the Members of the same Government. The Government were pledged absolutely by the Foreign Secretary to reform within the present Parliament, or within a reasonable time. We are now told by an influential supporter of the Government that no such reform is to be undertaken, and the Government do not give any articulate declaration on the subject.

The Home Secretary has done so.

The right hon. Gentleman will be able to make a declaration himself. The Government have not made any declaration to my knowledge. I am very sorry I was not here. It was not my fault. The Home Secretary made a speech which did not deal in any definite terms whatever with the problem before the Committee. He did not say whether the Government were or were not going to deal with the problem in the present Parliament. He did not say whether the Clauses of this Bill were to be permanent, or whether they were to depend on a subsequent Bill. I confess I do not think that fair dealing with the public. I think it would be outrageous and impudent if the silence is continued, and if the Government claim that they have a mandate to carry this Bill through this House and the other. If you obtained a majority at the election by declarations which are in effect misleading, you have no right to ask this House and the other House to accept the Bill carried by that majority. Therefore, I say we are in a grave position. The matter may be complicated, no doubt, and I think some hon. Members are inclined to regard the course which is now being pursued as an exhibition of clever tactics. You say when you talk about reform that you are in favour of a Second Chamber. It is not a question how the votes of hon. Members opposite were obtained, because their votes would have been obtained in any case, but it is a question how the vote of the balancing elector, the moderate man, was obtained. He was conciliated by the declarations of the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. He was conciliated by the hope and belief that within the lifetime of this Parliament you are going to set up an effective Second Chamber, that you are, in truth, Second Chamber men. The electors were led to believe that there were men in the party with such influence that they would make their view prevail. Now we are told nothing is to be done. I do not think that that is an honest way of dealing with the subject. I protest against it, and if there is a contest in the country—and there will be a contest, and it may come very soon indeed—it may be that hon. Members will again have to face their Constituents, and in that case, will it look well if they have against them the black mark of dishonest dealing with a great question?

The Noble Lord, according to his usual practice, has imputed dishonesty to hon. Members who sit in this part of the House. He seldom makes a speech without imputing dishonesty to the Liberal party. The Amendment is intended to pledge the Government to bring in a Bill which will make operative the non-operative part of the Preamble of this Bill within three years. I should like to call the attention of the House to one or two words in the Preamble. It sets out that it is intended to constitute an Upper Chamber. It says that "provision will require hereafter to be made" for limiting and defining the powers of the Second Chamber. "Hereafter" is quite an indefinite term. In another sentence it says, "such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation." If the English language means anything, these words mean that the question cannot be dealt with until this one is out of the way. That is the honest meaning of the Preamble. The hon. Baronet the Member for Oxford University (Sir W. Anson) said that the King's speech stated that this question should be dealt with as soon as convenient. I do not know who is to be the judge of convenience. We on this side of the House realise that this Bill has been made necessary by the rejection of a lot of legislation we are anxious to get on with. If the Government were to fall into the trap laid for them by this Amendment they would be postponing questions which the country is looking to them to deal with, and which we intend shall be dealt with in the near future. I trust the Government will be their own judges of convenience. I hope they will not disappoint the hopes of those who have gone through two elections for the purpose of getting out of the way the very block which has prevented other measures from coming into operation. The hon. Member for Holborn (Mr. Remnant), stated earlier in the debate that we owe our seats to our support of the Preamble.

I am speaking as a Liberal. The hon. Member said that it was well known that we Liberals had been supporting the Preamble. My election took place on the first day, and therefore I had the pleasure of going to a large number of other Constituencies right up to the end. Wherever I went I found that the one thing which had behind it the enthusiastic support of those who sent us here was the abolition of the Veto and the destruction of the power of the House of Lords, so as to make it possible to carry measures introduced by the Liberal party; and we found that the Preamble, the promise of reform—I confess there is a promise of reform—was as a millstone round our necks. So far as the rank and file of Radicals throughout the country are concerned nobody wants reform of the House of Lords. What we do want is such a limiting and defining of the powers of the House of Lords as would enable progressive legislation to go through not only this House, but theirs, and that is what we intend to get. I hope the Government will accept no Amendment that will pledge them to postpone other and more important measures in order to bring in a Bill of this kind until the other legislation is out of the way.

I do not welcome these cheers, for I intend to make very few remarks on the occasion of my maiden speech, and the idea of speaking at all was suggested to me by finding the dinner hour unusually interesting to-night. The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down (Mr. Chancellor) complained that my Noble Friend below the Gangway (Lord Hugh Cecil) had accused the Government of being dishonest. Whether an accusation of this kind ought to have been made, or whether it has any value depends entirely on the ground on which it is made and the facts with which it is substantiated. I wish to examine that from the point of view of the hon. Gentleman. He said that the Government by their Bill intend to get reform, and then he said that this reform cannot be dealt with until the Veto proposals are out of the way. We accept that so far, but that is not the point. He entirely overlooked that we asked the Government to tell us, and that they refused to toll us, although they have been definitely asked, "when you have carried your Veto proposals, which you say are necessary to secure reform, do you intend to reform the House of Lords in accordance with the Preamble?"

Let me take that point. In the King's speech which announced the introduction of the Parliament Bill, it was clearly stated that the proposals for reform would be taken as soon as it could be conveniently done.

Of course it did "with all convenient speed." The Government have undertaken by the King's Speech to introduce the Bill, and in the Bill itself, to have what they described this afternoon as a complete whole. They are asked by the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy to state so far as he is concerned that by a complete whole he means only part of it. And none of the Members of the Government who heard his speech made any objection to it. They were definitely asked, "Do you accept by your silence the declaration of your intentions which the hon. Member has given?"

The Home Secretary has distinctly stated that the policy of the Government was declared in the Preamble of the Bill.

I have heard many an interruption in my time, but I never had the pleasure of listening to one which had so little bearing on the subject. We all know the Preamble, and that it declared it was the intention of the Government not only to alter the relations of the two Houses but to reform the constitution of the House of Lords. An hon. Member who supports the Government says that so far as that part of the Bill is concerned he has nothing to do with it. We ask the Government is that their intention? The Home Secretary spoke, but he gave no answer. I say, without using any strong language, that this is the fact of the position. The Government went to the country with the Parliament Bill complete. Now hon. Gentlemen opposite say that the question of the reform had nothing to do with their majority, but that they found it rather a trouble, and that in all their speeches they never men- tioned it. If that is so, why did they put it in their Bill? What is the object of putting it in their Bill? There is not a man who sits in this House who will deny for a moment that the Government did get a great measure of support because of the views which were expressed by the Foreign Secretary above all others that this Bill did not mean merely curtailing the powers of the House of Lords, but that it did mean a real reform. And further, when we remember how close the votes were at the last election, when we remember in how many constituencies they were decided merely by a fractional number, I do not think there is any honest politician in this House who doubts that if the Government had openly said, "we intend no reform, we intend shortly to take away powers of the House of Lords without making any attempt to re-constitute it," they would not have had the majority which they obtained. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy said, "we have nothing to do with the Preamble," and the Gentleman sitting behind him, with a frankness for which we are very grateful, told us that the Preamble is quite plain, that the operative part of the Bill is to take away the power of the House of Lords, and they have given the Ministerial party this liberty of conscience to treat the Preamble any way they choose. It seems to me without any exaggeration of language that the position is clearly this. The Government have put the whole Parliament Bill before the country; they claim to have a mandate for carrying it; if they deliberately refuse to declare now that the whole Bill is their policy, if they recognise that they cannot carry half of the Bill with their present majority, then clearly they have no right to go to the Sovereign or anyone else and claim that they have a majority for half of the Bill and not for the other half.

I have been a good many years in this House and I never listened with a greater pleasure than I did a few minutes ago to the speeches of the hon. Member for Somerset (Mr. Joseph King) and the hon. Member below him (Mr. Chancellor). The speech of the hon. Member for Somerset was an excellent one. He began by saying that the Bill was making excellent progress. That is what we all desire. He then proceeded to make the most obstructive speech that I ever heard in my life since I had the honour of sitting in this House. He began by remarking that my right hon. Friend the Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Chaplin) had referred constantly to "Her" Majesty's Government, and actually occupied two or thre minutes in making that statement. Of all the obstructive statements ever made with the least artistic sense——

I will not; that is my, last desire. But I do wish to call the attention of the Committee to the fact that the hon. Gentleman opposite was really delaying proceedings by making the most extraordinary remarks, which have no reference whatever to the subject before us. The hon. Gentleman talked about being in the clouds. Of course they are in the clouds, because they do not know what the Government really mean.

I acknowledge that the hon. Baronet is very courteous in Debate. What I said was that the Preamble was in a state of nebulous development.

I am glad of that statement from the hon. Gentleman. The hon Member who sits below him (Mr. Chancellor) said he felt the Preamble like a (millstone round his neck during the election. Let the Committee consider what that means. It means that, after this House, sitting as a Single Chamber has worked its will, then the millstone may be applied, provided that the pressure below the Gangway is sufficient to remove the millstone from their necks and put it round the necks of right hon. Gentlemen opposite. I do not know that I have ever heard a more instructive Debate upon this question. It shows perfectly why the Amendment of my hon. Friend the Member for Ayr Burghs (Mr. Younger) is not accepted. It is because hon. Gentlemen opposite know that if it were accepted it would defeat their plans. Their idea is to have a Single Chamber. The more violent of them do not conceal it; the more prudent—I will not say anything further than that—above the Gangway make out that there is to be a reform "with all convenient speed." But we, who have been a certain number of years in the House, know perfectly well what all this means. When pressure comes from below the Gangway, it will be said that a Single Chamber represents all Radical ideas. I hope the country will study this Debate, because it will give them an opportunity of learning a lesson. They have been under the impression that when right hon. Gentlemen make state- ments they are to be believed, but when they come to read this Debate they will come to the conclusion that those statements were only made to deceive.

We have heard interesting and very divergent statements from hon. Gentlemen, and from one right hon. Gentleman, who represent the Radical party. The hon. Member for Somersetshire (Mr. King) tells us that the Preamble is in a state of "nebulous development." I do not know quite what he means by that. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster (Mr. Joseph Pease), whose usual contribution to a Debate is an interruption damaging to his own side, told us that the policy of the Government was declared in the Preamble to the Bill. I do not know which is right and which is wrong—whether the Preamble is in a state of nebulous development, or whether the whole policy of the Government is contained in the Preamble. The hon. Member for Haggerston (Mr. Chancellor) told us that he is a Single Chamber man.

I take it that if the House of Lords was a millstone round his neck he prefers a Single Chamber Government.

Is the Noble Lord entitled to misrepresent me, for that is what he is doing.

The Noble Lord is entitled to put his own interpretation upon what the hon. Member said, in replying to him.

I am very reluctant to misrepresent the hon. Gentleman, and it is the last thing I would endeavour to do. But, when the hon. Gentleman goes as far as to tell us that a Second Chamber is a millstone round the neck of himself and his colleagues, I am entitled to draw the deduction that he desires to see an absence of a Second Chamber in this country. The hon. Gentleman went further and told us that in the future, the distant future, he believed that the Government were desirous of seeing a Second Chamber established, so that in the meantime, I suppose, by means of a Single Chamber, the Government desire to see certain measures placed on the Statute Book. It appears to me, after the words of the hon. Gentleman, that he has a finite programme of legislation; that he has in view measures which he desires to see passed under Single-Chamber Government, and when these measures have been passed he will then treat his task as ended, and may perhaps leave the House on that occasion. The Preamble is a decoy, and a most ingenious decoy, which is to satisfy hon. Members above the Gangway opposite. Their object in bringing forward this reform of a Second Chamber has been to rope in that moderate section of the electorate who like and desire to see a Second Chamber established in this country. They have endeavoured to rope those gentlemen in to support them at elections, for the purpose of obtaining their confidence, and under no circumstances representing them in this House. The Government could have given us a definite answer to the question which has been put on many occasions in this Debate. They have left a singularly meagre Front Bench, and none of the Front Bench seems desirous of answering the question formulated in this Amendment. The Amendment proposes to set a limit to the time in which there is to be this interregnum, as we are told in the Preamble that it is impossible immediately to bring about the reform of the Second Chamber. My hon. Friend who moved this Amendment is desirous that three years should be the limit. We have asked the Government whether they are prepared to accept four years or five years, or, in fact, what limit of time they are prepared to accept. Not one single answer can we obtain from any Member of the Government as to what their direct and real views are with regard to the suggestion contained in the Preamble with respect to the reform of the Second Chamber. I say that the Government merely with the intention of proving that they are sincere on this question, merely with the intention of upholding the word of no less an individual Member of the Government than the Foreign Secretary, would do well to give us some indication as to what they mean with regard to the words in the Preamble. This is the opportunity which has been given to the Government, and although I have very little doubt that we shall hear nothing more from the Government, although there is such an influential Member present as the Chancellor of the Duchy, I do not know whether his reper- toire of irrelevant interruptions are now ended or whether he proposes——

I certainly obey your injunction. But I was requesting the right hon. Gentleman, as I am entitled to call on Members of the Government, to give an answer to a specific question. As the right hon. Gentleman is the senior Member present, we are entitled to call upon him to give an answer to our question, and, therefore, I would call on the right hon. Gentleman to do so.

I have listened to the whole of the discussion on this Amendment, and I wish to say, before we take a vote upon it, what is the position of those of us on these benches with regard to it. I think we have always made our position with regard to the House of Lords, including the Preamble of this Bill, perfectly clear. As I have listened to the discussion I have been very considerably amused, because it has wandered very considerably from the Amendment. In order to justify the position that hon. Members have taken up on the other side, they have quoted, not so much from the Bill before the House or from the Clause with which the Amendment deals, but they have quoted very considerably from the King's Speech of a year ago. I would ask hon. Members who have concerned themselves with the language of that King's Speech as to whether they seriously accept the language of that Speech. I hope to be able to show that my queries are very pertinent to the discussion. I notice that they contented themselves by quoting one or two points which they seem to think embarrass the Government with regard to the Preamble. What we are concerned with is this Amendment which is proposed to the Finance Clause of this Bill. It seeks, so far as I can interpret its effect, to limit the operation of the powers of the Finance Clause to a period of three years. I want to show that that would be altogether inconsistent with the position that we have taken up during the whole of the Debates on this question, and, moreover, it would be entirely consistent with the position put before the country. Let me quote one or two of the sentences they have omitted from the King's Speech, and let me ask the hon. Member, who reminded us he was making his maiden speech, the hon. Member for Bootle (Mr. Bonar Law), who quoted from the King's Speech, if he ac- cepts the language of the speech which I am going to quote. A Bill, it said, was going to be laid before the House, with all convenient speed, to define the relations between the Houses, "so as to secure the undivided authority of the House of Commons over finance." It seems to me that that is a quotation which is much more pertinent to the Amendment before the Committee than the quotations that have been thrown over the floor to those of us on this side first by the Leader of the Opposition, and lastly by the hon. Member for Bootle. He wanted to know if the Government are prepared to stand by the language that he quoted. I want to ask, are the Opposition prepared to stand by the language in the same speech which I have just quoted?

I do not quite understand the point of the hon. Gentleman. I only quoted the language of the King's Speech as indicating, presumably, the opinion of the Government.

The language that I am quoting represents the policy of the Government that has been approved of by the country, namely, that this House is to be predominant with regard to finance, not for three years, as proposed by the Amendment. I hold that that position would be inconsistent with the position declared for in this King's Speech, followed up in connection with the first Clause of this Bill and approved of by the country at the last election. Furthermore, that King's Speech also laid down that this House is also to have predominance in legislation. Again, I repeat, instead of quoting paragraphs from the King's Speech, which, in my humble judgment, are altogether irrelevant to the Amendment, whatever they may have to say to the Preamble of the Bill, and with the Preamble we on these benches are absolutely unconcerned—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Yes, I am perfectly straightforward. Not a single Member on these benches has spoken on this question from the day when I moved the Amendment to the Resolutions of the late Sir H. Camp-bell-Bannerman but has consistently declared for the one policy. Therefore, I say that we are not so much concerned with the Preamble of the Bill. But we are concerned with what we put before the country, namely, that the House of Commons should have undivided authority in the realm of finance. For that reason we hope the Committee will reject the Amendment.

We do not accuse the hon. Member opposite of not being straightforward: he and his Friends are always straightforward to the point of absolute transparency. What the hon. Member does not see is that the King's Speech of last year does not bind us, but it is nevertheless useful to us as evidence of the intention on the part of His Majesty's advisers who framed that speech, and this Amendment is a test of the sincerity of that intention, reaffirmed as it is in the Preamble of this Bill. This is the first and probably it will be the only opportunity we shall have of asking from the Government some security that at some future time some execution will be given to the intention professed in the King's Speech. If that intention were not really sincere and were not intended to be put into execution I could understand something of the apparent loss of equanimity with which this Amendment is received on the Treasury Bench. We could then understand why Ministers felt great difficulty as to how otherwise than by accepting the Amendment they could give the country any kind of security that they ever intended to do anything remotely resembling that which they have declared their intention of doing. Let us credit them with sincere intentions. Their unfriendly criticis have been saying that this Bill is inspired largely by vindictive motives, that it never rises for a single instant above party motives, that it is devised as a temporary makeshift for the very narrowest of all possible objects, and for the purpose of carrying into effect schemes which may be the schemes of a party, but which certainly do not commend themselves to the people. We want some kind of security, and we invite the Government to give us the security which this Amendment would offer, in order to dispel these unjust and unholy suspicions.

It is said that there has been and is a deliberate intention to keep in existence for all time the present hereditary constitution of the House of Lords, with the doubly convenient consequence that it locks up in that Chamber all those great men whose presence would be so beneficial in this House, and the further convenient fact that it presents, and will continue to present, the attractions which a seat in that House always offers to the loyalty of gentlemen sitting behind the Treasury Bench. We now have an opportunity to dispel those unholy suspicions. If this Amendment were accepted, the Government, by reason of the fact that at the end of three years they would lose the efficacy even of this Finance Clause, would be compelled to show the country that they were sincere in the announcement they have made. I therefore invite them not to show so much disinclination to discuss or to reveal their intentions, but to give my hon. Friend the credit which is due to him for his virtuous and benevolent action in providing them with an opportunity to dispel the unholy suspicions which have been aroused.

10.0 P.M.

I do not think the importance of this Amendment has been sufficiently appreciated by the Government. It is not a question of honesty or dishonesty; it is test of the sincerity of what has been put forward by the Government themselves. The Government say the Veto first, with no limitation as to the time for which the Veto shall endure. What is the result of that as regards the constitution of the Second Chamber? The Second Chamber will be constituted entirely, if it is constituted at all, while the Veto may be maintained in perpetuity. Consequently you will have this Chamber really acting in the nature of a revolutionary Convention. We shall have given ourselves exceptional power as regards the Veto, and the Government will use that exceptional power to deal with any subsequent constitutional change in any way they think best, quite irrespective of the general opinion of the country and of what the best form of constitutional reform may be. Is not that wholly inconsistent with the Preamble and with what the Government said at the last two elections? What they then put before the country was the Bill as it stands, with the Preamble in it, and that Preamble expresses the intention to substitute "immediately" a new Second Chamber. The word "immediately" will no doubt be differently construed by different Members. What we desire by this Amendment is to give a definite definition—I think a rather wide definition—to what is intended when the Government say they intend "immediately" to substitute for the House of Lords a new Second Chamber. Three years is surely a sufficient time for the Government to produce their scheme. Having regard to what has been said by hon. Members below the Gangway opposite, unless such an Amendment is introduced, the Government will not have the power to bring in their scheme. If the Bill confers a perpetual power, hon. Members below the Gangway who object to any reconstitution of the Second Chamber, and who are avowedly desirous of having a Single-Chamber system, will, by taking up that attitude, prevent the Government from instituting a reform of this kind, even if they desire to so do. They have got the power now, and they are using the power now. Without some limitation of this kind is introduced they will have the power in the future, and they will use it in the future. I will give all weight to what has been said by hon. Members opposite below the Gangway, but it is because they are so sincere that we on this side want to have an absolute guarantee, an absolute security, that in due time what is said to be the intention of the Government shall be fulfilled whether hon. Members below the Gangway desire it or not. What has been said by the Government in the Preamble:—

"Provision should be made for regulating the relations between the two Houses … to substitute for the House of Lords. … a Second Chamber constituted on a popular, instead of hereditary, basis…"

Will that ever be done without some limitation of this kind is introduced? Member after Member who has got up below the Gangway has declared not only his desire not to have any reformed Second Chamber, but has also expressed further his desire that the limited power contained in this Bill should be still further reduced to what will be an absolute nullity in regard to every useful legislative power! Therefore why will not the Government accede to a proposal of this sort? We are not asking at this present time—I do not think it is the proper occasion—for information as regards the form of their Second Chamber. We are not asking what are to be the powers proposed to be given to that Second Chamber. All we are asking is this: You have come into power boasting a mandate from the country based on the provisions of this Bill to maintain not only the Clause but the Preamble as well. We ask you on that ground to give some test of the sincerity of what you told the country at the time of the General Election. Why connot you do it? It is because hon. Members below the Gangway and of hon. Members from Ireland? Is that the way to approach a great constitutional reform, particularly in this country, where we boast of being in advance of other countries in the matter of con- stitutional freedom and constitutional methods? Have we sunk so low that the Government are not able to fulfil the promises they have made, and that they should refuse to accept an Amendment of this kind, which would be in accordance wit h their promises, because they are afraid of hon. Members below the Gangway? This is the touchstone of sincerity, and I ask the Government, at any rate, to give some reason why they are refusing the Amendment proposed by my hon. Friend the Member for Ayr Burghs. If they do refuse to accept this Amendment I hope the country will take note of it. Instead of taking power to carry out their pledges which an Amendment of this sort would give them, the Government are placing themselves, as they know, in the impotent position of leaving us, so far as they can, under the absolute and tyrannical domination of a mere party majority in this House. It is inconsistent with every constitutional principle and inconsistent with everything that has been said as regards liberty and freedom by all the great Liberals of the past.

The right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister I think on the Second Reading, or in one of the Debates which took place on this question of the House of Lords and a Second Chamber, was discussing the various courses that he might adopt. He might on the one hand deal with reform of the House of Lords, or he might deal with the limitation of their powers. The right hon. Gentleman said:

"It is a simple matter to deal with the limitation of these powers, but it is a very difficult matter, and will ake a long time, to deal with reform in their composition."
I confess when first I saw the Amendment of my hon. Friend that I wondered whether he was not a little over-generous in the time he had given the Government. I thought, considering the vast ability that resides in the Government Front Bench, that three years was not too long a time. Now, I think it would not be too long a time for a Front Bench with even less ability. Surely the time is not too short for right hon. Gentlemen opposite to excogitate a plan, to work out some scheme for reforming the composition of the House of Lords which they would not be ashamed to put before this House and the country.

What I am afraid of is this—and I say this really in the interests of the party opposite. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear."] I do not pretend that my sym- pathies are very strongly engaged on behalf of the party opposite, but I do say that I have some respect for the way affairs are conducted in this House. I want to know what front this Government will present to the electors at the next election when they go before them and say: "True, we told you that we were going to reform the composition of the House of Lords, and we have not done it. We ask again for another mandate to reform the House of Lords." Will the electors give right hon. Gentlemen opposite much credence? Mark you, these three years will practically bring you to the end of this Parliament. If, after the passing of this measure, three years are allowed to elapse without your having fulfilled your pledges there is no possible opportunity for you at a later stage in this Parliament to fulfil them. It therefore means this, that if you refuse to accept this limitation you postpone until the next Parliament any dealing with the composition of the Second Chamber. After all, we have got many precedents for this sort of limitation. We had a precedent only the other day. We were discussing in this House the question of for how long a period the Land Taxes should be taken away from the local authorities and put into the Exchequer. It was a suggestion of hon. Members opposite that the time should be limited, and so strong was the pressure exercised upon the Government that we were actually ready to agree to a limitation of three years. It is quite true that the Government have not yet inserted that suggestion in their Bill, but I believe they will do so on some future occasion. Why was it? Surely it was not because hon. Members opposite did not believe in their own Government? It was not because hon. Members opposite did not think or believe that the Government were not fully pledged to transfer part of these Land Taxes to the local authorities. They recognise this, that so vast is the pressure that can be put upon any Government by a section of its followers to produce a measure and forget undertakings and promises that it was very useful to have some bond over them at some time that would force them in their own defence to deal with a question which under any circumstances they might be persuaded to shirk. The fact is that a limit of this kind is a little jog to the memory of the Government. Governments are apt to be very forgetful of statements made three years ago. There can be very different explanations given after a lapse of three years. There is some little limitation of a phrase that escaped for the moment the attention of those who heard the promise, and many gaps and hollows are found in the pledge that make it easy for the Government to scrape out of it. But if they are tied definitely by a limitation placed in a statute of Parliament, and that statute will cease to have effect after three years, unless the Government have regard to their promises and pledges, that is a very strong reason for compelling the Government to carry out the pledge they had given. I quite agree that hon. Members on the Labour benches frankly state they do not want any Second Chamber, and for that reason they do not agree with any limitation. I do not really know what is the attitude of hon. Members from Ireland, because, after all, I may point out to them that possibly by the end of three years Home Rule may have passed. In that case all their hidden constitutional feeling, which I feel confident is strong in them, although they are compelled to suppress it to-day, may come forth and they may have an opportunity of giving vent to their really Conservative Tory feelings, and it may be that at that time we shall find there are no stronger, more eloquent and keen supporters even of a hereditary Second Chamber than hon. Members who represent Nationalist feeling in Ireland.

I rise for the purpose of making one more appeal to the Government, and I think that Members of the Government themselves feel that it is due to their own position that by a few plain straightforward words they should dispel the doubts that have gathered about them since the Committee listened this afternoon to the elaborate evasions of the Home Secretary. We have reason to deplore the absence this evening of the Foreign Secretary. I wish it was possible for him to be present, particularly on an occasion of this kind, and I am sure the House would have listened with the greatest possible interest to what he would have to say with regard to the Preamble and what the Government meant to do with regard to it. There is another Member of the Government whom we cannot have here to-night because he has recently moved to another place, but failing him I wish we could have had the Foreign Secretary, and have heard what he would say upon this all-important point. The Government say they cannot accept the limit of three years. Will they tell us how many years would be enough for them to mature their plans I They will not have three years. Would four years do? Or five years? Or would nine years satisfy them? Will they tell them whether they mean business with regard to the House of Lords or whether they do not. The situation this evening is absolutely unexampled in the annals of this House. You got votes at the General Election by putting forward a policy of reform of the Second Chamber. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Yes you did, and you know it very well. Some Members of the party opposite say that the promise of a reform of the House of Lords was a millstone round their necks. Did the Government think so at the time? Did the Government not angle for the votes of those moderate men who so often turn the scale at General Elections in this country, and have hon. Members opposite any doubts in their own minds that they got a great many votes at the last election which would have gone to the other side if reform of the Second Chamber had not been part of the Government programme?

What is the situation now? Your supporters below the Gangway openly scoff at the proclaimed intentions of the Government with regard to this reform. The hon. Member for Kirkcaldy referred jeeringly to the Preamble, and said "Second Chamber to be reformed hereafter." What is to come is still not sure. Hereafter does not concern him. One hon. Gentleman on this side of the House asked, "is the Preamble a sham or is it not?" There were cries from hon. Members below the Gangway of "it is a sham," and the cheers which came in response from the benches opposite echoed what was said and confirmed it. The Government heard that, and what was the answer? Nothing but the evasive reply of the Home Secretary, which left everything perfectly open, and left everyone sitting on the benches opposite to understand that as long as they supported the Government they might hold what opinion they pleased about the Preamble. Can we not have some plain statement on the subject? I am glad to see that the Prime Minister is here. What I want to know is whether the Preamble is sincere or insincere. So far as this Debate has gone it lends itself painfully to the suspicion that the Preamble is insincere. It did its office in composing differences in the Cabinet and in winning the support of the moderate men at the General Election throughout the country. Is the Government sincere in the matter? Assuming that they are sincere in their intentions to reform the Second Chamber, and assuming that their supporters below the Gangway, and many of their supporters behind them will allow them to carry out that intention, what is it that they propose to do in the meantime? They propose to carry through some revolutionary measures while there is no effective Second Chamber in existence and before they have brought into existence that Second Chamber which they say should take the place of the present Chamber. Was the country ever face to face with such a position as this? It is said the Constitution wants amending. It is said the Second Chamber ought to be strengthened. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Not by hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. What they desire is that the Second Chamber should continue in a weak and discredited position. That is what would suit them. Making the supposition for the sake of argument that the Government is sincere in its intentions of reform, do they or do they not, while the Second Chamber under this Bill, if it ever becomes law, is reduced to a state of impotence, mean to carry through changes in the capital institutions of the country? I say it is scandalous that such an intention——

I am not, of course, transgressing your ruling. It is difficult to discuss the question of this Amendment without reference to the Bill as a whole, but I perfectly recognise what you have said with regard to the present Amendment, and another opportunity will present itself at a later stage of dealing with the topic which I indicated. I answered you at once that another subject was in my mind, and I do not know what financial changes may be in store for us while the Second Chamber is reduced to the state of entire insignificance and powerlessness with regard to financial matters. Mr. Gladstone was perfectly right when he said it was as essential for the security of our Constitution that the privileges of the House of Lords should be preserved as that our privileges should be preserved, and that the real meaning of the importance of the House of Lords retaining their rights with regard to financial matters was that they should be able to prevent measures being embodied in Money Bills which were not really of a purely financial character. What we have to do on this Clause is to secure, if this Clause passes into law, some adequate substitute for the powers at present enjoyed by the House of Lords, but I do not trespass upon that ground. What I say is that the Government, in the Preamble, after stating that it was intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists, a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of an hereditary basis, have told us in the plainest terms:—

"But such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation:
"And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, but it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords."
Then the enacting Clause follows. I do say, after a Preamble of that kind, and after the speeches that have been made throughout the country, it is essential that this House should have some guarantee that the Government mean business in this matter. It is not so important that the term of three years should be fixed, or, indeed, any term. What is important is that we should see that the Government are sincere in what they are professing.

I have listened with interest and with respect to the speech of my right hon. and learned Friend, and I confess I have been unable to discover what reference it had to the Amendment actually under discussion. We are now dealing with finance. We are not dealing with the Clause limiting the operation of the Bill as a whole; we are dealing with the Financial Clause alone, and the Amendment now before the House proposes that the new arrangement set out under this Clause with regard to finance shall last three years. That is the sole issue on which the Committee will be called upon to decide. I can quite understand—and I dare say before we have got to the end of the Committee stage we shall see proposals made to that effect—I can quite understand the suggestion that the whole operation of this Bill should be for a limited period of time. But we are now dealing with the first Clause alone, and the question the Committee has to consider is whether that Clause should be limited in its operation to three years or to any specific period. In the opinion of the Government it should not. I can see no reason whatever why in the future, as in the past, this Chamber—this representative Chamber elected by the people of this country—should not retain its predominance in finance. I am quite prepared to deal with the larger question if and when the opportunity arises —— [HON. MEMBERS: "When?"] The opportunity will arise——[HON. MEMBERS: "When?"] I do not understand that interruption. I am quite prepared to deal if and when the opportunity arises with the question whether the general limitations proposed by this Bill of the powers of the House of Lords should be restricted in point of time. But this is not the occasion for doing it. We are dealing here with finance, and with finance alone, and in the opinion of the Government whatever changes may take place in the constitution of the other House this House must retain not for three years, but for all time its effective, undisputed, unchallengeable supremacy in regard to matters of finance.

I will only say one word more with regard to the general observations of the right hon. Gentleman, and which, however, did not appear to me to have any relevance to the Amendment before the House, in respect of the Preamble. He tried to suggest doubts as to the sincerity of the Government in inserting these words in the Preamble. When this Bill was presented to the country as it was at the last election it was presented with its Preamble, and the assent given by the electors to the Bill was an assent given—I do not say in every particular or detail—to the Bill as a whole. The Government regard themselves as bound not only in honour, but bound by the strict letter of their pledges by the actual terms of the Bill itself to give effect to the Preamble as and when the proper time arises. [An HON. MEMBER: "Who supports you?"] That is not a very courteous interruption. Let me repeat the terms of the Preamble as submitted to the country. They are these:—

"And whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis, but such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation."

Therefore everybody who voted in favour of this Bill voted, as he well knows, in favour of the scheme of which "the immediate substitution" would not form part. To represent the Government and their supporters as guilty of insincerity because they do not on this subject indicate the lines of their scheme is to reproach them as being guilty of nothing less than a fraud upon the electorate. The policy which we announced, which we put before the country, and which, as we believe, the country approved, was this: first of all, to regulate the relations between the two Houses. That is the business for which this Parliament was elected. That is the business to which we are asking this House of Commons to direct its attention. When that has been satisfactorily accomplished, then we shall proceed——[HON. MEMBERS: "When?"] Then we shall proceed in due time and season to deal with the other part of the plan, and I decline altogether to anticipate or to predict when that season may be any more than the electors when they gave us their confidence attempted to prescribe any time. Then and not until we have first accomplished this necessary preliminary task—then and not till then shall we proceed to the accomplishment of the other part of our task. I have said so much on that point, although I do not regard it as relevant to the Amendment in consequence of the challenge of the right hon. Gentleman. Let me bring back the Committee to the point which is really before them: whether the assertion of the unchallengable supremacy of this House in point of finance shall be limited in point of time. That is the issue upon which we are going to vote, and on that issue I claim with no want of confidence, but with perfect assurance, the support of all those who were elected to assist us.

I am afraid I have already troubled the Committee when it was rather thinner than it is now with some observations on this Amendment, but I would ask them before we go to a Division whether there could be a more conclusive speech in favour of it than the one which has just been delivered. The Prime Minister told us that the policy the Government presented to the country consisted of two parts, one a promise in honour some day orotherto have a popular Second Chamber, the other to regulate the relations between the present House of Commons and the present Second Chamber. That is the view of the Government. May I seriously ask any Gentleman whether under those circumstances it is not absolutely necessary to limit the duration of the time in which the avowedly temporary arrangement contemplated should last and beyond which it should not last? The Government not only admit, but they assert, as a cardinal part of their policy that that is a temporary arrangement. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Perhaps I misrepresent the Prime Minister. I will modify my statement. The Government assert that this Bill is to deal with the relations, not between two permanent bodies, but between two bodies only one of which is permanent, and therefore it is quite clear that the relations between the First and Second Chamber cannot outlast the reconstitution of the Second Chamber. Unless this Preamble is absolutely meaningless, unless it is a mere pretence and a mere fraud, to use the Prime Minister's words, surely you ought to make the relations you establish between the two Houses of Parliament as temporary as those two Houses are themselves. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] How could you lay down a permanent principle when you avow at the same time that you mean fundamentally to alter the whole constitution of one of those Houses? The thing is on the face of it absurd, and it is all the more absurd if the Committee will call to mind the ground the Prime Minister gave for saying that this House is to retain permanently not only its general supremacy in matters of finance, but absolute and sole supremacy. What are the grounds he gave? That this Assembly was representative and elected. That is the only reason he gave. What is the new House of Lords to be? It is also to be representative and elected. So that on the only two grounds given by the Prime Minister for retaining the sole control of finance in this House, the new House, which will be constituted when all the more magnificent promises of the Government have been fulfilled, in that dim and distant future, will have as great a fundamental title to deal with finance as this House itself. They find themselves dealing with a Constitution in which there is one fully representative House, and they say, "So long as the House is representative let it control finance." They also promise a new Second Chamber, which is to be equally representative.

I did not say equal power. I said they deserved equal power. If they have the same authority—they will draw their power from the people as this House draws its from the people—they will have as much title as this House to deal with finance. If that were not the ultimate or remote ideal but an ideal to be carried out as soon as possible, to give this permanent privilege to this House is an absurdity. You are bound to limit it in time. You are bound to say that if this House is to have, on the grounds of its representative character, solo control of financial matters, that Parliament should not last beyond such a period at which you may hope to reconstitute another Chamber equally drawn from the people, equally representative, having equal authority with the ancient Assembly to which we belong. In these circumstances I suggest that the very argument urged by the Prime Minister is itself the strongest proof that this Amendment should be accepted. The very line of reasoning he adopted showed that he contemplated, as a matter of honour, calling into existence a Second Chamber not less authoritative than our own, not less deeply based upon public approval, and I suggest that, even from the Benches of a Radical Government there' must be some time limit to pledges given as matters of honour. I admit that it is not an immediate pledge. I grant that the Preamble does not state that the House of Lords is to be reformed this Session, but if three years is too short a time for a Radical Government to carry out a pledge of honour, then let them say four years or five years. I do not know what length of time we must allow for carrying out a pledge of honour, but let the Radical Government state it themselves. Let them give us their own idea of honour if in this matter it comes to any period short of the day of judgment. If they will make any time limit to this pledge of honour, if within reason, if within the lifetime of those who gave the pledge, if within what insurance companies call the expectation of life, it would be an improvement on the Bill, and I think my hon. Friend would be prepared, if we cannot get anything better, to accept it. But to come down and tell us they mean, as a matter of honour, to establish a popular Second Chamber, and tell us at the same time they are going to give perpetually to this House privileges which it has only a title to accept if the Second Chamber is not representative, is an absurdity which nobody can justify, nobody has attempted to justify, not even the Prime Minister in the most able and inconclusive speech he has just delivered.

I wish to explain to the right hon. Gentleman what I think is the position generally on this side of the House in regard to this Amendment. The right hon. Gentleman says, supposing there are two bodies and that we alter the constitution of one of these two bodies, then we alter the relationship between the two.

Therefore the arrangement that we are now entering upon is contingent upon the other House remaining unpopular or non-elective. The position of a good many of us on this side of the House is entirely opposed to that. We say that the relationship now being fixed between the two Houses must be permanent. If the Government falter in that respect; if they make the present relationship only temporary, then I say they will be swept from power at once. I only say this because I know it is the feeling of a great many, and I know it is the feeling of the country. The feeling of the country generally is not one of dislike to the House of Lords. We have had a most marvellous exhibition of

Division No. 106.]

AYES.

[10.55 p.m.

Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F.Butcher, John GeorgeFell, Arthur
Anson, Sir William ReynellCampbell, Rt. Hon. J. H. M.Fetherstonhaugh, Godfrey
Archer-Shee, Major M.Campion, W. R.Finlay, Sir R.
Arkwright, John StanhopeCarlile, Edward HildredFisher, William Heyes
Ashley, Wilfrid W.Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.
Astor, WaldorfCassel, FelixFlannery, Sir J. Fortescue
Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.Castlereagh, ViscountFleming, Valentine
Baird, John LawrenceCator, JohnFletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)
Baker, Sir Randoll L. (Dorset, N.)Cautley, Henry StrotherFoster, Philip Staveley
Balcarres, LordCave, GeorgeGardner, Ernest
Baldwin, StanleyCecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford Univ.)Gastrell, Major W. Houghton
Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City Lond.)Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.Gibbs, George Abraham
Banbury, Sir Frederick GeorgeChambers, JamesGoldsmith, Frank
Banner, John S. Harmood-Chaplin, Rt. Hon. HenryGoulding, Edward Alfred
Baring, Capt. Hon. Guy VictorClay, Captain H. H. SpenderGrant, J. A.
Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)Clive, Percy ArcherGreene, Walter Raymond
Barnston, H.Courthope, George LoydGretton, John
Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim. S.)Guinness, Hon. Walter Edward
Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.)Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)Haddock, George Bahr
Bathurst, Charles (Wilts., Wilton)Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)
Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh HicksCraik, Sir HenryHall, Fred (Dulwich)
Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)Crichton-Stuart, Lord NinianHall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)
Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)Cripps, Sir Charles AlfredHambro, Angus Valdemar
Bennett-Goldney, FrancisCroft, Henry PageHamersley, Alfred St. George
Bentinck, Lord Henry CavendishDalrymple, ViscountHamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)
Bird, AlfredDalziel, Davison (Brixton)Hardy, Laurence
Boscawen, Sackville T. Griffith-Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. S.Harris, Henry Percy
Boyton, JamesDixon, Charles HarveyHelmsley, Viscount
Brassey, H. Leonard CampbellDoughty, Sir GeorgeHenderson, Major H. (Berkshire)
Bridgeman, William CliveDouglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers-Hickman, Colonel Thomas E.
Bull, Sir W. JamesDu Cros, Arthur PhilipHill, Sir Clement L.
Burgoyne, Alan HughesEyres-Monsell, Bolton M.Hillier, Dr. Alfred Peter
Burn, Col. C. R.Falle, Bertram GodfrayHills, John Waller

topsy-turvydom of politics to-night. The right hon. Gentleman in violent language abused the House of Lords. I was here ten years in opposition and they behaved quite well. They have been throwing out our Bills one after the other. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition said quite recently that they were a perfect assembly. Now we have them abused and they must be reformed instantly. Why have not they reformed them before? Why have not they reformed themselves before? As a matter of fact, I do not think that the country is opposed to the House of Lords even in its present condition. It is all very well for some hon. Members to laugh, but the difficulty of reforming the House of Lords is an enormous one. The ablest and most subtle minds have tried it, and we see no scheme that is at all likely to obtain success. Therefore we on this side are-prepared to take the House of Lords as it is. But it is quite clearly understood that whatever change you make in the House of Lords, if you fill it with archangels, we are House of Commons men and take our stand upon this: That no change in the constitution of the House of Lords shall justify the slightest going back on the relationship between the two Houses.

Question put, "That those words be there inserted."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 207; Noes, 296.

Hill-Wood, SamuelMildmay, Francis BinghamSanderson, Lancelot
Hoars, Samuel John GurneyMills, Hon. Charles ThomasSandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)
Hohler, Gerald FitzroyMorpeth, ViscountScott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)
Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)
Home, Wm. E. (Surrey, Guildford)Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)Smith, Harold (Warrington)
Horner, Andrew LongMount, William ArthurStanier, Beville
Houston, Robert PatersonNeville, Reginald J. N.Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)
Hunter, Sir Charles Rodk. (Bath)Newdegate, F. AStarkey, John Ralph
Ingleby, HolcombeNewton, Harry KottinghamStaveley-Hill, Henry (Staffordshire)
Jessel, Captain Herbert M.Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)Steel-Maitland, A. D.
Joynson-Hicks, WilliamNorton-Griffiths, J.Stewart, Gershom
Kebty-Fletcher, J. R.O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)Swift, Rigby
Kerr-Smiley, Peter KerrOrde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.Sykes, Alan John
Kerry, Earl ofPaget, Almeric HughTerrell, George (Wilts, N. W.)
Kimber, Sir HenryParker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)
King, Sir Henry Seymour (Hull)Peel, Capt. R. F. (Woodbridge)Tobin, Alfred Aspinall
Kirkwood, John H. M.Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)Touche, George Alexander
Knight, Captain Eric AyshfordPerkins, Walter FrankTullibardine, Marquess of
Lane-Fox, G. R.Peto, Basil EdwardWalker, Col. William Hall
Larmor, Sir JPole-Carew, Sir R.Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)
Law, Andrew Bonar (Bootle, Lancs.)Pollock, Ernest MurrayWarde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)
Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)Pretyman, Ernest GeorgeWheler, Granville C. H.
Lee, Arthur HamiltonPryce-Jones, Col. E.White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)
Lewisham, ViscountQuilter, W. E. C.Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude
Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)Rawlinson, John Frederick PeelWilson, A. Stanley (York, E. R.)
Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)Rawson, Col. Richard H.Winterton, Earl
Long, Rt. Hon. WalterRemnant, James FarquharsonWolmer, Viscount
Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)Rice, Hon. Walter Fitz-UryanWood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)
Lowther, Claude (Cumberland, Eskdale)Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)Wood, John (Stalybridge)
Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)Ronaldshay, Earl ofWorthington-Evans, L.
Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)Rothschild, Lionel deWortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-
MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeaghRoyds, EdmundYate, Col. C. E.
Mackinder, Halford J.Rutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)Yerburgh, Robert
Macmaster, DonaldRutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)Younger, George
Magnus, Sir PhilipSalter, Arthur Clavell
Malcolm, IanSamuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. H. W. Forster and Viscount Valentia.
Mason, James F. (Windsor)Sanders, Robert Arthur

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock)Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward
Acland, Francis DykeCollins, Stephen (Lambeth)Griffith, Ellis Jones (Anglesey)
Addison, Dr. C.Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.Guest, Major Hon. C. H. C. (Pembroke)
Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R.Condon, Thomas JosephGulland, John William
Agnew, Sir George WilliamCorbett, A. CameronGwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)
Alnsworth, John StirlingCornwall, Sir Edwin A.Hackett, John
Allen, A. A. (Dumbartonshire)Cotton, William FrancisHancock, J. G.
Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud)Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)
Anderson, Andrew MacbethCrawshay-Williams, EliotHarcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)
Armitage, RobertCrumley, PatrickHardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil)
Ashton, Thomas GairDalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)Harmsworth, R. Leicester
Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert HenryDavies, Ellis William (Eifion)Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)
Atherley-Jones, Llewellyn A.Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.)
Baker, H. T. (Accrington)Davies, S. W. Howell (Bristol, S.)Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.)
Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)Dawes, J. A.Harwood, George
Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)Delany, WilliamHaslam, Lewis (Monmouth)
Barnes, George N.Denman, Hon. R. D.Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry
Barran, Sir John N. (Hawick)Devlin, JosephHaworth, Arthur A.
Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.)Dickinson, W. H.Hayden, John Patrick
Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.)Donelan, Captain A.Hayward, Evan
Barton, WilliamDoris, WilliamHenderson, Arthur (Durham)
Beauchamp, EdwardDuffy, William J.Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)
Beck, Arthur CecilDuncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor
Benn, W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.)Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)Higham, John Sharp
Bentham, G. J.Edwards, Allen C. (Glamorgan, E.)Hinds, John
Birrell, Rt. Hon. AugustineEdwards, Enoch (Hanley)Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.
Boland, John PiusEdwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)Hodge, John
Booth, Frederick HandelEdwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)Holt, Richard Durning
Bowerman, C. W.Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)Home, C. Silvester (Ipswich)
Brace, WilliamEsmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)Howard, Hon. Geoffrey
Brocklehurst, William B.Essex, Richard WalterHughes, Spencer Leigh
Brunner, John F. L.Esslemont, George BirnieHunter, William (Lanark, Govan)
Bryce, J. AnnanFalconer, JamesIsaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel
Burns, Rt. Hon. JohnFerens, Thomas RobinsonJardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire)
Burt, Rt. Hon. ThomasFfrench, PeterJohnson, W.
Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)Field, WilliamJones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)
Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)Fitzgibbon, JohnJones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)
Byles, William PollardFurness, StephenJones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe)
Carr-Gomm, H. W.Gelder, Sir W. A.Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)
Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)Gibson, Sir James PuckeringJowett, Frederick William
Cawley, H. T. (Lancs. Heywood)Glanville, Harold JamesJoyce, Michael
Chancellor, Henry GeorgeGoddard, Sir Daniel FordKeating, Matthew
Chapple, Dr. William AllenGoldstone, FrankKellaway, Frederick George
Clancy, John JosephGreenwood, Granville C. (Peterborough)Kennedy, Vincent Paul
Clynes, John R.Greig, Colonel James WilliamKilbride, Denis

King, Joseph (Somerset, North)O'Dowd, JohnSheehan, Daniel Daniel
Lamb, Ernest HenryOgden, FredSheehy, David
Lambert, George (S. Molton)O'Grady, JamesShorn, Edward
Lansbury, GeorgeO'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)Simon, Sir John Allsebrook
Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld., Cockerm'th)O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)
Levy, Sir MauriceO'Malley, WilliamSmyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)
Lewis, John HerbertO'Shaughnessy, P. J.Snowden, Philip
Logan, John WilliamO'Sullivan, TimothySoares, Ernest
Lough, Rt. Hon. ThomasPalmer, Godfrey MarkSpicer, Sir Albert
Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)Parker, James (Halifax)Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N. W.)
Lundon, ThomasPearce, William (Limehouse)Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West)
Lyell, Charles HenryPease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)Summers, James Wooley
Lynch, Arthur AlfredPhillips, John (Longford, S.)Sutherland, John E.
Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)Pickersgill, Edward HareSutton, John E.
Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)Pirie, Duncan VernonTaylor, John W. (Durham)
MacNeill, John Gordon SwittPointer, JosephTennant, Harold John
MacVeagh, JeremiahPollard, Sir George H.Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)
M'Callum, John M.Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.Thomas, J. H. (Derby)
M'Curdy, Charles AlbertPower, Patrick JosephThorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)
McKenna, Rt. Hon. ReginaldPrice, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)Thorne, William (West Ham)
M'Laren, H. D. (Leices.)Price, Sir Robert J.Toulmin, George
M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe)Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)Trevelyan, Charles Philips
M'Micking, Major GilbertPrimrose, Hon. Neil JamesUre, Rt. Hon. Alexander
Markham, Arthur BasilPringle, William M. R.Verney, Sir Harry
Marks, George CroydonRadford, George HeynesWalsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)
Marshall, Arthur HaroldRaffan, Peter WilsonWard, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)
Martin, JosephRainy, Adam RollandWard, W. Dudley (Southampton)
Mason, David M. (Coventry)Raphael, Sir Herbert HenryWardle, George J.
Meagher, MichaelRea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay
Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)
Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.)Reddy, MichaelWason, John Cathcart (Orkney)
Menzies, Sir WalterRedmond, John E. (Waterford)Watt, Henry A.
Millar, James DuncanRedmond, William (Clare, E.)Webb, H.
Molloy, MichaelRendall, AtnelstanWhite, Sir George (Norfolk)
Molteno, Percy AlportRichardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)White, Sir Luke (York, E. R.)
Money, L. G. ChiozzaRoberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)White, Patrick (Meath, North)
Montagu, Hon. E. S.Roberts, George H. (Norwich)Whitehouse, John Howard
Mooney, John J.Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs.)Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.
Morgan, Goorge HayRobertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)Whyte, A. F.
Morrell, PhilipRobertson, John M. (Tyneside)Wiles, Thomas
Morton, Alpheus CleophasRobinson, SidneyWilkie, Alexander
Muldoon, JohnRoche, Augustine (Louth)Williams, John (Glamorgan)
Munro, RobertRoche, John (Galway, E.)Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough)
Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.Roe, Sir ThomasWilliamson, Sir A.
Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.Rose, Sir Charles DayWilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)
Needham, Christopher JRowlands, JamesWilson, Henry J. (York, W.)
Neilson, FrancisRunciman, Rt. Hon. WalterWilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)
Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster)St. Maur, HaroldWinfrey, Richard
Nolan, JosephSamuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)Wood, T. M'Kinnon (Glasgow)
Norton, Capt. Cecil W.Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)Young, William (Perth, East)
Nugent, Sir Walter RichardSamuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)Yoxall, Sir James Henry
O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)Scanlan, Thomas
O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Master of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth.
O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)Scott, A. MacCallum (Glasgow, Bridgeton)
O'Doherty, PhilipSeely, Col., Rt. Hon. J. E. B.

And, it being Eleven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his report to the House.

Committee report Progress: to sit again to-morrow ( Tuesday).

Adjourned at Eight minutes after Eleven o'clock.