House Of Commons
Wednesday, 3rd May, 1311.
The House met at a Quarter before Three of the clock, Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.
Private Business
Chesham and District Gas Bill [ Lords],
As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
Public Health (Scotland) Act (1897) Amendment Bill
Reported, with Amendments, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration upon Wednesday next, and to be printed.
Intestate Husband's Estate (Scotland) Bill
Reported, with Amendments, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.
Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Minutes of the Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed.
Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration Tomorrow and to be printed.
Board Of Agriculture And Fisheries
Copy presented of Annual Report for 1910 of Proceedings under The Small Holdings and Allotments Act, 1908, and other Acts (Part II. Allotments and Miscellaneous) [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
East India (Railways And Irrigation Works)
Return presented relative thereto [Address 1st May; Sir Robert Price]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Ireland Development Grant Act, 1903
Copy presented of Report of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland of all his Proceedings under the Act, for the year ended 31st March, 1911 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Irish Universities Act, 1908
Copy presented of Statute I. of the National University of Ireland [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Copy presented of Statute I. of University College, Galway [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Copy presented of Statute of University College, Cork [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Copy presented of Statute I. of University College, Dublin [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Germany (Tariff Treaties And Trade)
Return ordered "showing the value of the imports into Germany in 1909 from the United Kingdom and from each of the principal European countries with which Germany has concluded Tariff Treaties, by principal-groups of Articles, distinguishing between those on which the existing rates of duty are ( a) higher than, ( b) equal to, or ( c) less Wan the minimum rates of the German Tariff in force at the time of the Tariff negotiations."—[ Mr. Buxton.]
East India (Income And Expenditure)
Address for "Return of the net income and expenditure of British India, under certain specified heads, for the eleven years from 1899–1900 to 1909–10."—[ Mr. Montagu.]
Oral Answers To Questions
Royal Fleet Reserve (Discharge Gratuity)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he was prepared to reconsider the case of Simeon Bishop, late of the Royal Fleet Reserve, who sustained a serious injury whilst undergoing his period of training at Plymouth in 1908, and was consequently discharged from the Reserve as medically unfit; and, having regard to the fact that he is unable to support himself or his family since his discharge and has been compelled to apply to the Taunton board of guardians for maintenance, he will grant to Simeon Bishop such compensation as will enable him to maintain his independence and relieve the Taunton ratepayers from a burden which should more properly fall on the Exchequer?
This man was not invalided from the Royal Fleet Reserve in consequence of the comparatively trifling injury to his wrist which he sustained during his training. He was discharged for chronic rheumatoid arthritis chiefly involving the shoulder joint. After very careful consideration, however, it was decided that the injury might not impossibly have aggravated in some degree the condition which eventually necessitated his invaliding and his discharge gratuity of £13 was accordingly made up to the maximum of £50. The case does not warrant any further charge against public funds.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this unfortunate man was able to keep a wife and six children before the accident, and that since then he has been absolutely incapable of working for himself, and that he has been thrown with his wife and children entirely upon the rates?
As I have explained to the hon. Member the fact that the man was rendered absolutely incapable of work was not clue to the accident. I have given the maximum amount which is allowed out of public funds.
Is it not a fact that the arthritis was very much increased and produced complete disability owing to the fact that he met with this accident?
No. I understand it may be possible that it was accelerated, but I understand that arthritis of the shoulder would not arise from an accident to the wrist. He has, however, been given the maximum which I am allowed to give.
asked whether, in the case of an established employé being accidentally killed, his widow or other dependents would receive the amount due under the Superannuation Act, 1909, in addition to the compensation due under the Admiralty scheme of 1907?
The answer is in the affirmative.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state what procedure has to be adopted by the dependents of deceased employés in claiming compensation due for accident; what deductions, if any, are made from the amount of compensation, and for what purpose; and whether any legal expenses are required to be incurred by such dependents?
It is only necessary for the dependents in such cases to lodge their claim with the head of the establishment in which the deceased person was employed. The only deductions made are those imposed by the Workmen's Compensation Act, 1906, namely, the amount of any weekly payments in respect of the injury and any lump sum paid in redemption thereof. No legal expenses are required to be incurred by such dependents.
Firth Of Forth Fishermen (Loss Of Nets)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether claims had been received for nets, etc., destroyed by torpedo boats or other of His Majesty's ships in the Firth of Forth between the evening of the 6th and the morning of the 7th March, or any other date when the fishing boats were lying attached to their nets and with the regulation lights burning, from the following, namely, John Stewart, of the boat "Grateful," James Hodge, of the boat "Curlew," Alexander Hughes, of the boat "Nancy," George Hughes, of the boat "Victoria Cross," James Bowman, of the boat "Guide-me," and any others from Cellar-dyke, Anstruther, Pittenween, or St. Monans; whether these claims are in process in consideration or settlement; and whether, seeing that the loss of their nets and gear is a hindrance to these men pursuing their avocation and gaining a livelihood for wives and children dependent upon them, he will do his best to expedite the payment of these claims as soon as possible?
Claims have been received from the men named, with the exception of James Bowman of the boat "Guide-me." It has been necessary to call for reports from the fleet. These have been received, and the claims are being considered in relation to these reports. It is hoped that an early decision may be arrived at.
Admiralty Contract, Hammersmith (Fair-Wages Clause)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if investigation had yet been made into the allegations made against Messrs. Gwynnes, of Hammersmith, in regard to the non-fulfilment of the fair-wages clause in a Government contract; and, if so, if he would state the result?
A preliminary investigation has been made, but further information was found to be necessary. This will be available and the investigation completed at the end of this week.
Royal Fleet Reserve (Emigration)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he can see his way to allowing men of the Royal Fleet Reserve to emigrate to the Colonies in the same manner as Army Reservists?
It is regretted that the requirements of the Service do not admit of Royal Fleet Reserve men who emigrate retaining their membership of that Reserve. The men join the Royal Fleet Reserve on the understanding that they must not reside permanently outside the British Isles. Those who wish to emigrate may be granted a free discharge from the Reserve.
Naval Medical Service
asked whether there is a deficiency of sixty-six surgeons on the establishment for those officers in the Navy List; whether the number of ships in commission will probably be increased; and what steps the Admiralty intend to take to fill these vacancies?
The number of surgeons is at present fifty-four below the authorised establishment. It is hoped that the recommendations of the Committee on the Naval Medical Service, when carried into effect, will enable the deficiency to be made good.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state the cause of the unpopularity of this branch of the naval profession?
The Committee investigated the subject and made various proposals to get over the difficulties which we have at present in recruiting. I hope that as soon as those difficulties are got over we shall be able to get the necessary numbers.
Will the House be able to see what they receive in the way of pay?
Perhaps the Noble Lord will put that question down.
When will the recommendations come into force?
As more than one Department is involved I am not in a position to answer.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it affects sick-berth stewards as well?
Yes.
Naval Guns And Gun Mountings (Price)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is now in a position to say why it is contrary to public interest to state the price of guns, gun-mountings, and ammunition in detail in precisely the same way as the price of ships, hull, machinery, equipment, etc., is stated in the Navy Estimates; what is the average price of armour per ton paid by the Admiralty during the last ten years, stating the price in each particular year; and what reason is there why prices received by the Admiralty from contractors for their several requirements should not be published regularly in the same way as contract tenders are published by the municipal authorities of the United Kingdom?
Apart from the general reasons why it is undesirable to publish contract prices, which are given in a paper presented to Parliament in March, 1888 (Cd. 5348), and in the main still hold good, such information in the case of armour would tend to disclose actual weights, and in the case of guns and ammunition the standard of reserves.
Canton Disturbances
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware of dis- turbance and rioting at Canton, resulting in the loss of many lives; whether he is aware that German and American warships have already proceeded there to protect German and American subjects and interests; if he will state the British warship or warships at Canton and the name or names, tonnage, speed, and armaments thereof; and, if not at Canton, what British warships there are in Chinese waters; where they are at present; what are their tonnage, speed, and armaments; and whether they are all in a thoroughly efficient condition?
The river gunboats "Moorhen" and "Robin" have been at Canton since the 28th April. The destroyer "Handy" and the gunboats "Bramble" and "Britomart" are held in readiness at Hong Kong. The Commander-in-Chief, in telegraphing to-day, states that the situation is not serious, the outbreak during the night of the 27th April having been crushed before the news of it was received, and that His Majesty's Consul-General considers further protection is not required. According to our information, the German gunboat "Iltis" and the United States sloop "Wilmington" left Hong Kong on the 1st May for Canton.
Arising out of that, which is exceedingly satisfactory, may I express regret that the Admiralty was not equally successful recently in connection with another matter?
I do not admit that.
"Dreadnoughts" (Date Of Laying Down)
asked the latest date, according to the building period allowed in current contracts, on which ships of the "Dreadnought" type can be laid down for the British Fleet for completion in 1913?
As the current contracts for large armoured ships are for completion in two years, the latest date would be 31st December, 1911.
Merchant Ships (Carrying Guns)
asked whether a British merchant ship has the right to carry guns or arms as a protection against capture or destruction in war time by a merchant vessel of the enemy that has been provided with guns and arms for the purpose of commerce destruction?
I do not know of any law to prevent her from carrying arms or from using them in self-defence.
Naval Shipwrights (Chargemen's Wages)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware that a chargeman of shipwrights is responsible for thirty-two men; that it is a common occurrence for some of these men to receive 2s. 6d. a week more than the chargeman himself; and whether he can see his way to amend the payment of chargemen so that this inequality may disappear?
The number of men supervised by a chargeman of shipwrights may be as stated. The wages of a workman may occasionally, when on piece work, amount to more than those of the supervising chargeman, but this is the exception, not the rule. The pay of charge-men is now under consideration in connection with the annual petitions from the dockyard employés.
Royal Dockyards (Metropolitan Police)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he is aware of the hardship accruing to members of the dockyard divisions of the Metropolitan police owing to the regulation that no policeman can be permitted to serve in the same yard as a relative; and whether he will consider the advisability of amending the regulation so as to enable the sons of dockyard policemen, fortunate enough to secure dockyard apprenticeships, being allowed to work in the same yard where their fathers are on duty, seeing that the present arrangement requires either the boy to give up the position he has gained or his father to transfer himself to another yard, thereby causing the home to be broken up and other domestic and financial hardships?
The Commissioner of Metropolitan police is responsible for all matters relating to the discipline and efficiency of the dockyard police.
Would the right hon. Gentleman kindly reply to my question?
I have replied to the question. The hon. Member may not be aware that the Commissioner of Metropolitan Police is under the Home Office and not the Admiralty.
British And Foreign Naval Construction
asked on what date it is proposed to launch the battleship-cruiser "Australia"; why this vessel and the "New Zealand" have been so long upon the stocks, and the contract time for their construction from the date of order to delivery?
The "Australia" will probably be launched about the third week in October next. The contract period from date of order to date of delivery of the "New Zealand" and "Australia" is thirty months. The length of time these vessels will have been on the stocks is a matter in which the Admiralty do not interfere with the discretion of the shipbuilders, so long as there is a reasonable probability of the vessels being delivered by the contract dates, as is the case with these ships.
asked if the four armoured ships of the German 1910–11 programme and the United States battleships "New York" and "Texas" have yet been laid down; and, if so, upon what dates; and when it is anticipated they will be completed?
With regard to the German ships, I have nothing to add to the answer given to the hon. Member on the 14th February. The "Texas" was laid down during February last. We have no information regarding the date of the laying down of the "New York," but it is understood that the vessel will be laid down shortly. The time for completing these ships is thirty-six months from the date of commencement.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state when the orders were given for these ships?
The contracts were given out at the beginning of the financial year. I cannot give any information beyond that which I have already stated.
asked whether the two-year period of construction in regard to the battleships "Ajax" and "Audacious" and the battleship-cruiser "Queen Mary" is reckoned from the date of order or from the day the first keel-plate was laid; when the order for these three ships was placed; and when it is anticipated that they will be delivered to the Admiralty?
The two-year period of construction is reckoned practically from the date of order and not from the date of laying the first keel-plate, as will be seen from the following dates:—
| Date of Order. | Contract date for Delivery. | |
| 1911. | 1913. | |
| "Ajax" | 13th Jan. | 16th Jan. |
| "Audacious" | 13th Jan. | 16th Jan. |
| "Queen Mary" | 27th Feb. | 1st Mar. |
asked whether the First Lord of the Admiralty has any knowledge as to the mounting of guns of 14-in. calibre in any German battleships building or ordered; and, if so, to which programme these ships belong?
We have no official information as to the mounting of 14-in. calibre guns in any German warships.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware, officially or unofficially, that there is a 14-inch gun in construction in Germany?
I am not in a position to give any but official information.
asked whether, now that the first of the class has commenced her trials, he can state the displacement, designed horse-power, speed, and armament of the German battleships "Ostfriesland," "Helgoland," "Thuringen," and "Oldenburg"; and whether he can give similar details of the battleship-cruisers "Moltke" and "Goeben."
We have no official information regarding these vessels of the nature asked for.
Engineer-Commanders (Royal Navy)
asked the pay per day of an engineer-commander during his first two years' service in that rank?
The pay is 24s. a day, subject to the completion of sixteen years from date of promotion to engineer-lieutenant, but if he has not completed that period he remains on the scale of pay provided for engineer-lieutenants. In this connection, I must refer the hon. Member to the Written Answer I gave to the Noble Lord the Member for Portsmouth on 9th March last.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there was a circular-letter issued on 12th October, 1902, containing a proviso as to the length of period of service, and fixing the minimum rate of pay for engineer-commanders at 24s. a day, and that the money to meet this increase appeared on the Estimates for 1903–4 and 1904–5?
The hon. Gentleman is going back to a period long before I was in office. I prefer that the hon. Member should give me notice of the question, which relates to the acts of my predecessor.
Were the engineer-commanders given distinctly to understand by the circular that they were to receive 24s. a day, and does not the right hon. Gentleman think that it is very unfair to those officers that, after they had been given to understand that their pay was to be 24s. a day, it should be reduced from 24s. to 18s. per day.
I can only remind the Noble Lord that the pledge was given in 1902, and I must have time to refresh my memory before I admit any such claim. If the pledge was given it would seem to have been broken in the time of the late Government. I will refresh my memory before I answer the question.
May I ask whether the right hon. Gentleman is endeavouring to evade the responsibilities of his office?
I am not in the least evading them. I only ask for notice in regard to a question relating to matters in 1902.
Torpedo Destroyers (Collision)
asked whether the First Lord of the Admiralty has any official information to the effect that two torpedo destroyers have been in collision off the Isle of Skye; and, if so, whether the resultant damage is serious?
The "Leopard" and "Arab" have been in collision in the neighbourhood of the Isle of Skye. The "Leopard" has been damaged in the region of the fore stokehold and the "Arab" has received serious damage to the bow.
British Warships Abroad
asked for the names, tonnage, speed, and armaments of British warships in West Indian waters, stating where they are at present and if they are in a thoroughly efficient condition?
The vessels are the "Melpomene," at present en route from Bermuda to Port au Prince; the "Brilliant," which is at Bermuda, and is available for service in the West Indies when not employed in Newfoundland; and the "Scylla," which is returning to England, and will be relieved by the "Aeolus," now at Devonport. The "Scylla" is of 3,400 tons, and the remaining vessels of 3,600 tons; all are of 16; knots speed under ordinary conditions, and carry armanent as shown in the Return standing in the name of the late Sir Charles Dilke. They are in a thoroughly efficient condition.
asked the names, tonnage, speed, and armaments of any war ships at present stationed, or cruising, for the protection of British subjects, trade, shipping, and interests between Panama and Para, via Magellan or Cape Horn, and if they are all in a thoroughly efficient condition; and whether he can state the names of the German and American warships in these waters?
His Majesty's ships. "Kent" and "Challenger" are now at Callao. The "Amethyst" has just left Bahia to be relieved by the "Glasgow." These ships are in a thoroughly efficient condition. Tonnage, armament, and speed, under ordinary conditions:—
| "Kent" | … | 9,800 tons | … | 23 knots. |
| "Challenger" | … | 5,880 tons | … | 20½ Knots. |
| "Amethyst" | … | 3,000 tons | … | 22½ knots. |
| "Glasgow" | … | 4,800 tons | … | 25 knots. |
Am I to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that there are no British warships on the east coast of South America?
I have just stated that the "Amethyst" has just left Bahia, having been relieved by the "Glasgow." I think that is on the east coast.
Quite so; but the right hon. Gentleman did not pronounce the name correctly.
With reference to the vessels the right hon. Gentleman has mentioned, would he describe them as being on visit or on the station?
Some on visit, and some on station.
Morocco
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs if he is in a position to say whether the present French intervention in Morocco has been instigated by the British Government?
No, Sir; it has not been so instigated.
May I ask whether the Irish Brigade would like to give assistance to the Moors?
Imperial Preference (Mr Taft's Speech)
asked whether the Foreign Secretary's attention has been drawn to a speech delivered by the President of the United States of America at a banquet of the Associated Press at Washington on the 27th ultimo, when the President described the policy of Imperial Preference as a Chinese Wall; and whether, in view of the recent arbitration proposals between the United States and the Empire, he will cause representation to be made in the proper quarter with a view to obviate the friction likely to be caused by this remark and the consequent danger to the policy of arbitration?
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been drawn to the speech at a banquet given to the Associated Press and American Newspaper Publishing Assocaition, in which President Taft appealed to his audience, the principal representatives of the American Press, to advocate reciprocity with Canada before it was too late and before a system of preferential tariffs could he adopted binding the British Empire together; and if he will request His Majesty's Ambassador at Washington to cable a verbatim report of President Taft's speech and lay the same upon the Table of the House?
:I will reply to these questions together, the second for the Prime Minister. I have observed in the Press a report of the speech in question. I do not see in that speech any grounds for making a representation to the United States Government.
May I ask if, in the opinion of the Foreign Office, those words represent an expression of opinion by the President of the United States, or are they something in the nature of a blazing indiscretion?
No, Sir. I say nothing of the kind, and I should think a remark of that kind extremely improper.
In view of the fact that the vast majority of the people of this country hold the same view as the American President, is it not likely rather to cause harmony than friction?
On a point of Order, Mr. Speaker, may I ask your ruling as to whether an answer given to my hon. Friend the Member for Enfield was an answer given to the last part, in which I ask for cabled information?
I am afraid I cannot answer that. I do not bear all the answers in my head.
May I ask the Prime Minister to answer the last three lines of my question.
The hon. Member should have asked that question when the answer was given. We cannot go back now.
British East Africa Protectorate (Land Laws)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies on what date the present land laws of the British East Africa Protectorate came into force, for what term leases are granted to settlers thereunder, and how many applications for land have been dealt with in each of the last five years?
The answer to the first question is the 1st of October, 1902; to the second, 99 years, with a revision of rent at the end of the thirty-third and sixty-sixth years. Half-yearly returns of the land grants made from the 1st of January, 1906, to the 30th of June, 1910, will be found appended to the reports on the Protectorate for 1905–6 and the subsequent years, which have been presented to Parliament. During the half-year ended the 31st of December, 1910, the return for which has not yet been published, 121 such grants were made.
If the Government maintain the right to raise the rent at the end of thirty-three years, is not that from the point of view of the tenants the same as thirty-three years only?
No, Sir.
Is it not the fact that the rent is only raised on the unimproved value of the land and not on any improvement whatever?
Yes, Sir.
Are we to understand that there are no modifications?
I have stated exactly what the facts are in my reply.
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether a parallel to the system of land tenure now in force in the British East Africa Protectorate can be found in any other Crown Colony or Protectorate?
Yes, Sir.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say in which Colony?
In Northern Nigeria.
Is it not the fact that the same regulations are to be found in all the German Colonies?
asked whether the right hon. Gentleman was aware that the present Home Secretary, when Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, stated that the settlers in the British East Africa Protectorate should hold their land on terms making it a marketable and mortgageable security; and whether he will explain why banks in the Protectorate are not willing to make advances on the security of unimproved land held on lease?
I do not know whether these words were used by my right hon. Friend, but they undoubtedly appeared in Lord Elgin's despatch laying down the policy of revisable leases of ninety-nine years—a policy with which these words are fully consistent. I have no information as to the action of banks in the Protectorate.
Was this system submitted to the Legislative Council?
I should like notice of that question.
Emigration (Trade Disputes)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he is aware that Colonial agents are abroad in this country inducing men to emigrate with the object of taking the place of men involved in trade disputes, especially in the case of miners in Nova Scotia; and whether he will frame any regulations to prevent emigration for such purposes or promise legislation on the subject?
My attention has not previously been called to the matter. The existence of a strike at Spring Hill, Nova Scotia, has been mentioned in the Quarterly Circular on Canada published by the Emigrants' Information Office ever since the strike began in 1909, and in the current issue of the circular, dated 1st April, coal miners are warned to be cautious in going to these mines in search of work at the present time. I can promise no action to restrict the free movement of free people.
May I ask why it is that emigrants are warned about going to those mines at present?
They are warned of the facts which exist in the mines at the present moment. All emigrants or intending emigrants asking for information are given all the information which can be of use to them.
Is not the information as to strikes of this kind always circulated through the Emigrants' Information Office?
Yes, it is.
Inasmuch as the right hon. Gentleman cannot promise legislation, may I ask whether he can do anything in the matter of regulation?
I do not think so.
Coronation Procession
asked the hon. Member for Southampton, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether it is intended to carry out the suggestions of the memorandum submitted to the Coronation Committee that representatives of commerce, labour, local government, literature, science, and other factors in the life of the nation should be invited to witness the Coronation procession as His Majesty's guests?
This is not a matter for the First Commissioner. He understands, however, a reply to the memorandum was made by the Coronation Committee on Monday last.
Are we to understand that, whereas public money raised by the Estimates in this House is being spent, there is no Minister in this House or the other House responsible for this expenditure so that Members of this House are to get an opportunity of asking for information?
Public Service Requirements
asked when the Departmental Committee for considering and reporting upon the adequacy of the provision for meeting the requirements for the accommodation of the public service was appointed; who are the members of such Committee, and what progress has been made by it?
The Committee in question was appointed in November last; the First Commissioner being Chairman, and the Permanent Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of the Office of Works members. No report which could be published has been made, but as stated in my answer of Monday last to the hon. Member, the information obtained has been placed before His Majesty's Government.
asked what were the terms of reference to the Departmental Committee appointed to consider and report upon the adequacy of the provision for meeting the requirements for the accommodation of the public service; and whether such reference contains any instruction to consider the question from the point of view that the Prime Minister has promised to concede Home Rule to Ireland next year, and the housing of the staff in Dublin or elsewhere in Ireland for the transaction of the business of an independent or restricted Irish Executive Government?
Before the hon. Gentleman answers this question, may I ask him whether he is aware that the Parliament House of Ireland, whose architect was a Member of the Irish House of Commons, will be available for the restored Irish Parliament and the offices of the Irish Executive?
The inquiry of the Committee has been limited solely to the present needs for further accommodation for Public Departments in London. With regard to the latter part of the hon. Member's question, no such instruction was made to the Committee.
Case Of Elizabeth Timmins (Dudley)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, in view of the fact that Elizabeth Timmins was sentenced by the Recorder at Dudley Quarter Sessions, on Monday, 24th April, to three weeks' imprisonment as an incorrigible rogue and that she was discharged on Wednesday 26th, by order of the Home Office, he will say whether, before ordering the release of this woman, he communicated with and asked for the views of the judge who passed the sentence?
Neither I nor any one in the Home Office had heard of this case until the hon. Member' s question appeared on the Paper. I have now made inquiry, and find that the Governor released the prisoner because she had, in his opinion, earned her discharge under Section 8 of the Prison Act, 1898. Under that Section a prisoner can by good conduct and industry earn a remission of one-sixth of his sentence; and in this case, the Governor, in calculating the remission, added to the sentence of twenty-one days a period of ninety-eight days during which the woman was in prison waiting sentence, with the result that she was released on 26th April, I doubt if the Governor's reading of the law is right, but I will look further into the matter.
Appointment Of Mines Inspectors
asked the Home Secretary whether, in view of the discontent with the principle of nomination for posts of mines inspectors at present under his patronage, he will withdraw the present nomination forms, issue new stringent and minimum qualifications; and acknowledge that every candidate fulfilling these conditions has a right to competitive examination upon payment of a fee to cover examination expenses; and whether he will consider if the expenses of a journey to London and hotel expenses would then be a sufficient deterrent to unsuitable candidates?
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer I gave him on 20th April. I have no reason to think there is any general discontent with the system of filling these appointments, which has worked well, and has secured for the competitive examination a wide choice of candidates, possessing suitable qualifications, for the work of an inspector.
May I ask is the right hon. Gentleman aware that inferior men are taken and superior men refused nomination?
am certainly not aware that my hon. Friend has proved that point. Obviously questions as to who are inferior or superior are matters of opinion.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I have handed the Under-Secretary examination papers to prove that in one particular case at least the superior man has been refused nomination and the inferior has received it.
I shall be glad to be placed in possession of the data on which my hon. Friend bases his decision as to who is inferior or superior, as the data vary very widely.
Can the right hon. Gentleman see his way to do away with the nomination principle altogether?
No, I do not think it would be a good plan. I cannot debate the question now, but I should be quite ready to do so. I believe it is a very good system that there should be nominations of persons who are suitable to compete, and that then there should be open competition amongst the selected class.
Coal Dust Experiments (Committee Of Experts)
asked whether any arrangements are being made to continue the experiments with coal dust which have been carried on during the last three years by representatives of the coal owners and others at Altofts Colliery and elsewhere; and whether the Government are prepared to undertake the control and responsibility of the experiments, in view of their great importance to the mining population in the direction of the prevention of coal dust explosions?
This matter has been receiving the careful consideration of my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and myself, and I am glad now to be able to state that it has been decided to continue these experiments under the supervision of the Home Office, and that the Treasury have sanctioned the considerable expenditure that will be necessary for the purpose. The Mining Association have offered to place at the dis- posal of the Government for the purposes of the experiments the plant and instrument now in use at Altofts, an offer which I have gladly accepted, and arrangements are being made for starting work as soon as possible on a new site. I have appointed an expert committee, who will be directly in charge of the experiments, consisting of:—
Sir Henry Cunynghame, K.C.B. (Assistant-Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department, Chairman of the Royal Commission on Mines);
Mr. R. A. S. Redmayne (Chief Inspector of Mines);
Captain Desborough (one of H.M. Inspectors of Explosives);
Professor H. B. Dixon, F.R.S. (Professor of Chemistry at Manchester University); and
Mr. W. Cuthbert Blackett, Consulting Mining Engineer.
I have also requested the members of the Royal Commission on Mines and of the Coal Dust Committee of the Mining Association, under whose supervision the previous series of experiments was conducted, to act as a consultative committee in connection with the experiments. By associating the members of the Royal Commission on Mines with the expert committee, I am glad that the Government will have the advantage of the advice of the hon. Member and two of his colleagues in the Miners' Federation, the right hon. Member for the Rhondda Valley and Mr. Smillie.
Is there a certificated Manager on the Committee?
Mr. Redmayne is, of course.
Case Of George Townsend (Towcester)
asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been called to the case of George Townsend, who was charged at the Towcester divisional petty sessions with a breach of the Poaching Prevention Act, and with being in possession of a gun and live cartridges at Towcester on 14th March, for which alleged offence he was fined 30s. and his gun confiscated; if the evidence showed that Townsend was stopped by the police while cycling along the high road, on the ground that he had a gun on his cycle, had mud on his trousers, and was followed by a mongrel collie dog; if Townsend proved that he had a licence to carry a gun, and a witness for the defence declared that he had been with defendant the whole time, and they had not left, the high road; and if, in view of these facts, he proposes to take any steps in the case?
I have now made inquiry with regard to the case. The question is one of evidence, and I do not feel able upon any information at my disposal to confirm or reverse the decision to which the justices came. The prisoner had a right of appeal to quarter sessions, and his previous record comprises fifteen convictions.
Is the right of appeal any use to a man like this who is working for a wage of from 15s. to 16s. per week, and did he not pay the penalty of his previous convictions?
The question I have to settle is whether I can endeavour to retry a case unless new facts or very surprising circumstances are brought to the notice of the Home Secretary. I do not think there are any grounds for expecting me to try and judge matters which only those who see the witnesses and the prisoner can form a judgment upon.
Are we to take it for granted that the fact of a man going along a road with dirty trousers and a dog, and that he has been previously convicted, is sufficient to convict him again?
Removal Of Convicts
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether it was with his knowledge and sanction that convicts being conveyed from one prison to another were unnecessarily exposed to the public gaze; and whether he would cause such arrangements to be made as would prevent such exhibitions?
No, Sir. The hon. Gentleman knows quite well that I have given no sanction to the unnecessary exposure of convicts in transit to the public gaze. On the contrary, every convenient arrangement to prevent it is and will be made.
Has the right hon. Gentleman read the description given by a famous man of letters of the show which was made of him, when a convict, on the platform at Clapham Junction?
I have not studied his work; I do not know his name.
I will send it to the right hon. Gentleman.
Passive Resistance (Case Of Rev S J Ford)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he was aware that the magistrates at Nailsworth petty sessions had committed the Rev. S. J. Ford to prison for two months because he refused to pay an education rate of 1s. 9d., though he offered to pay the poor rate of £1 14s. 3d.; and whether he would, under the circumstances, take steps to mitigate the severity of the sentence?
Before the right hon. Gentleman replies, is it not a fact that this rev. gentleman has regularly for some years past broken the law in this respect; and that light sentences being quite ineffectual, the magistrates were unanimous in passing the sentence in question; and that two of the magistrates were Liberal Nonconformists?
The facts are as stated in the question. The sentence is stupid and vindictive, but I am advised that I have no power to annul it as the Prerogative of the Crown does not cover cases of civil debt. Mr. Ford must, therefore, suffer this ill-usage, but it is to be hoped that the moral will not be lost on the public.
Is it not a fact that of the magistrates who passed this "stupid and vindictive" sentence two were Liberal Nonconformists?
On what ground and by what right does the right hon. Gentleman say the sentence is stupid and vindictive?
Was that answer political or Ministerial?
I gave the answer to the House of Commons, speaking as the representative of the Home Office and as a Member of the House of Commons.
Can the right hon. Gentleman induce his colleague, the Lord Chancellor, to dilute the magisterial bench at Nailsworth?
What steps are the magistrates to take if a person is brought before them regularly for commit- ting an offence and upon whom light sentences have no effect?
I say that a sentence of two months imposed in these circumstances is stupid and vindictive.
Workmen's Compensation Act (Ireland)
asked the Attorney-General for Ireland why the registrars of county courts in Ireland refused to register memoranda of agreements made under the provisions of the Workmen's Compensation Act between employers and employed; whether the Belfast county court judge had upheld the registrar of that court in such refusal; whether any different regulations were in force in Irish county courts with respect to the registration of such agreements as compared with English county courts; and, if so, would he explain the reason for the difference?
I am not aware that the registrars of county courts in Ireland refuse to register memoranda of agreements under the Workmen's Compensation Act. The rule regulating the practice is No. 4 of the Rules dated 1st June, 1909, and under it, in the Belfast case referred to, the Recorder of Belfast held that a mere verbal agreement could not be registered. I understand that decision was affirmed by the Irish Court of Appeal on 24th April last. I do not know what construction is placed on the English Rule dealing with the matter—namely, No. 42 (2) of the Rules dated 19th May, 1909. The terms of the Rules do not correspond. The Irish Rules were made by the rule-making authority, no doubt upon the view taken by them of the requirements under Clause 9 of the second Schedule to the Act. There is, I believe, no difficulty whatever in complying with the Irish rule.
Census (Scotland)
asked the Lord Advocate what was the population of each county in Scotland according to the recent Census, with the increase or decrease as compared with 1901?
The population of Scotland as a whole at the 1901 Census was 4,472,103, and I am informed by the Registrar-General for Scotland that according to the preliminary examination of the returns of the recent Census the population of Scotland as a whole was 4,759,521, thus showing an actual increase of 287,418, or 6.4 per cent. during these ten years. The preliminary totals for the various counties have also been ascertained and, as they involve a number of figures, perhaps I may be allowed to circulate them with the Votes. I may add that all these figures must be regarded as approximate and subject to corrections after the Census Returns have been thoroughly examined.
Has the Lord Advocate's attention been directed to the fact that the increase stated is about 130,000 short of the expected increase? Will he bring the matter to the attention of the proper authorities in order to obtain a census in, say, five years from the present date, to see if this significant movement is continuing?
asked the Prime Minister if his attention has been directed to the significant preliminary results of the Census in Scotland; and if, in view of the growing importance of our national records and the rapidity with which industrial and social changes now develop, he will forthwith establish a permanent Census Department charged with the examination and analysis of the various factors of the national economy, and authorised to conduct a general and industrial Census at least every five years?
My attention has been called to the preliminary results of the Census in Scotland. I am not in a position at the moment to give a definite reply to the last part of my hon. Friend's question, but it will no doubt be a matter for consideration whether the Census Office, which is now engaged on the tabulation of the figures obtained at the recent Census should be continued, and whether these censuses should be taken at more frequent intervals than at present.
Is not the Census in Germany a quinquennial Census?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the landlords are driving these people from Scotland?
Financial Relations (England And Ireland)
asked the Prime Minister, in view of the anxiety created in Ireland by the appointment of the secret ex parte committee to investigate Ireland's financial relations for the sole benefit of the Cabinet, and the inference from the Chief Secretary's statements that it might attempt to set aside or neutralise the findings of the Financial Relations Commission, and the claim for restitution of excessive taxes based thereon, whether he would spare a day before Whitsuntide for the discussion of those relations in this House; and, if so, about what time; and having regard to the interests and rights of the Irish people in Ireland's financial relations, if he would say on what Irish recommendation or with what Irish concurrence the secret British committee on that subject had been appointed for the sole benefit of the Cabinet; and if he could name any Irish representative person or body that approved of the composition of that committee, or regarded it otherwise than with distrust?
I cannot add anything to the answers already given to the hon. Member on this subject by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary and myself. I am unable to give a day for the discussion of this matter.
Appointment Of Magistrates
asked the Prime Minister whether as requests were made to him soon after the Report of the Royal Commission on the Selection of Justices of the Peace was published to give this House an opportunity to discuss the terms of the Report, he would give an early day for the consideration of that Report; and that in the meantime the appointment of the Advisory Committees should not be proceeded with?
No, Sir; as I said on Monday, I should regard the discussion suggested by my hon. Friend as inopportune at the present moment. I cannot comply with the request contained in the last part of the question.
asked who had the power of appointing the members of magistracy advisory committees; whether appointments were made for a definite or indefinite period; whether the Lord Chancellor would receive recommendations from them directly or only through the lords-lieutenant; who would act as clerks of these committees; and whether these committees would be free to receive direct applications from gentlemen desiring to serve as magistrates?
The Lord Chancellor appoints the Advisory Committees. In one or two cases they have been appointed for a short, definite period, not exceeding two years, but in general no period is fixed, so that fresh Members may be added or substituted at any time. Recommendations will doubtless usually come through the lords-lieutenant, with a statement that they are sent on the advice of the Committee, but any Member of the committee can communicate direct with the Lord Chancellor, if he so desires, in regard to names or anything else. Each committee will make its own arrangements as to clerical assistance, if required. The Committees will be free to receive direct applications from any quarter, as they may think fit. It is entirely a matter for themselves.
Does the Prime Minister intend to supersede the lords-lieutenant in the appointment of magistrates?
I have nothing to do with it. The Lord Chancellor is acting on the recommendation of the Royal Commission.
Will the right hon. Gentleman assure the House that in future no appointments shall be made without coming before the advisory committees?
I understand that that is so.
Will Members of Parliament have an opportunity of recommending names to members of the advisory committees?
I understand that anyone can suggest names.
Are we to understand that recommendations of borough magistrates will also go through these committees?
So I understand.
How can the Lord Chancellor, without local knowledge, appoint advisory committees?
I cannot say. I suppose he takes the best steps he can to acquire local knowledge.
rose, but
called upon the hon. Member for Ludlow (Mr. Hunt) to put the question next in order on the Paper.
Am I not entitled to ask a supplementary question?
We have already had five or six supplementary questions. There must be a limit. We have ninety-five questions on the Paper to-day.
asked the Prime Minister whether it is the intention of the Lord Chancellor to satisfy himself that any list of proposed justices forwarded for his consideration by the Lord-Lieutenant has been before, and is approved by, the advisory committee; and whether an advisory committee has any, and, if so, what means of communicating directly with the Lord Chancellor?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative unless it be an unavoidable emergency. Any member of an advisory committee can write to the Lord Chancellor if he so desires.
Are the names of the advisory committees in all cases to be published?
I answered that question the other day.
Emigration
asked the Prime Minister hat steps he proposed to take in order to direct, as far as possible, the stream of emigration from the United Kingdom to countries within the Empire; and whether the Government proposed to accomplish this end by means of subsidy or otherwise?
The subject of emigration will be discussed at the Imperial Conference, and it is not proposed to take further steps meanwhile. His Majesty's Government is not prepared to subsidise emigration.
United States And Canada (Reciprocity Agreement)
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that if the proposed reciprocity arrangement between the United Sates and Canada was agreed to it would reduce the trade advantages now given by Canada to the United Kingdom, he proposed to take steps to prevent similar injury to our trade with the other self-governing Colonies which now give us a preferential tariff?
No, Sir.
Are we to understand from the reply that no steps will be taken to prevent our trade being excluded from our own Imperial markets?
I cannot express an opinion on that subject now.
asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that he admitted the advantage of the preference given by Canada, and of the fact that President Taft offered Canada absolute free exchange for all products with the United States, and that he offered it with the object of preventing a system of preferential trade within the British Empire, he would bring this matter up for discussion at the coming Imperial Conference, and reconsider his opposition to any form of Imperial preference?
No, Sir.
Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman will make no effort to establish reciprocity with the rest of the Empire in order to prevent our trade with our greatest dominion being taken away by the Americans? Is there no answer?
Imperial Conference
asked the Prime Minister whether it is intended that Parliament should go into recess during the sittings of the Imperial Conference?
I cannot make any announcement at present as to our future holidays.
Budget Statement
asked the Prime Minister whether his attention had been called to the resolution passed by London merchants on Monday, protesting against the delay, loss, and inconvenience caused by the uncertainty as to the date of the introduction of the Budget; and whether he can now state when this year's Budget will be introduced?
My attention has been called to the resolution referred to. My right hon. Friend, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, intends to introduce the Budget on the 15th instant.
Poor Law Legislation
asked the Prime Minister whether he has examined the speech delivered on Thursday last by the President of the Local Government Board; wheher these observations represent the considered opinion of the Cabinet as to the necessity for Poor Law legislation when time and opportunity permit; whether he has now observed the emphatic protest made by Lord George Hamilton, the chairman of the recent Royal Commission, and his suggestion for organised action; and whether, in view of the anxiety already publicly and formally expressed, he can make any statement on the subject?
I have read my right hon. Friend's speech and the letter from Lord George Hamilton which appeared in "The Times" of Monday. I gather from the full report of the speech that my right hon. Friend expressed the opinion that in view of what the Government have done and are proposing to do in connection with such matters as old age pensions, labour exchanges, land and housing reform, and insurance against invalidity and unemployment—measures which admittedly affect the treatment of destitution—the character of the problems remaining to be dealt with has been in some important respects modified. But my right hon. Friend and the Government quite realise that the necessity for Poor Law legislation, when time and opportunity permit, will not have been removed by these actual and contemplated reforms.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it is not a fact that Liberal policy aims at removing causes of poverty rather than organising it?
Scottish Agricultural Administration
asked the Prime Minister whether he had arranged to receive the deputation appointed to wait upon him by the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture in order to advocate their policy for reforming Scottish agricultural administration?
I have received an application from the Scottish Chamber of Agriculture, and I have replied that, owing to the pressure of engagements, I regretted that I was unable at the present time to receive a deputation.
Small Holding Commissionerships (New Appointments)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether the Government proposed to advertise the appointments of the six new small holdings commissionerships, with a view to securing the best qualified men; whether the professional societies, such as the Surveyors' Institution and the Land Agents' Society, had been asked to suggest the names of any suitable candidates; whether any steps had yet been taken to fill these posts; and, if so, what steps?
The answer to the first and second parts of the question is in the negative. A great many applications have been received, and these are now being considered by the President.
Will these Commissioners be appointed according to their professional qualifications or according to their political qualifications?
That question was answered yesterday.
asked whether the two existing small holdings commissioners have expressed or displayed their inability to carry on their work without having their numbers increased fourfold?
The President is responsible for the action of the Board, and it would be contrary to precedent for the opinion of permanent officials to be stated on questions of policy.
May I inquire whether the Commissioners who have hitherto done: the work have not done it efficiently, and is that the reason that their number is to be increased to six more?
The appointment of further Commissioners does not imply that the present Commissioners have not carried out their work efficiently, but that they require help in order that those who have applied for and not yet received land may get it at any earlier moment?
Do the Commissioners themselves admit that they require this help?
asked whether the six additional small holdings commissioners to be appointed will be required to have a knowledge of the value of agricultural land and of tenant right valuations; and whether this knowledge will be previously ascertained by examination?
In accordance with the Act the Commissioners must be persons possessed of a knowledge of agriculture. The answer to the latter part of the question is in the negative.
What are we to understand by knowledge of agriculture; does it mean the subjects of the question?
The hon. Gentleman must understand what the Act provides; of course it is at the discretion of the President to carry out the Act.
Will the hon. Baronet exclude from the appointments professional politicians and Members of this House?
Will the hon. Baronet also exclude from the appointments any individuals who are known to be agents for large landlords, and likely to act entirely in their interests?
In regard to both questions, the President will select the best possible men for the appointments.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture, seeing that 89,253 acres were acquired for small holdings in three years under the supervision of two commissioners, if he will explain the need for six more of these gentlemen to supervise the acquisition of the remaining 60,000 or 70,000 acres which are all that are stated to be still required?
The amount of land referred to in the latter part of the question is the estimated amount required to satisfy the present demand. Additional applications are continually being received, and the difficulties in obtaining land in the future are likely to be much greater than they have been in the past.
Are these appointments to be permanent, or are they of a temporary character?
These will be permanent appointments.
Why are the difficulties likely to be greater in the future?
The difficulty with regard to many at the present moment is that they require land near, or at a reasonable distance from, their own homes. It is more difficult to provide for these than for men who are willing to go, if need be, to a different part of the country.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture what is the estimated total additional cost to the Board consequent upon the appointment of the six additional small holdings commissioners, including outdoor assistants and clerical staff?
The total additional cost to the Board will be £3,600 for salaries. No further charge will be incurred for professional or clerical assistance.
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether, prior to the decision of the President of the Board to appoint additional small holdings commissioners, the permanent staff of the Department reported the need for further appointments, in order effectively to carry out the work?
It would be contrary to precedent to state what recommendations, if any, were made on the subject by the permanent officials of the Department.
Contagious Abortion In Cattle
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether the Board are satisfied that the experiments carried out at Killcoona, in Ireland, for the prevention of contagious abortion in cattle have solved the problem of checking and controlling the disease?
The experiments to which the hon. Member refers are only a very small part of the trials which the committee on epizootic abortion are having carried out. The results as a whole are not as yet ready for consideration, and it would therefore be premature to form any opinion. The committee hope to be in a position to make a report in a few months.
Irish Cattle (Fraudulent Marking)
asked the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture whether the promised inquiry into the alleged fraudulent marking of English cattle as Irish is yet completed; and whether he can state what, if any, are the existing regulations of the Board upon the subject?
The inquiries are not yet completed. There are no regulations on the subject.
How long is this fraud to be allowed to be carried on of passing off diseased English cows for sound Irish cattle?
The hon. Member may be quite sure that we will expedite this matter as quickly as possible.
May I ask whether the people who are committing this fraud in Yorkshire are not counterfeiting the Government veterinary brand which is put upon the cattle at the North Wall, Dublin, when they are exported?
I am inquiring into that very question.
If this allegation is true, will the hon. Baronet take immediate steps to prevent this fraud, which is certainly not the desire of the majority of the Yorkshire people?
Yes, if I have the power to do so.
Tobacco Licences
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the number of tobacco manufacturers' licences issued during the year ended 31st March, 1910, was 383 as compared with 407 during the corresponding period ended 31st March, 1909; whether in the year 1910 there was a decrease of 6,737 in the number of retailers' licences issued as compared with an increase of 4,177 in the number of those licences issued in the year 1909; and if he can say approximately what is the number of employés thrown out of employment by this decrease in the number of licences?
So far as the numbers of licences are conerned, I will refer the hon. Member to the reply of my right hon. Friend the Financial Secretary to the Treasury to the hon. Member for Mile End on 20th March. I know no reason to suppose that any employés have been thrown out of employment by the decrease in the number of licences. The available information suggests that employment in the tobacco trade as improving.
British Trade Commissioners' Reports
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether any report, not yet published, has been received at the Board of Trade from the British Trade Commissioners, or any of them, relative to the trade with Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, or Newfoundland; and if any Such report has been received, when it was received, why it has been withheld, and when it is intended to publish it?
A special report by His Majesty's Trade Commissioner for Canada has recently been published. A volume containing reports by His Majesty's Trade Commissioners for Canada, Australia, South Africa, and New Zealand is in the press and will be published shortly. These reports cover the period from the appointment of the Commissioners in 1908 to the end of 1910.
Railway Servants' Wages
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he is aware that in the week in December of each of the years 1899 to 1909, inclusive, upon which the chief British railway companies reported the actual cash earnings of their servants, in four principal departments, employing nearly half a million men, to the Board of Trade, the average earnings, as distinguished from rates of pay, per week per man were stationary at or about 25s., within a few pence; if in the same period the retail prices of food, as tested by a properly weighted index number, for London rose in the period named by over 12 per cent.; and, if so, whether, seeing that the actual average real earnings, as distinguished from rates of wages, of British railway servants fell considerably in 1899–1909, he would direct the attention of railway companies to these facts?
The facts stated in the question are correct. As, however, I have already informed my hon. Friend, the two sets of statistics are not comparable. The index number of prices measures the changes in the cast of identical articles of consumption weighted uniformly throughout the period. The statistics of average earnings measure the changes in the average remuneration of a large group of workmen whose composition is varying, without the correction of a uniform system of weighting. As my hon. Friend is aware the stationary character of the average earnings for the whole group may be not inconsistent with a progressive increase in the rates of remuneration of any or all of the classes of which the group is composed, inasmuch as it depends not only on these rates, but on the varying proportions between the higher and lower paid classes. There do not appear to be sufficient grounds for making a communication to the companies.
May I ask my right hon. Friend if it is not the case that the Prussian railway wages, measured by exactly the same statistical method, have risen by 20 per cent. in the last ten years?
My hon. Friend must give me notice of that question.
Cement Imports And Exports
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will give the value of the imports (for Home consumption) and the exports, domestic produce, of cement in the years 1903 and 1910?
The value of the cement imported into the United Kingdom for home consumption (imports less re-exports) was £408,000 in 1903, and £77,000 in 1910. The value of the cement of domestic production exported from the United Kingdom was £677,000 in 1903 and £1,062,000 in 1910.
American Cable Companies
asked the Postmaster-General whether negotiations have been completed, or are in course of completion, for the transference of the control of the Anglo-American Telegraph and the Direct United States Cable Companies to an exclusively American financial group; and, if so, whether the Government intend taking any steps to prevent the cable communication with North America being entirely dependent upon the operations of an American combine?
Negotiations are understood to be in course of completion by which the practical control of the Anglo-American Cable Company's business will pass to the Western Union Cable Company of the United States of America with which the Anglo-American Company had formerly a working agreement. No such negotiations are, as far as I am aware, now being carried on with the Direct United States Cable Company. The new arrangement will not result in the cable communication with North America being entirely dependent upon the operations of an American combine.
also asked the Postmaster-General whether his attention had been called to the negotiations which have been in progress having for their object the transfer of the control of the Anglo-American Telegraph Company to an American group; and if, having regard to the experience of American methods in connection with other mergers, and to the consequences which might follow from the transfer to an American combine of the control of one, and perhaps two, of the companies on which the United Kingdom depends for cable communication with North America, the Anglo-American Company having close relations with the Direct United States Cable Company, the Government have taken or are taking steps for the protection of British interests?
My attention has been called to the negotiations referred to by the hon. Member and I am taking steps by arranging for the Government to have certain powers of control over the rates for Transatlantic cable messages and by other measures to secure that no British interests suffer from the control of the Anglo-American Cable Company's business being in effect transferred to the Western Union Cable Company.
Will the whole matter of cable communication come before the Imperial Conference?
The question of cable communication generally will be discussed.
May I ask whether the existing agreements concerning the British Government and the Atlantic Cable Companies are affected or broken by these changes?
No, Sir; I do not think so—not the important ones. We are obtaining a very large measure of control for the first time over the rates to be charged upon the Atlantic cables.
Post Office Writers
asked how many men would be affected by the recommendation contained in paragraph 107 of the Report of the Parliamentary Committee on Post Office Servants, issued in July, 1907, that officers of the non-clerical staff in London, who have performed the duties of post office writers for not less than two years, should be transferred to the clerical establishment; whether the writers, or their representatives, have presented any memorials pointing out that the refusal to carry out the recommendation of the Committee in this particular instance constitutes a legitimate grievance; what reason has been assigned for such refusal; if substantially all other findings of the Committee, about the interpretation of which there is no dispute, have been put into force, whether favourable or unfavourable, to the post office staff; and does he expect soon to see his way to so deal with the case of the writers also, so as to satisfy them that they have not been specially excluded from benefits recommended by the Parliamentary Committee?
The number of men in the London postal service who would be affected by the recommendation in question is approximately 220. I have had before me a number of memorials and received a deputation from the officers interested. My predecessor decided not to adopt the Committee's recommendation, partly because of representations made to him by the association which represents the general body of the class mainly concerned, and partly because the writing duties, if taken from the general body and worked separately, would not be sufficiently responsible to warrant the creation of any but minor clerical appointments. If such appointments were created the pay they would carry in a large proportion of cases would be less than that now given for ordinary sorting duty, and the prospects of promotion would be worsened. In many cases the work could not easily or properly be separated from the current operative work, and duties which consist of writing only with their regular hours form a welcome addition to the general duties of sorters. My predecessor made it clear on more than one occasion that while he undertook to carry out the recommendations of the Select Committee in matters of alterations of scales, etc., he reserved to himself the right to review their recommendations where they dealt simply with organisation. I regret that I cannot see my way to modify the decision already communicated to the officers concerned.
East Central Postal District
asked whether an increase of staff, amounting to seventy-two postmen and fifty-eight sorters, was granted by the Treasury early in March of this year for the purpose of meeting the requirements of increase of work, etc., in the East Central district office; and whether he will give the number of hours extra duty performed by sorters and postmen respectively for the two weeks ending the 8th and 15th April last?
In March last the Treasury authorised the employment of the following additional staff:—Fifty-eight sorters, seventy postmen, and five porters. During the weeks ended the 8th and 15th April the additional officers were not rendering full service, as most of them were under training in the school of instruction. Consequently overtime to the following extent had to be incurred:—
| Sorters. Hours. | Postmen. Hours. | |
| Week ended 8th April | 2,456 | 6,138 |
| Week ended 15th April | 1,896 | 5,434 |
Dispatch Of Mails (Fishguard And Liverpool)
asked whether when a Cunard steamer arrived at Fishguard her mails were at once landed by tender and despatched immediately to London by the Great Western Railway Company, but that when, owing to the weather, as had happened on several occasions since the beginning of last month, the Cunard vessels had not been able to land their mails at Fishguard, and had carried them on to Liverpool, they had been seriously delayed there; for example, in the case of the "Lusitania," which vessel passed the Fastnet about 10.15 a.m. on the 6th March and was understood to have reached the Mersey about midnight, her mails were not landed for ninny hours after, and were alleged not to have reached London until 3.30 p.m. on the 7th March; and, in the circumstances, whether lie would make arrangements so that when the mails cannot be landed at Fishguard they shall be forwarded from Liverpool without delay after arrival there?
The mails conveyed by the Cunard packets arriving at Liverpool are landed and despatched to their destinations as expeditiously as possible in the varying circumstances. In the case of an arrival at night the mails are landed by tender when weather permits. On the occasion to which the hon. Member refers, the "Lusitania" came to anchor in the Mersey at 3.55 a.m. The mail consisted of over 3,400 bags, and the weather conditions were such that it was found impracticable to land the whole mail by tender. The packet came along- side the landing stage at 6.40 a.m., but the congestion of traffic at the Riverside Station made it impossible to despatch the mail train to London until 11.40 a.m. I have since taken measures which will, I hope, prevent any future occurrence of the kind.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Irish mails are carried to Fishguard and Liverpool, and is it not a fact that by that means they are delayed about tweny-four hours?
There is, on the whole, no delay compared with the old system, under which the boats stopped at Queenstown.
Small Holdings Act—(Merionethshire County Council Scheme)
I beg to ask the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Agriculture a question of which I have given him private notice, whether it is the ease that the President of the Board, Earl Carrington, vetoed the compulsory order of the county council of Merionethshire for acquiring land for small holdings in that county?
Yes, Sir.
Can the hon. Baronet give the House the reasons why the Board took that action?
Division No. 218.]
| AYES.
| [3.50 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Brunner, J. F. L | Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Bryce, J. Annan | Davies, M. Vaughan- (Cardigan) |
| Adamson, William | Burke, E. Haviland- | Dawes, James Arthur |
| Addison, Dr. C. | Burns, Rt. Hon. John | Delany, William |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas | Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas |
| Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R. | Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.) | Devlin, Joseph |
| Alden, Percy | Buxton, Rt. Hon. Sydney C. (Poplar) | Dewar, Sir J. A. |
| Allen, Arthur Acland (Dumbartonshire) | Byles, William Pollard | Dickinson, W. H. |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Carr-Gomm, H. W | Dillon, John |
| Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry | Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) | Doris, W. |
| Baker, H. T. (Accrington) | Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood) | Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) |
| Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) | Chancellor, H. G. | Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) |
| Barlow, Sir John Emmett (Somerset) | Chapple, Dr. William Allen | Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid) |
| Barnes, G. N. | Clancy, John Joseph | Elverston, H. |
| Barran, Sir J. (Hawick) | Clough, William | Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Clynes, J. R. | Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) |
| Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.) | Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) | Falconer, J. |
| Barton, William | Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Fenwick, Charles |
| Beale, W. P. | Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Ferens, T. R. |
| Beauchamp, Edward | Condon, Thomas Joseph | Ffrench, Peter |
| Beck, Arthur Cecil | Corbett, A. Cameron (Glasgow) | Field, William |
| Benn, W. W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.) | Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. | Fitzgibbon, John |
| Bentham, G J. | Cotton, William Francis | Flavin, Michael Joseph |
| Boland, John Pius | Cowan, W. H. | France, G. A. |
| Booth, Frederick Handel | Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) | Gelder, Sir William Alfred |
| Bowerman, Charles W. | Crawshay-Williams, Eliot | Gibson, Sir James P. |
| Boyle, D. (Mayo, N.) | Crooks, William | Gill, A. H. |
| Brace, William | Crumley, Patrick | Ginnell, L. |
| Brady, J. P. | Cullinan, J. | Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford |
| Brigg, Sir John | Davies, Ellis William (Ellion) | Goldstone, Frank |
| Brocklehurst, W. B. | Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) | Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) |
I think my hon. Friend will see lie must give me notice of that question. It would be impossible for me to give the reasons of my Noble Friend without notice.
Bills Presented
Music And Dancing Licences Bill
"To amend the Law as regards Music and Dancing Licences in London and parts of certain adjoining counties," presented by Mr. HARRIS; to be read a second time upon Thursday, 11th May, and to be printed.
Infanticide Bill
"To alter the Law with regard to the sentence upon a mother convicted of the murder of her infant child," presented by Mr. PALMER; supported by Sir Frederick Low and Mr. Penry Williams; to be read a second time upon Wednesday next, and to be printed.
Business Of The House
moved, "That the Proceedings on the Parliament Bill, if under discussion at Eleven o'clock this night, be not interrupted under the Standing Order (Sittings of the House)."
Question put.
The House divided: Ayes, 271; Noes, 169.
| Griffith, Ellis J. (Anglesey) | M'Laren, H. D. (Leics., Bosworth) | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) |
| Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | M'Laren, F. W. S. (Lincs., Spalding) | Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) |
| Gulland, John W. | M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe) | Roberts, George H. (Norwich) |
| Hackett, John | M'Micking, Major Gilbert | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) |
| Hall, Frederick (Normanton) | Manfield, Harry | Robinson, Sidney |
| Hancock, J. G | Marks, G. Croydon | Roche, Augustine (Louth) |
| Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis (Rossendale) | Martin, J. | Roche, John (Galway, E.) |
| Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | Mason, David M. (Coventry) | Rose, Sir Charles Day |
| Hardie, J. Keir | Masterman, C. F. G. | Rowlands, James |
| Harmsworth, R. L. | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) | Rowntree, Arnold |
| Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) | Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter |
| Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.) | Menzies, Sir Walter | Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) |
| Harwood, George | Millar, James Duncan | Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees) |
| Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) | Molloy, M. | Scanlan, Thomas |
| Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | Molteno, Percy Alport | Scott, A. MacCallum (Glasgow, Bridgeton) |
| Haworth, Arthur R. | Money, L. G. Chiozza | Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B. |
| Hayden, John Patrick | Mooney, J. J. | Sheehy, David |
| Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | Morrell, Philip | Sherwell, Arthur James |
| Henry, Sir Charles S. | Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C. | Simon, Sir John Allsebrook |
| Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor | Murray, Capt. Hon. Arthur C. | Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe) |
| Higham, John Sharp | Nannetti, Joseph P. | Smith, H. B. L. (Northampton) |
| Hinds, John | Needham, Christopher T. | Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) |
| Hodge, John | Neilson, Francis | Spicer, Sir Albert |
| Holt, Richard Durning | Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster) | Strachey, Sir Edward |
| Hope, John Deans (Haddington) | Nolan, Joseph | Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West) |
| Horne, Charles Silvester (Ipswich) | Norman, Sir Henry | Summers, James Woolley |
| Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Norton, Capt. Cecil W. | Sutton, John E. |
| Hughes, Spencer Leigh | O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) | Taylor, John W. (Durham) |
| Hunter, W. (Govan) | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Tennant, Harold John |
| Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel | O'Doherty, Philip | Thomas, J. H. (Derby) |
| Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh) | O'Dowd, John | Toulmin, George |
| Johnson, William | Ogden, Fred | Trevelyan, Charles Philips |
| Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea) | O'Grady, James | Ure. Rt. Hon. Alexander |
| Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil) | O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) | Verney, Sir Harry |
| Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) | O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) | Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince) |
| Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe) | O'Malley, William | Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) |
| Joyce, Michael | O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) | Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| Kellaway, Frederick George | O'Shaughnessy, P. J. | Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay |
| Kelly, Edward | O'Sullivan, Timothy | Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) |
| Kennedy, Vincent Paul | Palmer, Godfrey M. | Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) |
| King, Joseph (Somerset, North) | Parker, James (Halifax) | Watt, Henry A. |
| Lambert, George (Devon, Molton) | Pearce, William (Limehouse) | Webb, H. |
| Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) | Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) | Wedgwood, Josiah C. |
| Lardner, James Carrige Rushe | Phillips, John (Longford, S.) | White, Sir Luke (York, E.R.) |
| Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West) | Pickersgill, Edward Hare | White, Patrick (Meath, North) |
| Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rl'nd,Cockerm'th) | Pointer, Joseph | Whitehouse, John Howard |
| Leach, Charles | Pollard, Sir George H. | Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| Levy, Sir Maurice | Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. | Whyte, Alexander F. (Perth) |
| Lewis, John Herbert | Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) | Wiles, Thomas |
| Logan, John William | Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Lundon, Thomas | Primrose, Hon. Nell James | Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) |
| Lyell, Charles Henry | Pringle, William M. R. | Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, West) |
| Lynch, Arthur Alfred | Radford, George Heynes | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) |
| Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) | Rainy, A. Rolland | Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) |
| Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) | Raphael, Sir Herbert H. | Wood, T. M'Kinnon (Glasgow) |
| Maclean, Donald | Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields) | Young, Samuel (Cavan, E.) |
| Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. | Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) | |
| MacNeill, John Gordan Swift | Reddy, Michael | |
| MacVeagh, Jeremiah | Redmond, John E. (Waterford) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Master |
| M'Callum, John M. | Redmond, William (Clare) | of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth. |
| McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald | Rendall, Atheistan |
NOES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F. | Beresford, Lord C. | Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry |
| Agg-Gardner, James Tynte | Bigland, Alfred | Clay, Capt. H. H. Spender |
| Anstruther-Gray, Major William | Bird, Alfred | Clive, Percy Archer |
| Ashley, W. W. | Boscawen, Sackville T. Griffith- | Clyde, James Avon |
| Astor, Waldorf | Boyle, W. L. (Norfolk, Mid) | Cooper, Richard Ashmole |
| Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J. | Boyton, James | Courthope, George Loyd |
| Baker, Sir R. L. (Dorset, N.) | Bridgeman, W. Clive | Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) |
| Balcarres, Lord | Bull, Sir William James | Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet) |
| Baldwin, Stanley | Burdett-Coutts, W. | Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian |
| Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.) | Burgoyne, A. H. | Croft, H. P. |
| Banbury, Sir Frederick George | Burn, Cal. C. R. | Dairymple, Viscount |
| Barnston, Harry | Butcher, J. G. | Dixon, C. H. |
| Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.) | Cassel, Felix | Eyres-Monsell, B. M. |
| Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc., E.) | Castlereagh, Viscount | Falle, B. G. |
| Bathurst, Charles (Wilton) | Cator, John | Fell, Arthur |
| Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks | Cautley, H. S. | Fitzroy, Hon. E. A. |
| Beckett, Hon. W. Gervase | Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) | Fleming, Valentine |
| Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) | Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) | Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead) |
| Bentinck, Lord H. Cavendish | Chaloner, Colonel R. G. W. | Forster, Henry William |
| Foster, Philip Staveley | Lansbury, George | Rice, Hon. W. F. |
| Frewen, Moreton | Larmor, Sir J | Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) |
| Gardner, Ernest | Law, Andrew Boner (Bootle, Lancs.) | Ronaldshay, Earl of |
| Gastrell, Major W. H. | Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End) | Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) |
| Gibbs, George Abraham | Locker-Lampson, G. (Sallsbury) | Sanders, Robert Arthur |
| Gilmour, Captain J. | Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey) | Sanderson, Lancelot |
| Goldsmith, Frank | Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R. | Sandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells) |
| Goulding, Edward Alfred | Long, Rt. Hon. Walter | Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.) |
| Grant, J. A. | Lonsdale, John Brownlee | Stonier, Beville |
| Greene, W. R. | Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (Hanover Sq.) | Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) |
| Gretton, John | Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droltwich) | Starkey, John R. |
| Guinness, Hon. W. E. | MacCaw, Wm J. MacGeagh | Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staffordshire) |
| Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne) | Mackinder, H. J. | Steel-Maltland, A. D. |
| Hambro, Angus Valdemar | M'Calmont, Colonel James | Stewart, Gershom |
| Hamersley, A. St. George | M'Mordie, Robert | Swift, Rigby |
| Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington, S.) | Magnus, Sir Philip | Talbot, Lord E. |
| Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) | Malcolm, Ian | Terrell, G. (Wilts, N.W.) |
| Hardy, Laurence | Mallaby-Deeley, Harry | Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North) |
| Harris, Henry Percy | Mason, James F. (Windsor) | Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, North) |
| Helmsley, Viscount | Middlemore, John Throgmorton | Thorne, William (West Ham) |
| Henderson, Major H. (Berks.) | Mildmay, Francis Bingham | Touche, George Alexander |
| Hill, Sir Clement L. | Mount, William Arthur | Tryon, Capt. George Clement |
| Hill-Wood, Samuel | Newdegate, F. A. | Valentia, Viscount |
| Hoare, S. J. G. | Newman, John R. P. | Walker, Col. William Hall |
| Hope, Harry (Bute) | Newton, Harry Kottingham | Wheler, Granville C. H. |
| Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) | Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) | White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport) |
| Horner, A. L. | Nield, Herbert | Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset, W.) |
| Houston, Robert Paterson | Norton-Griffiths, J. (Wednesbury) | Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud |
| Hunter, Sir C. R. (Bath) | O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid) | Wood, Hen. E. F. L. (Ripon) |
| Ingleby, Holcombe | Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. | Wood, John (Stalybridge) |
| Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East) | Paget, Almeric Hugh | Worthington-Evans, L. |
| Joynson-Hicks, William | Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend) | Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George |
| Kebty-Fletcher, J. R. | Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) | Yate, Col. C. E. |
| Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr | Peel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge) | Younger, George |
| Kerry, Earl of | Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton) | |
| Kimber, Sir Henry | Perkins, Walter Frank | |
| Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement | Pryce-Jones, Colonel E. | TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. |
| Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford | Quilter, William Eley C. | Hunt and Mr. Meysey-Thompson. |
| Lane-Fox, G. R. | Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel |
Parliament Bill—Thirteenth Day
Bill considered in Committee.—[ Progress, 2nd May.]
(TN THE COMMITTEE.)
[Mr. EMMOTT in the Chair.]
Preamble
Whereas it is expedient that provision should be made for regulating the relations between the two Houses of Parliament:
And whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis, but such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation:
And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, but it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords:
Be it therefore enacted by the King's most Excellent Majesty, by and with the advice and consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons, in this present Parliament assembled, and by the authority of the same, as follows:—
I beg to move, to leave out the words:—
"And whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis, but such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation: "And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, but it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords." The Amendment proposes to cut out entirely the Preamble of this Bill and leave-only the operative Clauses, or, in other words, it relieves this Parliament from any obligation to pass any supplementary legislation of a constitutional character, and therefore leaves the House free to deal with other and, as I think, more important matters connected with the interests of the people. I regret having to move this Amendment. I would much rather have voted with the Government to the end of this Bill, as I and all my Friends have voted with them so far from the beginning. We feel, however, we must part company here, because we have given certain pledges to our Constituents and given them largely at the instance of the Government, and because we believe this Preamble is altogether inconsistent with the attitude we have taken up outside as well as inside this House. Although we are moving the deletion of the Preamble, we are by no means of the opinion that this Bill minus the Preamble is the final word that must be said in regard to the Constitution. If the operative Clauses of this Bill take effect, we shall still have the absurdity of a body outside the representatives of the people having a suspensory Veto over the proceedings of the representatives of the people, and we shall still have the further absurdity of that outside and superior body, consisting of men who are Members of it simply because they happen to be the sons of their fathers. We are, therefore, by no means satisfied with the Bill as a final thing with regard to the Constitution, but we think we are not called upon to deal with the Constitution for all time. We are only called upon to deal with it for our own day and generation. Looking at it, therefore, from a practical point of view, we object to the Preamble for three reasons, any one of which I think would be sufficient to condemn it. In the first place, we say it is not wanted by anybody who is dissatisfied with the present condition of things, or by those who have been demanding this particular reform we have been discussing during the last week or two. In the second place, we object to it because we think it is on the wrong lines, and in the third place we object to it because we believe further legislation of this character would involve this House and the country in a long and bitter controversy, during which the interests of the people would be put in the background. Incidentally, I may say that any Government which attempted it would probably be broken into fragments. I should like to say a word or two on each of those headings. First of all, I say the Preamble is not wanted by the people and there has been no demand for it. It may seem rather strange to say that, having regard to the fact that the Parliament Bill, including the Preamble, was before the country five months ago. I venture to say that does not amount to much. The people on that occasion had a sort of Hobson's choice, and they could not help themselves. In order to truly appreciate the vote then given, one must go back a little to the election which took place in January last year, and one might almost go back to the time when the late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman submitted his Resolution to this House. The Resolution then moved by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman said:—Many speeches were delivered, both inside and outside this House, following the time when that Resolution was adopted; but so far as I have been able to trace not a single word up to the beginning of last year was said by those speaking for the Government as to any reform or reconstitution of the House of Lords. Nothing was said about that until we had come back to this House in January last year. I have been to the trouble of looking over the Addresses of Ministers in January last year, and I find that in only two cases—in the cases of the Foreign Secretary and the Secretary of State for War—is there any reference made to a Second Chamber at all. There were in the Addresses of those two right hon. Gentlemen certain vague and shadowy expressions of opinion in favour of a Second Chamber, and it might be inferred that they were in favour of some such legislation as is projected by this Preamble; but outside those two right hon. Gentlemen—and I have gone over eighteen Addresses, and I have a summary of them here—the Members of the Government asked for the people's votes in January of last year on the simple principle of reducing the power of the House of Lords. Not a single one of them had a word to say in regard to the reform of the House of Lords to which this Preamble would commit us. Nor was there anything said, after the introduction of that vague reference in the King's Speech, which, as the House will remember, was followed by a vigorous and fairly general protest from this side of the House, about reform in the Resolution subsequently submitted, and the reintroduction of the idea of reform came somewhat as a surprise to most of us when it was introduced into the Preamble of this Bill, without, as I submit, any mandate on the part of the people outside. I think I have made my first point good, that in the election at the beginning of last year there was no mandate for this particular part of the Bill, and, inasmuch as the election at the end of the year was only a sort of superelection—one arising out of the other at the beginning of the year—I say there was no mandate on the part of the people for the introduction of this Preamble at all. My second point, and I think it is the strongest, is that, even assuming the need for something more being done in the way of altering the Constitution, the particular proposal foreshadowed by this Preamble is altogether on the wrong lines. I speak, of course, quite candidly, as a Single-Chamber man, and, speaking on behalf of all those with whom I am associated, and who I think are all Single-Chamber men, I say we believe a Second Chamber of any sort or kind is a needless and useless encumbrance, and is, moreover, an insult to a free community. I noticed the Postmaster-General the other day said there was a reason for a Second Chamber, because one was afraid that in the absence of a Second Chamber this House would be inclined to go too fast."In order to give effect to the will of the people as expressed by their elected representatives, it is necessary that the power of the other House to alter or reject Bills passed by this House should be so restricted by law as to secure that within the limits of the single Parliament the final decision of this House shall prevail."
I did not say that.
I accept the withdrawal, or rather the correction, of the right hon. Gentleman, but it does not matter much, because, if he has not said it, there are plenty of others who have said it. I am in the recollection of many of those present when I say that appears to be what I might call the modern argument on the Progressive side in regard to the House of Lords. Fashions in this matter change. I am old enough to remember when it was always said there was a need for a House of Lords because this House in the absence of the House of Lords would be too revolutionary, and the country would not stand it. I believe neither in the one argument or the other. I believe, if the will of the people is to prevail, it ought to prevail through their elected representatives, and, if, through their representatives, the people do things too fast or too slow, they themselves have to suffer, and through their suffering they would avoid similar mistakes in the future. The Prime Minister a few weeks ago gave utterance to a few words which, I think, are very true. Speaking for the Government, he said:—
I think Burke put it even better, and more tersely, when he said:—"We say the assumption is, the House of Commons freely elected by the constituencies in the country, represent for the time being the opinions and aims of the country."
Why blur this "image of the nation" by a fancy House at the other end of the passage? The Prime Minister went on to say the House of Commons, after a certain time, ceased to be so fully or freely representative of the nation, and he argued from that the need for some check. With all due deference to the Prime Minister, we say this at all events is wrong sort of check. If it be necessary to have a check, which we do not admit for a moment, because this House may do things which are foolish or not in keeping with the wishes of the people, then the true remedy is to still further limit the duration of Parliament, so that they may come more frequently in touch with the will of the people, and, as a necessary corollary, to still further shorten the suspensory veto at the other end of the passage. Any other method we believe to be condemned by both experience and theory. If one looks to the Second Chambers of the world and examines their work one finds that in every single case, so far as those Chambers are checks on the Representative Chamber, they are simply checks in the interests of vested wrongs. I was talking to a man yesterday, a Member of one of the State Senates in Australia, and he said that in that particular State, the State of Victoria, there was a Single Chamber based on the elective principle on a £15 franchise, which, I suppose, approximates very closely to the Parliamentary franchise in this country, and which he suggested was even a greater obstructive weapon than the one with which we are familiar in this country. It may also be said of the Senate of the United States of America that that. Senate has always been an even greater bulwark for such interests in America than has the House of Lords in this country. We say, looking at the matter purely from the point of view of experience, that there is no need and no justification whatever for a House of Lords in any shape or form. Nor do we think it is possible for the wit of man to devise any scheme for a House of Lords which would fulfil the functions and powers it is desired should be given effect to. This is a matter on which we are left largely to argument. We do not know what the proposals of the Government are. They speak of a reconstituted Second Chamber, of a popularly elected Second Chamber. But, so far as we know, the Second Chamber to be set up may be partly nominated and partly elected. Whatever form it may take, whatever may be its constitution, we stand four square against it. We say that this Chamber, or a Chamber elected on this particular basis of representation, is quite sufficient for the people of this country. It will enable them to carry out their will. There is one objection that applies to all Second Chambers: of necessity they will always be based on a fixed number, and, inasmuch as that is so, they will more or less impinge on the Prerogative of the Crown, which, in this respect, means the privilege of the people. Therefore, we are against it. Finally, the third reason we are against this Preamble is because, if adopted, it would land this House and this country in a long controversy the end of which no man can foresee. It will probably last for years, and during that time the pressing problems with which we are primarily concerned will, of course, have to be neglected. We have already spent nearly two years on this matter, and I suppose we should spend another two years before we succeed in getting this scheme through. I think the Government should have been warned by the fate of the Opposition in this matter. They know that during the last two or three years the Opposition have been putting forward schemes for the reform and reconstitution of the House of. Lords. The ground is strewn with the wrecks of these schemes, and the net result has been to sow dissension in their own ranks. Meantime, what is going on? From Scotland every week people are going out to Canada and the United States, and to other parts of the world, because they find it impossible to earn a living in their own country. I know the meaning of the cheers from the benches opposite which have greeted this statement. I know hon. Members want to see us involved in another prolonged controversy about Fiscal Reform. But I want this House to get down to business. I want it to inquire into the cause why Scotland is being bled at every pore of the best of its population. I want the House to give its time to these questions rather than to devote its attention to discussions upon the House of Lords and on Fiscal Reform. It is for this reason that I am bringing forward this Amendment on behalf of the Labour party. In so doing I am voicing not only the opinions and sentiments of the Labour party, but the opinions and sentiments of vast masses of men behind the Government, who look upon the House of Lords as a sort of infliction. They may have no desire to see the House of Lords immediately destroyed; hut they desire that its powers should be reduced until ultimately they are reduced to vanishing point, so that this House, which is really representative of the people, and custodian of their interests, shall be in a position, for the first time, to give really full effect to the people's desires."The virtue, spirit, and essence of the House of Commons consists in its being a complete image of the nation."
I should like, with the indulgence of the Committee, to state at once the general considerations which govern our attitude in this matter. The hon. Member who has just spoken commenced his observations in support of this Amendment with the expression of his opinion that the reform of the Second Chamber contemplated by the Preamble is not wanted in a case of this kind. That is not an argument which the Government, or those who supported it at the recent General Election, can admit. The scheme which we then placed before the country in very clear terms is embodied not only in the Clauses, but also in the Preamble of this Bill, and that scheme which, first and foremost, is necessarily a preliminary step to all subsequent legislation, is the abolition of the absolute Veto of the Second Chamber. The operative Clauses of this Bill to which the Committee have given assent, if they are passed into law, will carry out that primary intention. We have always, during the controversy which has been going on for the last twelve or fifteen months, said that, although that was the first necessary and indispensable step to be taken with regard to the relations between the two Houses, yet, in our opinion, it was not a complete solution of the problem. If we look at the history of this controversy before the General Election in January last year, we have to go back to the Resolutions moved by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman in the month of June, 1907. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was careful, on the 24th June in that year, to say this:—
It is not offered there as an alternative proposal for the reconstitution of the Second Chamber, but as a necessary preliminary to the readjustment of the relations between the two Chambers in order to get something like fair play between the two parties in the State. My hon. Friend says that in the King's Speech at the opening of Parliament in February, 1910, this subject was dealt with. Attention was called to the fact that this was part of the policy of His Majesty's advisers. Although it is perfectly true that the three Resolutions submitted later on for the acceptance of the House of Commons did not then commit the House to the position of a reformed Second Chamber, I was most careful to make the position plain. In my speech, on 29th March, 1910, I dealt at considerable length with the whole question, and I said:—"Let me point out that the plan which I have sketched to the House does not in the least preclude or prejudice any proposals which may he made for the reform of the House of Lords itself."
I go on to describe what I think ought not to be the characteristics of the body entrusted with a duty of that kind. We have always said, in this anti-Veto policy, both in the country and in the House of Commons, that we do not think the country should be controlled by a Second Chamber constituted as the present House of Lords is. There are in fact only two alternatives to the position. One is that put forward by the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, that you should have a Single Chamber. I do not regard that proposition with so much horror as some people, as there was a time when I was not indisposed towards it. But experience may perhaps have modified the views I entertained in my earlier and perhaps more impulsive days on that subject. I am satisfied in the interests of this country and of every democratic country, and I think the experience of mankind bears out the proposition, it is desirable that we should have a properly constituted Second Chamber clothed with definite and limited functions—not in any sense com- peting with, as the organ of popular will, the primarily elected representatives of the people. We should have, not predominantly partisan in composition, nor excessive in numbers, a Second Chamber which would be capable of exercising those functions of revision, consultation, and delay to which I have referred. I confess that I have never for many years past deviated from that position. I should regard it as not in the best interests of democratic and progressive legislation in this country that we should remove from our constitutional organism such a body as I have described, with functions which are useful, indeed essential, to the proper conduct of legislation. Therefore I am not with my hon. Friend when he says that he is in favour of a Single Chamber. Nor, if I can judge from what has happened in the recent electoral history of this country, are the people of this country in favour of that system. We presented our policy exactly in the form in which it is stated in this Bill—a policy which consists in the first place of the removal of the Veto of the House of Lords and of the establishment of the principle, as this Bill does establish it, subject I agree to a number of very elaborate safeguards against precipitate and ill-considered legislation, of the predominance of the House of Commons. But we also said not that we should accompany that change, but that we should supplement and complete it with proposals for the reconstitution of the Second Chamber. I have often said, and I do not think it has been seriously contested, that the country at the last General Election, if it decided anything at all, was decisively in favour of the proposition put before it by the Government. We should not be therefore carrying out the expressed wish of the electorate who sent us here if we were to excise from the Preamble of this Bill the words which the hon. Gentleman asks us to delete; we should be absolutely false to the pledges and professions which we made. On the other hand, if, as I said a few minutes ago, on grounds of reason and expediency, and also on grounds of political consistency, we cannot support the proposal that this country should hereafter be governed by a Single Chamber, are we satisfied with the present composition of the Chamber which exercises those functions? There is no need for argument, because there is not a single man on either side of the House who is prepared to maintain the affirmative of that proposition. The Second Chamber must be reconstituted upon a new basis—I should be out of order if I were to discuss the various alternative suggestions which have been made—a basis at any rate widely different from, if not diametrically opposed to the basis on which it rests at present. That, I think, is common ground with all parties in all parts of the House and in every part of the country. Let me say with regard to that, and here I am addressing, not hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway so much as hon. Gentlemen opposite, that we are often charged with having in this Preamble offered what I may call a pinch of incense to the principle of the Second Chamber without any sincerity of heart or purpose, and if not with intention at least leaving open to ourselves the possibility of for ever doing nothing in the matter. I have said, and, I think in the most explicit terms more than once, that His Majesty's present Government do regard it as an obligation, if time permits, to propose, within the lifetime of the present Parliament, a scheme with that object. I have said that more than once, and I say it again. But I do not ask the House—my own supporters or those who oppose us—to rely on their belief absolute or more or less qualified in the desire of the Government, to fulfil their promises. It is a course which is absolutely dictated to them when you look at the actual necessities of the case. Look at this Bill. I think it, is a very good and a very necessary Bill, and that it will, for the first time, when a progressive majority has been returned by the country, emancipate the House of Commons, and enable it, in course of time, to make its opinion predominant in the legislation of the country. I am prepared to defend it on that ground, not as a measure for the establishment of the domination of a Single Chamber, but as a measure carrying out the essential and fundamental principles of democratic Government, which are that in the long run that the opinions of the elected representatives of the people should prevail. But I am not at all satisfied, and I do not think any person of democratic sentiment ought to be satisfied with this Bill as a final solution. Just see the situation in which it places us. In the first place, as against a Liberal Government, this Parliament Bill imposes most severe restrictions and obstacles in the way of discussion, re-discussion, and delay to democratic measures, and gives the power of raising these obstacles and persisting in them to a body which is entirely partisan and totally unrepresentative. I consider that, although the situation will be undoubtedly very much better than it has been in days gone by under this Bill, we are seriously handicapped, and handicapped largely, by reason of the composition and character of the Second Chamber which at present exists. Therefore, from the simplest and most elementary motives of self-interest, it ought to be, and must be, our object to effect a change in the character and composition of that Chamber. That is as it will be against a Liberal Government. Now take the other case. Suppose what is conceivable and what, no doubt, right hon. Gentlemen opposite regard as far from improbable, that at the next or at some future election we find a Conservative majority in power in this House—[an HON. MEMBER: "Impossible"]—I will not be so sanguine about it one way or the other, but I will assume that it is among the probabilities of our political system. How does the matter stand then? The Parliament Bill then provides us with no security whatever against the domination of a Single Chamber. The House of Lords remains as it is and we shall be back in the morass of Single-Chamber Government in which we floundered during the whole ten years from 1895 to 1906. The House of Lords remaining as it is, this House has only to decree the kind of legislation the Conservative majority wishes and that legislation goes through without any of those safeguards of one, two, or three Sessions, two years and so forth on oiled castors. It will be in the power of such a body to tear up the Parliament Bill within a single year without any Referendum or Joint Session or any of those other safeguards to see that the considered will of the people really prevails. Therefore this Bill, excellent as it is, large as is the advance it makes in the way of the emancipation of the House of Commons when you have a progressive majority here, does not in the converse state of things in itself and by itself improve the position of things so long as you have got as your Second Chamber a body which, as I have said, is wholly unrepresentative in its composition and dominantly partisan in its character. So long as there is, as there is, a Conservative majority in this Upper House you will have all the disadvantages of Single-Chamber Government. Therefore, from whichever point of view you put it—whether you contemplate the possibility of the existence of a Liberal and progressive majority or the existence of a Conservative and Unionist majority you have here only a partial solution of the difficulties which our Constitution at present presents. The measures contemplated in this Preamble are essentially necessary if we are to offer to the country a complete solution in a democratic and national sense of our constitution difficulties. I hope that is enough to show two things. In the first place, that we regard it as our business and our duty imposed upon us by the people of this country to get this measure through first. Until this measure is got through we are impotent, our hands are manacled and our feet fettered. We can do nothing to carry out those large measures of political and social reform on which we believe the hearts and intentions of a large majority of our fellow citizens are set. That is the first duty which the electorate has imposed upon us. At the same time, while performing it we think it would not be right to omit this solemn declaration of the intention of Parliament to complete the emancipation of the first House of the Legislature, and to secure the real predominance of the will of the people by such a complete change and reconstitution on a popular basis of the other Chamber as to give real and lasting fair play to the progressive elements in the country."What then do I desire? When I speak of the necessity or the expediency of a Second Chamber in this House, I do not accept the view—and I suspect very few people on either side accept it—which is put forward by advocates in the other place, like Lord Curzon, who seem to think that the whole function of a legislative assembly is to protect people presumably against their own representatives, and ultimately against themselves. I do not think my colleagues and I desire to see a Second Chamber which can be described as in any sense co-ordinate with the House of Commons. We do not desire to see a Chamber which can compete, or claim to compete, on even terms with this House as the authorised exponent of public opinion and the national will. We desire to see maintained in all its integrity, in the best interests both of the nation and of the Empire, the predominance of this House in legislation—a predominance which is the slowly-attained result of centuries of struggle and advance, and which we believe to be the sheet anchor of our representative system. But there are functions which can be usefully and honourably discharged, consistent with the predominance of this House, by a Second Chamber, questions of consultation, of revision, and subject, as I. have more than once said before, to proper safeguards, of delay."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, 29th March, 1910, cols. 1165–66.]
We have had two speeches and two theories of representative Government laid before us to-night. One by the hon Gentleman who speaks with the consent, as I understand, of all his colleagues below the Gangway, the sentiments of the Labour party, and the other from the Prime Minister, who is responsible for this Bill. I agree with neither theory, and if the Committee will bear with me, I will submit a third for their consideration. I shall not be long in my criticism of other people's views or the exposition of my own, but I must say I listened with some interest and surprise to the hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment. His difference from the views of the Prime Minister is as complete and vital as it is from those held on this side of the House, because he is not merely and frankly a Single-Chamber Government man, but believes, as a matter of experience, that howsoever you constitute a Second Chamber that Second Chamber will obstruct, and, if possible, defeat the legislative projects which he and his Friends have in view. Indeed, he laid clown a proposition which I would ask Radical and Liberal Members carefully to consider, that the completely elected Second Chambers which are established in some of our Dependencies Over-seas are more obstructive than the hereditary Chamber which exists here. I have not the least doubt that that is absolutely true, but it makes mincemeat of a great deal of the argumentation that we have listened to and of almost all the platform speeches made against the House of Lords.
What is the essence of the platform attack on the House of Lords? It is that here you have a Second Chamber constituted of persons who have no claims to sit in that Chamber for the most part, except that they are their fathers' sons, who have no special mandate or title derived from the people to deal with questions of legislation, that they are altogether outside the free and open current of public opinion, that they have no touch with democracy, and that they are in no sense to be trusted as a Second Chamber for carrying out the functions of a Second Chamber. Now we have heard from the Leader of those who wish not only to abolish the House of Lords, but any substitute for the House of Lords, that these much-abused hereditary Peers, these gentlemen who think only of their acres or their dividends, this propertied body checking the free powers of the representative assembly, does its duty far more in harmony with the wishes of the people than a fully elected Second Chamber which all other democracies of the world have. Therefore, all the attacks on the House of Lords by gentlemen holding the opinions of the hon. Member are really attacks of speculative theorists. They dislike what they call the principle of heredity, but in practice they apparently admit that heredity in the Second Chamber works better than election. I frankly admit, as I have admitted before, that one reason why I belong to the party which desires to see a great change made in the composition of our Second Chamber is that I do not think a purely hereditary Chamber is strong enough to carry out the functions entrusted to it. From that point of view the hon. Member and I, though we may differ in our conclusions, really are not very far apart in the premises from which those conclusions are respectively deduced. He thinks he wants no Second Chamber, but if he must have a Second Chamber he would rather have the present Second Chamber than an elective Second Chamber. That is his view. My point of view is exactly the opposite. You ought to have a Second Chamber which ought to be strong enough, not indeed to be the controlling influence in the State but to carry out the functions of a Second Chamber and, as the course of recent events has made it clear that a purely hereditary Chamber cannot do that, is not strong enough to do that, I say some profound modification ought to be introduced into the composition of the other place. I was very much surprised to hear from him towards the end of his speech that one reason why he wishes practically to destroy the House of Lords and to put no other Second Chamber in its place, is that he thinks, under an efficient two-Chamber system, those great projects of social reform which he desires to see carried into effect will be thwarted. He drew an example from our common country, Scotland, and said: "look how Scotland is being bled of her citizens, how they are flying from our shores and seeking other climes and other countries in order to carry out industrial work which they ought to be permitted to do at home." But where are they flying? They are flying to places where there are strong Second Chambers.Canada is the country to which the Scotchmen are mostly going. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman to give us some idea as to the strong Second Chamber there is there.
I think the hon. Member will not deny that he mentioned the United States of America and Australia, and that it was from those countries that he drew his example of a case of a Second Chamber, even more powerful for evil than the Second Chamber here. I now turn from the constitutional theory of the hon. Gentleman to the opposing theories of the Prime Minister. The Prime Minister differs entirely from the hon. Gentleman in the fundamental view that in the interests of democracy itself, there must and ought to be a Second Chamber in this country. He has discarded the transient errors of his youth. He has reflected much and looked round the constitutions of the democracies of the world and he has come to the conclusion that a Second Chamber is an essential part of every true democratic Constitution. Then, having cut himself adrift from the hon. Gentleman and those who sit below the Gang- way, he proceeded to develop at some length what he considered ought to be the true function of a Second Chamber. I agree with a good many epithets and adjectives which he applied to a proper Second Chamber. He said it should be subordinate. I have often explained to the Committee, and outside this House, that I do not wish to see in this country two co-equal legislative bodies. I do not think that that is the best way of working a democratic system. I do not believe it leads to stability of administration, or to the convenience of legislation, and I should be very sorry to see substituted for the existing House of Lords a Second Chamber which should have precisely the same titles to democratic support, and precisely the same relation to the constituencies outside as we have ourselves, and I object to it because I am certain that that will lead to what I dislike, namely, two coequal Chambers. While I think you must have a Second Chamber stronger than our present Second Chamber, I do not wish to see carried out what appears to be the ordinary natural interpretation of this Preamble, though not perhaps the necessary interpretation of it. I do not wish to see carried out any change by which the new Second Chamber should be purely and wholly and directly representative in its character, because I am absolutely certain, both from considering the essential manner in which assemblies like this work, and looking around and seeing how in fact they do work in other countries, I am certain if you had two Chambers, each drawing directly its authority from the people of this country, who we all agree ought to be the supreme arbiters in this matter, they will, of course, claim and will possess equal authority. Therefore, those who hold, as I hold, that the Second Chamber ought not to be bracketed on a perfect equality with the First Chamber, ought in my opinion, logically, to be driven to the other conclusion, that that Second Chamber ought not to be in the full sense of the word a representative Chamber such as we are, or profess to be, ourselves.
5.0 P.M. So far, then, I agree with the Prime Minister. I do not attach precisely the same fulness of meaning to the word "subordinate" that he does, but I do not want a co-equal Second Chamber. What are the next functions that the Prime Minister says ought to be attributes of a proper Second Chamber? He says their duties ought to be consultation, revision, and delay. If you interpret them in the full sense which I give, to those words, I am quite ready to admit they cover the whole field. I do not want the Second Chamber, for example, to claim what it never claimed yet, the right to determine who shall be the advisers of the Crown for the time being. I do not want it to have any control over the executive of the country. I do want it to have a consultative, a revising and a delaying power. Where does my difference with the Prime Minister come in? It comes in in this respect, and in regard to this particular part of the functions of the House of Lords. I say there must be some cases in which revision and delay means revision and delay until we really know what the opinion of the people is. The hon. Gentleman who moved the Amendment and the Prime Minister appear to share in common a view which everyone knows does not square with the facts of the case—that this House not only technically represents the people, but substantially and in every respect may be taken as a substitute for the people. We represent the people, but are not a substitute for the people, and the Government themselves admit that with regard to a good many years of our Parliamentary life, because an essential part of their Bill is that after two years, though we continue to represent the people, we are so little a substitute for the people that the full powers of delay and revision must abide in another House in the shape in which they now exist. I am not going to argue the thing at length, but it really is quite absurd to say that in addition to being the representatives of the people, having been returned to the House by a majority of the people, we are substitutes for the people, and that we are for every purpose the equivalent. I say that in those cases which appear of fundamental importance, and on which we come to a decision as representatives of the people, we may find ourselves not at all a substitute for the people, and not doing what the people really desire, and it is the business of the Second Chamber, in my opinion, not merely to consult, not merely to delay in abstracto, if necessary, but to take steps, if necessary, which may cause the controversy between the two Houses to be decided by those who are the masters of both Houses, those who return us here, and those who, by the admission of politicians of all schools, are and ought to be the final arbiters of our national destinies. Therefore, while I agree with the right hon. Gentleman that consultation, revision, and delay are functions to be carried out by the Second Chamber, and while I agree with him that it is absolutely necessary to have a Second Chamber which will carry out these functions, I give a fuller and more democratic meaning to those expressions than apparently comes within the compass of the theory just advanced by the right hon. Gentleman. He told the House that, even if we were not prepared to believe the provisions as to policy which are advanced in the Preamble and in many of the speeches made by the Government, we at all events should accept their view of their own self-interest, that it is impossible for a Radical Government to rest content even wit h the moderate powers—I do not think "powers" is the right word to use—the moderate possibilities of action which this Bill leaves to the Second Chamber. Then he proceeded to that well-worn theme, the partisan character of the House of Lords. He told us of it not indeed for the first time or the twentieth time. I do not complain of the definition, for in this great controversy we cannot put aside what we regard as vital arguments because we have stated them before. But if he chooses to repeat that argument, will he allow me to reply to it? I am quite ready to admit that there are cases—in fact it is a fundamental part of my constitutional creed—in which you should go beyond both Chambers and ask the country direct what it thinks of this or that fundamental change in its Constitution. But I deny absolutely that the House of Lords is partisan in the sense in which the Government assert. I think it really shows great ignorance or very blind prejudice on the part of those who use the expression. Mark what the right hon. Gentleman says. He says that not merely is the majority in. the House of Lords Unionist, which of course it is, as I quite admit, but that the Unionist majority in the House of Lords would remain attached to the party sitting in this part of the House now, whatever that party did. [An HON. MEMBER: "They always did."] That is exactly where the blind prejudice and possibly the ignorance of some people lead them completely astray. The reason that the House of Lords does not greatly admire the policy of the Radical party is not because the vast, majority of that House was born, so to speak, into a particular party creed, it is because they have, however they came into being as a House, very largely divided. They were fairly and evenly divided between the two parties not so many years ago, but there has been a great movement undoubtedly—and I think it is an unfortunate thing—from one side to the other, and that is because great changes were attempted to be carried through by Radical Administrations, and if the same career of violent change were attempted to be carried out by any party, whatever you call it, you would necessarily find critics in the other House, and there would necessarily come changes. It is an absolute misunderstanding of the situation to suppose that the House of Lords, or a majority of the House of Lords, is a mere party instrument worked and organised in the same way as that party [pointing to the Liberal party] or that party [pointing to the Nationalist party] or the Unionist party. It is not so. The present balance of parties in the House of Lords is due to a long experience of historical occurrences. It represents a natural tendency, which is independent of what the Unionist party do or think. To suppose that if the Unionist party became revolutionists in their turn they would still retain the support of the House of Lords is really to suppose something which you are not justified in doing from the course of events in the past. The picture drawn by the right hon. Gentleman of Single-Chamber Government is an absurd picture. He says you have only got two-Chamber Government when his party are in power, and that when his political opponents are in power you have only Single-Chamber Government. That is not the fact.Why not?
:I have attempted to appeal to the hon. Gentleman's reason. If I have failed I am sorry. The hon. Gentleman asked me to prove that, and I have been endeavouring to prove my contention. At all events I have been endeavouring to put forward some premises from which the hon. Gentleman can draw the same conclusions if he will only apply his mind to them. But if the hon. Gentleman can put forward some other premises from which he can draw a different conclusion, perhaps he will bide his time. After all, that invasion by the Prime Minister with this ancient and well-worn attack upon the House of Lords was really only a parenthesis in his speech. Nor is it, I think, fundamental in regard to the difficulty we have got to solve. I think you must alter the Constitution of the House of Lords for the reasons I have given. It is not now strong enough to carry out its functions, but the reform ought not to go the length of making it a completely representative Assembly, because if you do that you are on the high road to making two co-equal Chambers with all the evils which follow from that policy.
In the third place, while I admit that consultation, revision, and delay are the main functions which ought to attach to another place, I do not think you ought to so limit the meaning of those words, you ought not to so empty them of significance, as to say that, whatever this House, even by the smallest majority, elected in whatever circumstances of popular excitement or popular strain you may imagine—I cannot conceive any sane man holding that a House so elected should necessarily on every subject, however great, however important, however vital and irreversible, should hold in its hand, not merely the present destinies of the country, but possibly its destinies for all time. I say that the power of revision and delay ought and must in some circumstances amount to giving an appeal to those in whose interests we ought to act, and in whose interests we all try to act, and giving to them some say in decisions which no Single Chamber, neither the House of Lords nor the House of Commons, however constituted, is able to give truly and really in the name of the whole people. That is what I venture to say most respectfully is the right course. It would, if carried out, leave us with a better Constitution than any other in the world, because we have what others cannot have. We have the power of creating a Second Chamber which is not purely elective in its character. We have that great advantage, but do not let us throw away their example and ignore the lesson taught us in every country and every clime where democratic institutions are really understood—do not let us say that because this House is from time to time elected by the people it therefore is for all purposes through the whole period of its existence the absolute and sole master of the national destinies.There are many important points in the speech to which we have just listened—a speech which is another of the series of very charming pronouncements upon Parliamentary government—pronouncements which those who have come into the House comparatively recently have listened to during the past fortnight with a great deal of delight, even though we cannot carry our minds to the same conclusion as the right hon. Gentleman. I do not propose to follow the right hon. Gentleman in all the points he has raised. I would like to point out, however, that I always think he agrees with my argument that the observations he made regarding the House of Lords not being a party assembly were not quite complete. It is perfectly true that if the Unionist party in this House were to embark on some violent revolutionary change, it would be doubtful if the House of Lords would follow them. But surely that assumption is of the nature of begging the question. The House of Lords majority is a Unionist majority, and hon. Members who sit opposite are Unionists. If they embark on a revolutionary undertaking, it would only be because the impulses outside are of such a nature as to compel the Unionist party to enter upon that procedure, and the very impulses which influence hon. Members in this House will influence their colleagues in the House of Lords, and they will come into the same boat and steer the same course. It is no use making suppositions which are unreal. Every step which the Unionist party take here, provided it is taken in the interests of their party, whether in regard to the war in South Africa, or the Referendum on Tariff Reform, or a substantial modification in Irish Government, such as would almost amount to Home Rule, whatever step the Unionist party take here will be supported, taken, and carried by flip Unionist party in the other House. Therefore I venture to say it is not because we are prejudiced, and not because we are ignorant, that we have made statements in the country, and repeated them in this House, which the right hon. Gentleman has been castigating by his somewhat unreal suppositions this afternoon. I would also suggest that he has not been quite fair from the debating point to my hon. Friend who sits behind me. My hon. Friend's point about the Victorian Upper House was this—that in the State of Victoria you have two Chambers, an Upper Chamber elected upon one kind of property qualification and a Lower Chamber elected upon another kind; and it has happened, as a matter of experience, that the difference in the qualification between the electors of one House and the electors of the other House was expressed as the difference in great state policies. And the matter is much better illustrated in South Australia. The Lower House there embarked upon a drastic land policy. It just turned out that the difference in qualification of the electors divided the Lower. House from the Upper House in respect of their policy, and from the point of view, consequently, of what we at any rate consider desirable and necessary State progress. The Upper House of both South Australia and Victoria have been more violently, decisively, and persistently reactionary than even the House of Lords has been here. I do not think, however, that that statement of the case quite bears out the conclusions to which the right hon. Gentleman has come, and the argument in favour of the House of Lords from the cases of Victoria and South Australia afford very little consolation indeed. So far as I am concerned, I assume that though the right hon. Gentleman who has preceded me has replied to the Prime Minister he will go into the Lobby to support him.
The Amendment which we move is moved for the decisive and distinct purpose of raising this question of a Second Chamber, and I hope that the House will have no doubt about it at all. Any modifications necessary in a Second Chamber can come in further Amendments. If we had wanted a modification of the Second Chamber, then we would not have moved this Amendment at all. We would have accepted the Preamble, and tried to modify it; but we propose to delete the Preamble because we want the whole thing to disappear from the Bill. We appeal only to those Members of this House who take that view to support us in the Lobby this afternoon. So far as the operative. Clauses of the Bill are concerned, we have' supported them, but there are two sections in this Bill. There is the section which declares what the relation between this House and a Second Chamber is to he. We have finished that. That contains the operative Clauses. Then there is the section which we are now beginning to discuss, which declares what the Second Chamber is going to do and how it is going to be created, and to the whole of that section we desire to offer our most strenuous objection. I should have thought that these are two totally distinct propositions. Why is it necessary now, here, to-day to lay down any doctrine at all about a reformed Second Chamber? The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House used the expression that no one defends the present Chamber. Why? Because no one has experienced the present Chamber under the operation of this Bill. The right hon. Gentleman's argument carries the experience we have had up to the present time into the future, whereas the whole purpose of this Bill is to upset that experience and open a new channel. I am opposed to the hereditary principle. I am opposed to the House of Lords, but I would like very much to have some experience of how the House of Lords is going to work when its Veto is so drastically limited as is proposed by this Bill. As a matter of fact, I would like to just go a little bit cautiously in these constitutional changes. It is a safe and sound constitutional argument, and considering the number of generations that we have been discussing the relations between the House of Lords and the House of Commons, I think it is an argument which is very well borne out in this Debate. But, in any event, we are now changing absolutely the relationship between the two Houses. When that relationship is changed the argument against the hereditary principle, so far as the House of Lords is concerned, is completely changed too. Therefore, I may point out to Radical and Liberal Members of this House in going into the Lobby that to be led on with the idea on their minds that no one defends the present Chamber is to obscure the real issues before them. Under the impression that your own experience is going to be carried on in the future, without due consideration, without careful investigation and without discovery of the details of the plan we are going to commit ourselves to a new form of Second Chamber which may be even worse than the worst experience of hereditary legislation that ever you have had in this country. What is the function of the Second Chamber going to be after the Bill has been carried into effect? The right hon. Gentleman said it is going to be a consultative Chamber, a Chamber of revision and a Chamber of delay. I invite the Committee quietly to think over this proposition and to try to imagine what sort of dignity or power or satisfaction that Chamber is going to have with itself. It is going to consult us. Consultation is a very cheap sort of thing. Consultation is only of value and is only appreciated when the person with whom you consult is in a position to make you recognise his opinions and to take account of whatever consultation he may have with you. I cannot imagine a single Member of this House who is active in politics and who likes the life of this House and is interested in the problems that come before the House and feels a certain amount of what I think I may call justifiable pride in being a Member of this House, leaving this House for the purpose of being elected to a Second Chamber which is going to consult with this House when this House desires. Then take the second point—revision. What power of revision is it going to have? The right hon. Gentleman himself confessed that the revision powers of the Second Chamber as defined by the operative Clauses of this Bill are very limited indeed. I am in favour of a revising Chamber, not a Second Chamber, because I think the term Second Chamber should only be applied to a Chamber with legislative authority. I think we can have a revision Chamber with no legislative authority at all. But let us imagine that the Upper Chamber is going to be a real revision Chamber. Who is going to spend £5,000 or £6,000 every four or five years to be elected to a Second Chamber, which is going to be a consultative and revision Chamber? Even if you add the third function, the function of delay, the whole work of this Second Chamber must be so small, so petty, and so insignificant that, it itself will select its own members, and its process of selection will not be the selection of the best and the fit, but the selection of those who perhaps run after empty honours, and are willing to accept any sort of position probably for the sake of titles or social recognition, and who are precisely the sort of men whom we want to keep out of the public life of this country.Why not a salary?
I am not quite sure whether that question has any personal reference. If it has I do not propose to refer to it. If it has not, if the proposition is that for this work of delay, of revision and consultation, representatives will receive a salary of a few hundreds a year, and if that is going to be given as the reason, then my conclusions are only strengthened, and if they come into the public life of this country for the sake of making a living out of it, then I think we have come to a very sad position indeed.
The hon. Gentleman said they would come into public life for the sake of titles. If so, why not come in in order to receive a salary?
My point is a Chamber which is purely and definitely subordinate to this House, which exists simply for the purpose of consultation, revision and delay, is a Chamber which has got power and authority so insignificant that we cannot conceive of men keenly interested in public life and public affairs who would deliberately choose it as a place for exercising their energy, intelligence and effort in preference to this lower House, with all its powers of initiative and all its commanding authority in the Constitution which is given to it by the Veto Bill. The right hon. Gentleman has said that the Second Chamber, however, must be representative, that even those functions ought to he exercised by a representative assembly. I maintain that if your representative assembly is going to be efficient it will not be content with those functions. There is no elected Second Chamber in the world that has been content with those functions. The very function of delay is an exceedingly important function, which can quite easily be stretched until it becomes a very important legislative function. But after all, we know perfectly well that it is no heresy in what I consider strongly to be a well thought-out theory of democracy to say that every now and again certain things ripen for legislation, and if there is a power in the State which can delay the gathering of that ripe fruit for two or three years the time has gone past for gathering it altogether. The delay is much more than delay when applied to legislation. Delay is ruin and destruction very often. It is in the reaping of legislation precisely as in the reaping of grain. If it is not cut when it is ripe you cannot come back a month afterwards and gather in the harvest. Therefore my contention is that if you set up an elective Second Chamber with the deliberate and definite intention which was in the mind of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the House, you set up something which is going to be in the position of an institution in unstable equilibrium. It is going to develop upon its own lines. It is going to develop a revolution of its own, and sooner or later you are going to have precisely the same difficulties in reference to it, which you have got in reference to the present hereditary House of Lords.
There is another observation in this matter which I hope the Committee will not overlook. The Leader of the Opposition yesterday and to-day referred to the powers of an elective Second Chamber. There is one point, if I may say so, which he has overlooked, and in some respects it is a most important one. The Second Chamber is always smaller in number than the First Chamber. That is an enormous advantage in a legislative authority. We who are 670 Members suffer under the disadvantage of a large Committee. Nobody in their senses would ever think of running a political Committee of 670 Members. When the Conservative party was being reorganised the other day, I am perfectly certain that the Committee dealing with the scheme of reorganisation was a very small committee sitting round a table, and not a committee requiring to take the Queen's Hall for its accommodation. That holds good with regard to the Legislature. If you have a large First Chamber, a large House of Commons of 670 Members, or even 400 Members, elected, and a small Second Chamber, also elected on the most democratic basis, as democratically elected, say, as the Senate in the Australian Federal Constitution. If your Second Chamber is composed, say, of fifty, sixty, or 100 Members, you are placing all the advantages of supreme authority in the hands and in the possession of that Second Chamber, simply on account of its small ness, because it is much easier to work, its mind is much more definite, its debates are bound to be better, obstruction would be less effecive than it is in a large assembly, and the consequence is that business is more expeditious and better conducted, and in the eyes of the country at large the Second Chamber will loom larger and better than the Lower House, which, for the time being, may monopolise the real and effective political power. Another point to which I wish to call attention is this. I refer to it in consequence of what the Leader of the Opposition said with reference to the functions to be assigned to the Second Chamber. The right hon. Gentleman's difficulty is to discover what the people are thinking. He says, and so far as I am concerned I do not dispute what he says, that under conceivable circumstances this House might do what the people of the country want to do, and he wants a Chamber which will interpret the popular mind more accurately than we do ourselves, not in the sense, as I apprehend, of doing themselves what the people want, but imposing a check upon this House from doing something which the people do not want. In other words, he wants to impose a check on this House. That is a very nice scheme on paper, and it is just one of those ideas which one likes to write down and think about. To elaborate and work out delightful details, adding storey upon storey, and pier to pier, on a long winter evening. But how is it going to be done? From that point of view the difference between us is not that the right hon. Gentleman wants a check, and that we do not want a check, because we do want a check. The difference comes to the kind of check we want to apply. The right hon. Gentleman and his Friends want to impose on a democracy a check which is alien to democracy. We want to impose on democracy a check which is of the same nature as democracy itself.I do not quite accept the version which the hon. Member has given, but at any rate I will not interrupt him.
I was going to elaborate what the sort of check should be, if it is to be an effective check, which the right hon. Gentleman would propose if he were to develop his idea in a literary article. That sort of check would require to be drawn from the people; it would require to consist of men of great insight and of great capacity for leading the popular will; and I suggest that you could not get a better Second Chamber for that purpose than twenty or thirty trade union secretaries. That definite proposition may appear a little bit laughable, but it illustrates what I have seriously in my mind. It is of no good if you create constituencies which are larger than the constituencies which we represent, because that would mean that you have got to differentiate between poverty on the one hand and wealth on the other as regards candidates, because a poor man cannot fight a constituency of 100,000 inhabitants, and your poor political party cannot provide the political machinery which is necessary to successfully contest an enormous constituency—machinery with which we are all perfectly familiar. Therefore there must be a differentiation between constituencies, saying here we represent small constituencies, and the Second Chamber there represent large constituencies. That is differentiation which is based on economic differences. You, therefore, cannot get by that method a Second Chamber which is any more qualified than this Chamber for develop- ing the public mind. You can only get your Second Chamber by a process of selection from other sorts of channels and other sorts of sieves, and the sieve must not be the ordinary political sieve of a General Election. If you want your genius for discovering what is in the popular mind, unexpressed and unexpressable very often, then election is no good, and is a somewhat broken reed, provided, of course, you deny this House that qualification. If you did not, then I grant that the qualification might appear in a Second Chamber elected from large constituencies, but then that Second Chamber would be no check at all, because in its nature it would be precisely the same as this Chamber itself. If you want this qualification specialised and tested before it becomes a legislative organ, I do suggest that you cannot do better than appoint hon. Members like those around me to that Second Chamber, not because they have been elected to this House, but because they have had large experience in dealing with hundreds and thousands of men all over the country, and in ascertaining what the public opinion is before it has been expressed, or whilst it is being expressed.
Although this may be a somewhat academic point of view, nevertheless you have to come to it at last if you are going to devise any Second Chamber whatever, and it is because this is at the root and at the bottom of my mind that I am so strongly opposed to this Preamble. Surely the position of this House now is to wait for experience of the operation of this Veto Bill before it does anything about remodelling or changing the composition of the Second Chamber. Let us see what is going to happen, and when we see what is going to happen then we can take steps. But to commit ourselves to the phrasing of this Preamble and to the passing of it, I think is a very bad business and is showing a lack of forethought and foresight which I am perfectly amazed should be manifested by the Liberal party and the Government in this. House. We know perfectly well that we are going to be in a minority; we know perfectly well that both sides of the House are going to unite against us, and I, therefore, with due humility and deference, claim the right of my Friends here, who differ from both sides of the House on this fundamental point, to avail themselves of this, the only and best opportunity which offers itself, to declare that we stand for a Single Chamber, the check upon it being the common sense and intelligence of the electors outside, because you can get no other check that will ever save you from revolution, or from any blunder into which you may be liable to fall, and from which you may desire to defend yourselves. Therefore, we shall take this matter to a Division in the full conviction that the Constituents who have sent us here, at any rate, expect us to do so, and support us in the action we propose to take.I am sure hon. Members will agree with me that the hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) has dealt with the problems involved in this Bill in a most efficient way. As regards some of the points he has stated there is really no difference between him and Members on this side of the House. In the first place, every Member on this side will agree with the hon. Member that this Bill as it stands introduces what he calls a drastic limitation of the Veto. We agree, too, that it is what is called an absolute change in our constitutional system; and I think everyone will also agree in the next proposition, that inasmuch as it introduces a drastic limitation of the Veto and an absolute change of our Constitution, we cannot refer to our old practices, old customs, and old constitutional law in order to determine what will take place under the new and changed conditions. I agree with the hon. Member that no one can really foretell what the whole effect of this constitutional change will be until we have had a large measure of actual experience. But I look at the Bill in a different point of view from him in this respect, that I consider this drastic change in our constitutional system is one which we ought not to embark upon, one which is dangerous in itself, and one which leads us into dangerous and difficult positions. It is from that point of view that I join issue with what has been said by the hon. Member for Leicester.
There is another point in regard to which I wish to express my entire concurrence with what was said by the hon. Member. He pointed out that the powers reserved for the Second Chamber in this Bill were of such a character that you could not expect any self-respecting politician, or anyone who took a real interest in constitutional matters in this country, to become a Member of a Second Chamber whose powers were so limited. I entirely agree with him. What is the good of consultation if you have no powers to en-the very Preamble with which we are dealing. More than once the Home Secretary, in the course of the discussion on this Constitutional question, referred to the power of meeting as between this Chamber and the Second Chamber. I agree with the hon. Member for Leicester that there is no good in meeting where all the powers are on one side. What is the good of any self-respecting politician going into consultation when he knows that, however powerful his arguments or however sound his views may be, he has no power to enforce them in any way? I wish to go back to the question of revision—the power of revision and delay in the Second Chamber. There is really no power of revision so far as this Bill is concerned. There may be some power of delay, but there is no power of revision of any sort or kind in the Second Chamber. Suppose a Second Chamber differs from what is proposed by this House, where is the power of revision? The Second Chamber has not got the power to alter one line or dot in a Bill sent up from this House, unless this House assents to the alteration so made. A power of revision of that kind when we consider that the initiative must come from this House is not a power of revision at all, because it has no authority to change in any respect the principles or details which have already been passed in the House of Commons. Although I agree with the hon. Member for Leicester so far, I think he has overlooked one of the provisions of the Preamble, which, as I understand, he is going to vote against en bloc. May I call his attention to this provision?— "And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber." Therefore, under the terms of the Preamble itself, when a new Second Chamber is constituted you are to define and limit the powers, and I understand that the hon. Member will take this view: that if you are to have a Second Chamber which is to be really one, he is against one altogether, which is to be really one which any self-respecting politician would care to enter, you must give them greater power both as regards consultation, revision, and delay than are contained in the Veto Bill which we are considering at the present moment. It appears to me that that is not only the necessary consequence of the logical speech made by the hon. Member for Leicester, but it must be the result when we come to constitute a Second Chamber under the powers which are reserved in the very Preamble with which we are dealing. You cannot conceive any Second Chamber, whether it is popularly elected, as is referred to in the Preamble, or whether it is elected wholly or elected partly, you cannot conceive any Second Chamber containing within itself some of the best political talent in this country, and if you are going to have a Second Chamber at all it ought to be manned in the best possible manner; you cannot imagine any Second Chamber which would submit to be put in the subordinate position which we find in the terms of the Veto Bill as it stands at present. Therefore I think when the time comes—and I hope t hat the hon. Member for Leicester will still be a Member of this House—as it evidently will, for reconstitution of the Second Chamber, that he will remember what he has said to-day, and that in reconstituting that Second Chamber, if there is to be one, he will see that those powers are not so cribbed, cabined, and confined that it becomes absolutely useless and ineffective, and such a Chamber that no self-respecting politician would care to be a Member. I quite agree that the hon. Member for Leicester is aaginst any Second Chamber, but he is against it on these grounds; he thinks either it is useless or that it will have too great power for interfering with the House of Commons, which is the representative body. In answer to that, as a very strong advocate of an efficient Second Chamber, I wish to explain to the Committee why it appears to me absolutely essential if you are to preserve really representative Government to have, not a Second Chamber limited as is proposed in this Bill, but an effective Second Chamber for the purpose of consultation, revision, and delay. If we go behind mere words and phrases, what do we mean by representative Government and a representative Assembly? By representative Government we mean Government which in legislation or in executive matters acts in accordance with the assent and desires of the vast majority of the people in this country. That has been the real basis of the success of representative government in the past so far as the United Kingdom is concerned, and it is why we are a law-abiding people. The object is in representative Government to have legislation passed which the people desire, and not to have legislation passed which is not in accordance with their real and considered opinion. If that is the true doctrine of representative government, you cannot have it in its real sense without you have a Second Chamber which by its power of consultation, revision or delay can refer matters of moment to the opinion of the people before legislation is passed, because there is no other effective way in which you can really ascertain whether any proposed legislation is in accordance with popular views or not. We are only here, having a delegated authority from the people which is not to override their views and wishes, but in order to initiate and carry through legislation which they want and which they will sanction if the matter is referred to them, and if they have such views in the matter. It is impossible really to preserve all true popular Government which is what I mean by the representative system, without you have a Second Chamber so efficient in its powers of consultation, revision and delay that before any great change is made you can refer the matter to the people themselves, and if they dissent, then the legislation drops and is carried no further. May I say on this topic a word as to the theory so constantly put forward on the basis as if we were a perfect representative body. Of course that premise is wholly untrue. Whether we look at it as a question of the representation of minorities as well as majorities, or as regards the representation of various numbers or sections of the people in this country, on neither one test or the other it cannot be said that we are a truly representative body at the present moment. I think that is admitted on all hands, but even if we were, that applies probably only to a short time after a General Election, when the opinion of the people has been consulted. Very shortly after a House of Commons has been returned, the question inevitably arises, not a question raised for party purposes, but a question properly raised, whether some legislation proposed of an important character is in accordance with what the people desire or not. We cannot answer that question ourselves, and the reason we cannot answer is that we have not the knowledge. The only way in which you can preserve the true spirit of representative Government, that is the Government of the people, by the people, for the people is to have a method by which, before important constitutional changes are introduced, you should have a means of ascertaining what the people really think upon it. In the course of the discussions in the Committee, we have tried from this side of the House and suggested a Joint Session or the Referendum as one method. I think this is quite certain that if this House, in face of the opposition of a Second Chamber by the abolition of the Veto, which this Bill has really done, forces legislation through, without either ascertaining the opinion of the people, or giving to them a constitutional method of a General Election, then we can have no guarantee in the future that legislative changes, when they are introduced will be in accordance with the wishes and assent of the people of this country. Directly you arrive at this resolution you have not got a guarantee of that sort, and your representative Government becomes nothing more than a sham, which is used for political purposes by the Cabinet or party in power, but which no longer retains the reality which has hitherto made it a success in this country, namely, that what we do here either has the sanction and approval of popular opinion, and that our powers, delegated to us by the people, are being exercised on their behalf and with their approval when we pass legislation in the House of Commons. As has been pointed out this is not the occasion to discuss the Constitution of the Second Chamber, but my view of a Second Chamber, so far as present conditions are involved, is that the difficulty arises from the want of effective power in the House of Lords. I think that a Second Chamber which has no representative principle behind it is not sufficiently strong in order to preserve real popular government and representative government in this country. I am not so afraid as the Leader of the Opposition is, as regards the powers of a Second Chamber, if, for instance, it was based on the elective principle. I believe that in constituting a Second Chamber we must have simplicity. It may be necessary to have somewhat of a nominated element in order that the Government of the day may have power like they have as regards the nomination of new Peers at present. But I admit my view is in the main that a Second Chamber that was strong and effective ought to be based on the directly elective principle, and I do not believe that a Second Chamber based on any other principle is likely to have sufficient power in order to modify what is done in this House or in order to compel an appeal to the people of this country where they think the legislation in question has not already received their mandate and sanction. We cannot neglect in this respect the example we have of all other civilised countries. I agree entirely with the hon. Member for Leicester that the numbers of this. House militate against its powers. I think the Senate of the United States has to a great extent obtained its power there by the smallness of its numbers, I think the number is ninety. I think there is no doubt whatever that we lose power in this House, because our numbers are too great, but what is the answer to that? The answer to that is to reform this House; the answer to that, if it is an answer, is to make a smaller number do, and why not reduce our numbers to a proportionate extent, because I imagine everyone, whatever may be their views as regards the constitutional question, would desire that the House of Commons, the representative body should be elected and constituted in such a form as to carry on its constitutional duties in the most effective manner. It is on those grounds that certainly I shall vote against the present Amendment, not as I say because I differ from some of the principles enunciated by the hon. Member for Leicester, but because I think he has overlooked these two main points. One is that you cannot have representative Government in its true sense without an effective Second Chamber in order to obtain the opinion of the people on great changes; and secondly, because I think he has overlooked the provision in the Preamble itself, that a new Second Chamber when constituted is not to be limited to the powers which are contained within this Veto Bill, but that you will have to reconsider the whole position. When it is so constituted I hope it wilt have sufficient power and authority in order that within its walls may be found some of the best talent and some of the best political ability which this country can give to it, in order that, so far as the First Chamber is concerned, we may have regard to the decisions given, and that we may protect the real popular basis of ourinstitutions—namely, in the last resort it is not this House, but the people of this country.6.0 P.M.
As a supporter of the Bill as it stands I desire to say a word or two in relation to the Amendment from the point of view of labour and on the side of democracy. Many of the arguments urged in this House and out of it in favour of a Single Chamber imply that the people of this country are uniformly on the progressive side, and that the House of Commons elected on such democratic lines as we possess will in the main be a progressive House. They forget what some of us who have been in this House for a number of years have reasons to remember, that the people of this country have a very strong streak of conservatism, and that they will frequently return quite unprompted a House of Commons of a Conservative order. If there were no Second Chamber, if the House of Commons were elected entirely unchecked, so that there would be no delay and nothing to obstruct the energies of a House returned full of a desire for progress, we should find that the people would think twice about returning too frequently a Chamber of such a character. If, however, they felt that there would be a second court, that there was a Second Chamber to impose some check, so that mistakes could be acknowledged and corrected, I think we should be far more likely to get a House of Commons of the complexion that we on this side desire, than if we were limited to a Single Chamber.
Moreover, we have to look at the character of the people for whom we are providing an institution There is a great amount of caution in all classes of the people of these islands, excepting, perhaps, the Celtic fringe. You have the Scotsmen and the Englishmen, you have the master and the man. I have found amongst them all a great dislike to make a false step, to introduce a legislative movement or suggestion that will not work, to be laughed at. We should find that the House of Commons would work as a machine much more slowly if it were unchecked than if there was a second and third opportunity of revising anything that appeared to be impracticable or unworkable. Without a Second Chamber Members in this House would be constantly revising their own position and looking over their shoulders, so to speak, in terror of public opinion. The course of legislation would certainly run more slowly. All we want is delay. Surely there are those who would sit in another place and consider it an honour to revise -our conclusions, to send back Bills on some occasions for revision, and to take part in the other duties, the deliberations of Committees, and so forth. We want the country to come to a mature conclusion; therefore, it is not necessary for us immediately to reflect in this House the opinion of those outside. We want to have such delay as will enable opinion to be organised in the country, so that we may have, not the fitful expression of ill-considered opinion, but the matured opinion of the constituencies on any new question that may arise. Hence it is not the immediate reflection of public opinion that is necessary. We want just that delay which will enable this House to get, not the opinion of the man in the street from day to day, but the real opinion of the country well-informed upon a new subject. For these reasons I shall strongly support the Government in reference to the Preamble.The House will have listened with great interest to the speech just delivered, which contained, amongst others, some very good Tory principles; but I think that the right hon. Gentleman (Sir J. Compton-Rickett) will find that it will not be so easy for a self-respecting person to take part in the revision to which he has referred, and which he apparently thinks will be so congenial to those who are promoted to another place. I think he will find when he arrives there that it is exactly the opposite to what he hopes to see. This Debate has been one of the most important of all the discussions on the Parliament Bill. It has shown a fundamental cleavage in the coalition as to the great question which we have really in the end to consider, namely, whether we are to have Single or Double-Chamber Government. I hope that the Labour party, and a large number of those who sit below the Gangway opposite, will be prepared to say exactly what their views are on this question.
I do not believe that the country realises that the party which came into power on this Bill is absolutely divided upon that principle, and that the majority consists practically of Single-Chamber Government men—revolutionaries who do not wish to see any check or any restraint upon this House. The hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald), in his well-reasoned and powerfully-argued speech, stated that he did not expect anybody on this side of the House to vote with him on the present Amendment. At present I think he will find me in the Lobby with him. I regard this Bill as so abso- lutely unsound from Preamble to finish that I feel that I must vote against any part of it. Regarding the Bill as an absolute revolution, which is being hurried through with most indecent haste, I cannot consider it right to vote for even one paragraph, although it may be convenient for the hon. Member to think that he and his rebels will go into the Lobby alone. The hon. Member stated that it would be good having an elective Second Chamber, because it would make the two Chambers practically the same. But he has forgotten that if there were an elective Second Chamber, the two Chambers would obviously be elected at different periods; so that he need not be apprehensive that the will of the people might be expressed too forcibly in the two Houses of Parliament. I think, when the speech is considered, the remarks of the hon. Member for Leicester will be found to have been the most damaging criticism the Bill could possibly receive. He has proved conclusively that with this Parliament Bill any Second Chamber must be an absolute farce. Their powers will be so petty, so small, so insignificant, that he does not believe you will get the right type of men to sit in the other House and exercise its purely imaginary powers. The hon. Member for Blackfriars (Mr. Barnes) said that there was no mandate for this Preamble. I am inclined to agree in this respect: that I do not believe there was any real mandate for the Parliament Bill at all. I think the hon. Member for Leicester is quite right in saying that the mandate, if there was one, was really a mandate to get rid of the hereditary system, which apparently is to be allowed to go on for some considerable period. If there was a mandate at all, the hon. Member must agree that it was a mandate for the Bill including the Preamble, and he cannot separate the two. The Liberal party when they went to the election, apparently realised all the way through what was stated in the eloquent words of the Foreign Secretary—that unless reform as promised in the Preamble was introduced almost at the same time as the Veto Bill, they would be marching, as apparently they are gaily marching now, with drums beating and flags flying, to death, disaster, and damnation. There is no doubt whatever that wherever a Liberal candidate was told that he was in favour of a policy of Single Chamber Government, he immediately said, "No, we are going to introduce our reform immediately we get back." We want to know when that reform is coming. Would it not have been more honest to have let the people know what that reform was to be before the Parliament Bill was introduced? It now appears that you are absolutely depriving the Second Chamber of all power, and, in the words of the hon. Member for Leicester, you are going to try to collect people who will be content to sit in a Second Chamber which is an absolute snare and delusion, and not a real Second Chamber at all. The hon. Member for Blackfriars declared that, in his opinion, Single-Chamber Government pure and simple was wanted, and that even if the people were once or twice hurt they would know how to correct their mistake in future. It is a very bad democratic policy to allow people to suffer and at some future date to get rid of the Member for Blackfriars. In this matter, prevention is better than cure. We are bound to have a Second Chamber, which shall be a Second Chamber in fact and not merely in name. The hon. Member said that we could have more frequent Parliaments. It would be very distressing to have more frequent elections. We have recently exerienced two elections in one year. If Parliaments are to be more frequent we may have the dreadful spectacle of the Labour party changing its leader even more frequently than at present. It is impossible to conceive any policy being carried out with usefulness, whether a so-called democratic progressive policy or a policy of trade and social reform such as we shall pursue, if we are to have shorter Parliaments than five years. The hon. Member also told us that in Australia they had a Second Chamber which was a far greater check on legislation than the House of Lords. That is extremely amusing when we remember that the Chancellor of the Exchequer, addressing a highly constitutionally educated audience at Mile End, asked what the Australians would say to our Second Chamber. If I remember rightly, he said that they would rather be governed by kangaroos. The right hon. Member for Blackfriars told us that he and his party were prepared to stand four square to all the winds of Single Chamber Government. If he means those words, there is going to be a very difficult situation for the Government and their supporters in the near future, provided the Preamble means anything and is not merely a cloak to cover their many iniquities at the last election. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Black-friars has no desire to strengthen the Second Chamber. I can perfectly understand that. I think if there is any party in this House who are afraid of democracy it is the so-called Labour party which sits opposite. They are always quoting Australia to us. Well, we have recently seen the Australian people taking a direct vote of the people. For my own part I object very strongly to the Referendum, but I do consider that it is preferable to the absolute Single-Chamber Government which hon. Gentlemen opposite are introducing.Hear, hear.
The Postmaster-General cheers that remark, but when you are dealing with desperate people you have to deal desperately. If we are going to be saved from the effects of the policy such as the right hon. Gentleman, in his unwisdom, has joined with colleagues to carry out, I say, rather than ruin the Constitution altogether, let us keep as much as we can, and let the people decide in the end whether or not they desire to have these great changes. Those who listened to the Prime Minister must have have been very curious when he got up to hear whether he was going to tell us anything as to what the Second Chamber was going to be under the Preamble. He told us nothing as to when his reform was to be introduced, and nothing whatever as to what the Second Chamber was going to be like. Like Brer Rabbit, he "sed nuffin." I think that was extremely wise, for if he had mentioned what his reform meant he would have found a very angry part, of the coalition below the Gangway on his side and on the benches behind where we sit. The Prime Minister also told us that when the Conservative party came back to power we would find ourselves in the morass of Single-Chamber Government.
There is a very striking difference between the Prime Minister's remarks and those of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Blackfriars. One thinks that a Single Chamber will be a sort of constitutional paradise; the Prime Minister considers it is a very morass, a difficult place to get out of. I cannot help hoping that the Member for Blackfriars is sincere in his proposals, and that we are not going to see him run into the Lobby this evening, as so frequently we have seen done in times past. Here again Single-Chamber Members of this House have the opportunity of showing the Government perfectly clearly what they intend to do whenever reform of the Second Chamber is introduced. I think that it will be admitted on all sides that there will be very few Members even of the Radical party who will consent to a Second Chamber, a House of Lords, or whatever it is going to be called, being mere consultative marionettes, with the wires being pulled from the Government Front Bench, with no voice in the legislation, and but rarely altering or referring a matter to the people of this country. For my part, whether the Government makes 500 or 5,000 of their puppet peers it will make no difference in the end. They are going to become Conservative, because every Second Chamber in the world must be Conservative from its very nature. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Hon. Members cheer that, but obviously a Second Chamber exists simply to have a restraining effect—I do not mean in a party sense, but I mean a political sense—and therefore I think that the arguments of hon. Gentlemen opposite are sometimes dishonest. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] I consider they are dishonest in the country, because they have too long tried to make out that the Second Chamber which exists at the present moment is a Tory machine; that it is the Tory party who have been throwing out these measures, whereas in reality they have been referring them to the people. They have neglected to fix the blame on the real people. These are the Government, the Prime Minister, and his predecessors, who have driven every self-respecting Liberal Peer out of his party in the House of Lords. That is the reason why there is a Conservative majority in the House of Lords at the present moment. I would sooner see an elective Second Chamber than this Peer-diluting Parliament Bill pass into law. I believe I am speaking for the majority of this side when I say that if this Parliament Bill is passed, whatever the Preamble may bring forth, that no one of us will ever rest until we see that that Chamber, however it may be reconstituted by hon. Members opposite, is once more given the full powers of a Second Chamber. We will not rest till it is made possible to get the best people in the country to sit in that Chamber; people who will take a real part in the Government of this country; instead of that House being placed in a position to which hon. Members opposite would degrade it.
I very much appreciated the speeches made from the Labour Benches this afternoon, but I cannot sympathise with the view that has been taken by the speakers that a Second Chamber is not a useful and necessary constitutional constituent in Government. This has been the decision of all modern democracies. The Labour party, in taking up the attitude that it has done has divorced itself from modern democratic tendencies in this direction. If a Second Chamber fulfils its true functions it must improve and perfect legislation. If it conceives its duty to be to protect selfish or vested interests it is not fulfilling the normal functions of a Second Chamber. The normal function of a Second Chamber is to perfect legislation. A Second Chamber, no matter how constituted, has the opportunity, power, and capacity of doing that. It is analagous to the capacity of individuals for criticising one another. We are all good critics of those things which we do not produce. We can criticise a book, although we may be incapable of writing one. We can criticise a painting, though we may be quite incapable ourselves of painting.
A Second Chamber fulfils, or should fulfil the function of a critic, because it may not be responsible for initiating legislation. Because a detached body like a Second Chamber has this power of constantly criticising, if it sets itself to fulfil that function, honestly and fearlessly intending to improve the Bills which are sent to it, that function must be a valuable one for the legislation of the country. The function of delay is quite as necessary in our legislation, not delay in order to be obstructive, not delay in order that legislation shall not progress, but delay in order to give the country the chance of sober second thought; in order to give the country an opportunity of sleeping upon its opinions. Where legislation is rapidly passed through one Chamber and then rapidly through another, it constantly leads to injustice. Such laws have constantly to be revised. When legislation goes rapidly through both Houses, as it does in very many of our modern democracies, many evils result, and much injustice is done. It is remarkable how frequently it comes about that laws have to be amended. This faculty of criticising and function of delay are necessary functions in legislation. If these two functions of revision and delay are fulfilled by a Second Chamber conscientiously and well, such a Chamber certainly must improve and perfect our legislation. When Australians decided that they would federate and establish a new Constitution, they brought together the best minds in the public life of Australia. It was open to them to ignore a Second Chamber altogether, and to establish Single-Chamber Government. But after many years of patient inquiry they came to the conclusion that a Second Chamber had an important function to fulfil in democracy. Convention after convention, and conference after conference met. The members studied all the federal Constitutions that then existed, and Australian statesmen deliberately came to the conclusion that so important was a Second Chamber in legislation that they could not afford to ignore it. Consequently they decided to establish a Second Chamber. The question is whether, if a Second Chamber is wisely constituted, constituted according to democratic thought, what in that case it would conceive its duty to be, and would it perform that duty conscientiously? I maintain that the House of Lords has not conceived it to be its duty simply to revise and delay. It has conceived its duty to be to obstruct legislation, and protect selfish and vested interests. It has done that in the past. The hon. Gentleman, the Member for Christchurch, who last spoke, said that there was no mandate from the people for this Preamble. I am one of those who are not constantly searching for mandates. I believe the function of a representative is not to record simply the specific instructions that he gets from his constituents, but rather to interpret the mind and heart of the people. It is the function of the House of Commons to be the interpreter of the mind and heart of the people. We have constantly to do many things about which our constituents know nothing. We have to go to divisions on subjects about which our constituents have never been consulted. We have to consider Bills and measures upon which we have not the slightest conception as to how our constituents will feel. We have to trust to our power to represent the heart and mind of our constituents; the power of returning to them and giving an account of our stewardship, and of converting them if need be to the view we have taken. I believe that if we conscientiously fulfil that duty of interpretation we need not constantly be searching for mandates on particular measures that come before us. I hold myself perfectly at liberty to speak and vote upon a subject here if I believe it is for the good of the constituency that I represent, and for the good of the people of the country, and I trust to my power afterwards to be able to justify the action I have taken. If I fail to convert my Constituents to my view they have the power at the ballot box to say, "You have not faithfully interpreted our mind and heart, and we will get someone who will do it better." There are two proposed guarantees that the Second Chamber—admitting the necessity of a Second Chamber—shall be reformed and reformed by the Liberal party. The present Bill is admittedly a temporary measure; one to meet an emergency. The emergency is an accumulation of arrears of needed legislation. If the Conservative party comes into power they will be perfectly justified in saying, "You passed this Act as a temporary measure preparatory to reforming the Upper House; we now intend to reform the Upper House ourselves." But the Liberal party cannot trust the Tory party to reform the Upper House on a democratic basis. Consequently it will be incumbent upon the Liberal party to go on with the matter of reform. This Bill can be repealed. But there is a reform of the Upper House that cannot be repealed. Place the Upper House upon a democratic basis, make it elective—elected by the people—and it will be impossible to withdraw from the people that which you have given them in a reformed Upper House. In the discussions upon this question this Bill has been contrasted with reform, as if there were two schemes, either of which might have been pursued. When the First Commonwealth Bill in Australia was introduced it took ten years of hard work to pass it. Reform is so cumbersome, it is so essential to reconcile all the conflicting views of the people, that it is impossible to carry out so far-reaching a reform unless years of time are devoted to it. I have only to add I believe that a Second Chamber is necessary for the perfecting of our legislation, and that that is the general view held, not only by this House, but by the people of this country, and that it is incumbent upon us to direct all our energies to the consummation of that idea.I thought that the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down was going to make a very interesting dis- closure. But, like many other hon. Members, he repeatedly said he was against reform of the House of Lords, but when we looked for any real reason he was discreetly silent. I suppose we have to wait for other Gentlemen, from whom we shall get the reason which the hon. Gentleman did not give. [An HON. MEMBER: "It would take about ten years."] That is exactly the question I want to have answered. The speech of the hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) was one which everyone will recognise as thoroughly sincere and well reasoned, if I may except the suggestion, which I am sure he did not make very seriously, about a collection of trade union secretaries. He ended with the statement that he was going into the Lobby on this occasion with a full sense of security of being able to demonstrate the feeling of the Labour party, because he felt sure that the two other great parties in the State would divide against him. The hon. Gentleman does not quite fully value the power of his own eloquence, because his speech was a very remarkable one, and it certainly had an effect upon a certain number of Members, myself included, upon this side of the House, and it may have convinced some who perhaps may not have been sufficiently convinced before, that this Preamble was a sham, and that the future of the House of Lords, if this Bill was maintained in the condition to which we have brought it at the present time, would be such that no self-respecting body of men would take the trouble to spend money or to give their lives sitting in a Second Chamber such as will exist under this Bill. A stronger condemnation of the Preamble and of the whole system suggested by this Bill I have never heard. I would remind the hon. Member that his arguments were very powerful and very persuasive, and that if he does find himself in more numerous company in the Division Lobby than he anticipated he will have to put that fact down to the effect of his own eloquence.
The question before us is, Is this Preamble a reality or not? That is the whole point, and it ought to be answered. We have had to-night a most emphatic declaration from the Prime Minister which has carried us a step further than before. He told us that, as far as it can possibly be done, he intended this reform should be carried out within the lifetime of the present Parliament. That is a declaration which has never been made before, and it may represent the opinion and intention of the Prime Minister. How many Gentlemen on the Benches opposite can really say it represents their opinion also? What is the use of one single Minister, even though he is a Prime Minister, making that statement unless he carries with him the support of a very large section of those who sit behind him? There is one thing to which I should like to allude in this connection. There is a notable absentee from the Government Bench this afternoon. He is the last Member of the Cabinet I should like to make an attempt upon, but I say at this particular moment it is a positive scandal that the Foreign Secretary is not present in this Debate to take part in it, because if there was one name connected with the Preamble of this Bill it was his, and if there was one reason given for putting the Preamble to the Bill, not only by Gentlemen sitting on the Opposition side of the House, but upon the other side, it has been that it was supported by a body of opinion of which the Foreign Secretary was the chief. If that is the case, surely the Foreign Secretary ought to be here himself this afternoon to stand up to that view and to defend the Preamble of which he is supposed to be the author or the cause, and I think we have a perfect right to demand before this Debate is over that something should be said by him to strengthen the opinion of the moderate Liberal, who is supposed to exist upon the other side of the House, but of whom we see so little when it comes to action. The Postmaster-General made a most remarkable speech the other clay and no doubt a most convincing speech to his audience, and he gave a very remarkable reason for the continuance of a Second Chamber. I do not think any hon. Gentleman has given such a reason before for the necessity of a Second Chamber. The Postmaster-General said it was necessary in order to keep the Liberal character of the House of Commons. He said he was convinced that the country would not agree to any change by which a Second Chamber was to be clone away with, and he justified the Preamble by saying that if the Second Chamber was done away with the character of this House would be so overwhelmingly Conservative owing to the nervousness of the electorate in not having a Second Chamber that it was absolutely necessary that the Preamble should be put in. I have many reasons for being in favour of a Second Chamber and for wishing that the Preamble may have effect, but this ingenious reason was one that I hoped satisfied the minds of the Postmaster-General's followers. One argument used by the hon. Member for Leicester was that a solution of the difficulty might be found in frequent elections. I look upon the system of frequent elections as one of the greatest curses to which this country could be subjected. Elections mean disturbances of trade, general confusion and the rising up of some of the worst passions in human nature, and frequent General Elections would really be disastrous.Why did you vote for three years last night?
If the hon. Member who interrupts me was as well informed as he attempts occasionally to be witty, he would know I did not vote for three years. If I had had an opportunity I would vote for eight years. Frequent General Elections would be absolutely subversive of all business prosperity in this country. I agree most strongly with the hon. Member for Leicester when he said that the one principle upon which an effective Second Chamber could be set up is the principle of selection and not only of election. The hon. Member said a great many things which we have been saying without effect for weeks. The question which we want to have answered is, Is the Liberal party genuine in attempting to put this Preamble into the Bill? Are they really sincere? If they can convince hon. Members on this side of the House of that, they will receive the support from these benches in the Lobby, but if not I think they will find it extremely likely that votes may go to the hon. Member for Leicester, which may place it perhaps in an uncomfortable and difficult position.
I should not regard this Bill as complete without the Preamble, nor should I regard this Bill as satisfactory for any period of years. It is all very well at the present time to give us powers to pass into law measures which have been rejected by the House of Lords. It is quite sufficient for the moment to enable this House to pass legislation which has been for, many years before the country and which we, at any rate, regard as ripe for solution. But I do not for a moment believe that for a long period of the future, we should be satisfied that the main Bills brought before this House should be subjected to three years' delay or should be subjected to rejection at all by an hereditary Chamber. I believe that in the Second Chamber which is going to be reconstituted, we shall find a much more satisfactory manner of dealing with differences between the two Houses than that arranged for in the second Clause of this Bill. I do not think what we really mean is delay so much as reconsideration, and further thought brought in after delay, in connection with matters that some may think incomplete in the form in which they have left this House. Therefore, desiring social and political progress in this country, I could not support the main Clauses of this Bill if that was to end the matter. I look at it from a different point of view. I believe the real decision of the country in both recent 'General Elections was adverse to the hereditary general principle. I think there are Members upon the other side of the House who have been, at any rate partially, and somewhat recently converted to that view, but that is undoubtedly the view of the Liberal party even since Mr. Gladstone's time.
What we put before the country very forcibly at the election was, the incompetency of a heredity Chamber to manage the affairs of this nation. What is to be the position if we fail to carry out the principles contained in the Preamble of the Bill. If we fail to carry out the reform of the Second Chamber, obviously the Opposition, whenever they get into power, will carry out some reform, and the country has spoken with a clear voice to my mind that they desire reform of the Second Chamber. And I think it would be only reasonable and right if we as a party said we are going back upon that part of the programme put before the country, that the country should say, "You had the power for the reconstruction of the Second Chamber and you did not avail of it." You come back without having done it. For three elections we have expressed the opinion that that Chamber needed revision. If we fail to do it the country will be justified in saying, "We shall hand over to the Opposition the task of reconstructing the Second Chamber." That is what we have to fear as a party more than anything else. Although we do not know exactly, at any rate we know sufficiently exactly to make up our minds as to the kind of reconstruction which the Opposition would carry if hon. Gentlemen opposite came into power. We have Lord Rosebery's scheme and the scheme sketched out by Lord Lansdowne. We know the kind of reform to expect if the Conservatives happen to get a majority on whatever the issue may be, and it may be an entirely different issue from that which is now before the country. This may not take place for five, ten, or fifteen years hence. If the Opposition came into power on an entirely different issue we know they would carry out a scheme of reform of the House of Lords on the lines laid down by Lord Rosebery and sketched out by Lord Lansdowne. Such a scheme would leave a certain number of hereditary Peers electing themselves, and it would probably leave a certain number to be nominated by the Crown. The general idea is that a certain number must be to some extent either directly or indirectly representative. But there is one thing perfectly clear. Supposing you take any figures that you wish. Take the new reformed House of Lords as numbering 300, and supposing Lord Lansdowne suggested that one-third of them should be elected by the hereditary Peers from amongst themselves. I will imagine that the other parties would be equally balanced in the elective element. Even then the Conservative party would still have a permanent majority. If you imagine that the Liberals in regard to the elected Members of the new House of Lords were to elect two Liberals to one Conservative, under such conditions the hereditary Peers would still hold the balance. That is perhaps the most extreme scheme that has been put forward from the Opposition side of this House, and it is the most extreme scheme which has received any kind of support in the present House of Lords. If we leave the House of Lords unreformed, what I have suggested would be the most extreme reformation which the Conservative party would carry. I put it to hon. Members on this side of the House who say they are anxious to pass this Bill as it is and then leave matters to go on for ever, that that will create a perfectly hopeless situation. You have to deal with your opponents, and they are not going to allow it to go on for all time. When they have changed it and we come back again, if we wish to alter it again we should go through another period of ten, fifteen, or twenty years' agitation against another Second Chamber, through the whole of which period we should be impotent to carry out any effective work. On the simple principle of self-preservation it is impossible for us to leave the matter where this Bill places it. Such a reformed Chamber as that which has been sketched in the House of Lords would be a greater danger to democracy. It would be a more difficult House to pass legislation through, and we should be more completely under the thumb of the hereditary Peers than we are at the present time. I am in favour of the main parts of this Bill, because first of all it gives us power during the present Parliament to carry certain legislation which we believe it is our duty to carry out in the immediate future. But that is not the main reason why I support this Bill. I support it mainly because it gives us the power, and it is the only way in which we can get the power, of reforming the Second Chamber and absolutely abolishing the hereditary principle for ever. I would point out to hon. Members on this side of the House that whatever alterations we may make in the Constitution, whatever rearrangement we may make in the relations between the two Houses, as long as we leave the hereditary Peers in control of the Second Chamber, so long will they always reverse to a large extent any legislation we pass or any constitutional alteration that we may make. If once we go a step further and eliminate the hereditary element from the Second Chamber, if once hereditary Peers cease to sit in that House, then no force on earth can put them back again, because it is obvious if you once set up a Second Chamber of representative men you will be free from all the terrors that have been preached at us from the opposite side of the House. We have had each day during this Debate the horrors of the Cromwellian period preached at us. The Cromwellian period abolished the House of Lords, but supposing they had put in its place a representative Second Chamber. That would have been a very different thing. That Chamber would never have voted itself out of power again to put the hereditary Peers back again, and that after all is the only salvation for the Liberal party to-day. If we wish to obtain the control of the affairs of this country by the democracy there is no better way of obtaining it permanently and for all time than the absolute exclusion of the hereditary principle from the House of Lords. The main reason why I support this Bill and why I support Clause 2 is because that is the only method by which we can get the power of altering the Constitution of the Second Chamber. I suppose it is obvious that the reason why no agreement was come to last year on the constitutional question and the reason why no agreement could possibly be come to was that in all the negotiations and all the Debates we felt that the House of Lords had the last word and that their consent was necessary—The hon. Member is treating this question much too widely, and he must confine himself to the question raised by the Amendment—that is, the leaving out of the Preamble.
I am afraid I went astray on Clause 2. Unless this Bill carried with it the Preamble it would certainly not have my support. Hon. Members on the Opposition benches are quite welcome to my personal view on this point, and no doubt many of them will be glad to hear it. I certainly am very strongly of opinion not only that we should leave this Preamble in the Bill, but that we ought to carry out the principle of the Preamble within the lifetime of the present Parliament. Having gone to the country three times with this question predominantly before the electors, I do not think we have any right to go back to the electors again condemning the hereditary principle and asking for their mandate to deal with it. I think we have the power to deal with it, and we are in honour bound, not only to pass the Preamble, but to deal with the legislation suggested in the Preamble within the lifetime of the present Parliament.
7.0 P.M.
I have listened with great attention to the speeches made on both sides of this House, and although I have been impressed with the unique character of the speeches I have been still more impressed with the unique character of the attitude taken up by the Government. It seems to me that by the attitude the Government have taken up they have placed themselves right outside the Constitution, and in so doing they have disobeyed the State, which after all, is the sanction for their existence, as it is the sanction for ours. While we on this side consider Free Trade as a folly or Home Rule as a mistake we can only regard treachery to the State as a crime. This Bill seeks to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of a hereditary basis. As a matter of fact this Veto Bill will make the House of Lords a phantom of its former self, the attenuated ghost of a Second Chamber. We hear that they are going to clothe the new body they create with some flesh and blood. The point I urge is that no Second Chamber so constituted can possibly fail to stand more in the way of rash legislation than the existing House of Lords. The existing House of Lords is a Second Chamber which exists on sufferance. Any elective Second Chamber must exist as a divine right. Once you get both Houses of Parliament elected then you will have two bodies which will squabble between themselves as to which of the two is rightly interpreting the will of the country. In my opinion the case against the House of Lords has been a very thin one. In the name of the will of the people we have been asked to abolish a House of Lords which has thrown out an Education Bill which the people did not want, a Licensing Bill which the people would not have, and a Budget which lost the Government a matter of 100 seats. Hon. Gentlemen opposite blame the House of Lords for throwing out Radical measures and not Conservative measures, but in my opinion that is an argument in favour of the House of Lords. That merely means that the Conservative party has never yet managed to bring in legislation which evokes the prime function of the Second Chamber. It has never yet managed to bring in Bills and legislation which were so scandalously rash that a Second Chamber ought to have turned them out. Those are a few of the arguments which are brought forward against the House of Lords. The last argument is that the House of Lords as at present constituted is in the way. That is no argument at all. A very famous statesman once declared:—
Yet the House of Lords, even as the gallows, is a most admirable institution—the one for hanging up murderers, and the other Radical Bills. I feel the Radical party and the Government come to the discussion of this question not, as the lawyers say, with altogether clean hands. I feel they come to the discussion of it with their hands somewhat soiled. They come to it embittered by defeat and annoyed by delay. It is an old saying that a man makes his own worst lawyer, and no litigant should ever conduct his own case. He comes too full of passion and too full of prejudice to consider the case squarely and upon its merits. In my opinion, the present Government inasmuch as it is the patient is the worst judge of a cure for its ill. I cannot help thinking a lasting settlement may be made on this question through the medium of compromise. That if each side regarded their own measures upon their merits, a lasting settlement might be effected. We on this side of the House are quite ready to recognise the merits of the Radical case if they will only recognise some of the merits of ours. There are even merits in the question of the hereditary principle, and I must confess I am myself a somewhat belated believer in blood. To my mind the descendants of the great and the noble are more likely to do great and noble deeds on great occasions than the descendants of the unrecognised and the unknown. I think the bearers of great names—such, if I may say so, as "Cecil," or even "Churchill"—are more likely to prove accomplished citizens or distinguished legislators than the purveyors of some humbler names, such as "Smith" or "Jones." In any case, I think it is worth considering. Leaving that aspect out of account, nobody can deny that an aristocracy and a House of Lords based upon the hereditary principle is the most envied aristocracy in the world. One has only got to consider the conditions which prevail in England, and those which prevail on the continent. Our aristocracy is the most democratic aristocracy in the world. What do you find on the continent? An aristocracy hedged round by barriers, against which the classes below it shatter themselves in vain. They never succeed in getting within the charmed circle. The middle-class of the present generation remains the middle-class of the next generation. In England the conditions are just the reverse. The middle-class to-day are the aristocracy to-morrow."You might as reasonably argue in favour of the abolition of prisons because some gaol bird found gaol uncomfortable. You might as well argue in favour of abolishing the death sentence because some condemned criminal considered the gallows rather inconvenient."
How does this bear upon the Amendments?
I apologise if I have said anything out of order. I was trying to prove the hereditary principle worked far better under present conditions in England than it does abroad. The aristocracy of the House of Lords as at present constituted is really as much envied and as much respected as any Second Chamber can possibly be. I look round, and I can find no dislike whatever for the Peerage. I find that hon. Gentlemen opposite, who are loudest, in their denunciation of Peers in general, are readiest in welcoming Peers in particular. I find those loudest in denouncing any hereditary Peerage are most anxious to end their lives in the paradise of another place. The Peers of England are the most recherché luxury of the world to-day. The business man wants one on the board of his company, the rich Radical wants one for the hand of his daughter, and the Nonconformist wants one for his last bazaar.
I must ask the hon. Member to approach the Amendment.
On a point of Order. Is not the hon. Member entitled to argue against reforming the Second Chamber?
I think it is quite within the limits of the Amendment to argue against the reform of the Second Chamber, but the hon. Member was talking rather at large.
I can only hope the time may shortly come when some compromise may be effected, and a Second Chamber established which both sides can accept. This is a great year. It is the year of the Coronation and of the Imperial Conference. It seems to me it, would be an annus mirabilis, it would indeed be a remarkable year if a settlement of this question could be effected also. Whilst the sands of compromise may have run low, they have not run out altogether, and it is my hope, and the hope of many on this side of the House, that a compromise may be effected within the next twelve months which will satisfy all parties in the State.
I should like, if I may be allowed to do so, to congratulate the hon. Gentleman opposite on having made a speech on behalf of blue blood. It is not often we have it said to us in the naked and unashamed manner it has been said this evening. I would recommend the hon. Member to read a little book by Henry George, in which it is pointed out that Nature treats, if I may say so, the "Cecils" and the "Churchills" just the same as the "Smiths" and the "Jones." If either of them falls into the river, the only one who can swim gets out. I remember once hearing the Noble Lord in the corner there (Lord Hugh Cecil) speaking to young Oxford undergraduates and saying very nearly the same kind of thing as the hon. Member has been saying. He pointed out to them they were the chosen and elect whose business it was to train themselves so that they might efficiently legislate, govern, and administer this great Empire. That sort of doctrine might have done service a century or two ago, but certainly since you have given us even a smattering of education and have given us votes, we have had to consider whether we might not manage our affairs at least a little better than the blue-blooded gentlemen have managed it up to now. The present social conditions of England are quite enough evidence that the House of Lords has not done very much to take care of the poor who live under their shadow. I also want to say a word or two about, the hereditary principle. I have in my heart a sneaking regard for the descendants of the old nobility. I have more regard for their ancestors though. I have a very real feeling for some of those robber lords who took the land and fought for it with their own right hands. I have some respect for them, and for the blood that ran through their veins, but, when I am asked to respect a crowd of gentlemen at the other end of that. Gallery—most of whom have bought their way to that Assembly—as the hereditary descendants of some one or other, I find many of them descended from people named "Smith."
On a point of Order. I must ask the hon. Member if he is making a personal reference?
With great respect, I would refer the hon. Member to the hon. Member behind him (Mr. Oliver Locker-Lampson). I would point that, while I may respect the old nobility, I have not a shred of respect for the new rich. We all know the French word for it. I have no regard for the ironmasters, the brewers, and the distillers who, by giving great sums to party funds, have found themselves in the old nobility of England, and I do not understand the Noble Lord the. Member for Oxford (Lord Hugh Cecil) having any respect for them either. One, hon. Member below the Gangway said earlier in the evening he was going to vote with us, and another hon. Member above the Gangway told us he was very much inclined to vote with us, and that my hon. Friend (Mr. Barnes) had almost persuaded him to go into the Lobby with him. I have sat in this House listening very patiently to the speeches and the efforts hon. Members opposite have been making to save the country from the dire and dreadful ruin of this revolution, and one of the things I have heard is that Gentlemen on this side of the House are engaged in carrying on a big fraud. I have heard from Gentlemen below the Gangway opposite that we here are very dishonest. [An HON. MEMBER: "On the platform."] Yes, "On the platform." I quite understand. Here we call one another names, and it does not mean anything. I should like to say the very worst thing men can ever do is to go into the Lobby and vote for something in which they do not believe. Whether you are Single-Chamber men or not, if you go into the Lobby with us tonight you go in as Single-Chamber men, and we shall take care to rub that in. We on these benches are very often rebuked because we are found in the Lobby with the Government, and because we do not often enough go into the Lobby with hon. Members opposite. Well, one of the Kings of England—I think it was Charles II.—said to his brother, "Don't worry; they will never cut off my head to make you King." However we may dislike hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, I do not think we are likely to cut off their heads in order to put on hon. Members opposite in their place. Undoubtedly we are often in a position of very great difficulty. That is on account of the Rules of Procedure in this House. We are not responsible for them. One of these days we hope that things will be better.
I should like to say a word or two on the principle involved in this Amendment. I am one of the very few men in this House who take a particular line on the subject of the House of Lords, in connection with what I think is a question very much tied up with it—that is, the question of Home Rule. Of course I am not going to discuss Home Rule now; but I cannot help feeling—and I hope that right hon. Gentlemen who sit on the two Front Benches will forgive one who is quite an outsider for this expression of opinion—I cannot help thinking, and I have always thought, ever since this controversy arose, that if there had been a really big statesman in England, a man with real imagination and real power, it would have been possible to settle the question of Ireland and the question of the new Senate at one and the same time. I have listened in this House to debates on Empire, to debates in connection with our Colonies, and to debates regarding Ireland. For good or for evil, Home Rule is sure to come. Some form of self-government is going to be given to the Irish people, and, so far as I am concerned, I shall fight for it as hard as I can. But when that is accomplished another position will have to be faced in this House. You never can permit for very long, it must be a temporary measure, that Irish Members shall be allowed to vote on English matters while English Members will be unable to vote on Irish matters. The whole of the question regarding a Second Chamber resolves itself into this. Not merely are we to spend a year or two in dealing with the House of Lords and with Home Rule, but, immediately afterwards, we will have to consider what we are to do in regard to our own business here. I am a Federationist of the Empire. I believe that the time has long gone by for bringing all parts of the Empire into one solid whole, and I cannot help but think that the grant of Home Rule for Ireland might have been made in such a way as to avoid bringing in any question of the reform of the House of Lords, or of having a Second Chamber to revise what we do here. In my opinion we should have a really Imperial Parliament, representative of the whole Empire to deal with matters connected with the whole Empire. I said that to my constituents down amongst the poorest people in the Metropolis. They understood it, believed in it, and supported it. I only regret that one has to sit in this House and listen to educated and talented statesmen throwing their speeches at one another, instead of setting to work out what I believe is the most critical problem that this country has had to face, namely, how to maintain its position in the world and at the same time to maintain its people within its own shores. For my part, I hope that even now, some men on the two Front Benches will rise above party, will recognise that Ireland has to be dealt with, and will deal with her generously. Let that be the first step in the federation of our whole Empire.I hope the hon. Member will forgive me if I do not follow him in all the ramifications of the speech he has just delivered. I greatly admire the ingenuity which enabled him within the limits of order to discuss at some little length a number of problems which I am bound to confess did not appear to me to bear very much on the Amendment at present before the Committee. I may be allowed to say, in reply to the hon. Gentleman's remarks about Home Rule, that if he is waiting to postpone the reform of the House of Lords until there is a separate Parliament sitting on College Green, Dublin, the reform of the House of Lords will be, in my opinion, indefinitely postponed. The hon. Gentleman has permitted himself to make a little merry with the hereditary principle. I do not complain of that. I am one of those who never entirely supported that principle as the factor which should determine the position of the Second Chamber in this or any other country. But I will say this, that looking over the past history of this country, not merely for one or two generations, but for, say, 600 years, on the whole the hereditary principle has proved to be a good master. Is it not, therefore, worth considering if you are now to make a change, whether you cannot convert it into a good servant? I was a little surprised to hear the denunciation of blue-blooded lords in which the hon. Member indulged. I have in my hand a speech which he delivered only a fortnight ago, I think it was at Wolverhampton, in which he was very far from denouncing the hereditary principle in the unmeasured terms he used to-day. He said on that occasion he had some little respect for the blue-blooded lord whose ancestors had handed down the estates to him, although he had nothing but contempt for the peers who had paid the price of their peerages to the Liberal party.
I think it will he in the recollection of the Committee that I said very much the same thing just now.
Then I apologise. I must have misunderstood the hon. Member, and, of course, I will not pursue that line of argument any further. I wish to deal with the speeches delivered earlier in the evening. I am sure no one could object to the tone or temper of the three speeches which have been made by hon. Members sitting above the Gangway on the Government side; they have all been reasoned and reasonable contributions to the Debate, and their tone and substance makes us regret that the hon. Members, by some self-denying ordinance, have deprived us of the privilege of hearing more speeches of a similar character. The hon. Gentleman the Member for North Leeds (Mr. Barran), the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Osgoldcross (Sir J. Compton-Rickett), and the hon. Gentleman the Member for Stirlingshire (Dr. Chapple) all laid emphasis on the necessity for a Second Chamber for the purpose of delay or for giving an opportunity for revision. It was, I think, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Osgoldcross who urged the necessity of a Second Chamber in order to give sufficient delay to enable public opinion to be organised. If it is right that there should be such a delay as to enable public opinion to be organised surely it is necessary to take a further step and say that the delay shall be such as to give that organised opinion a chance of expressing itself. What is the use of organised opinion unless opportunity is afforded to translate it into action? I am certain that logic will guide these hon. Gentlemen ultimately to the views we hold on this side of the House, that the delay must be sufficient to ensure that in case of necessity—it will not very often happen—in the case of a crisis the country shall have an opportunity of pronouncing one way or another on legislative proposals before they are eventually translated into law.
I turn now to the other side of the picture—to the argument presented by the hon. Member for the Blackfriars Division of Glasgow (Mr. Barnes). I was very much surprised to hear the hon. Member base his argument for a Single-Chamber system on the ground of experience. The hon. Gentleman appealed to what had occurred in other constitutional countries. Is there any one of those countries which at this present moment, or at any time in the last ten years, would have sought to revert to the system of Single-Chamber Government. Not one would think of it for a moment. They have all arrived at the system by bicameral Government; they have all grown up under it, and they have found that, in practice, it is the only sound and statesmanlike method of conducting their legislative affairs. That observation applies to every country, and not merely to our Colonies. It applies to a federal republic like the United States of America, it applies to a federal kingdom like Germany. It applies to a single-unit republic like France, and to a single-unit kingdom like Italy. It is a universal belief in the bicameral system. I therefore think that the hon. Member's appeal to experience does not carry us very far. It has been suggested that this Amendment is calculated to reveal fundamental divisions in the Liberal coalition. But what is of more interest to me is whether it will reveal any difference of opinion on the Treasury Bench, and, in order to ascertain that, I am compelled to ask the. House for the moment to have regard to some of the opinions which have been expressed by occupants of the Treasury Bench on this matter. The Prime Minister to-clay was perfectly explicit and perfectly straightforward so far as he went, but I do not think lie went far enough. He said we have always asserted that this Bill is not a complete solution, and he said that not to carry out the necessary supplement to it would be a violation of the pledges and promises of Ministers. He was speaking with perfect truth as to a large number of the occupants of the Treasury Bench. There are many Members sitting on that Bench who are, and who have been, pledged to a policy of reform of the House of Lords. I have made a short survey among the election speeches of Ministers at the last and the preceding elections, and I find strong declarations in favour of a reformed Second Chamber from the First Lord of the Admiralty, the Foreign Secretary, of course; the Prime Minister, the Chief Secretary for Ireland, the Secretary of State for War, and the Secretary of State for India. The Secretary of State for India went so far as to say that he thought, like the Foreign Secretary, that it would be the height of folly for the Liberal party to ignore this chance of proceeding to the immediate reform of the House of Lords or to its reform in the near future. That, however, only represents one side of the opinions of Members of the Government, and, although it is quite true that the Prime Minister and his colleagues I have mentioned may have expressed these opinions, there are denizens of the Treasury Bench who apparently hold a contrary view. The Prime Minister says that it is an obligation of honour on the Liberal party to proceed shortly, I gather, with the reform of the House of Lords. But that is not what some Ministers say in the country. Only the other day there was a by-election in Lord Haldane's own Constituency of Haddingtonshire, and to that election down went one of the strongest speakers on the Ministerial Bench—namely, the Lord Advocate (Mr. Ure). Naturally the people wanted to have some light and leading from the Lord Advocate as to the intentions of the Government. And what did he say about this reform which the Prime Minister says the Government is under an obligation of honour to undertake at the earliest possible moment? The Lord Advocate, as reported in "The Times" on 15th April, said:—The Lord Advocate holds those views and it is not the first time that he has expressed them, and I want to know what the Treasury Bench think in reference to the matter. I discovered an occasion, also, on which he went to a place in Suther-landshire and was met—the picture strikes me as rather picturesque—by a band of drummers and pipers. A platform at one end of the field was surmounted by banners, one of them having a picture with the Houses of Parliament on fire and the House of Lords burning, while the inscription had reference to the burning of the House of Lords. The Lord Advocate is not the only Member of the Government who holds those views. The Patronage Secretary (Master of Elibank) was at the January election asked by one of those persistent and invaluable hecklers how he proposed to reconstruct the House of Lords. His answer was:—"The reform of the House of Lords was the purest moonshine and humbug. When once one of the institutions of the State was false, it could not be improved. Therefore let them sweep it away as a cumberer of the ground."
I know that many of the hon. Members below the Gangway who cheer share the opinions of the Patronage Secretary and the Lord Advocate, and their position is quite intelligible, but those opinions are inconsistent with the expressions of the Prime Minister, who said that he regarded it is an obligation of honour on the Liberal party to proceed with the reform of the House of Lords. I hope we may have some enlightenment on this subject from those Members of the Treasury Bench to whom I have referred. The Prime Minister went on to say that he proposed to carry out this reform if time permitted during the limit of this Parliament. I ask why this qualifying phrase? Why if time permits? Why riot now? I agree that the right hon. Gentleman may say, and is perfectly entitled to say, that the Veto Bill must precede reform. Personally I do not share that opinion. It seems to me a common-sense proposition that if you are making a constitutional adjustment you ought first to settle the composition of your two bodies and then after wards proceed to deal with the relations between the two Houses. That would be the ordinary common-sense proceeding in the affairs of every-day life. If you were taking two pulleys and connecting them with a belt you would determine upon the nature of your pulleys, and then decide the size of your belt. Granted, however, that the right hon. Gentleman is right when he says he must have the Veto Bill first, then I ask, Why not follow the Veto Bill immediately by reform? Why all these qualifying phrases about if time permits? It is not really a question of time permitting. It is a question whether the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) permits, which is quite another thing. I sincerely hope that before we go to a Division some of those Members on the Treasury Bench to whose opinions I have referred will see their way to enlighten the House a little further as to how far their opinions conflict with the opinion of the Prime Minister in regard to the pledges of the Liberal party."I do not want it reconstructed. I want it abolished."
The speech which we have just heard delivered with such eloquent force from the other side of the House is but another of those with which we have been inundated during many long and dreary nights in this House. The opinion of hon. Members on the other side of this House all through this controversy has been that the Government are not to be trusted after the Parliament Bill is passed to show any desire whatever to proceed to the alteration of the composition of the House of Lords. In effect they say that the Preamble of this Bill is merely put in as a piece of shop-window dressing in order to catch a few stray votes more or less in the country or in the House. I am certain of this, that although very few of us on this side of the House have taken or intend to take any active part in these Debates, it has not been from any want of sympathy with the Government in regard to this Bill. And still less has it been the fact that we are treating the speeches of hon. Members opposite with almost studied silence. We have done nothing of the sort. We have sat still and voted steadily throughout the stages of this Bill, and we mean to go on in that manner to the end. From the very first our attitude has been that of the Government, that this Parliament Bill was a means to an end, and until we have got the Parliament Bill and the power to deal with the House of Lords, it is absolute nonsense for us to attempt to speak upon any proposals whatever as to reform of the other Chamber. I am not for one moment going to weary the Committee with any fanciful alterations in our constitutions, and what the Government may think it wise to do in the near future. But I am glad to have an opportunity of here and now saying that I believe the Government is pledged up to the very hilt to reform the House of Lords, and that at an early date. If time does not permit them to reform the House of Lords as soon as they would wish, then I say that the persons who are most responsible are those hon. Members opposite who threw out a challenge as to the good faith of the Government in their desire to proceed in the direction of a reasonable reform.
I believe the country would not tolerate for one moment the existence of such a House of Lords as this Bill would leave, and a House of Lords shorn of all the ordinary prerogatives of a Second Chamber would be useless to review or consider legislation, nor would it be ornamental, as it may possibly have been in the past. From that side of the House there has cone a fair and reasonable suggestion by an hon. Member not just now in his place, and that was that he for one would be satisfied to see the House of Lords reconstituted on such a basis as to give every party in this country a reasonable opportunity of having their proposals carried out. That is a reasonable proposal, and one which I am sorry that hon. Gentletlemen generally have not taken more to heart throughout the whole of the Debates on this Bill from the very beginning. Up till now we have heard from the other side nothing but taunts directed at the Government for want of good faith in regard to a desire to reform the House of Lords, and assertions that they desire to carry this Bill in order to pass other measures of minor importance, some of which have been alluded to to-night. If hon. Members opposite had adopted a reasonable and common-sense attitude, they would have recognised that this Parliament Bill and the Preamble were necessary, and that the whole policy of the Government was to be taken as a whole and that they were pledged to deal with it at the earliest possible moment. Hon. Members should have left the matter there, instead of attempting to prejudice great and important social questions which have been alluded to, such as Home Rule and education, and a dozen other important subjects. Every one of those subjects the Opposition have tried to prejudice, and to get an opinion passed upon before any proposals were brought forward. If they would only take the reasonable and sensible line contained in the advice of the Prime Minister which he has so often given just to "wait and see," and not to attempt to throw discredit upon a great party in the country, I think the Opposition would be better advised than they are at the present moment.I think it desirable that I should take up the challenge thrown down by the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury). He seemed very much alarmed lest any of us on this side of the House should go with him into the Lobby. He need be under no such apprehension. As far as I am concerned, I certainly cannot vote with him, although I rather agree with him. It is impossible for those who believe in two Chambers to give a general concurrence in this matter. Still, I think in the main the contention
Division No. 219.]
| AYES.
| [7.45 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Delany, William | Hughes, Spencer Leigh |
| Abraham, Rt. Hon. William (Rhondda) | Devlin, Joseph | Hunter, William (Lanark, Govan) |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Dewar, Sir J. A. | Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel |
| Adamson, William | Dillon, John | Jardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire) |
| Addison, Dr. Christopher | Doris, William | John, Edward Thomas |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) | Johnson, William |
| Alden, Percy | Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) | Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) |
| Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton) | Edwards, Allen Clement (Glamorgan, E.) | Jones, Henry Hadyn (Merioneth) |
| Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud) | Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) | Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe) |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Ellbank, Rt. Hon. Master of | Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) |
| Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry | Elverston, Harold | Jones, W. S. Glyn- (T. Hmts., Stepney) |
| Baker, Harold T. (Accrington) | Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) | Jowett, Frederick William |
| Barnes, George N. | Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) | Joyce, Michael |
| Barran, Sir John N. (Hawick B.) | Essex, Richard Walter | Keating, Matthew |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Falconer, James | Kellaway, Frederick George |
| Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.) | Fenwick, Charles | Kelly, Edward |
| Barton, William | Ferens, Thomas Robinson | Kennedy, Vincent Paul |
| Beck, Arthur Cecil | Ffrench, Peter | Kilbride, Denis |
| Benn, W. W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.) | Field, William | King, Joseph (Somerset, North) |
| Bentham, George Jackson | Fitzgibbon, John | Lamb, Ernest Henry |
| Bethell, Sir John Henry | Flavin, Michael Joseph | Lambert, George (Devon, S. Molten) |
| Black, Arthur W. | Gelder, Sir William Alfred | Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) |
| Boland, John Plus | Gill, Alfred Henry | Lansbury, George |
| Booth, Frederick Handel | Ginnell, Laurence | Lardner, James Carrige Rushe |
| Bowerman, Charles W. | Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford | Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West) |
| Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North) | Goldstone, Frank | Lawson, Sir W.(Cumb'rl'nd.,Cockerm'th) |
| Brace, William | Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) | Leach, Charles |
| Brady, Patrick Joseph | Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward | Levy, Sir Maurice |
| Brigg, Sir John | Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | Lewis, John Herbert |
| Brocklehurst, William B. | Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) | Logan, John William |
| Bryce, John Annan | Hackett, John | Lundon, Thomas |
| Burns, Rt. Hon. John | Hall, F. (Yorks, Normanton) | Lyell, Charles Henry |
| Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas | Hancock, John George | Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) |
| Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.) | Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | Maclean, Donald |
| Buxton Rt. Hon, S. C. (Poplar) | Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale) | Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. |
| Carr-Gomm, H. W. | Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift |
| Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) | Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | MacVeagh, Jeremiah |
| Cawley, H. T. (Lancs., Heywood) | Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) | M'Callum, John M. |
| Chapple, Dr. William Allen | Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) | M'Curdy, Charles Albert |
| Clancy, John Joseph | Harwood, George | M'Kean, John |
| Clough, William | Haslam, James (Derbyshire) | M'Laren, H. D. (Leics.) |
| Clynes, John R. | Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) | Markham, Arthur Basil |
| Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) | Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | Marks, George Croydon |
| Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Haworth, Arthur A. | Martin, Joseph |
| Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Hayden, John Patrick | Mason, David M. (Coventry) |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | Hayward, Evan | Meagher, Michael |
| Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. | Helme, Norval Watson | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) |
| Cotton, William Francis | Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) |
| Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) | Henry, Sir Charles Solomon | Menzies, Sir Walter |
| Crawshay-Williams, Eliot | Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon. S.) | Millar, James Duncan |
| Crooks, William | Higham, John Sharp | Molloy, Michael |
| Crumley, Patrick | Hinds, John | Molteno, Percy Alport |
| Cullinan, John | Hodge, John | Mooney, John J. |
| Davies, Ellis William (Eifion) | Holt, Richard Durning | Morrell, Philip |
| Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) | Hope, John Deans (Haddington) | Morton, Alpheus Cleophas |
| Davies, Sir W. Howeil (Bristol, S.) | Horne, Charles Sylvester (Ipswich) | Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C. |
| Dawes, James Arthur | Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Murray, Capt. Hon. Arthur C. |
of those who moved the Amendment has been purely in favour of a Single Chamber, and I certainly cannot support that, however much they may feel that the Preamble itself is a bit of shop-window business, carrying nothing very substantial with it. In these circumstances, I shall take the course of abstaining altogether in the controversy which hon. Gentlemen opposite are having amongst themselves.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 267; Noes. 120.
| Nannetti, Joseph P. | Redmond, William (Clare, E.) | Thomas, James Henry (Derby) |
| Needham, Christopher T. | Rendall, Athelstan | Thorne, William (West Ham) |
| Neilson, Francis | Richards, Thomas | Toulmin, George |
| Nolan, Joseph | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) | Trevelyan, Charles Philips |
| Norton, Capt. Cecil W. | Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) | Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander |
| O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) | Roberts, George H. (Norwich) | Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince) |
| O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) | Walters, John Tudor |
| O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Robinson, Sidney | Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| O'Doherty, Philip | Roche, Augustine (Louth) | Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay |
| O'Dowd, John | Roche, John (Galway, E.) | Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) |
| Ogden, Fred | Rose, Sir Charles Day | Watt, Henry A. |
| O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) | Rowntree, Arnold | Webb, H. |
| O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) | Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter | Wedgwood, Josiah C. |
| O'Malley, William | Samuel, Rt. Hon. L. (Cleveland) | White, Sir George (Norfolk) |
| O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) | Samuel, J. (Stockton-an-Tees) | White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.) |
| O'Shaughnessy, P. J. | Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) | White, Patrick (Neath, North) |
| O'Sullivan, Timothy | Scanlan, Thomas | Whitehouse, John Howard |
| Palmer, Godfrey Mark | Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B. | Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| Parker, James (Halifax) | Sheehy, David | Whyte, A. F. (Perth) |
| Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) | Sherwell, Arthur James | Wiles, Thomas |
| Phillipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton) | Simon, Sir John Allsebrook | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Phillips, John (Longford, S.) | Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe) | Williams, John (Glamorgan) |
| Pickersgill, Edward Hare | Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton) | Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) |
| Pointer, Joseph | Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) | Wilson, Hon. G. G, (Hull, W.) |
| Pollard, Sir George H. | Spicer, Sir Albert | Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.) |
| Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. | Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) |
| Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) | Strachey, Sir Edward | Wilson W. T. (Westhoughton) |
| Pringle, William M. R. | Summers, James Woolley | Winfrey, Richard |
| Radford, George Heynes | Sutton, John E. | Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Rainy, Adam Rolland | Taylor, John W. (Durham) | Young, William (Perth, East) |
| Raphael, Sir Herbert Henry | Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) | |
| Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields) | Tennant, Harold John | TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. |
| Reddy, Michael | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) | Illingworth and Mr. Guliand. |
| Redmond. John E. (Waterford) |
NOES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F. | Forster, Henry William | Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas |
| Aitken, William Max. | Frewen, Moreton | Newdegate, F. A. |
| Archer-Shee, Major Martin | Gardner, Ernest | Newman, John R. P. |
| Ashley, Wilfrid W. | Goldman, Charles Sydney | Norton-Griffiths, J. |
| Balcarres, Lord | Grant, James Augustus | O'Grady, James |
| Baldwin, Stanley | Greene, W. R. | Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William |
| Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.) | Gretton, John | Parkes, Ebenezer |
| Barnston, Harry | Guinness, Hon. Walter Edward | Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) |
| Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.) | Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne) | Peel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge) |
| Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton) | Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight) | Perkins, Walter Frank |
| Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks | Hambro, Angus Valdemar | Pollock, Ernest Murray |
| Beckett, Hon. W. Gervase | Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) | Ratcliff, R. F. |
| Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) | Helmsley, Viscount | Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel |
| Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) | Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon) | Rice, Hon. Walter Fitz-Uryan |
| Bennett-Goldney, Francis | Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury) | Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) |
| Bird, Alfred | Hope, Harry (Bute) | Rolleston, Sir John |
| Boscawen, Sackville T. Griffith- | Hope, James Fitzatan (Sheffield) | Rothschild, Lionel de |
| Bull, Sir William James | Horner, Andrew Long | Salter, Arthur Clavell |
| Burgoyne, Alan Hughes | Houston, Robert Paterson | Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) |
| Butcher, John George | Hume-Williams. William Ellis | Sanders, Robert Arthur |
| Carlile, E. Hildred | Hunt, Rowland | Sanderson, Robert Lancelot |
| Castlereagh, Viscount | Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East) | Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) |
| Cautley, Henry Strother | Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr | Smith, Harold (Warrington) |
| Cave, George | Kimher, Sir Henry | Steel-Maitland, A. D. |
| Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) | King, Sir Henry Seymour (Hull) | Stewart, Gershom |
| Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford Univ.) | Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford | Talbot, Lord Edmund |
| Chaloner, Col. R. G. W. | Lane-Fox, G. R. | Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.) |
| Clay, Captain H. H. Spender | Larmor, Sir J. | Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, N.) |
| Clive, Percy Archer | Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'm'ts., Mile End) | Thynne, Lord Alexander |
| Clyde, James Avon | Locker-Larnpson, G. (Sallsbury) | Tryon, Capt. George Clement |
| Courthope, George Loyd | Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey) | Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude |
| Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) | Long, Rt. Hon. Walter | Wilson, A. Stanley (York, E.R.) |
| Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet) | Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) | Wolmer, Viscount |
| Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian | Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo., Han. S.) | Wood, John (Stalybridge) |
| Croft, Henry Page | MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh | Worthington-Evans, L. |
| Dairymple, Viscount | Mackinder, Halford J. | Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart- |
| Dixon, Charles Harvey | M'Calmont, Colonel James | Yate, Col. C. E. |
| Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- | Mason, James F. (Windsor) | Yerburgh, Robert |
| Duke, Henry Edward | Meysey-Thompson, E. C. | |
| Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. | Middlemore, John Throgmorton | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. |
| Fell, Arthur | Mildmay, Francis Bingham | Cassel and Mr. Watson Rutherford. |
Question put accordingly, "That the words, 'Whereas it is expedient that provision should be made for regulation the relations between the two House of Parliament:
'And whereas it is intended to,' stand part of the Preamble."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 218; Noes, 47.
Division No. 220.]
| AYES.
| [7.55 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis (Rossendale) | Ogden, Fred |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) |
| Addison, Dr C. | Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Harwood, George | O'Malley, William |
| Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton) | Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) | O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) |
| Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud) | Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | O'Shaughnessy, P. J. |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Haworth, Arthur A. | O'Sullivan, Timothy |
| Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry | Hayden, John Patrick | Palmer, Godfrey |
| Baker, H. T. (Accrington) | Hayward, Evan | Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) |
| Barran, Sir John N. (Hawick Burghs) | Helme, Norval Watson | Phillipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton) |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Henry, Sir Charles | Phillips, John (Longford, S.) |
| Barry, Redmond John | Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor | Pickersgill, Edward Hare |
| Barton, W. | Hinds, John | Pollard, Sir George H. |
| Beck, Arthur Cecil | Hope, John Deans (Haddington) | Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. N. |
| Benn, W. (T. Hamlets, S. George) | Horne, Charles Silvester (Ipswich) | Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) |
| Bentham, G. J. | Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Pringle, William M. R. |
| Bethell, Sir J. H. | Hughes, S. L. | Radford, G. H. |
| Black, Arthur W. | Hunter, W. (Govan) | Rainy, A. Rolland |
| Boland, John Plus | Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel | Raphael, Sir Herbert Henry |
| Booth, Frederick Handel | Jardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire) | Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields) |
| Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North) | John, Edward Thomas | Reddy, M. |
| Brady, Patrick Joseph | Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil) | Redmond, John E. (Waterford) |
| Brigg, Sir John | Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth) | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Brocklehurst, W. B. | Jones, Leif Stratton (Notts, Rushcliffffe) | Rendall, Athelstan |
| Bryce, J. Annan | Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) |
| Burns, Rt. Hon. John | Jones, W. S. Glyn- (Stepney) | Robinson, Sidney |
| Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas | Joyce, Michael | Roche, Augustine (Louth) |
| Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) | Keating, M. | Roche, John (Galway, E.) |
| Buxton, Rt. Hon. Sydney C. (Poplar) | Kellaway, Frederick George | Rose, Sir Charles Day |
| Carr-Gomm, H. W. | Kelly, Edward | Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter |
| Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) | Kennedy, Vincent Paul | Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) |
| Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood) | Kilbride, Denis | Samuel, J. (Stockton) |
| Chapple, Dr. W. A. | King, J. (Somerset, N.) | Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) |
| Clancy, John Joseph | Lamb, Ernest Henry | Scanlan, Thomas |
| Collins, G. P. (Greenock) | Lambert, George (Devon, S. Molten) | Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B. |
| Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) | Sheehy, David |
| Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Lardner, James Carrige Rushe | Sherwell, Arthur James |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West) | Simon Sir John Allsebrook |
| Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. | Leach, Charles | Smith, H. B. (Northampton) |
| Cotton, William Francis | Levy, Sir Maurice | Smyth, Thomas F. |
| Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth) | Lewis, John Herbert | Spicer, Sir Albert |
| Crawshay-Williams, Eliot | Lundon, T. | Strachey, Sir Edward |
| Crumley, Patrick | Lyell, Charles Henry | Summers, James Woolley |
| Cullinan, John | Maclean, Donald | Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) |
| Davies, E. William (Eifion) | Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. | Tennant, Harold John |
| Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) |
| Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) | MacVeagh, Jeremiah | Toulmin, George |
| Dawes, J. A. | M'Callum, John M. | Trevelyan, Charles Philips |
| Delany, William | M'Curdy, Charles Albert | Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander |
| Dewar, Sir J. A. | M'Kean, John | Walters, John Tudor |
| Dillon, John | M'Laren, H. D. (Leicester) | Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| Doris, William | Markham, Arthur Basil | Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay |
| Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) | Marks, George Croydon | Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) |
| Edwards, Allen C. (Glamorgan, E.) | Martin, Joseph | Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) |
| Elversten, H. | Mason, David M. (Coventry) | Watt, Henry A. |
| Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) | Meagher, Michael | Webb, H. |
| Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) | White, Sir George (Norfolk) |
| Essex, Richard Walter | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) | White, Sir Luke (York, E.R.) |
| Falconer, James | Menzies, Sir Walter | White, Patrick (Meath, North) |
| Ferens, T. R. | Millar, James Duncan | Whitehouse, John Howard |
| Ffrench, Peter | Molloy, M. | Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| Field, William | Molteno, Percy Alport | Whyte, A. F. (Perth) |
| Fitzgibbon, John | Mooney, John J. | Wiles, Thomas |
| Flavin, Michael Joseph | Morton, Alpheus Cleophas | Williams, P. (Middlesbrough) |
| Frewen, Moreton | Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C. | Wilson, Hon. G G. (Hull. W.) |
| Gelder, Sir W. A | Murray, Capt. Hon. A. C. | Wilson John (Durham, Mid.) |
| Ginnell, Laurence | Needham, Christopher T. | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire) |
| Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford | Neilson, Francis | Winfrey, Richard |
| Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) | Nolan, Joseph | Young. Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward | Norton, Captain Cecil W. | Young, William (Perth, East) |
| Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) | |
| Gulland, John William | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Master |
| Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) | O'Doherty, Philip | of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth. |
| Hackett, J. | O'Dowd, John |
NOES.
| ||
| Abraham, Rt. Hon. William (Rhondda) | Bowerman, C. W. | Crooks, William |
| Adamson, William | Brace, William | Edwards Enoch (Hanley) |
| Alden, Percy | Clough, William | Fenwick, Charles |
| Archer-Shee, Major Martin | Clynes, J. R. | Gill, A. H. |
| Barnes, G. N. | Croft, Henry Page | Goldstone, Frank |
| Hall, Frederick (Normanton) | Lansbury, George | Sutton, John E. |
| Hancock, J. G. | Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th) | Taylor, John W. (Durham) |
| Hardie, J. Kel | Logan, John William | Thomas, James Henry (Derby) |
| Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) | Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester) | Thorne, William (West Ham) |
| Haslam, James (Derbyshire) | Morrell, Philip | Walsh, Stephen (Lanes., Ince) |
| Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | O'Grady, James | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Higham, John Sharp | Parker, James (Halifax) | Williams, John (Glamorgan) |
| Hodge, John | Pointer, Joseph | Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) |
| Holt, Richard Darning | Richards, Thomas | |
| Houston, Robert Paterson | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. |
| Johnson, W. | Rowntree, Arnold | George Roberts and Mr. Charles |
| Jowett, F. W. | Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe) | Duncan. |
I beg to move to leave out the words "substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis," and to insert instead thereof the words "alter and reform the composition of the House of Lords as it at present exists."
The question which is raised by this Amendment is this: Which course do we prefer—whether, on the one hand, to destroy the existing House of Lords and wipe it out of existence altogether, and set up a brand new Chamber founded on a purely popular and elective basis, or, on the other hand to reform the composition of the present House of Lords. I need hardly say that, the latter course is that which I desire to follow. The Preamble in its present form is a mere statement as to something which it is proposed to Jo in the indefinite future. I do not go so far as some people and say that it is a sham. I do not take that view. I am going to accept it as if it were a serious statement of intention. I am not going to argue the question whether the Government could, if they had the desire, carry out the intention expressed in the Preamble. Many think that they would have no such power if they had the will. What I do put forward is that, assuming this Preamble is meant as a statement of intention, I regard it as important as showing that, even in the view of the Government themselves, this Bill is a mere temporary expedient and not intended in any sense to be permanent. I say it is important that Parliament should declare that is so, so that at the earliest possible opportunity when our party comes into office we shall be able to deal with the question. Therefore I welcome the Preamble as a clear statement on the part of the Government that this is a mere temporary Bill which will have to be altered or repealed at an early date. Indeed, the Government have told us that an early date is desirable. As regards tee function of the Preamble itself, I should like to quote three lines from a great authority on the subject of Preambles It is rather interesting as showing what are the real scope and object of the Preamble. Lord Coke says:—I think this Preamble is a key to open our understanding—that is to say, the understanding of those not already open, and to show that this is a mere temporary-Bill. When you come to what the intention is I strongly object to the statement that it is intended to set up this brand-new, purely elective Chamber. In my view, and I hope in the view of most of those sitting on this side, there are grave objections to a purely elective Chamber. I object to a purely elective Chamber on the ground that it would not carry out the functions of a Second Chamber as we desire in this country. There has been a discussion this afternoon as to what are the true functions of a Second Chamber. After the speech of the Leader of the Opposition, with every syllable of which I agree, it is unnecessary to go over that ground and to show what the true functions of a Second Chamber ought to be. I think it is admitted on this side of the House, and possibly by many on the other side, that the House of Commons should be the predominant partner. It is admitted that the Second Chamber should be a subordinate authority, and not coordinate with the first Chamber. I think it has been admitted that the Second Chamber, if it is to exist at all, should not be a final and absolute barrier against the decisions of the House of Commons, but that it should check hasty decisions of this House. If you have an elective Chamber, I think it will not discharge these functions. It would claim co-ordinate authority, it would claim to have as absolute power as the House of Commons, and it would not be regarded as a subordinate Assembly. If its authority came from the same source as the House of Commons, it would claim to exercise powers which I conceive the Second Chamber ought not to exercise in this country. Therefore, from that point of view I object to the proposal to set up an elective Chamber. I object to it also on other grounds. I say if you had a purely elective Chamber in this country, we should deprive the country of the services in the Second Chamber of a large number of men who now sit there, and whose services this country could not afford to dispense with. Does anyone deny that there are large numbers of men in the House of Lords who ought to be in any Second Chamber, however constituted, in this country I think that will be admitted, and if I gain agreement on this point I would put the further point that of the men who ought to be in the Second Chamber there are many it would be impossible to ask to go through the strain of contested elections which are not wholly pleasant in their proceedings. If you wish to retain these men you must have some means of getting them there other than through election, and for that reason we ought not to adopt the rigorous mode of election for the purpose of filling the Second Chamber with men we wish to see there. We on this side of the House take the view that Members of Parliament are the trustees not only for to-day and for time to come, and that we are not merely trustees for these islands, but for the inhabitants of the Dominions beyond the seas. Have they been consulted in any way as to this proposal to wipe out the old historic House under which this country has grown to be an Empire? Is it not perfectly well known that there are fellow subjects in the colonies who regard with respect and reverence the House of Lords, which has lasted eight hundred years and more, and has done much which entitles it to remain the Second Chamber, or entitles many Members of that House to remain Members of the Second Chamber, however constituted. I believe that in many parts of our self-governing dominions it would be looked upon as an absolutely deplorable outrage if you, sitting in this House with a majority such as you have at the present moment, were by your vote to wipe out at once and irrevocably that historic Chamber and set up a new Chamber which no one would have the right to enter except by election. From the colonial and the home point of view, and from the point of view of the House of Commons itself, I say that some words of this Preamble ought to be omitted, and that you ought to put in words to preclude the possibility of the Second Chamber being deprived of the services of men who sit there now. I should not be in order, of course, in going into any details as to the mode in which the Second Chamber should be constituted, but as the word "hereditary" is mentioned in the existing Bill, speaking for myself I do not desire that anyone should be entitled to sit in the House of Lords in future on the ground of hereditary right alone, because I think that there are better modes of making a Second Chamber a really effective and valuable Chamber. The mode I should suggest in general terms would be that you should have some method by which you could secure the services of the best men of those who now sit in the existing House of Lords, and that you should add to them from outside an elected element, and in that way you would get what in all probability would be the best Second Chamber in the world."The rehearsal in the Preamble of a statute is a good' means to find out the meaning of a statute; it is as it were the key to open the understanding thereof."
I rise to support the Amendment of my hon. Friend, and I trust that the independence which, for the first time in the discussion, was shown on the last Amendment by the Labour party, will be followed by similar action on this Amendment by Members of the Radical party, those Members who have so constantly on platforms throughout the country insisted on their deter mination to see a strong Second Chamber substituted for the present House of Lords. You, Sir, reminded some Member on our side of the House that it would be well for him, in framing his Amendments, to consult the authority of Sir Erskine May in his "Parliamentary Practice," but if similar advice had been given to those who framed this Bill, the Prime Minister and many other Members of the Treasury Bench, we should probably not at the present time be discussing this Bill at all, because I find that in his "Parliamentary Practice" Sir Erskine May says:—
And he goes on to quote Sir Edward Coke, who says:—"A Bill which concerns privileges or proceedings of either House should, in courtesy, commence in that House to which it relates."
It is perfectly clear from the recognised authorities that the action of the Government in introducing this measure in this House dealing with the House of Lords is not only discourteous to the other House, but is also a very unusual and very extreme step, and it is very regrettable that they should have taken this step, especially at a time when the House of Lords are themselves introducing into their own House a measure for their own reform. Many of the Radical Members may say that the desire to reform themselves has only come upon the House of Lords since they found themselves in rather a dangerous position, but I might remind those on the Benches opposite that a similar taunt might be thrown at them with regard to Home Rule, and that the sudden desire to grant Home Rule to Ireland was not very apparent during the 1906 Parliament."Whatever matter arises concerning either House of Parliament ought to he discussed in that House to which it relates and not elsewhere."
The hon. Member is wandering beyond the scope of the Amendment before the Committee.
At any rate I think that the taunt will not carry much weight in the constituencies. But however strongly the Radical party may feel with regard to the hereditary principle, it must be admitted on both sides as matters exist now, that the House of Lords do possess an hereditary right to legislate, and any measure for curtailing their privileges must receive their consent before it becomes law. Therefore I think, bearing that in mind, a more reasonable course and a more courteous attitude might have been adopted by the Government in bringing forward their measure for reform, because admitting as everybody must admit, that the House of Lords do possess at the present time this right, surely it is one of the first principles of the English Constitution, which has always been recognised in this House, that if rights which admittedly people do possess have got to be taken away from them, they should either be taken away by consent, or else compensation should be given to them for those rights. This practice has obtained in all dealings of this House in the past. That being the case, and admitting that compensation in this case is out of the question, surely there should have been some endeavour to obtain some form of consent from the House of Lords before taking away those privileges which admittedly they do possess. I think it has been admitted on all sides that there may be four different reasons for reform of the House of Lords. The first would be to make that House less powerful; the second would be to make it more powerful—
The hon. Member must confine himself to the Amendment of the hon. Member for York, which is simply to leave out certain words and insert other words.
I am quite aware of the Amendment of the hon. Member for York, but I was under the impression that that Amendment allowed discussion as to whether the Constitution of the Second Chamber should be hereditary or whether it should be entirely elective, and I respectfully submit that it would be in order in arguing that point to say what are the reasons for reform. I would like to return to the point of the hereditary principle, and to say this. One of the chief agitations against the House of Lords at the present time is that it has become too partisan; but surely a purely elective Chamber must of necessity become even more partisan, because of constant elections the political and party machinery put into operation and the system of party government which now exists. In these conditions I submit that the Second Chamber would become more partisan, whether on one side or the other, than it is at the present time, especially so, as the Leader of the Opposition pointed out last night, when it is put into greater competition than it is now with this House, and when it might ultimately predominate. That is a state of things which the Government do not wish, and none of us wish. Again, if the Second Chamber were entirely elective one result would be that it would remove from the Radical party one of their greatest and most useful election cries, and one of their platform arguments for putting down the House of Lords which have proved so useful to hide their own shortcomings with regard to social legislation that they are unable to carry out. Ridicule is thrown upon, the hereditary principle, but I think it is not difficult also to throw ridicule upon the present Constitution of this House when we find a few hundreds of people in Ireland with voting power equal to what is possesed by 50,000 people in this country. It is as easy to ridicule the Constitution of this Assembly as it is to ridicule the composition of the House of Lords. I think there is a great deal to be said for retaining to a considerable degree the hereditary principle of the Second Chamber.
I think there can be no doubt that no fair-minded man in this House will dispute that the House of Lords has done great work, and that there is certainly no grievance against them as regards their non-party legislation and private Bill legislation. It is simply from the partisan point of view that the Radical party set up so great a grievance against them. The point which is raised by this Amendment is not that the hereditary principle shall be retained as we have it at the present time, but that in some degree it shall remain, though on a different basis. Lord Lansdowne, speaking in the country in December last, said they desired in the reconstituted House of Lords that no single Member should sit there on the hereditary principle alone. Every Member would have to bring credentials of different kinds, and of one sort or another. I think no fair-minded man in this country will deny that there are great numbers of Peers who would be an ornament to any Second Chamber in any part of the world, and surely, when we are dealing with this matter in a fair spirit, it would be absurd not to retain the services of those distinguished men. If the Government had shown a little more patience the proposals of Lord Lansdowne for the reform of the other House could have been discussed, and we would have seen that the right to sit in the House of Lords would not depend on the hereditary principle alone.The hon. Member opposite (Mr. Butcher) supported the hereditary principle on the ground that there is a large number of Peers who ought to be in any Second Chamber of any country because of their attainments and services. I have no doubt that they would have a chance of becoming members of the popular Chamber if they went to election. If their merits are so great as is said, no doubt they would be recognised by their fellow-countrymen, who would send them to this Chamber to take part in legislation. For myself I do not think that any man, however eloquent or distinguished he may be, ought to have a seat in either Chamber unless he goes to election, or is elected in some way by his fellow-countrymen. The hon. Member for York said that he wanted Peers to be elected by Peers.
The hon. Gentleman is entirely in error. I never said anything to indicate that at all. What I did say was that it was in the interest of the country and in the interests of the Peers themselves that we should retain the services of eminent Peers, but I never said that Peers should be elected by themselves.
I should like to know who will have the selection of these Peers-For myself, I have no particular objection to Peers, but I do not want them to be in a position to defeat the Government. Moreover, Peers represent the landowner class, and I certainly do not wish to see hereditary Peers representing one class of the country only. The hon. Member further said that we should consult the Colonies. I am very certain, if a Referendum were taken in the Colonies as to whether we should have the hereditary principle, that by a very large majority they would say that they were not going to have anything of the sort. I think most people who have come across Colonists know that they marvel that this country has continued to have a House of Lords and hereditary chamber so long. I represent a very large constituency, principally of the working classes, and I do not want to consult men from Australia and Canada about the wants of my Constituency. The majority of the people in the Dominions over the seas know nothing of how the working classes in this country live. All this trouble is about who is to have the whip hand, who is to have the last word in legislation. We are determined to have the last word, and therefore I think that any principle of electing Peers which would put the last word in the House of Lords would be against the principles we have decided to maintain. Hon. Members opposite really do not know the feeling of the country in that respect. This is no new thing. A good many hon. Members on the other side do not remember the agitation that took place about the House of Lords in the year 1884. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. Chamberlain) gave the country a lead on that question, and if it had not been for Mr. Gladstone making a compromise with Lord Salisbury the House of Lords would have been reformed then, and in a far more drastic manner than at the present time. If the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham had as good a case on behalf of Tariff Reform as that which he had when he was against the House of Lords, then we should have had Tariff Reform and Protection long ago. This House has decided that the way in which the House of Commons is to be predominant is not by a scheme such as the hon. Member for York has brought forward, and which would give the House of Lords the last word. On that account I shall vote against the Amendment.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has made a very interesting speech of a destructive rather than a constructive character. I must say it, though I have been listening as diligently as I could, I do not know whether he belongs to that section of his party which are known as Second Chamber men or to those who are in favour of a Single Chamber.
I am in favour of the Preamble as it stands.
Then the right hon. Gentleman's contentions are vaguer than I thought they were. He adopted the theory that if there was a Second Chamber that it would be of an elective character. I support the Amendment which has been moved by the Member for York because he desires to delete from the Bill the words:—
"Constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis." The words I should like to confine myself to are "popular basis." I think when hon. Members on both sides say they desire to see a Second Chamber on a popular basis, and by that they mean that it should be on an elective basis, I must say I am opposed to an entirely elected Second Chamber, and I am opposed to it for this reason, that the last thing I want to see in this country is a too powerful Second Chamber. I want to see a Second Chamber which is capable of carrying out its duties efficiently and independently, and if you go through the form of electing Members to a Second Chamber, you do not give them that independent position which should be occupied by Members of a Second Chamber. There is another reason why I should like to see those words, "popular basis," deleted and that is that if you elect Members to form a Second Chamber, then you naturally make that Chamber co-ordinate with this Chamber, and if you elect Members to a Second Chamber you are bound to make it a Chamber competing with this body. I am proud to feel that my views are, after all, those of a House of Commons man. I want to see this Chamber predominant, I do not want to see it coerced by another Chamber. I want a Second Chamber to have powers of consultation, revision, and delay, and to carry those duties out as they should be carried out. I am not entitled to give my views as to the manner in which I think they have carried out their duties as that, does not come within the scope of the Amendment. We have just seen the action which hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway opposite have taken. They have voted for the abolition of a Second Chamber. I do not know what line they are going to take on this Amendment, because if they are going to vote for a popularly-elected Second Chamber, it means that they are occupying a most paradoxical position. They are telling us they desire to see the abolilition of the Second Chamber, so that, instead of having even a weak Chamber you will have none at all. And then they are voting in a way which means you are going to form a Second Chamber which, by its composition, is bound to be a strong Second Chamber, and is bound to compete with this House for mastery. I do not know if we shall hear anything from them on this point, but I should like very much to be enlightened about it. The hon. Member for York desires to insert the words— "Alter and reform the composition of the House of Lords." I am one of those who would like very much to alter and reform the constitution of the House of Lords. The chief fault I find with the House of Lords is that there are too many Peers. The body is far too unwieldy, and I deplore very much that, the Second Chamber has been looked upon as a haven of rest, or, rather, reward for political supporters of the Government. I do not think that that is the manner in which the Second Chamber should be constituted. As to the hereditary composition of the House of Lords, I do not hold that because an individual is the son of his father he should be called upon t o discharge the duties which fall to the lot of a Second Chamber. But I submit that you could select a very efficient and able Second Chamber from the present House of Lords. Certainly a Chamber as large as you want could be selected which would meet the views of hon. Members in all parts of the House and efficiently carry out the duties which belong to a Second Chamber.Will the Noble Lord say who should select them?
The question of how a Second Chamber should be formed is not dealt with in the Preamble, and I should be going beyond the scope of the Amendment if I went into the whole question. No doubt the Postmaster- General thinks that all Members are as anxious to take up the evasive position which he and the Government occupy, but if I had time I could and I should be perfectly willing to lay down my scheme for a reformed Second Chamber. There are, however, such things as rules of order, and I should be doubtless transgressing them if I went into the question of how I should like the Second Chamber to be constituted. My view as to the position which Peers should occupy in this country was set out on the Paper yesterday in an Amendment which was ruled to be outside the scope of the Bill. For the reasons I have stated, I shall support the Amendment.
I find myself in a large measure of agreement with the Noble Lord (Viscount Castlereagh). There are parts of his speech which, I think, are unanswerable, but I am at a loss to understand how he reconciles the position that he has explained to the Committee with the support he proposes to give to the Amendment. The Amendment proposes not only to omit certain words, but to substitute other words in which there is a clear condemnation of the hereditary principle.
I think the hon. Member is under a misapprehension. The Amendment stops at the word "exists."
I was not aware that the Amendment had been divided. In any case the party opposite will be in a position of some difficulty with regard to the course they will take in the Division Lobby upon this question. The hereditary principle is generally condemned by Members opposite, and yet it is only to-day we have had from the Leader of the Opposition a very strong intimation that the hereditary principle in part must be retained in any Second Chamber that is to be tolerable to him. He does not like to contemplate any Second Chamber composed entirely on an elective or popular basis. The hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) agreed with the Leader of the Opposition in regard to the composition of the Second Chamber to the extent that he does not wish to see the hereditary principle abolished. But his reason is just the opposite to that of the Leader of the Opposition. The hon. Member for Leicester wishes to see the hereditary principle maintained because, in his opinion, it discredits the Second Chamber and reduces its power and influence in the country. The hon. Member is very wishful that nothing should be done in the direction of reforming the Second Chamber until a reasonable opportunity has been given to see how this Bill will work with the existing House of Lords. I have no doubt the hon. Member expects that the present House of Lords will use its powers under this Bill in an extreme form, for the purpose of preventing the passage of any legislation which would commend itself to the Labour party, and probably to a majority of Members on this side. I do not share that view. I think that the present House of Lords, if left for a while, even under the operation of this Bill, will take a more public-spirited and statesmanlike view of its duties than merely to prevent legislation by a factious use of the powers bestowed upon it by this measure.
At the same time, I am deeply interested in the argument that a purely elective Second Chamber will necessarily be a much stronger Second Chamber than the one we have, and that before long it would be competing for power with the House of Commons. I think that would be a most deplorable contingency, and one which we ought, as far as possible, to avoid. How we are to have a Second Chamber non-hereditary, and yet non-elective in the same sense or on the same franchise as the House of Commons, is the problem with which we are confronted. I do not think it is a problem which does not admit of solution. I believe there are means of indirect popular election which would not place the Second Chamber in quite the same position of influence as the First Chamber. I do not know whether I should be in order in suggesting a possible scheme. I cannot see any great objection to a Second Chamber greatly reduced in numbers, the Members of which should be elected front amongst the present Peerage. I quite agree that there are in the existing House of Lords a sufficient number of distinguished and able men who could fully justify their inclusion in any Second Chamber that might be devised. The crucial point is, who is to elect or select the smaller body from the larger number? It has occurred to me that it would be quite consonant with the spirit of this Bill and with the spirit of democracy to divide the total number agreed upon for the Second Chamber, and to elect a certain proportion—As the hon. Member seemed to anticipate, it will not be in order on this Preamble to go into detail into methods of reconstruction or reform of the other Chamber. That is why the later words of this Amendment were not allowed to be moved.
I quite understood, Mr. Whitley, that that might be a little outside the bounds of the Amendment, and I will not pursue the idea any further. I will content myself by saying that it does appear to me that it is possible to define some scheme of indirect election which would enable a Second Chamber to be selected, not by popular election, but by some method over which this House would have control, and which would enable the other House to discharge the functions which by general consent a Second Chamber ought to discharge in the Constitution. That is the object which we must secure without which this Parliament Bill will be a farce. What, therefore, appears to me should be done after this Parliament Bill has become law is to see the functions of the Second Chamber are administered by a Chamber holding the scales impartially between the two parties in this House. The whole of this controversy has been started and continued because of the unfairness of the existing Second Chamber It does not appear to me that this unfairness will be removed by this Bill. Therefore the object that we all ought to seek is to establish, in some form or other, by some means or other, a Second Chamber which will administer evenly between the two parties powers placed upon it by this Bill. How that House is to be appointed, how it is to be composed, and by what means, clearly it is not within the compass of this Amendment or in order to discuss. But I do think that the present House is entirely unsafe to trust with the enormous powers that will still be at its disposal when this Bill has become law. Hence I shall support this Amendment, and support the Preamble intact as in the Bill.
I just want to say a word in reply to what the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down said about the view taken by my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition. I heard my right hon. Friend's speech, and I think the hon. Member has a little misconceived it. The argument of my right hon. Friend was that if you had a purely elective House of Lords it would depend for its status upon exactly the same authority as this House, therefore it would compete with it. The argument was that it was not expedient to have a Second Chamber on an elective basis. But it did not follow at all from that that it ought necessarily to remain, even in part, on an hereditary basis; because on the whole there are other alternatives. There might be some process of indirect election.
I think I did the Leader of the Opposition no injustice, because he has explicitly stated on more than one occasion that he does not want the hereditary principle to be abolished; he wants to use it, not to abuse it.
That may be, and it is quite compatible with his view. But it was not the argument the right hon. Gentleman used this afternoon. All he said was that a Second Chamber, as reconstituted, ought to derive its authority from a different basis, and not so authoritative a popular basis as this Chamber. Therefore, in accordance with that argument the composition of the House of Lords might be mixed. It might be partly popular, partly nominative, and partly elective. I only rose to say that I do not think the hon. Gentleman is quite truly presenting my right hon. Friend's view in claiming him as insisting for the necessities of the future that the House must be constituted necessarily, and not partly, on the hereditary principle. It is not a very large point, but it is one that. I think ought to be clearly understood.
9.0 P.M.
It is hardly necessary to go into detail on the matter as the Committee are anxious to come to a Division. The reason why the Amendment cannot be accepted is that it proposes to leave leave out the words, "substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis," and to insert instead thereof the words, "alter and reform the composition of the House of Lords as it at present exists, and to provide that no person shall be entitled to sit or vote in that House by virtue only of hereditary right." This Preamble has been criticised on the ground that it is already unduly vague. If this Amendment were inserted it would become so vague as to be absolutely obscure. The form foreshadowed would be of so wholly different a, character that the Preamble itself would be almost valueless. Obviously the hon. Member's proposal is intended to open the door to one of those schemes of reform of the House of Lords which the House of Lords itself has in the past been busy in planning. I remember reading a speech in the other House by Lord Newton, who is one of the most active of self-reformers. He said:—
No doubt schemes of reform which hon. Members opposite have in view are such that the House of Lords, as re-created, would be in character and in quality identical with the House of Lords of the present time. Perhaps the Committee should consider in what spirit this reform of the House of Lords is undertaken by the Leaders and Members of the Unionist party. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition to-day has stated that all he desires in a new House of Lords is greater strength. He wants no other alteration except such alteration as would give it greater force. He stated, and he has frequently led the country to suppose, that in his view the action which has hitherto been taken by the House of Lords in every case has been right. He has no quarrel with its decisions. Each Bill that has been rejected by the House of Lords has in his view been rightly rejected. The only reason why he wants a new House of Lords is not that its decisions should be different from those it has arrived at, but only that the House of Lords should be strong enough to enforce them. To-day he said that the present Second Chamber, as experience has shown, is not strong enough to carry out the real purpose of a Second Chamber. In other words, he wants a Second Chamber which will not reject Liberal Bills and lose, but will reject Liberal Bills and win. Obviously the reform of a Second Chamber which is not intended to result in any real change of policy on the part of the Second Chamber, which will not result. in any greater measure of impartiality, is one that cannot satisfy hon. Members who hold Liberal views in politics. The proposal which the House of Lords itself has to make is not yet before us in its final form. If it follows the lines which have been foreshadowed by the Leader of the Opposition himself, by Lord Lansdowne, Lord Selborne, and Lord Curzon, it will propose a new Second Chamber, containing a very large element of the present hereditary Peerage, chosen, so we have been led to believe, by the House itself more or less in proportion to the present composition of the House. If that is so, possibly we may be agreeably disappointed, there can be no possibility that a reformed Second Chamber will be in any degree impartial if half or one-third of the new House is to consist of hereditary Peers chosen by the existing hereditary Peers and containing a majority of six to one as the present House does in favour of one party of the State. You will never be able to get up with that handicap, no matter how the rest of the House of Lords is composed. I do not want to enter in detail into that matter, but no declaration so far has given us hope that any satisfactory measure of reform will emanate from the House of Lords itself, and therefore our proposals as to the constitution of a Second Chamber upon a popular instead of hereditary basis stands. A Second Chamber can be created upon that basis not co-ordinate with the House of Commons in authority, and you can obtain a method of election which will not give, as hon. Members below the Gangway seem to feel, an advantage to wealth in the selection of Members of that House. Above all, it will be laid down that the new Second Chamber, no matter how constituted, shall not be an assembly with the power of absolute Veto. The measure foreshadowed by this Preamble is an integral part of the policy put before the country by the Government, and therefore we adhere to the words of the Preamble of the Bill as they stand."I entertain a strong suspicion, amounting to almost a certainty, that the decisions of a reformed House of Lords would be identical with the decisions arrived at in the present day."
I am rather in a difficulty, because I feel certain if I were to deal however moderately with the arguments which the right hon. Gentleman just used, Mr. Whitley, you would tell me I was out of order, for I did not notice any part of the right hon. Gentleman's speech really relevant to the Amendment before the Committee. The right hon. Gentleman began by saying that his objection to our proposal was that it would make the Preamble still more vague. That is impossible and nothing shows more clearly how impossible it would be than the speech of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Pudsey, sitting behind the Government Bench, to which I listened with great attention. Before I say a word or two upon the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, I should like to convince the hon. Member for Pudsey, if I can, that if his speech represents his views he ought to vote with us, and not with the Government. He told us quite distinctly he was not in favour of a Second Chamber popularly elected. All this Amendment does is to give the Government the power when the time comes to carry out the Preamble, and I hope the hon. Gentleman will live long enough to see that. All it does is to give the Government power to reform in accordance with the views of the hon. Gentlemen sitting behind them. If on the contrary the hon. Gentleman supports the Preamble as it stands he commits himself inevitably to a popularly-elected Second Chamber, which upon its own showing must be co-ordinate in power with the House of Commons.
What I said was that I was not in favour of a Second Chamber elected on the same Franchise as the First Chamber wielding co-ordinate powers, but I did not think it impossible to devise some other means of election.
The hon. Gentleman sketched a scheme which would be quite impossible under the Preamble, but which would be possible under the Amendment.
I did not sketch a scheme.
At the beginning of his speech the hon. Member suggested that the Second Chamber should have some of its Members chosen from the existing Peers. The right hon. Gentleman will not contend that is a properly elected basis. The hon. Gentleman opposite must see that, if his speech represents his view, it is impossible that a Bill according to his views could be carried out if the Preamble stands, but it would be possible if our Amendment is accepted. To come back to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the Postmaster-General, I am sure it would have been much longer and more interesting if it were delivered earlier. He quoted the speech of Lord Newton, to the effect that in a reformed Second Chamber the result of legislation would be practically the same. I think he is wrong, and I think Lord Newton is wrong. I think the result will be what was pointed out by the hon. Member for Blackburn. A properly elected Second Chamber would be much stronger, and would exercise its Veto much more often, and it would interfere with the present House of Commons great deal more.
Lord Newton was referring to the House of Lords reforming itself.
The right hon. Gentleman says that Lord Newton is speaking upon the reform of the House of Lords by itself. That does not alter the argument. My point is that a Second Chamber such as proposed by the Government according to the views of the Labour Members, would exercise its Veto much more frequently than is exercised by the House of Lords under the existing Constitution. Then the right hon. Gentleman went on to say that my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition had stated the ground upon which he wished to reform the House of Lords was in the direction of greater strength, and that all he desired was that it should be even more successful in resisting Liberal Bills. Surely that is not a fair interpretation of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman. What he argued was simply that what is wanted in a Second Chamber of any kind was that there should be power of delay sufficient to make it certain that the will of the people was clearly expressed by the decision arrived at in an Act of Parliament. He pointed out also that events have proved that the present House of Lords is not strong enough to carry out that function. Events have proved it. The result of the last General Election has clearly shown that.
I think the hon. Gentleman is travelling a little too far beyond the Amendment.
I admit at once I am not in order, but I was under the impression that as you allowed the right hon. Gentleman opposite to make a speech equally out of order, you would allow me to reply. That is all I desire to do. All I wish to say further is this, we do not ask the Government to depart in any way from any reasonable proposition in regard to the House of Lords. They pretend, or they say that they do, to reform the House of Lords. All that this Amendment does is to ask them to retain the power of reforming it when the time comes in the way that may seem best, and not to be pledged beforehand to a particular method which will make it impossible to adopt the best method. That is the whole object of this Amendment, and therefore I admit that it is hardly to be expected that the Government will adopt it. Their whole object in this Bill is to get a good platform cry. Obviously popular basis is a good platform cry, and as they do not intend to do anything else they still stick to the popular cry. I would suggest in spite of what has been said by the right hon. Gentleman, that if the time ever does come when the Government seriously tackles this problem they will not take the view which has just been expressed by the right hon. Gentleman who told us that it would be possible to create a Second Chamber on a popular basis which would not compete with this House, although he gave us no indication as to how it would be constituted. The very argument used in reply to the Labour Members, which was that the Second Chamber, which perhaps would not be drawn from the wealthy, shows it would be on a basis as strong as this House and would have co-ordinate powers. All we ask is that the House of Commons should not tie itself to a particular method of reform, but leave itself free to deal with the problem when the time comes.
There is a radical difference between the Amendment of the hon. Member for York and the proposal we have before us. According to the proposal of the Government in the Preamble the present House of Lords is to go altogether; in fact one may say that the present House of Lords is to be abolished as it stands at present. That is clear enough in the Preamble, which says very advisedly that there should be substituted another body altogether for the present House of Lords. The Amendment of the hon. Member for York is to keep the present House of Lords as it exists and simply alter its composition. Therefore there is a very radical difference between the two proposals. One suggests abolition and the substitution of something else, and the other suggests simply keeping the present House of Lords there and altering its composition. I take it that as this is an Amendment to leave out certain lines, the question put will be that those words stand part. I do not want myself to be merely tinkering with the House of Lords. I want to substitute another Chamber, not because I am fond of a strong Second Chamber, but because that is the only way in which we can secure that a similar arrangement to that which is contained in this Bill shall be made permanent in this country. If we preserve the present House of Lords, or even an attenuated remnant of it, upon the first occasion when the party opposite come back into power they will restore the powers of the present House of Lords. If, on the other hand, the present House of Lords is cleared out of the way and another body substituted for them, you will never get the old Constitution back again because you will have filled up their places with another responsible set of people. For that reason I was rather surprised at the attitude the Labour party took up, and I hope they will atone for their action by voting solidly in the affirmative on this occasion.
I can only characterise the speech made by the right hon. Gentleman who spoke on behalf of the Government as very disappointing. He viewed the whole question of the alternatives offered in the Amendment to the Preamble entirely from the point of view of the party which he represents. I think upon a question involving a great constitutional change that is very much to be deprecated. If this Bill is seriously meant to become law, we are doing something which will last for a very long time; consequently we ought to look at it from a national point of view with some degree of impartiality, and that is precisely what the Government have failed to do. I object to the words in the Preamble, because we have had no explanation of what is meant by a popular basis. I prefer the words in the Amendment, because they leave the whole question open to some arrangement by compromise and friendly discussion between the two parties in this House and the other House. The Preamble as it stands is vague, and we can only understand it as a declaration of war on this question.
The Government have declared to-day that they do not consider this question as settled by the Bill which is now passing through the Committee, and they say they want to go further. If they had taken a more statesmanlike line, and if they had left some door open for an arrangement between the two Houses, at any rate there might have been some possibilty of a settlement. After all a House of Lords or a Second Chamber of some kind is a necessary part of every popularly constituted Government in every civilised country of the world. That proposal, however, does not commend itself to the members of the Labour party, although the two oldest parties in the State are united and agreed upon that point. I think if we are going to have a Second Chamber at all it should be one that will command the confidence of both parties. The Government, by insisting on retaining the word "popular," which they do not explain, are simply continuing this struggle upon the constitutional question. I do not believe that the people of this country desire this controversy to continue, and they would be glad to see an amicable settlement come to. The Government, by their conduct of this Bill, insisting upon the Preamble as it stands, and resisting this Amendment are declaring their intention of continuing this warfare. After all, a Second Chamber is necessary because there exists in every State a party or section more subject to impulse and impatience and sentimentalism than the mass of the electors of the country. In this case that is the section which is the driving force at the present moment in the Liberal party. Naturally, any Second Chamber which has to perform the real functions of a Second Chamber must have some check upon impulses of that kind. Unless the Second Chamber can fufill that function it will fail in its duty as a drag on the extreme impulses and
Division No. 221.]
| AYES.
| [9.25 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Delany, William | John, Edward Thomas |
| Abraham, Rt. Hon. William (Rhondda) | Devlin, Joseph | Johnson, William |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Dewar, Sir J. A. | Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea) |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Dillon, John | Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil) |
| Alden, Percy | Doris, William | Jones, Henry Haydn (Merioneth) |
| Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton) | Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) | Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe) |
| Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud) | Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) | Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Edwards, Allen C. (Glamorgan, E.) | Jones, W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts, Stepney) |
| Baker, Harold T. (Accrington) | Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) | Jowett, Frederick William |
| Barnes, George N. | Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of | Joyce, Michael |
| Barran, Sir John N. (Hawick, B.) | Elverston, Harold | Keating, Matthew |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) | Kellaway, Frederick George |
| Barton, William | Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) | Kelly, Edward |
| Benn, W. (T. Hamlets, St. George) | Essex, Richard Walter | Kennedy, Vincent Paul |
| Bentham, George J. | Fenwick, Charles | Kilbride, Denis |
| Bethell, Sir John Henry | Ferens, Thomas Robinson | King, Joseph (Somerset, North) |
| Black, Arthur W. | Ffrench, Peter | Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) |
| Boland, John Plus | Fitzgibbon, John | Lansbury, George |
| Booth. Frederick Handel | Flavin, Michael Joseph | Lardner, James Carrige Rushe |
| Bowerman, Charles W. | Gelder, Sir William Alfred | Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th) |
| Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North) | Gill, Alfred Henry | Leach, Charles |
| Brace, William | Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford | Levy, Sir Maurice |
| Brady, Patrick Joseph | Goldstone, Frank | Lewis, John Herbert |
| Brigg, Sir John | Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | Logan, John William |
| Brocklehurst, William B. | Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) | Lundon, Thomas |
| Bryce, John Annan | Hackett, John | Lynch, Arthur Alfred |
| Burns, Rt. Hon. John | Hall, F. (Yorks, Nermanton) | Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) |
| Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas | Hancock, John George | Maclean, Donald |
| Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) | Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. |
| Carr-Gomm, H. W. | Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil) | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift |
| Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) | Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | MacVeagh, Jeremiah |
| Cawley, H. T. (Lancs., Heywood) | Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West) | M'Callum, John |
| Chapple, Dr. William Allen | Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.) | M'Curdy, Charles Albert |
| Clancy, John Joseph | Harwood, George | M'Laren, H. D. (Leices.) |
| Clough, William | Haslam, James (Derbyshire) | Markham, Arthur Basil |
| Clynes, John R. | Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | Marks, George Croydon |
| Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock) | Haworth, Arthur A. | Martin, Joseph |
| Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Hayden, John Patrick | Mason, David M. (Coventry) |
| Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Hayward, Evan | Meagher, Michael |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | Helms, Norval Watson | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) |
| Corbett, A. Cameron | Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) |
| Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. | Henry, Sir Charles | Menzies, Sir Walter |
| Cory, Sir Clifford John | Higham, John Sharp | Millar, James Duncan |
| Cotton, William Francis | Hinds, John | Molloy, Michael |
| Cowan, William Henry | Hodge, John | Molteno, Percy Alport |
| Crawshay-Williams, Eliot | Holt, Richard Durning | Mooney, John J. |
| Crooks, William | Horne, C. Silvester (Ipswich) | Morton, Alpheus Cleophas |
| Crumley, Patrick | Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C. |
| Cullinan, John | Hughes, Spencer Leigh | Nannetti, Joseph P. |
| Davies, Ellis William (Eifion) | Hunter, William (Lanark, Govan) | Needham, Christopher T. |
| Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) | Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel | Nolan, Joseph |
| Dawes, James Arthur | Jardine, Sir John (Roxburghohire) | Norton, Capt. Cecil W. |
sentimentalism which is associated with the Liberal party to-day. It is much to be regretted that even in this Preamble, which is the last declaration of this Blil, the Government have not seen their way to leave the door open to deal with this question impartially. At any rate, they are advising their opponents to practice their maxim "wait and see" before they declare the grounds on which they propose to find a settlement of the remaining part of this controversy. For these reasons, I think the Government have taken up a false position in resisting this Amendment, and I shall certainly go into the Lobby with my hon. Friend.
Question put, "That the words 'substitute for the House of Lords as' stand part of the Preamble."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 231; Noes, 97.
| O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) | Richards, Thomas | Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince) |
| O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Richardson, Albion (Peckham) | Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| O'Doherty, Philip | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) | Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay |
| O'Dowd, John | Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) | Watt, Henry A. |
| Ogden, Fred | Roberts, George H. (Norwich) | Webb, H. |
| O'Grady, James | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) | Wedgwood, Josiah C. |
| O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) | Robinson, Sidney | White, Sir George (Norfolk) |
| O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) | Roche, Augustine (Louth) | White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.) |
| O'Malley, William | Rowntree, Arnold | White, Patrick (Meath, North) |
| O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) | Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) | Whitehouse, John Howard |
| O'Shaughnessy, P. J. | Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees) | Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| O'Sullivan, Timothy | Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) | Whyte, Alexander F. (Perth) |
| Parker, James (Halifax) | Scanlan, Thomas | Wiles, Thomas |
| Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) | Sheehy, David | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Phillipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton) | Sherwell, Arthur James | Williams, John (Glamorgan) |
| Phillips, John (Longford, S.) | Simon, Sir John Allsebrook | Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) |
| Pickersgill, Edward Hare | Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe) | Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.) |
| Pointer, Joseph | Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) | Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) |
| Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) | Spicer, Sir Albert | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) |
| Pringle, William M. R. | Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) | Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) |
| Radford, George Heynes | Sutton, John E. | Winfrey, Richard |
| Raphael, Sir Herbert Henry | Taylor, John W. (Durham) | Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Reddy, Michael | Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) | Young, William (Perth, East) |
| Redmond, John E. (Waterford) | Thomas, James Henry (Derby) | |
| Redmond, William (Clare, E.) | Toulmin, George | TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Mr. |
| Rendall, Athelstan | Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander | Illingworth and Mr. Gulland. |
NOES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F. | Frewen, Moreton | Peel, Hon. William R. W. (Taunton) |
| Archer-Shee, Major Martin | Gardner, Ernest | Peto, Basil Edward |
| Ashley, Wilfrid W. | Gastrell, Major W. Houghton | Pollock, Ernest Murray |
| Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J. | Gibbs, George Abraham | Ratcliff, R. F. |
| Balcarres, Lord | Gretton, John | Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel |
| Baldwin, Stanley | Guinness, Hon. Walter Edward | Rice, Hon. Walter Fitz-Uryan |
| Banbury, Sir Frederick George | Hambro, Angus Valdemar | Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) |
| Baring, Capt. Hon. Guy Victor | Hamersley, Alfred St. George | Rolleston, Sir John |
| Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.) | Hickman, Colonel Thomas E. | Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby) |
| Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) | Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury) | Salter, Arthur Clavell |
| Senn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) | Hope, Harry (Bute) | Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) |
| Bennett-Goldney, Francis | Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) | Sanders, Robert Arthur |
| Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish | Horner, Andrew Long | Sanderson, Lancelot |
| Boscawen, Sackville T. Griffith- | Houston, Robert Paterson | Smith, Harold (Warrington) |
| Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid) | Hume-Williams, William Ellis | Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) |
| Bridgeman, William Clive | Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East) | Stewart, Gershom |
| Bull, Sir William James | Kebty-Fletcher, J. R. | Talbot, Lord Edmund |
| Burgoyne, Alan Hughes | Kimber, Sir Henry | Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.) |
| Carille, Edward Hildred | King, Sir Henry Seymour (Hull) | Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North) |
| Cassel, Felix | Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford | Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, N.) |
| Cator, John | Lane-Fox, G. R. | Touche, George Alexander |
| Cautley, Henry Strother | Larmor, Sir J. | Tryon, Capt. George Clement |
| Chaloner, Col. R. G. W. | Law, Andrew Boner (Bootle, Lancs.) | Wheler, Granville C. H. |
| Clyde, James Avon | Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End) | Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude |
| Cooper, Richard Ashmole | Long, Rt. Hon. Walter | Wolmer, Viscount |
| Courthope, George Loyd | Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) | Wood, John Stalybridge |
| Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) | M'Calmont, Colonel James | Yate, Col. C. E. |
| Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian | M'Mordie, Robert James | Yerburgh, Robert |
| Croft, Henry Page | Mason, James F. (Windsor) | Younger, George |
| Dairymple, Viscount | Mildmay, Francis Bingham | |
| Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers | Newdegate, F. A. | |
| Duke, Henry Edward | Paget, Almeric Hugh | TELLERS FOR THE NOES—Mr. |
| Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. | Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) | Butcher and Mr. Rupert Gwynne. |
| Fell, Arthur | Peel, Capt. R. F. (Woodbridge) | |
I beg to move to leave out the words, "And whereas provision will require hereafter to be made by Parliament in a measure effecting such substitution for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber, but it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords."
It is not quite clear what the meaning of this part of the Preamble is. The Prime Minister in his speech this afternoon told us that the object of the Government was to create a new House of Lords, with powers of consultation, revision, and delay, but he ended there. He did not tell us what was the meaning of this part of the Preamble with reference to limiting and defining the powers of the Second Chamber. We know what the meaning of the present Bill is. The present Bill is to create such a system of Government as will make this House all-powerful, but we have not been told by the Government what was their intention with respect to the limitation of the powers of the new House of Lords, which they say they are going to create. We ought to have some indication of what this means. Does it mean that the present Bill is to remain in operation? If that is so, we know where we are. But if the present Bill is to be repealed, we ought to be told by the Government what are the new powers which they intend to give to the new House of Lords. This is a plan for limiting and defining the powers of the new Second Chamber. The case of the Opposition is this—that if we get, as we hope to get, a newly-constituted House of Lords upon Democratic principles there is no necessity for limiting their powers at all. If you look at the powers of other Senates—for instance, the American Senate, there is no limitation of powers at all. There is no restriction upon them at all even in finance, although questions of finance in some cases must originate in the Lower House. If we get a newly-constituted Senate, there ought to be no limitation of powers, and in case of difficulties arising between the two Houses they ought to be arranged, as they are arranged in the majority of cases in other countries, by conferences or Joint Committees. In practice, as I pointed out yesterday, that acts extremely well. There have been no cases of important difficulties unsettled between the Senate and the other House. I pointed out how they had been settled by conferences, especially in the United States and France. These are the two cases which I mentioned, and I submit that there is no case for the Government putting into the Preamble of this Bill that the powers of the Upper House, the new House of Lords, or the Second Chamber, should be in any way limited. If they are to be limited we ought to be told by the Government what these limitations are to be. Are the limitations to be the limitations of this Bill, or are there to be further limitations upon the top of them? I do not know that I need say anything further, because I think my Amendment is a reasonable one, and my object in moving it is principally to elicit information from the Government; as to what is the meaning of these words for limiting and defining the powers of the Second Chamber.The hon. Gentleman who has moved the Amendment asks us to cast our minds into the future, and to say in advance what are to be the powers of the Second Chamber which is to be constituted in substitution for the present Second Chamber. These powers must largely depend upon the composition of that House, and it would be very premature to decide now, definitely and in detail, in all respects what these powers are to be. I have in some remarks on the last Amendment, only a few minutes ago, pointed out certain conditions which must be observed. Unquestionably no Second Chamber would be entrusted with the power of absolute Veto such as is now enjoyed by the present House of Lords. Although the invitation of the hon. Gentleman is a very attractive one, I do not propose to accept it. The Prime Minister has given three answers to similar requests from hon. Members opposite. The first was, "Wait and see"; the second was to ask them to "cultivate the virtue of patient expectancy"; and the third was, Solvitur ambulando, I would say that the cumulative effect of these three answers is sufficient.
The Postmaster-General has told us we must not cast our minds into the future, but of course we must do that, because the whole Preamble is a matter of the future. We do not know in the least what the Government. have in their minds with regard to the Preamble, and I think my hon. Friend is absolutely justified in raising this point. It is a most important question. What are to be the powers of this new House of Lords? Are the very narrow powers laid down in this Bill to apply only to the existing House of Lords, or are they to apply also to any future Second Chamber. That is a question we have asked very often during these Debates, and we have never got an answer. For that reason we are entitled to ask it again, and we shall ask it again in the country if we do not get an answer in this House. It is all very well for the Postmaster-General to tell us that the matter will be settled some time or another. We are entitled to know, when we take away from the existing House of Lords these great powers and set up practically Single-Chamber Government, whether the Government intend this to be merely a provisional settlement, or whether they intend it to be a permanent solution of the relations between the two Houses. If it is a provisional settlement we must regard it as a temporary makeshift for the express purpose of rushing through Home Rule, or whatever measures the Government are forced to accept from some of their supporters. If it is a permanent measure, why, then we entirely protest against such a grotesque arrangement of setting up a new Second Chamber with powers so circumscribed and limited as those contained in this Bill. I think my hon. Friend was perfectly right to raise the question in order that we might get some answer, or, at all events, ask once again for an answer from the Government. I do not suppose we shall get a reply. We never do. But the country would like to know what is to be the ultimate solution of this great constitutional question, and I hope we shall press upon the Government the importance of giving an answer to that question.
My reason for putting down a similar Amendment to that which is before the Committee was in no degree to destroy this Bill or the work we are doing now, but to consolidate and perfect it. Nobody who has listened to these Debates throughout can fail to have noticed a certain note of uncertainty as to whether the powers which we are conferring by this Bill are to be permanent powers or whether these powers would pass away when this new Chamber was constituted. I cannot offer any answer and I am not asking the Government to offer any answer, because that depends upon what they do. But I do rise in order, if I may say so, to utter a few words of protest on this matter, which I think is of the very greatest importance. I do object to any notion getting about that the work which we have been doing in this Bill is of a temporary character, and I do not see any necessity whatever for this provision. Perhaps hon. Members will remember that in the earlier portion of these discussions the Leader of the Opposition gave a note which those who followed him so well took up, of taking it for granted that whenever the newly-constituted Second Chamber came into being the whole of this subject would go back to the melting pot. I warn the Government that would be extremely unsatisfactory to a great many Members of their party. There are two questions involved in this great constitutional issue which we are discussing. One is, of course, the existence and constitution of the two Houses, if there be two Houses, and the other is as to the relationship between those two Houses.
I venture to suggest to the Government that they ought to make it quite clear that whatever change may be made in the constitution of one House or the other the relationship of these two Houses is to remain as we have been fixing it by this Bill. If the country gets the idea that the whole task which we have been performing with so much physical endurance is only quite a temporary task—that the whole thing will have to be revised—then I am quite certain that throughout the country there will be a feeling of extreme disappointment. Another thing is: What is the power of public feeling which is behind this measure. It is that the English nation has come to a decision, and now we must fix for good and all the relationship between the two Chambers, however they may be constituted. We are never going to go back, I think, to the arrangements that we had before. We are never going to allow a Second Chamber, however constituted, to have anything like the power that the House of Lords has, and the mistake of having this Clause at all, if I may say so with all humility to the Government, is that it gives a feeling of uncertainty in the public mind as to what is the compass and range of what we are doing now. There is one other thing which we must not lose sight of, and which would intensify the disappointment if any uncertainty was allowed to get abroad on this question. We are leaving the House of Lords now by this Bill enormous powers. I do not think the Committee probably realises what immense power the Second Chamber will have in any form of this Bill. Firstly it will have, for the first time in our history a written Constitution. The powers of the House of Lords have been vague, and were a matter for assumption in the eighteenth century. The powers that they have since exercised were never dreamed of then. They have been encroaching by steps which have been gradually growing upon the powers of the House of Commons. What will be the effect if we pass this Bill? Hon. Members kept on talking all through these Debates as if the Second Chamber was going to be relegated to a quite inferior and almost helpless position; and it was said that you would not get men of calibre and fitness to join an assembly with such truncated powers. But when you examine the Bill you find that the powers we are conferring for the first time are enormous. For the first two years of its existence a Liberal Government could pass no Bill at all, if the Second Chamber does not agree, and when it does become able to pass a Bill it will only be at the latter portion of the Parliament's life, and we all know how the public mind and public attention are apt to pass off measures very quickly, particu- larly in these days when the public mind works very quickly. If you can hang up Bills for two years most of them will be dead, and yet that is the power which you give to the Second Chamber, and for the last three years of your Parliament, assuming the two Houses are not in harmony, you can do nothing at all if the Second Chamber objects. It is absolutely useless to try. The strongest Liberal Government under this Veto Bill for two years cannot pass a single Bill when the other House objects to it, and for the other three years it is hopeless to bring in a Bill because it would be impossible to pass it unless the other House consents.The hon. Member is forgetting all about finance.
The position in this Bill in regard to finance is what has been assumed to be the position for a couple of hundred years, and any changes which have been made are only instances of that kind of encroachment by the House of Lords on the House of Commons which we are only resisting now. I am not sure that the Second Chamber will not have more power really after this Bill is passed than it has ever had before. My feeling has been one of great doubt as to whether I could support the Bill, for that reason. There is the greatest difference between powers which are assumed without agreement and powers which are conferred by a Bill. A Bill absolutely tells them what their powers are, and invites them to use those powers. Therefore the position of the Second Chamber will be enormously stronger than it has ever been since 1688. Many of us on this side of the House think the Bill goes too far, and we are very doubtful whether you are not giving more power to the Second Chamber than you ought to give. We consent to it with much hesitation and much misgiving, but we do not consent, and will not consent, to add to that the chance and the hope and the idea that when the Chamber is reconstituted more power will be given to it. However, you constitute the new Chamber, we must say to the Government, and I am certain I am speaking the feeling of a great many people in the country that there must not be one note of hesitation in regard to this question, and never again will you give to any Second Chamber, however constituted the powers which have been exercised and arrogated by the House of Lords. Therefore, I would put, with all modesty, to hon. Members opposite whether they are not gaining more by this Bill than they think, whether, after all, they are not unwise to resist it, as they are doing, and whether they are not making a very good bargain on the whole. But we are not going to give any more, and, therefore, I support the Amendment; and if the hon. Member goes to a Division I will vote with him, because I feel most intensely that when this Bill goes to the country and is read there ought not to be in it a paragraph like this. It suggests a note of uncertainty as to the whole question. It seems absolutely to suggest that when you have a reconstituted Second Chamber the whole thing will go into the melting pot, and we shall have to begin again. That is not our idea. In supporting the Government as we have done, we hope in these Debates we have been doing some permanent work in the way of Constitution building for our country. We want to make it quite clear that that work is not to be undone by any subsequent arrangement of the constitution of the Second Chamber. This misunderstanding has spread itself all over the House through the whole of these Debates—the Leader of the Opposition has voiced it again and again—that whenever we reconstitute the Second Chamber they will get back some of their powers. No they will not. I am only speaking my own mind. These powers have gone forever, and it is extremely unwise and quite unnecessary to have included in this Bill a paragraph which seems to hold out the hope that those powers will ultimately be given back in some degree perhaps if not entirely, and I suggest that the Government would be wise and would carry with them more confidence and more of the support of the country if they would make it quite clear now that the work we are doing is permanent work, and that no alteration in the Second Chamber will lead to any alteration in the powers that we now define.
10.0 P.M.
I should like the Committee to clearly understand what this proposition is. We have been engaged now for a considerable time in the task of considering the limitation of the powers of the House of Lords. We have been promised by the Government that at some future date the House of Lords is to be reformed, and the words of the Preamble—of this election address—pledge the Government that, when that reform of the House of Lords is introduced, as part of the Bill, the powers of the new House shall be further limited in extent. I ask why. Several of us have pointed out that as a matter of common business arrangement you ought to reconstitute the House of Lords at any rate at the same time that you restrict its powers. The Government would not accept that proposition and consequently we have been occupied in arriving, with the combined wisdom of the Assembly, at what are the proper restrictions to impose on the Second Chamber. The Government hold themselves pledged to introduce a scheme for the reform of the Second Chamber, which they still leave in existence. They first restrict its powers and then they reform its composition. But according to this Preamble they have got, when they reorganise the House of Lords, to further restrict its powers. I ask what there is left to restrict. You have taken from the House of Lords, when this Bill passes, all power of Amendment. You have taken from it the power to refer to the people of the country. You have restricted it in its operation of joint Debate.
You will not accept the proposition that when any difference of opinion crops up between the two Houses it should be settled by joint debate. You leave the House of Lords absolutely impotent for all purposes of useful legislation to the country. You say you are going to reform it, and when you reform it you are further going to limit the powers which it has at present. In what respect? Where? What is there left? The Postmaster-General, in one of those outbursts of humour which so pleasantly bubble from his speeches, adopted an Oriental imagery the other day and told us that there was a process by which a man could be killed in China by what he called the thousand cuts. It appears to me that the Government are applying this system of a thousand cuts to the destruction of the House of Lords, but limy are adding this consolation. They are saying at the same time to the House of Lords: "Cheer up, if a thousand cuts do not finish you off there is decapitation to follow." That is the exact proposition of this Bill. Have the Government further considered this point? The whole reason for reform of the House of Lords is that this Chamber is to be the predominant Chamber in future and the reason for the predominance of this Chamber is because it represents the popular will. For two years after an election we are to look back with affection upon the speeches we have made and the pledges we have given, and for the second two years we are to look forward to the future when we are in anticipation of being in touch with the popular will. But it is not unreasonable to think, if the Government take the same view, that the Bills introduced in the last two years are likely to be as useful as those in the first two years. The whole claim of the Government is that the popular will must be made to prevail. You are going to create a popular House of Lords, constituted so as to represent the popular will. You are going to have two Chambers, and the House of Commons you say must predominate because it will represent the popular will, but the House of Lords must also predominate, because it will represent the popular will also. [An HON. MEMBER "No."] That is so. The Preamble says:— "And whereas it is intended to substitute for the House of Lords as it at present exists a Second Chamber constituted on a popular instead of hereditary basis, but such substitution cannot be immediately brought into operation." If it is going to represent the popular will, it is going to be the predominent partner. The House of Commons will not be the predominant partner. Does it not strike the Government that this Preamble leads to an absurdity? Is it not sufficient that at the present time you have done what has been so often done in this House—you have put the cart before the horse. You are reforming the powers before you re form the Constitution. But having reformed the powers, why do it all over again? You are going to have a House of Lords at some date in the dim and distant future, but when it comes its powers are to be further restricted. I wish to know the reason why. I can only suggest one reason. The only power you are leaving to the House of Lords is the power of delay. They have no power of amendment, but they have the power of revision and consultation. They have no assurance that their advice will be taken, and therefore the one effective power you are leaving to the House of Lords is that of delay. Delay may prove very irritating to sonic sections of the House of Commons. It may possibly be that when this Parliament Bill has been in operation for a short time that the Members of one of the sections which make up the coalition—I do not speak offensively—do not like the delay forced upon them by the House of Lords, and consequently they will approach the Government, and say, "This delay is what we will not tolerate. You must end it, and the only way to end it is by restricting the power of the House of Lords and taking from it the only power which is left to it—namely, the power of delaying legislation." Therefore, this is in the nature of another weapon left in the hands of the Government in order to fulfil party purposes. That is not the kind of reason that should lie at the root of a great constitutional change such as that on which we are embarking at the present time.The hon. Member for Bolton (Mr. Harwood) made a very interesting contribution to the discussion, and I think it is a pity that he has not favoured us more frequently with evidence of his approval of the Bill in the form of speech. His speech was interesting for this reason. I do not think there ever was in smaller compass a more complete condemnation of the Bill now before the Committee. I do not think there ever was a statement made showing more lucidly the absurdity of the whole programme of the Government. He told us that "we" had made up our minds for good and all. Well, who are "we"? He seems to imagine that "we" are those representatives of the people who believe like himself, but the "we" who control the House of Commons are not present now. [An HON. MEMBER: "Here we are."] I am much obliged to the hon. Member below the Gangway. He has made my point perfectly clear. The hon. Member for Bolton said we are making a constitutional change which is final. How does he know it is final? Even the Prime Minister suggested, not only the possibility, but, putting it very nicely, the probability that we who sit on this side of the House may some day occupy the benches opposite. Well, obviously at that time we will take a different view, and the constitutional settlement this Government have made will immediately be torn up. That is not the only absurdity on the part
Division No. 222.]
| AYES.
| [10.15 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Barry, Redmond John | Brace, William |
| Abraham, Rt. Hon. William (Rhondda) | Barton, W. | Brady, Patrick Joseph |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Beauchamp, Edward | Brigg, Sir John |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Beck, Arthur Cecil | Brocklehurst, W. B. |
| Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton) | Benn, W. (T. H'mts., St. George) | Bryce, J. Annan |
| Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud) | Bentham, G. J. | Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Black, Arthur W. | Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) |
| Baker, H. T. (Accrington) | Boland, John Plus | Buxton, Rt. Hon. Sydney C. (Poplar) |
| Barnes, G. N. | Booth, Frederick Handel | Carr-Gomm, H. W. |
| Barran, Sir John N. (Hawick B.) | Bowerman, C. W. | Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North) | Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood) |
of the supporters of the Government, as shown by the speech of the hon. Gentleman. The Government are not only carrying through a change on a great constitutional question which will be torn up the moment their party is defeated, but they are carrying it out in a way by which it will be defeated when they are carrying out their own policy, The hon. Gentleman went on to say—and I thought it was very interesting—that by this arrangement the House of Lords are going to have more power than at the present time. There is a good deal of truth in that. If the House of Lords choose to exercise their powers simply for annoying the Government of the day, they will undoubtedly have powers constitutionally given to them which they do not exercise now. Was there ever a greater condemnation of the Bill of the Government? The House of Lords will have power to do that which a Second Chamber should never do.
I rose to say a few words on the Amendment proposed by my hon. Friend. He said he moved it for the sole purpose of finding out what was the intention of the Government. The Postmaster-General showed, at all events, sufficiently clearly that the intention of the Preamble is the very reverse of what the hon. Member who spoke below the Gangway wished. He showed that the intention of the Government is not to bind themselves when the time comes to the absurdity of expecting that any sane man would sit in such a Chamber if its powers are limited in the way it is proposed to limit them. It is obvious that my hon. Friend would not wish, however absurd the Preamble is, to add to its absurdity.
rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."
Question put, "That the Question be now put."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 253; Noes, 148.
| Chapple, Dr. W A. | Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel | Phillips, John (Longford, S.) |
| Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. | Jardine, Sly John (RoxburghShire) | Pickersgill, Edward Hare |
| Clancy, John Joseph | John, Edward Thomas | Pointer, Joseph |
| Clough, William | Johnson, W. | Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. |
| Clynes, J. R. | Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea) | Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) |
| Collins, G. P. (Greenock) | Jones. Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil) | Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) |
| Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth) | Pringle, William M. R. |
| Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe) | Radford, G. H. |
| Condon, Thomas Joseph | Jones, William (Carnarvenshire) | Raphael, Sir Herbert Henry |
| Corbett, A. Cameron | Jones, W. S. Glyn- (Stepney) | Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) |
| Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. | Joyce, Michael | Reddy, M. |
| Cotton, William Francis | Keating, M. | Redmond, John E. (Waterford) |
| Cowan, W. H. | Kellaway. Frederick George | Redmond, William (Clare) |
| Crawshay-Williams, Eliot | Kelly, Edward | Rendall, Athelstan |
| Crooks, William | Kennedy, Vincent Paul | Richards, Thomas |
| Crumley, Patrick | Kilbride, Denis | Richardson, Albion (Peckham) |
| Cullinan, John | King, J. (Somerset, N.) | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) |
| Davies, E. William (Eifion) | Lambert, George (Devon, Molten) | Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) |
| Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) | Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) | Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) |
| Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) | Lansbury, George | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) |
| Dawes J. A. | Lardner, James Carrige Rushe | Robinson, Sidney |
| Delany, William | Lewson, Sir W. (Cumb'rl'nd,Cockerm'th) | Roche, Augustine (Louth) |
| Devlin, Joseph | Leach, Charles | Rose, Sir Charles Day |
| Dewar, Sir J. A. | Levy, Sir Maurice | Rowntree, Arnold |
| Dillon, John | Lewis, John Herbert | Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter |
| Doris, William | Logan, John William | Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) |
| Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) | Low, Sir F. (Norwich) | Samuel, J. (Stockton) |
| Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) | Lundon, T. | Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel) |
| Edwards, Allen C. (Glamorgan, E.) | Lynch, A. A. | Scanlan, Thomas |
| Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) | Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester) | Scott, A. MacCallum (Glasgon, Bridgeton) |
| Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid) | Maclean, Donald | Sheehy, David |
| Ellbank, Rt. Hon. Master of | Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. | Sherwell, Arthur James |
| Elverston, H. | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Simon, Sir John Allsebrook |
| Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) | MacVeagh, Jeremiah | Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe) |
| Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) | M'Callum, John M. | Smyth, Thomas F. |
| Essex, Richard Walter | M'Curdy, Charles Albert | Spicer, Sir Albert |
| Falconer, J. | McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald | Stanley, Albert (Staffs., N.W.) |
| Fenwick, Charles | M'Laren, H. D. (Leicester) | Strachey, Sir Edward |
| Ferens, T. R. | M'Laren, F. W. S. (Lincs., Spalding) | Summers, James Woolley |
| Ftrench, Peter | M'Laren Walter S B. (Ches., Crewe) | Sutton, John E. |
| Fitzgibbon, John | Manfield,, Harry | Taylor, John W. (Durham) |
| Flavin, Michael Joseph | Markham, Arthur Basil | Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe) |
| Gelder, Sir W. A. | Marks, George Croydon | Tennant, Harold John |
| Gibson, Sir James Puckering | Martin, Joseph | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) |
| Gill, A. H. | Mason, David M. (Coventry) | Thomas, James Henry (Derby) |
| Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) | Toulmin, George |
| Goldstone, Frank | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) | Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander |
| Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) | Menzies, Sir Walter | Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince) |
| Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | Millar, James Duncan | Walters, John Tudor |
| Gwynn, Stephen L'uolus (Galway) | Molloy, M. | Ward W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| Hackett, J. | Molteno, Percy Alport | Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay |
| Hall, Frederick (Normanton) | Mooney, J. J. | Watt, Henry A. |
| Hancock, J. G. | Munro-Ferguson. Rt. Hon. R. C. | Webb, H. |
| Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | Murray, Captain Hon. A. C. | White, Sir George (Norfolk) |
| Harmsworth, R. Leicester | Nannetti, Joseph P. | White, Sir Luke (York, E.R.) |
| Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | Needham, Christopher T. | White, Patrick (Meath, North) |
| Harvey. T. E. (Leeds, West) | Nolan, Joseph | Whitehouse, John Howard |
| Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) | Norman, Sir Henry | Whittaker, Fit. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| Harwood, George | Norton, Captain Cecil W. | Whyte, A. F. (Perth) |
| Haslam, James (Derbyshire) | O'Connor, John (Kildare N.) | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Wiles, Thomas |
| Haworth, Arthur A. | O'Doherty, Philip | Williams, J. (Glamorgan) |
| Hayden, John Patrick | O'Dowd, John | Williams, P. (Middlesbrough) |
| Hayward, Evan | Ogden, Fred | Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.) |
| Helme, Norval Watson | O'Grady, James | Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.) |
| Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) |
| Henry, Sir Charles | O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) | Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) |
| Higham, John Sharp | O'Malley, William | Winfrey, Richard |
| Hinds, John | O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) | Wood, T. McKinnon (Glasgow) |
| Hodge, John | O'Shaughnessy, P. J. | Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Holt, Richard Durning | O'Sullivan, Timothy | Young, William (Perth, East) |
| Horne, Charles Silvester (Ipswich) | Palmer, Godfrey | |
| Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Parker, James (Halifax) | TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. |
| Hughes, S. L. | Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) | IllingworthLand Mr. Gulland. |
| Hunter, William (Lanark, Govan) | Philipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton) |
NOES.
| ||
| Acland-Hood, Rt. Hon. Sir Alex. F. | Baldwin, Stanley | Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton) |
| Aitken, William Max. | Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, and.) | Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Banbury, Sir Frederick George | Beckett, Hon. W. Gervase |
| Ashley, W. W. | Baring, Captain Hon G. | Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) |
| Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J. | Barnston, H. | Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) |
| Balcarres, Lord | Bathurst, Hon. A. R. (Glouc., E.) | Bennett-Goldney, Francis |
| Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish | Hickman, Colonel Thomas E. | Perkins, Walter F. |
| Bird, A. | Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury) | Peto, Basil Edward |
| Boscawen, Col. Sackville T. Griffith- | Hill-Wood, Samuel | Pollock, Ernest Murray |
| Boyle, W. L. (Norfolk, Mid) | Hoare, S. J. G. | Quitter, William Eley C. |
| Bridgeman, W. Clive | Hohler, G. F. | Ratcliff, R. F. |
| Bull, Sir William James | Hope, Harry (Bute) | Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel |
| Burn, Col. C. R. | Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) | Rice, Hon. Walter Fitz-Uryan |
| Butcher, J. G. | Horner, Andrew Long | Rolleston, Sir John |
| Carlile, Edward Hildred | Houston, Robert Paterson | Ronaldshay, Earl of |
| Cassel, Felix | Hume-Williams, William Ellis | Rothschild, Lionel de |
| Cator, John | Hunt, Rowland | Rutherford, W. (Liverpool, W. Derby) |
| Cautley, H. S. | Hunter, Sir C. R. (Bath) | Salter, Arthur Clavell |
| Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) | Jardine, E. (Somerset, E.) | Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) |
| Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) | Kebty-Fletcher, J. R. | Sanders, Robert A. |
| Chaloner, Colonel R. G. W. | Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr | Sanderson, Lancelot |
| Clay, Captain H. Spender | King, Sir Henry Seymour (Hull) | Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) |
| Clyde, J. Avon | Knight, Captain E. A. | Smith, Harold (Warrington) |
| Cooper, Richard Ashmole | Lane-Fox, G. R. | Stanler, Beville |
| Courthope, George Loyd | Larmor, Sir J. | Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) |
| Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) | Law, Andrew Bonar (Bootle, Lancs.) | Starkey, John B. |
| Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian | Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End) | Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staffordshire) |
| Dairymple, Viscount | Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) | Stewart, Gershon) |
| Dalziel, D. (Brixton) | Long, Rt. Hon Walter | Talbot, Lord Edmund |
| Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- | Lonsdale, John Brownice | Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.) |
| Duke, Henry Edward | Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) | Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North) |
| Eyres-Mansell, Bolton M. | Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo., Han. S.) | Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, North) |
| Fell, Arthur | MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh | Thynne, Lord Alexander |
| Fisher, William Hayes | Macmaster, Donald | Touche, George Alexander |
| Fitzroy, H on. E. A. | M'Calmont, Colonel James | Tryon, Capt. George Clement |
| Forster, Henry William | M'Mordie, Robert | Valentia, Viscount |
| Foster, Philip Staveley | Malcolm, Ian | Walker, Col. William Hall |
| Gardner, Ernest | Meysey-Thompson, E. C. | Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid) |
| Gastrell, Major W. H. | Mildmay, Francis Bingham | Wheler, Granville C. H. |
| Gibbs, G. A. | Mount, William Arthur | Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude |
| Gilmour, Captain J. | Neville, Reginald J. N. | Wolmer, Viscount |
| Grant, J. A. | Newdegate, F. A. | Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon) |
| Greene, W. R. | Newton, Harry Kottingham | Wood, John (Stalybridge) |
| Gretton, John | Nicholson, Wm. G. (Petersfield) | Yate, Col. C. E. |
| Guinness. Hon. W. E. | Nield, Herbert | Yerburgh, Robert |
| Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight) | O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid) | Younger, George |
| Hambro, Angus Valdemar | Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. | |
| Hamersley, Alfred St. George | Paget, Almeric Hugh | |
| Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) | Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) | TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. |
| Helmsley, Viscount | Peel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge) | Samuel Roberts arid Mr. James Mason. |
| Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon) | Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton) |
Question, "That the words 'And whereas,'" put accordingly, and agreed to.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this be the Preamble of the Bill."
I desire to point out that the Preamble declares that it appears to he expedient to make provision for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords. It does not seem to me that we can possibly assent to the passage of a proposal of the kind merely in view of the assurance contained in earlier paragraphs of the Preamble that the reform of the House of Lords shall be carried out in the future. Reform of the House of Lords, as promised in the Preamble, it is agreed it is desirable there should be by a majority of the House. No period is fixed, and the Government resolutely refused even in Debate to state a time in which the reform should come into existence, and at the same time they state in the Preamble that it is expedient in the meantime that the powers of the House of Lords should be restricted. In our view that is an utterly unsound position. We could assent to temporary restrictions of the powers of the House of Lords, subject to proper control of the people, but to restrict the existing powers of the existing Second Chamber and to fix no date for the establishment of a new Second Chamber, but to put it off to the unknown hereafter, that is a position against which we protest and to which we are altogether opposed. Upon this Preamble there is an opportunity of expressing that opposition. We are bound to maintain our essential opposition against that distant. and indefinite reform of the House of Lords, an obligation of honour to be performed at the Greek Kalends. That is not a clear prospect enough to induce us to assent to the proposition that it is expedient to restrict the powers of the House of Lords in this Bill. Therefore, we can vote against the Bill as a protest against the indefiniteness of the Government's proposals, and still more as a protest against what is contained in the provisions of the Bill.
I entirely agree with my Noble Friend's objection. I do not think it would be possible for anybody holding the views which we hold on this side of the House to vote for a Preamble which stated that before this reform of the House of Lords takes place it is expedient to make such provision as in this Act appears for restricting the existing powers of the House of Lords. Therefore, as far as that point is concerned, I am entirely of my Noble Friend's opinion, and could not vote for the Preamble. But my Noble Friend goes further, and suggests that we should vote against the Preamble. My complaint about the Preamble apart from the sentence, or in the main apart from the sentence to which my Noble Friend has called attention, is that it contains an indefinite, and I must say illusory prospect of some remote reform, which this Government, or some other Radical Government, mean to carry out with regard to the House of Lords. The use which has been made of this Preamble throughout the discussions on the Bill is that, while the principle of the Government is to have a reformed Second Chamber, the practice of the Government is to destroy the present Second Chamber without putting in the reformed Second Chamber. That has been the gravamen of our complaint throughout.
I think this Preamble may well prick the consciences of hon. Gentlemen opposite. But their consciences are not our affair. I daresay they hope, perhaps in their sanguine moments they almost expect, that they are going to carry out the Preamble. If we are not content to leave the Preamble to he dealt with by those who support the Government, but vote against it, one interpretation that will be put upon our conduct is that we do not desire to see that promise of the Government carried out. I do not expect, but I certainly desire to see, that promise carried out. I desire to see two things: a reform of the Second Chamber, and some other determination of the relations between this House and the Second Chamber carried into effect when that Second Chamber is established. These are my hopes; they may not be my beliefs. But surely if I vote against this Preamble I make it very difficult for those who are not acquainted with the refinements of Parliamentary procedure to understand exactly what is the course that I desire to see adopted. I remember a speech made earlier in the afternoon by the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury), who expressed great contempt for our House of Commons procedure, especially in the matter of dividing upon these ambiguous questions, and he indicated that when he and his friends had it in their power to regulate our procedure, he would find a method by which there should be a clear cut Division on every question, and everyone who went into the same Lobby would necessarily be agreed. I hope he will tell us how that happy ideal is to be attained. Even old crusted Members of the House of Commons like myself will be glad to learn at his feet. No such method has yet been discovered by which in all cases the question put from the Chair leaves a perfectly unmistakable and unambiguous difference between those who vote "Aye," and those who vote "No." Nobody has been able to do it. I cannot imagine any Division which would be more ambiguous in its results than a Division taken on the Preamble as it now stands. I do not know what Labour Members are going to do. I am rather interested. The hon. Member for Bow and Bromley will have to say to himself, "I entirely disagree with the first paragraph, and with most of the second paragraph of the Preamble." I think that altogether is impolite and abominable. On the other hand I do not think it is expedient to make such speeches on restriction of the powers of the House of Lords—I may remind the-right hon. Gentleman that we, at least, did all that the Rules and Procedure of the House allows us to do in making our protest against that part of the Preamble with which we disagreed.
The hon. Gentleman has now got to give a vote whether he likes the Preamble or not.
It is like the curate's egg—bad in parts.
But the hon Gentleman is not going to vote on it in parts! He has got to vote on it as a whole.
That is exactly what I said.
He has got to vote on it as a whole. These Clauses are not going to be put separately; the whole thing is going to be put together, and the hon. Gcntleman will have to decide whether he hates the Second Chamber more or loves the restricted powers of the Second Chamber less. I am justified in saying that I look forward to the decision he is going to make with some considerable curiosity and interest. But, Sir, I am in the same difficulty myself. Precisely that part of the Preamble which he likes I dislike, and precisely that part of the Preamble which he dislikes I like. But I cannot go to the Division and vote on the separate parts which I like and against that which I dislike. I, like himself, will have to vote for the Preamble as a whole if I vote at all.
Well, pair with him.
A most excellent and ingenious plan if we could separate the points. I would gladly pair with the hon. Gentleman for paragraph 1 and part of 2, and I would pair with him against the end of paragraph 2. But under the clumsy method in which we conduct our business, in the maze of difficulty out of which some day the hon. Gentleman for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lansbury) will lead us, we have not that happy condition before us. Frankly, I admit I do not see my way to separate these constituent elements of the odd dish which the Government have put before us, and I am quite unprepared to give a vote which will inevitably be misinterpreted.
Surely the right hon. Gentleman, with his brilliant and witty mystification of the issue in which we find ourselves, has no cause to fear the difficulty which he apprehends. If the Noble Lord persists in his wish to carry the present question to a Division, there will have been practically two Divisions to-day upon what is undoubtedly the same question; but it will be the same question which has served on two occasions as a vehicle for different purposes. When the Motion was moved from those benches, hon. Members
Division No. 223.]
| AYES.
| [10.45 p.m.
|
| Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) | Booth, Frederick Handel | Condon, Thomas Joseph |
| Abraham, Rt. Hon. William (Rhondda) | Bowerman, C. W. | Corbett, A. Cameron |
| Acland, Francis Dyke | Boyle, D. (Mayo, N.) | Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. |
| Adamson, William | Brace, William | Cotton, William Francis |
| Adkins, W. Ryland D. | Brady, Patrick Joseph | Cowan, W. H. |
| Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R. | Bring, Sir John | Crawshay-Williams, Eliot |
| Ainsworth, John Stirling | Brocklehurst, W. B. | Crooks, William |
| Allen, Arthur Acland (Dumbartonshire) | Brunner, J. F. L. | Crumley, Patrick |
| Allen, Charles Peter (Stroud) | Bryce, J. Annan | Cullinan, J. |
| Armitage, R. | Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas | Davies, E. William (Eifion) |
| Ashton, Thomas Gair | Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.) | Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth) |
| Baker, H. T. (Accrington) | Byles, William Pollard | Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) |
| Barnes, G. N. | Carr-Gomm, H. W. | Dawes, J. A. |
| Barran, Sir J. N. (Hawick) | Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) | Delany, William |
| Barran, Rowland Hirst (Leeds, N.) | Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood) | Devlin, Joseph |
| Barry, Redmond John (Tyrone, N.) | Chancellor, H. G. | Dewar, Sir J. A. |
| Barton, William | Chapple, Dr. W. A. | Dickinson, W. H. |
| Beale, W. P. | Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S. | Dillon, John |
| Beauchamp, Edward | Clancy, John Joseph | Doris, W. |
| Beck, Arthur Cecil | Clough, William | Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) |
| Benn, W. (Tower Hamlets) | Clynes, J. R. | Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) |
| Bentham, G. J. | Collins, G. P. (Greenock) | Edwards, Allen C. (Glamorgan, E.) |
| Black, Arthur W. | Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) | Edwards, Enoch (Hanley) |
| Boland, John Pins | Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J. | Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid.) |
below the Gangway very clearly explained what were the reasons which led them to raise the point on the Preamble. Their reasons were that they wish to affirm: to express their opinion quite clearly upon that point. Now the Noble Lord wishes to raise quite a different point, which he has explained with his customary lucidity and candour. He wants to vote against the Preamble, because he thinks it undesirable to restrict the powers of the House of Lords, and because he does not think that the Government is sufficiently explicit in the declaration of the date when the reform shall take place. In these circumstances, while, I am bound to say, the utility of a Division does not appear to me very great, still, if the Noble Lord persists in it, we shall have no difficulty on this side in meeting him.
I find myself in the unexpected position of Cæsar's wife. Until my right hon. Friend spoke it did not occur to me that the tongue of slander could be possibly uttered against my good name, but he certainly suggested that people might attribute to me sonic disloyalty to the principle of a Second Chamber. As I share the sensitiveness of that celebrated lady, or was it that celebrated lady's husband, to calumny, I do not desire to give occasion for slander, and therefore I will not proceed against my right hon. Friend's advice.
Question, "That this be the Preamble of the Bill," put, and agreed to.
Question put, "That the Chairman do report the Bill, as amended, to the House."
The Committee divided: Ayes, 265; Noes, 147.
| Elverston, H. | Lardner, James Carrige Rushe | Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) |
| Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.) | Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rl'nd, Cockerm'th) | Reddy, M. |
| Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.) | Leach, Charles | Redmond, John E. (Waterford) |
| Essex, Richard Walter | Levy, Sir Maurice | Redmond, William (Clare, E.) |
| Falconer, J. | Lewis, John Herbert | Rendall, Athelstan |
| Fenwick, Charles | Logan, John William | Richards, Thomas |
| Ferens, T. R. | Low, Sir F. (Norwich) | Richardson, Albion (Peckham) |
| Ffrench, Peter | Lundon, T. | Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven) |
| Fitzgibbon, John | Lynch, A. A. | Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) |
| Flavin, Michael Joseph | Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) | Roberts, G. H. (Norwich) |
| France, Gerald Ashburner | Maclean, Donald | Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) |
| Gelder, Sir W. A. | Macnamara, Dr. Thomas J. | Rubinson, Sidney |
| Gibson, Sir James Puckering | MacNeill, John Gordon Swift | Roche, Augustine (Louth) |
| Gill, A. H. | MacVeagh, Jeremiah | Rose, Sir Charles Day |
| Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford | M'Callum, John M. | Rowntree, Arnold |
| Goldstone, Frank | M'Curdy, C. A. | Runciman, Rt. Hon Walter |
| Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough) | McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald | Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) |
| Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) | M'Laren, H. D. (Leices.) | Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees) |
| Gulland, John William | M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe) | Scanlan, Thomas |
| Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway) | Manfield, Harry | Scott, A. MacCallum (Glasgow, Bridgeton) |
| Hackett, John | Markham, Arthur Basil | Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B. |
| Hall, Frederick (Normanton) | Marks, G. Croydon | Sheehy, David |
| Hancock, J. G. | Martin, Joseph | Sherwell, Arthur James |
| Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) | Mason, David M. (Coventry) | Simon, Sir John Allsebrook |
| Harmsworth, R. L. | Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) | Smith, Albert (Lanes, Clitheroe) |
| Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) | Meehan, Patrick A. (Queen's Co.) | Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.) |
| Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.) | Menzies, Sir Walter | Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) |
| Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.) | Millar, James Duncan | Strachey, Sir Edward |
| Harwood, George | Molloy, Michael | Summers, James Woolley |
| Haslam, James (Derbyshire) | Mooney, J. J. | Sutton, John E. |
| Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry | Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C. | Taylor, John W. (Durham) |
| Haworth, Arthur A. | Murray, Captain Hon. A. C. | Taylor, T. C. (Radcliffe) |
| Hayden, John Patrick | Nannetti, Joseph P. | Tennant, Harold John |
| Hayward, Evan | Needham, Christopher T. | Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) |
| Helme, Norval Watson | Neilson, Francis | Thomas, James Henry (Derby) |
| Henderson, Arthur (Durham) | Nicholson, Charles N. (Doncaster) | Toulmin, George |
| Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.) | Nolan, Joseph | Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander |
| Henry, Sir Charles S. | Norman, Sir Henry | Walsh, Stephen (Lanes., Ince) |
| Higham, John Sharp | Norton, Capt. Cecil W. | Walters, John Tudor |
| Hinds, John | O'Connor, John (Kildare. N.) | Ward, W. Dudley (Southampton) |
| Hodge, John | O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) | Warner, Sir S. C. T. |
| Holt, Richard Durning | O'Doherty, Philip | Watt, Henry A. |
| Horne, C. Silvester (Ipswich) | O'Dowd, John | Webb, H. |
| Howard, Hon. Geoffrey | Ogden, Fred | White, Sir George (Norfolk) |
| Hughes, S. L. | O'Grady, James | White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.) |
| Hunter, W. (Govan) | O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.) | White, Patrick (Meath, North) |
| Isaacs, Sir Rufus Daniel | O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.) | Whitehorse, John Howard |
| Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh) | O'Malley, William | Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. |
| John, Edward Thomas | O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.) | Whyte, A. F. (Perth) |
| Johnson, W. | O'Shatighnessy, P. J. | Wiles Thomas |
| Jones, Sir D Brynmor (Swansea) | O'Sullivan, Timothy | Wilkie, Alexander |
| Jones, Edgar R (Merthyr Tydvil) | Palmer, Godfrey Mark | Williams, J. (Glamorgan) |
| Jones, H. Hadyn (Merioneth) | Parker, James (Halifax) | Williams, P. (Middlestiraugh) |
| Jones, Leif Stratton (Notts, Rushcliffe) | Pearce, Robert (Staffs., Leek) | Wilson, Hon. G. C. (Hull, W.) |
| Jones, William (Carnarvonshire) | Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham) | Wilson, John (Durham, Mid) |
| Jones, W. S. Glyn- (Stepney) | Phillips, Col. Ivor (Southampton) | Wilson, J. W. (Worcestershire, N.) |
| Joyce, Michael | Phillips, John (Longford, S.) | Wilson, W. T. (Weshoughton) |
| Keating, M. | Pickersgill, Edward Hare | Winfrey, Richard |
| Kellaway, Frederick George | Pointer Joseph | Wood, T. McKinnon (Glasgow) |
| Kelly, Edward | Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. | Young, Samuel (Cavan, East) |
| Kennedy, Vincent Paul | Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) | Young, W. (Perthshire, E.) |
| Kilbride, Denis | Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.) | |
| King, J. (Somerset, N.) | Primrose, Hon. Neil James | |
| Lambert, George (Devon, S. Molton) | Pringle, William M. R. | TELLERS FOR THE AYES—Master |
| Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade) | Radford, G. H | of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth. |
| Lansbury, George | Raphael, Sir Herbert H. |
NOES.
| ||
| Aitken, William Max | Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich) | Chaloner, Col. R. G. W. |
| Anson, Sir William Reynell | Bennett-Goldney, Francis | Clay, Captain H. H. Spender |
| Ashley, W. W. | Bird, A. | Clyde, J. Avon |
| Banat, Lieut.-Colonel J. | Boscawen, Col. Sackville T. Griffith- | Cooper, Richard Ashmole |
| Baker, Sir R. L. (Dorset, N.) | Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid.) | Courthope, George Loyd |
| Balcarres, Lord | Boytan, J. | Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.) |
| Baldwin, Stanley | Bridgeman, William Clive | Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian |
| Balfour Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.) | Burn, Col. C. R. | Dairymple, Viscount |
| Banbury, Sir Frederick George | Butcher, J. G. | Dalziel, Davison (Brixton) |
| Barnston, Harry | Carilie, Edward Hildred | Douglas, Rt. Hon. A. Akers- |
| Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Clone., E.) | Cassel, Felix | Duke, Henry Edward |
| Bathurst, Charles (Wilton) | Cator, John | Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. |
| Beach, Hon Michael Hugh Hicks | Cantley. Henry Strother | Fell, Arthur |
| Beckett, Hon. W. Gervase | Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor) | Fisher, W. Hayes |
| Bonn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) | Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) | Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A. |
| Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead) | Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford | Ratcliff, R. F. |
| Foster, Philip Staveley | Lane-Fax, G. R. | Rice, Hon. W. F. |
| Gardner, Ernest | Larmor, Sir J. | Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall) |
| Gastrell, Major W. H. | Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End) | Ronaldshay, Earl of |
| Gibbs, George Abraham | Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) | Rothschild, Lionel de |
| Gilmour, Captain John | Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey) | Salter, Arthur Clavell |
| Goulding, Edward Alfred | Long, Rt. Hon. Walter | Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood) |
| Grant, J. A. | Lansdale, John Brownlee | Sanders, Robert A. |
| Greene, Walter Raymond | Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston) | Sanderson, Lancelot |
| Gretton, John | Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (Hanover Sq.) | Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) |
| Guinness, Hon. W. E. | MacCaw, William J. MacGeagh | Smith, Harold (Warrington) |
| Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne) | Macmaster, Donald | Starrier, Beville |
| Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight) | M'Calmant, Colonel James | Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) |
| Hambro, Angus Valdemar | M'Mordie, Robert James | Starkey, John Ralph |
| Hamersley, Alfred St. George | Malcolm, Ian | Staveley-Hill, Henry |
| Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry) | Mason, James F. (Windsor) | Stewart, Gershom |
| Helmsley, Viscount | Meysey-Thompson, E. C. | Talbot, Lord E. |
| Henderson, Major H. (Berks.) | Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas | Terrell, G. (Wilts, N.W.) |
| Hickman, Col. Thomas E. | Mount, William Arthur | Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North) |
| Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury) | Neville, Reginald J. N. | Thynne, Lord Alexander |
| Hill-Wood, Samuel | Newdegate, F. A. | Teuche, Gorge Alexander |
| Hoare, S. J. G. | Newton, Harry Kottingham | Tryon, Captain George Clement |
| Hohler, G. F. | Nicholson, Win. G. (Petersfield) | Valentia, Viscount |
| Mope, Harry (Bute) | Nield, Herbert | Walker, Colonel William Hall |
| Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield) | Norton-Griffiths J. (Wednesbury) | Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.) |
| Horne, W. E. (Surrey, Guildford) | O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid.) | Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud |
| Horner, A. L. | Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. | Wolmer, Viscount |
| Houston, Robert Paterson | Paget, Almeric Hugh | Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Ripon) |
| Hume-Williams, William Ellis | Pease, Harbert Pike (Darlington) | Wood, John (Stalybridge) |
| Hunt, Rouland | Peel, Captain R. F. (Woodbridge) | Yate, Colonel C. E. |
| Hunter, Sir C. R. (Bath) | Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton) | Yerburgh, Robert |
| Ingleby, Holcombe | Perkins, Walter Frank | Younger, George |
| Jardine, E. (Somerset, E.) | Peto, Basil Edward | |
| Kebty-Fletcher, J. R. | Pollock, Ernest Murray | TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Sir A. |
| Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr | Quilter, William Eley C. | Acland-Hood and Mr. H. W. Forster. |
Bill reported with Amendments; to be considered upon Monday next, 8th May.
ADJOURNMENT.—MR. CHURCHILL: I beg to move "That this House do now adjourn."
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned at Eight minutes before Eleven o'clock.