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Commons Chamber

Volume 37: debated on Tuesday 16 April 1912

House of Commons

Tuesday, April 16, 1912

Private Business

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. Speaker laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—

Electric Lighting (Provisional Orders) (No. 1) Bill.

Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.

Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. Speaker laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:—

Pier and Harbour Provisional Order (No. 1) Bill.

Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.

Belfast Water Bill (by Order),

As amended, considered; to be read the third time.

London County Council (Tramways and Improvements) Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.

Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.

Central Argentine Railway Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Gas Companies (Standard Burner) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time.

Foreign Jurisdiction Act, 1890

Copy presented of Order in Council, dated 28th March, 1912, entitled "The Southern Nigeria Protectorate Order in Council, 1912" [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Naval and Marine Pay and Pensions Act, 1865

Copy presented of Two Orders in Council, dated 28th March, 1912, made under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Government of Ireland Bill

Copy presented of Outline of Financial Provisions of the Bill [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Crown's Nominee Account

Abstract Account presented of Receipts and Payments of the Treasury Solicitor, in the year ended 31st December, 1911, in the Administration of Estates on behalf of the Crown, and Alphabetical List of Intestates' Estates in respect of which Letters of Administration were granted to the Treasury Solicitor as Crown's Nominee, and of other cases (partial intestacies, etc.) in which accounts were opened in the Books of the Treasury Solicitor in the same year in respect of moneys received by him as Crown's Nominee [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 93.]

Shop Hours Act, 1904

Copy presented of Order made by the Secretary for Scotland, dated 17th February, 1912, providing for the Early Closing of certain classes of Shops within the city and royal burgh of Dundee [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Factory and Workshop (Dangerous and Unhealthy Industries)

Copy presented of Regulations, dated 11th April, 1912, made by the Secretary of State for the Home Department in pursuance of Section 79 of The Factory and Workshop Act, 1901, for Bronzing with dry metallic powders in letterpress printing, lithographic printing, and coating of metal sheets [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

National Insurance Act (1911) Amendment Bill

Order for Second Reading upon Friday, 17th May read, and discharged:—Bill withdrawn.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Miss Malecka's Trial

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, if he can say when the adjourned trial of Miss Malecka is to take place; and whether it will be held with open doors, so that a shorthand report of the proceedings may be taken.

A dispatch received yesterday from His Majesty's Consul at Warsaw states that the adjourned trial is fixed to take place on 9th May. I presume that when it is resumed it will be continued with open doors as before.

Will the Government take steps to see that a full report is obtained of the proceedings?

I think my hon. Friend saw the previous report, and no doubt the further proceedings will be reported in the same way.

Chinese Military Governor (Shanghai)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman has any information concerning the action taken by the Consular body against the conduct of the Chinese military Governor for the native city of Shanghai in violating the laws of the Settlement; and whether the Governor still receives the protection of the Settlement?

I have so far received no report from His Majesty's Minister at Peking confirming the information on this subject recently published in the Press. Sir J. Jordan will doubtless report on the matter in due course by dispatch. I am of opinion that it can safely be left to the discretion of the authorities on the spot to deal with any case of violation of the regulations of the International Settlement such as that referred to in the question.

Does the hon. Gentleman not think that this House ought to be informed on a question so grave?

I have already stated that we have not received any report from His Majesty's Minister at Peking. We propose to give the fullest information as soon as we do receive a full report.

Salar-ed-Dowleh

asked whether Salar-ed-Dowleh has yet left Persia in accordance with the strong recommendations made to him over a month ago by the British and Russian Governments?

Is my hon. Friend aware that Salar-ed-Dowleh has definitely refused to accede to the request made to him by the Consuls, and is he aware that there is a rumour that he is proclaiming himself Shah of Persia?

We have no information on that point, and I shall be glad if my hon. Friend will put any further questions on this subject down on the Paper.

Meshed (Bombardment by Russian Troops)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman had received any report as to the recent bombardment by Russian troops of the shrine at Meshed, in Persia; whether he was aware that, as a result of these operations many pilgrims were killed and injured, the mosque itself was almost destroyed, and its gold dome demolished; whether the keeper of the shrine was himself arrested by the Russian Con-sul-General and the courtyards of the mosque turned into stables and filled with the horses of the Russian troops; and whether he can say what reasons are given to justify these proceedings?

I have received various telegraphic reports on the subject, but as they are not all in agreement it is hard to say exactly what happened. It appears that thirty-nine persons were killed and twenty-six wounded, but it is not clear how many of these were pilgrims and how many were agitators, supporters of the ex-Shah, who had taken refuge in the basti quarters attached to the shrine. Both the mosque and its dome appear to have been struck by shell fire, but I have no information to the effect that either the mosque or dome were destroyed. I have no information that the keeper of the shrine was arrested by the Russian Consul-General. The Persian Minister for Foreign Affairs stated to Sir G. Barclay that horses had been brought into the shrine, but I have no information on this point from His Majesty's Consul-General at Meshed. The reason of the bombardment is stated to have been the necessity of clearing out agitators and bad characters who had taken refuge in the basti quarters, and who, when summoned to surrender, had refused and fired on the Russian troops. The action is stated only to have been resorted to after ample and repeated warning.

May we take it that the Government are in communication with the Russian Government with regard to these proceedings?

Will the hon. Gentleman call for a full report of these proceedings from the British Consul?

Yes, Sir, I think that goes without saying. We shall get as full a report as we can.

Is the privilege of taking basti, which has been so useful in Persia in the past, to be put a stop to by the Russian Government?

I hardly think that arises. I must ask my hon. Friend to put his question down on the Paper.

Indian Legislative Council

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he could now state the result of the consideration by the Government of India, in consultation with the local governments, of the proposal to make all confessions made out of Court inadmissible as evidence; and whether he could hold out any hopes of legislation on these lines at an early date?

The consultation with local governments had not been concluded when this question was discussed in the Indian Legislative Council at the end of February, and therefore I cannot answer the second part of my hon. Friend's question.

Can the hon. Gentleman say how long this question has been under consideration?

It is a very important matter, and it will take a very long time to carefully consider and obtain the opinions of all the local authorities.

asked whether the hon. Gentleman is aware that the Hon. Gopal Krishna Gokhale and the Hon. Babu Bhupendra Nath Basu, both members of the Imperial Legislative Council of India, have stated in the Legislative Council that they have been shadowed by officers of the Criminal Investigation Department; and if he can state whether they are still under observation?

If my hon. Friend will kindly read the debate in the Governor-General's Council, from which he apparently derives his information as to facts, he will find, I think, that the Home Members' answer to complaints was received as satisfactory. The report of the debate is now in the Library.

Dacca Conspiracy Case

asked whether the hon. Gentleman is aware that in what is known as the Dacca conspiracy case forty-four persons were brought to trial for conspiracy to wage war against the King, and that in June, 1911, the two assessors appointed to examine the case reported that against twenty of the defendants there was no evidence at all that the associations with which the others were proved to be connected were harmless in character, that the oral and documentary evidence produced by the Crown was unreliable, and that the evidence of the sworn police watchers was incredible and worthless; whether he is aware that in August, 1911, the Sessions judge at Dacca convicted thirty-five of the defendants and sentenced Pulin Behari Das and two others to transportation for life, eighteen to ten years', fourteen to seven years', and one to three years' imprisonment; whether he can now state the result of the appeal to the High Court against the conviction and sentences; and whether he will place in the Library of the House a full Report of the report of the assessors and of the judgments in the Sessions Court and in the High Court?

The statistics given by my hon. Friend are correct, except that thiry-six defendants were convicted, one sentence of one year's imprisonment being passed in addition to the sentences mentioned. The other thirty-five defendants appealed to the High Court, who acquitted twenty-one, and reduced the sentences of the remaining fourteen, which now are one of seven years' transportation, two of six years' transportation, two of five years', five of three years', and four of two years' rigorous imprisonment. The two assessors in the Sessions Court were for acquittal of all the prisoners, but the Secretary of State has not yet received the official report of their remarks. A copy of the judgment of the Sessions Court will be placed in the Library, as will also a copy of the High Court judgment (delivered on 2nd April, 1912), which is being sent from India, and a copy of the findings of the assessors will be added when received.

Partition of Bengal (Sylhet District)

asked with reference to the proposal to separate the district of Sylhet from Bengal and to incorporate it with Assam, whether he is aware that 92 per cent. of the population of Sylhet are Bengali-speaking; that their social and religious sympathies and relations are with Bengal and not with Assam; and that the judicial and revenue systems of Sylhet are the same as those of Bengal and differ from those of Assam; whether the inhabitants of Sylhet, both Hindu and Mahomedan, have petitioned against their severance from Bengal; and whether the Government will take account of their feeling in this matter?

Since Sylhet was separated from Bengal in 1874 it is misleading to describe as petitions against severance from Bengal the memorials recently presented by persons in that district asking for incorporation in the new Presidency. It is the case that in 1901 92 per cent. of the people of the district spoke a dialect of Bengali; and, speaking generally, the people of the district have closer social relations with Bengalis than with Assamese. The arrangements for the administration of civil justice resemble those of Bengal, but the revenue system differs from those of Bengal and of Assam; in fact, the peculiar circumstances of the district have been fully recognised, and its incorporation in Assam has not been allowed to impose upon the people unsuitable arrangements for the Government. Since Sylhet has been part of Assam for thirty-eight years, it is naturally included in that province, now that it has been once more separated from Eastern Bengal. As I have already informed the House, all considerations of boundary readjustments have been postponed.

Will the hon. Gentleman say who were the people who sent these memorials and how many there were?

Does the hon. Gentleman mean by the last phrase that this question will come up for further consideration?

Almost for a generation Sylhet has been part of Assam, and now Assam is separated from Eastern Bengal it comes under the Government of the Commissioners for Assam. With regard to the smaller readjustment of boundaries between province and province they can be discussed later without prejudice.

Lieutenant-Colonel Morgan

asked if Lieutenant-Colonel H. G. Morgan, C.B., D.S.O., Messing Adviser to the Quartermaster-General, has been allowed to become managing director of the Services Canadian Land Company?

Lieutenant-Colonel Morgan has not become managing director of the company mentioned.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us who is the "messing adviser" to the Government over the Home Rule Bill?

That I do not know. I know for a fact that he has not become a managing director of the company mentioned, and he has written informing us to that effect.

Would the right hon. Gentleman like a copy of the prospectus issued to the public with Colonel Morgan's name on it?

No, Sir; I have seen it. Colonel Morgan wrote stating he had not become a director of this company or any other company.

No, Sir; the arrangement was that he should not hold any directorship so long as he held a post at the War Office, and, if he does become a director of any company, he will ipso facto cease to hold his present office.

Is it in consequence of representations from the Government that he has withdrawn from this company?

No, Sir; it has nothing to do with the Government. We knew nothing about it.

Army Council

asked whether any member of the Army Council has ever served in the Horse and Field Artillery; and, if so, for how long?

Yes, Sir. The Master General of the Ordnance served for eight years in a battery of Field Artillery and three years in a battery of Horse Artillery.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how long he was in the Horse and Field Artillery?

Was that before the application of Horse and Field Artillery drill became so scientific?

Royal Engineers (Clerkships)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether clerkships in the Royal Engineer command at Chatham that have been held by non-commissioned officers at pay varying from £2 to £3 5s. per week are now being filled, as vacancies occur, by pensioner clerks at 24s. per week; whether there are cases in which a non-commissioned officer who has held the position, whilst serving, at a pay of from £2 to £3 per week has been offered the position, on his discharge to pension, at a pay of 24s. per week; whether, in offering the position to pensioner clerks at a pay of 24s., he is trading on the fact that they have earned a pension to get the work done at a cheap rate; at what date this practice commenced; how many vacancies have been filled by pensioner clerks in lieu of non-commissioned officers; and whether he will take steps to secure that, by whomsoever the position is filled, the rate of pay shall be the same as that previously enjoyed by non-commissioned officers?

It is presumed that the question refers to the Royal Engineer Record Office, where it was decided in 1906 to replace gradually the serving soldiers by civilian clerks. The rate of pay of these civilian clerks is based on market rates, and the fact that a man may have a pension does not enter into consideration. There is no intention of revising the scales of pay at present obtaining.

Royal Flying Corps

asked whether the construction of the sheds and buildings at the new aviation school has been begun, and when it is expected that the Royal Flying Corps will be able to commence work on the new ground?

Work has been commenced upon the buildings of the Central Flying School. The date upon which the school will be opened cannot yet be stated.

asked whether, before the purchase of the Upavon estate for an aviation school, the opinion of any practical aviation officers was obtained as to the suitability of the property; whether, in view of the fact that a large portion of the estate is totally unsuited for aviation purposes, the whole of the purchase-money of the estate will be paid out of the Aviation Vote; and who was the owner of the land from whom the purchase was made?

The ground was originally selected on the unanimous recommendation of a committee of which an expert flying officer was a member. The ground was again inspected by Brigadier-General Henderson, Mr. Mervyn O'Gorman, and Lieutenant Gregory, R.N., on behalf of the Sub-committee of the Committee of Imperial Defence, of which I was Chairman. They reported very favourably on the suitability of the ground for flying purposes; their report will be found on page 5 of Command Paper 6067, recently laid on the Table. The land is being bought out of Vote 10. The owners of the land, from whom the purchase was made, were Mr. E. B. Maton, St. Katherine's Hospital and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners.

asked how many officers of the Royal Flying Corps are now engaged upon aviation work, and how many aeroplanes suitable for military purposes are at present in the possession of the War Department?

At present there are twenty-four officers employed in airship and aeroplane work. Sixteen aeroplanes are at present in possession of the War Department.

asked whether it is intended that aviation officers shall take part in the manœuvres this year; and, if so, how many officers and machines it is expected will be available?

It is intended that detachments of the Royal Flying Corps should take part this year in army manœuvres. I am not yet in a position to reply to the last part of the question.

Territorial Force (National Reserve)

asked by whose authority the National Reserve is shown on Table 13, page 117, of the Annual Return of the Territorial Force, in face of the fact that no official inquiry had been made of the officers and men of the National Reserve as to whether any of them were prepared to serve under Territorial officers and noncommissioned officers?

As the National Reserve is administered by the County Associations, it was considered convenient to record its strength in the Territorial Force Annual Return as well as in the General Annual Report. It is not understood how it can be assumed that this mode of recording the figures could presuppose the acceptance of a liability to serve under Territorial officers and non-commissioned officers.

Redford Barracks (Fair Wages)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether Messrs. Breamer, the contractors for the Redford Barracks, Edinburgh, are paying navvies and labourers less than the recognised rate of the district, and therefore committing a breach of the Fair-Wages Resolution of the House of Commons; and what action he proposes to take to enforce a proper observance of the Resolution?

Perhaps the hon. Member will allow me to refer him to the answer given to his question on 15th February, 1911. The matter has again been most carefully investigated, and it does not appear that the firm now in question is infringing the Fair-Wages Clause.

Have recent inquiries been made, and is the hon. Gentleman aware that the other contractors working on the same job are all paying considerably higher wages than this firm for navvies and labourers? Why is this firm excused? Is there some connection between these gentlemen and the War Office?

Investigations quite recently have been made, and the facts, as I am informed, are not according to what the hon. Gentleman tells me, that this firm is paying lower wages than the other contractors. Fivepence is considered by a large number of employers to be quite the proper wage for this class of labour.

Are we to understand that since you wrote the letter saying that 5½d per hour was the figure you have, at the request of the employers, made it 5d. per hour?

Mineral Rights Duty (Scotland)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether his attention has been called to the alleged inequitable incidence of the Mineral Rights Duty in Scotland, as compared with its operation in England, because of the different methods of assessment for local purposes; and whether the increasing difficulties of legislating in common for two countries so diverse in the political systems, methods, and terminology have impressed the Government with the urgency of extending to Scotland the same powers of self-government that it is proposed to extend to Ireland?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and it is proposed to introduce legislation to deal with the matter. With regard to the second part, I would refer my hon. Friend to the speech delivered by my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister on Thursday last in introducing the Government of Ireland Bill.

Trawling (East Coast)

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether his attention has been directed to the growth of trawling for pelagic fish, chiefly herring; and whether he can give the number of steam and motor boats which engaged in this fishing on the east coast of England last year?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The quantity of herrings returned to the Board as caught by the trawl in 1911 was 5.30 per cent. of the total catch landed on the east coast of England. It is impossible to distinguish between herrings caught by the trawl deliberately or incidentally. The Board are carefully watching the effect of this method of fishing.

Is it expected that trawling in this manner will increase in the present year, and has the Board made preparations for protecting the nets of the fishermen?

It is quite impossible to say whether there will be an increase in this mode of trawling, but I find the figures have fluctuated even in the last three or four years.

North Sea Fisheries

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture, whether, in view of the importance of the fishings of the North Sea and their diminution, he will summon a conference of the three Fishery Boards of the United Kingdom to-consider the present situation and endeavour to arrive at a national policy in connection with the matter with a view to-international negotiations?

The English and Scottish Boards, who alone are directly concerned with the North Sea Fisheries, are represented by delegates on the International Council for the Exploration of the Sea, and the researches prosecuted by the Council are directed to the ultimate recommendation of international action if it is found necessary. I am not sure whether it would be feasible as yet to press for international action, but I am anxious to secure frequent co-operation between the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries and the Irish and Scottish Fishery Boards, and I shall be happy to consult them as to any further measures for the protection of the fisheries that can advisedly be taken by the Government of the United Kingdom.

Is it the case that at present the Scotch and English Boards hold uniform views on matters of policy?

It all depends what items of national policy my hon. Friend refers to.

So far as the North Sea is concerned, I believe the instructions given to the Scotch representatives and the English representatives have been uniform.

Development Fund (Forestry)

asked how it is proposed to allocate the sum of £2,500 which has been ear-marked out of the Board's Development Fund Grant for the purposes of the promotion of forestry in England and Wales; and what will be the respective areas over which the several participating institutions will exercise advisory powers?

A conditional offer of £500 per annum for three years has been made to each of five institutions for the purpose of enabling them to provide advice on forestry questions. The areas to be associated with these institutions are now under consideration, and will be settled after consultation with the Board's Forestry Advisory Committee.

What are the institutions to which the right hon. Gentleman refers?

I cannot give the hon. Gentleman the whole list off-hand, but if he cares to give me notice of a question I will give him the names.

Imperial Trade Commission

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies when and where the Royal Commission to inquire into the resources of the Empire will start its work?

This is a matter which must be settled by the Commission itself.

May I ask, if the Commissioners are to inquire into the resources of the Empire, why the Crown Colonies of India are left out of the scope of the inquiry?

The reference is not "the resources of the Empire," but "the resources of the Dominions."

Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to make it an inquiry into the resources of the Empire?

The inquiry was settled by resolution of the Imperial Conference in these terms.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say when the Commission will hold its first meeting?

I cannot do that at present, but I believe there is a preliminary and informal meeting of the British Commissioners to-day in order that they should communicate with their Dominion colleagues as to their convenience.

Are we to understand there was no representative of India at the Imperial Conference?

Of course the hon. Gentleman is to understand that; it was settled years ago.

asked the Prime Minister whether he will specifically state what are the special qualifications of each member of the Empire Trade Commission to perform the duties of inquiry into trade, commerce, development of resources, and Intercolonial preferential trade relations imposed upon them?

asked whether the Government will consider the advisability of altering the terms of reference to the Empire Trade Commission, so that it will be clear whether the Commission is to inquire into Intercolonial trade relations which may involve preference in products?

No, Sir. His Majesty's Government consider the terms of reference, which have been settled with the concurrence of the Dominions concerned, sufficiently wide for the purpose.

May I ask the Prime Minister whether, in view of his oft-repeated objection to blocking Motions, he would have the goodness to use his influence with his hon. Friend the Member for Lincoln (Mr. Charles Roberts), who has put down a Motion which prevents any hon. Member on this side of the House from raising this question during the Session?

I was not aware of that. I will look into the matter.

Northern Reserve (Masai)

asked whether the Masai now dwelling in what is known as the Northern Reserve are leaving that reserve northwards; if so, whether this is due to any direct or indirect pressure of the Administration; whether the lands to which they are being driven are almost waterless desert; and whether the Colonial Office is taking any action in the matter?

In accordance with the agreement of the 26th of April, 1911, the text of which is given in the Parliamentary Paper (Cd. 5584), a considerable number of the Masai have already moved, not northwards as stated in my hon. Friend's question, but into the country set aside for them in the south, and I believe that a few more are moving southwards at the present time. I understand that no pressure of any kind has been exercised by the Administration. The lands to which they are moving are not of the kind described by my hon. Friend, but are on the whole superior to those comprised in the Northern Reserve. They also cover a larger area.

In view of the very serious loss of life that occurred during the removal of part of the Masai South, will the right hon. Gentleman give an undertaking that the remainder who are in the Northern territory will not be removed until Parliament has had an opportunity of discussing the matter?

Parliament did discuss the matter last autumn, and I do not think there is anything that could be usefully added to the discussion we had then.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the loss of life that occurred was subsequent to the discussion to which he refers? Has he not seen a photograph showing skeletons on the roadside along the route which these unfortunate Masai took in moving south?

The loss of life was considerably less than that which usually occurs when the Masai move from one part of the country to another. I have seen the photograph. It shows only the skeleton of one woman, and, as the hon. Member must be aware, the Masai do not bury their dead, and it is therefore easy to discover the skeletons of those who die on the road.

Will the right hon. Gentleman issue further Papers showing what investigation was made into the loss of life?

If there is any further information that can be of use I shall be pleased to give it to the House.

Does the right hon. Gentleman expect to have an opportunity of discussing the matter with the Governor of the province?

Wireless Telegraphy (Poulsen-Pedersen System)

asked the Secretary for the Colonies, with reference to the proposed wireless installations in British Honduras, the Bahamas, and Barbados, whether his attention has been drawn to the Poulsen-Pedersen system of wireless telegraphy; whether he is aware that in October, 1911, at the request of His Majesty's Government, a series of trials was carried out between Lyngby in Denmark, and Cullercoats, and that a speed exceeding 200 words a minute by automatic transmission was recorded, which is in advance of any other system of wireless telegraphy; whether he is aware that the system has been adopted by the German Government and also by the Austrian Government for military purposes; and, in view of the above facts, whether he can recommend the local Governments concerned to consider the advisability of adopting this system?

I am aware of the results of the trials of the Poulsen-Pedersen system last October, and the further progress of the system is being carefully watched by His Majesty's Government. I have no information as to the extent to which the German and Austrian Governments have adopted the system. The English representative of the Poulsen Company was recently invited, but declined, to tender for a 5-kilowatt station in Trinidad. An opportunity will no doubt again be given to the company to tender for any other West Indian stations which may be proposed.

British Export Trade

asked the President of the Board of Trade what was the total amount of manufactures and produce consigned in 1910 and 1911, respectively, to Australia and to Germany?

The total declared value of the exports of the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom consigned to the Commonwealth of Australia in 1910 was £27,652,000, and in 1911 £30,881,000. The value of the exports to Germany was £37,021,000 in 1910, and £39,301,000 in 1911. I should add that the figures for 1911 are provisional and subject to correction on final examination.

asked the value of the total purchases from the United Kingdom in 1911 per head of population in Canada, Australia, South Africa, New Zealand, Germany, United States, France, and Russia?

The exports of the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom in 1911 to the countries named were equivalent to the following amounts per head of the population of each of those countries:—

asked the value of exports from the United Kingdom to the South African Union in 1909, 1910, and 1911, respectively?

The total value of the exports of the produce and manufactures of the United Kingdom consigned to the Union of South Africa was:

Is this the result of the preference granted by the South African Union? If so, has the hon. Gentleman any suggestion to make with regard to approaching the Union with a view to great preference being given?

I should think it extremely improbable that the preference is mainly responsible. The exports of British capital, as the hon. Member knows, are mainly to British Dominions, and as the trade seems to be going very well, I think there is no occasion for making further arrangements.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in the Crown Colonies, where there is no preference, the position is very much the reverse, and all is not going well?

Major ARCHER-SHEE rose—

The hon. Member had better postpone his question until the next Tariff Reform Debate.

Sale of Bread

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the fact that the Public Control Committee of the London County Council reported that, out of 4,040 half-quartern loaves, 2,145 were found to be of short weight, the total shortage being 215 lbs., equal to 107 full-sized half-quartern loaves, he could see his way immediately to secure for the people the full amount of bread for which they paid, either by administration or legislation?

The question of the amendment in the law relating to the sale of bread has been before the Board of Trade, and will receive further consideration in connection with the Report referred to. The subject is one of considerable difficulty, and local authorities are by no means unanimous in regard to it.

Are these short-weight loaves sold all over the country, and is this the new style big loaf under a Liberal Free Trade Government?

Railway Conciliation Scheme

asked if the recommendations of the Royal Commission on Railway Conciliation Boards have resulted in a satisfactory settlement of the matters which led to the appointment of the Commission?

The conciliation scheme recommended by the Royal Commission was adopted, with certain amendments, by both parties in December last. The first meetings of the Conciliation Boards, under the new conditions, will take place next month, and I hope that the scheme will be found to work satisfactorily.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware there are rumours of another railway strike in the near future, and will he forthwith take all the steps necessary to prevent, if possible, the dislocation that took place last year?

The rumours are, of course, common property, and the Board has the matter before it in the ordinary course.

King Edward Memorial

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether, in the event of the King Edward Memorial being erected on the site in the Green Park proposed by the King Edward Memorial Committee, he can give an undertaking that in future no more memorials or statues will be placed within the confines of the Royal parks?

The First Commissioner is quite ready to promise that he will oppose any scheme which is brought before him for the erection of any statue in any Royal park. He regrets, however—for reasons which will appeal to the hon. Member— that he cannot pledge his successors.

Has not the First Commissioner of Works already announced his intention to place a statue of Peter Pan in Kensington Gardens? Will that statue be placed there?

This undertaking is not retrospective. The statue of Peter Pan will be placed in position on 29th April.

In the event of a memorial being erected, may I ask my hon. Friend if there is any doubt that the statue will be there erected?

Will the hon. Gentleman give an undertaking that the statue of King Edward shall not be proceeded with until this House has had an opportunity of expressing its opinion upon it?

That question was put to the Prime Minister, who said that if further discussion was required the Office of Works Vote should be asked for through the usual channel.

Perhaps the hon and gallant Gentleman will put forward the request through the usual channels?

Trawling for Pelagic Fish

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether his attention has been directed to the growth of trawling for pelagic fish, chiefly herring; and whether the Government propose to take any steps to increase the number of fishery cruisers in view of the increased peril to nets?

The Fishery Board are keeping a watchful eye on the question of trawling for herrings in its various aspects. So far no complaints of damage to the gear of herring drifters have been made, and I am informed that the grounds upon which the trawlers have hitherto operated have not been those upon which the ordinary herring boats have been working.

Can the hon. Gentleman undertake that these grounds shall not be the same in the future?

Can the Department say the number of days the fishery cruisers spend in port at anchor?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the number of fishery cruisers is quite insufficient?

Shop Assistants (Conditions of Service)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that, when the inspectors go round the shops to inquire into the conditions of service and to find out if chairs are supplied for the use of women and girls serving in them, they are almost always attended by one of the managers or shop-walkers, and that if any of the women or girls complain that though the chairs are there they are hardly ever allowed to sit down, or if they make any complaint they are often dismissed as a consequence; and whether he could see his way to issue instructions to the inspectors to the effect that they are to make their investigations unaccompanied by any of the managers or shop-walkers of any of the shops?

The administration of the law as to seats for shop assistants rests with the local authorities and not with the Home Office, and I have no special information on the points raised in the hon. Member's question. The inspectors, of the local authority, however, have full power under the Shops Act to examine assistants alone, and not in the presence of the manager or shop-walker; and attention has been called to this in the explanatory memorandum on the Act which has recently been issued by the Home Office.

Will the right hon. Gentleman call the attention of the local authorities to this matter?

I think the attention of the local authorities has been called to the matter in question, but I will make further inquiries.

Slate Quarry Accidents (Carnarvonshire)

asked what was the total number of accidents in the slate quarries of Carnarvonshire in each of the years 1909, 1910, and 1911?

Hydroplanes on Windermere

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department (1) Whether he has considered the risk to life and property which will be occasioned by the use of hydroplanes on Windermere; and, if he cannot see his way entirely to prohibit their use on the water of a lake which is a public highway, and is traversed by a public steam ferry, if he will institute restrictions as to speed, the area upon which, and the hours in the day during which flights of hydroplanes will be permitted; and (2) whether he is prepared to put into force the powers he possesses under the provisions of the Aerial Navigation Act, 1911, to prohibit the establishment of a school of aviation, to be carried on for private profit, on the shores and waters of Windermere?

The powers conferred on the Secretary of State by the Aerial Navigation Act of last Session are to prohibit the navigation of air craft over certain areas, either at all times or at such times as may be specified in the Order, or to impose conditions for such navigation, but the powers are limited to the purpose of protecting the public from danger. As at present advised, I am not prepared to make an Order prohibiting the use of hydroplanes over Windermere; but the question of making certain restrictions is now under consideration.

asked whether the Admiralty have made a contract with a private firm for the construction of hydroplanes on the shores of Windermere, and for testing them on the lake?

No contract has yet been made, but arrangements are being entered into for the conversion of aeroplanes into hydroplanes by a private contractor at Windermere. The present intention, so long as his works are at Windermere, is to carry out preliminary tests on the lake.

Is there any reason why Windermere should be protected from these inroads any more than the Scottish lakes?

Industrial Disputes (Violence and Intimidation)

asked whether, in view of the powerlessness of the local authorities to secure the punishment of large bodies of men, as distinct from individuals, guilty of violence and intimidation during industrial disputes, the Government will take steps permanently to strengthen the hands of the local authorities and to secure complete freedom of action for all who may desire to work during a strike, and adequate protection of property.

I do not think that the hon. Member is right in assuming that local authorities are powerless in this matter. On the contrary, they have been able generally to stop any attempt by crowds to use violence and intimidation; and in one or two instances, where the resources at their command have been insufficient, the Government has, on the requisition of the magistrates, lent the assistance of the military. I have, however, under my consideration the question whether the powers and organisation of the police can be so strengthened as to reduce the number of calls for military support.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give a plain reply to the last part of the question, in which I ask that freedom of action should be given to all who may desire to work during a strike and adequate protection of property?

I have given the fullest and plainest answer to the hon. Member's question.

Imperial Service Order Medal

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, when bestowing the Imperial Service Order medal for good conduct and long service, he would recommend that it should be accompanied with some monetary grant?

I cannot undertake to adopt the course suggested by the hon. Member. The conditions of service for civilians upon whom this medal may be conferred are wholly dissimilar from the conditions attaching to service rewarded by the grant of the good conduct medal.

Elementary Schools (Grants for Medical Treatment)

asked the President of the Board of Education whether the Grants to be made to public elementary schools out of the sum of £60,000 proposed to be applied towards the medical treatment of school children in England and Wales will depend upon any and, if any, what proportion of the cost of such treatment being borne by the ratepayers in the administrative areas receiving them; and whether the existence of voluntary agencies for providing such treatment in any such area will strengthen its claim in the eyes of the Board when considering the amount of the proposed Grant or whether, alternatively, the existence of such agencies will operate to reduce the Board's Grant for this purpose?

As indicated in the Regulations, the Grants towards medical treatment of school children will depend to some extent upon the expenditure of the local education authorities, but until the Board have received precise information as to the work done and the money spent by the various authorities it is impossible to determine how the sum at our disposal will be apportioned, or to indicate what proportion the Grant will bear to the cost of treatment. The Board desire local education authorities to utilise voluntary agencies as far as possible, and the extent to which they do so is one of the factors which will be taken into consideration in assessing the Grant to be paid.

Does the right hon. Gentleman mean the money which is already being spent by these local education authorities or the money that they will be willing to spend?

It depends a great deal upon the money they will be willing to spend in the current year.

Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that the existence of voluntary agencies wilt operate to the advantage of those administrative areas in which they exist or to their detriment?

asked the President of the Board of Education whether, in the distribution of the Grant in aid of medical treatment for school children, he will take into consideration the special need for assistance felt in sparsely populated and mountainous districts, where communication by rail or road is difficult and where large areas have to be covered by the local doctors?

Each application for Grant in aid of medical treatment will be carefully considered, and due allowance will be made for any peculiar conditions obtaining within the area of any particular local authority.

Will the right hon. Gentleman undertake to embody that suggestion in his recommendations, with the other suggestions?

Co-partnership (Suggested Royal Commission)

asked the Prime Minister, whether he has received a memorial, signed by 293 Members of this House, asking for the appointment of a Royal Commission on Co-partnership; and, if so, what decision the Government has come to on the point?

I have received the memorial referred to. The proposal shall have the careful attention of the Government, which has for some time past had under consideration the question of industrial unrest and its causes.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give me any indication as to when the Government will be able to arrive at a decision on this question?

House of Lords

asked the Prime Minister if he can now say whether the promised new and revised Second Chamber, instead of the House of Lords, will be set up and its powers defined and be capable of being used within two years of the introduction of the Government of Ireland Bill?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers that question, may I ask him if he is aware that the late Leader of the Opposition has described the House of Lords, as at present constituted, as a perfect revising Chamber?

The Government have in no way modified their policy with regard to the reform of the Second Chamber, but I cannot add anything to what I have already said as to the mode and time of carrying out the policy.

Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman no longer adheres to his statement, made last year, that the setting up of a new Second Chamber will brook no delay, and if so, is it not obtaining Home Rule by a trick?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the new Imperial Second Chamber will, as to its composition, follow the analogy of the Irish Senate?

Imperial Defence

asked the Prime Minister whether he will put down Civil Service Estimates, Class 2, Sub-head III. E (Vote for Committee of Imperial Defence), for discussion at an early date, in order that this House may have an opportunity of discussing as a whole the general problem, both naval and military, of Imperial Defence?

The suggestion of the hon. and gallant Member will be considered along with many requests for other Votes from various sources.

Junior Lord of the Treasury

asked the Prime Minister if he will state how long the office of Junior Lord of the Treasury has been vacant; who has been fulfilling the duties thereof during this period; and when he considers it advisable that the office should be filled up?

The duties of the office, which is an unpaid one and has been vacant for about a month, have been performed by the other Lords Commissioners of the Treasury. It will be filled up immediately.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say why this office has not been previously filled up?

If the Noble Lord is so curious to know why, I will tell him. In the first place, because of the regrettable absence of my right hon. Friend the Chief Whip; and in the next place because of the number of qualified persons from among whom it is possible to make a selection.

Poor Law Relief (Feeble-Minded Persons)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he will state the number of feeble-minded persons who received Poor Law relief during 1911; and whether he will specify the institutions in which such relief was granted and the number of feeble-minded males, females, and children, respectively, receiving relief in such institutions and receiving outdoor relief?

I am unable to give the particulars which the hon. Member desires, but perhaps I may refer him to the information given yesterday in my reply to the hon. Member for the Denbigh Districts.

Loss of Ss. "Titanic."

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will consider the importance of framing regulations preventing British passenger ships to New York during the late winter and early spring from adopting the Northern Atlantic route for the purpose of breaking records, and what proportion the lifeboat accommodation of the "Titanic" bore to the number of passengers?

Perhaps the hon. Member will give me notice of the question. I would rather not answer offhand.

The news received by the Board of Trade this morning is in these terms—it is from the White Star Company.

"The 'Olympic' reports the 'Carpathia' reached the 'Titanic's' position at daybreak. She found boats and wreckage only. 'Titanic' had foundered about 2.20 a.m., 41.16 N., 50.14 W. All her boats accounted for. About 675 souls were saved of crew and passengers—latter nearly all women and children. Leyland liner 'Californian' is remaining and searching the position of the disaster. The 'Carpathia' is returning to New York with the survivors."

No further news has yet been received by the Board of Trade. Perhaps the House will allow me to add this. I am afraid we must brace ourselves to confront one of those terrible events in the order of Providence which baffle foresight, which appal the imagination and which make us realise the inadequacy of words to do justice to what we feel. We cannot say more at this moment than to give necessarily imperfect expression to our sense of admiration that the best traditions of the sea seem to have been observed, and of the willing sacrifices which were offered to give the hest chance of safety to those who were the least able to help themselves, and the warm and heartfelt sympathy of the whole nation to those who find themselves suddenly bereft of the nearest and dearest in their desolated homes.

[Members in all parts of the House removed their hats during the Prime Minister's statement.]

Business of the House

Can the right hon. Gentleman now state when he hopes to introduce the Bill for Welsh Disestablishment?

Why is it not going to be introduced on Monday? Is it due to the absence of the Irish Members on that day?

If discussion on the Estimates should finish to-morrow at an early hour, will the right hon. Gentleman take the Report of the Public Accounts Committee for 1911?

Bills Presented

Highway Act (1835) Amendment Bill

"To amend the Highway Act, 1835." Presented by Mr. Tyson Wilson; supported by Mr. Clynes, Mr. Gill, Mr. Parker, Mr. Albert Smith, Mr. John Taylor, and Mr. Stephen Walsh; to be read a second time upon Tuesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 139.]

Cheap Trains Bill

"To amend the Law relating to Cheap Trains for the working classes." Presented by Mr. BOWERMAN; supported by Mr. Hodge, Mr. Hudson, Mr. John Taylor, Mr. James Thomas, Mr. William Thorne, Mr. Tyson Wilson, and Mr. Wardle; to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 30th April, and to be printed. [Bill 137.]

Luggage (Bicycles) Bill

"To define luggage on railways with respect to bicycles, and to provide for their registration." Presented by Mr. BOWERMAN; supported by Sir William Bull, Sir James Yoxall, Mr. William Thorne, and Mr. Goldstone; to be read a second time upon Tuesday, 30th April, and to be printed; [Bill 138.]

Public Offices (Sites) Bill

Resolved, "That Mr. Wedgwood Benn, Captain Murray, and Mr. Ormsby-Gore be Members of the Select Committee."— [ Master of Elibank. ]

Government of Ireland Bill

Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Question [ 11th April ], "That leave be given to bring in a Bill for the Government of Ireland."—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Question again proposed. Debate resumed.

My right hon. Friend (Mr. Balfour) began his great speech yesterday—a speech which left very little of the Bill, the text of which we have not yet seen, having torn it to ribbons— by a reference to the Debate of 1886, when the first Home Rule Bill was introduced. He drew a striking comparison between that occasion and the one of last Thursday. I desire to draw a comparison between the introduction of the Bill of 1893 and the present occasion. In 1893 the history of the Home Rule question was fresh in the mind of the House and the country. A very few years had elapsed since the Liberal party-had first made up their minds to abandon their old faith and their old principles and to adopt Home Rule, and the whole question was to a very large extent before the minds of the whole country in its principle and in all its details. Now a long period of years has elapsed. There have been many changes in the situation, and any impartial observer would, I think, have expected that in these altered conditions the House and the country would have given at least as full time to master the complicated details of this Bill as they were given in 1893, but quite the reverse has been the case. In 1893 the Bill was brought in on the 13th February and ordered to be introduced on the 17th. The Second Reading of the Bill was taken upon 6th April: the House and the country having been in possession of the full details of the measure, were able to consider it at a proper time with a reasonable amount of the Session left for its further consideration and for decision. Very different is the treatment of the Government to-day of the country and of the House. The Bill is introduced only at the date on which it was read a second time in 1893, and the Bill is a very different one. We ought to have more time rather than less in which to discuss it. In 1893 the Government had just been returned, and it was known that Home Rule was to be one of the main issues. This Government has been returned to office again upon an issue deliberately raised by themselves in order to enable them to carry Home Rule behind the backs of the people, and without giving the people an opportunity of knowing what it is they are going to propose. We in April are asked to give permission to the introduction of a Bill which is to effect this immense change in our Constitution, and we are to be asked to read it a second time either on a date which will leave insufficient time for its full and proper consideration or a date which will make it impossible for the country to realise what the Bill really is before the House is asked to affirm its main principles. I venture to say that this is an alteration in the practice of government which is to be profoundly deplored, and which I do not believe will be defended even by the supporters of the Government themselves.

This Bill is being introduced, as we are told, by the Government for reasons which are different from those that have been put forward on previous occasions. I do not know what may happen in the rest of the Debate that is before us, but so far, at all events, we have heard nothing of the economies which are to be effected by Home Rule. Before now we have been told that the government of Ireland under this Imperial Parliament is an expensive government, and that a great reform will be effected which will enable the new and fresh Parliament proposed to be set up to govern the country more cheaply than we have been able to do. That line of argument has been abandoned. We have been told on previous occasions that there are so many Departments of Government in Ireland that it is not possible for the Chief Secretary to supervise them. I remember the present Chief Secretary has more than once dwelt on this aspect of the case. I do not know whether the Chief Secretary accounts himself a successful or an unsuccessful Minister, but I presume he is prepared to claim that he has not neglected his duty, and yet there is no doubt that if he has successfully performed his duty he has done so without any risk of overstaying his welcome by unduly prolonging his residence in Ireland. Therefore, it is not unfair to assume that the duties of the government of Ireland can be performed without making any undue demand on the time and labour of the Minister for the time being responsible. Those claims have been abandoned. What is the main argument that has been used in this House and out of it in defence of this measure? It is that the object of the Bill is to secure the better government of Ireland. I wonder how many there are in this House or out of it who really believe that the better government of Ireland is going to be secured by the introduction of Home Rule? I am not going to suggest that Gentlemen in this House or out of it who speak about Home Rule are not speaking what they believe to be the literal truth. I shall go no further in what I am about to say than to state what anybody who knows human nature may say.

I wonder very much if this House were transformed from the moment into a palace of truth in which everybody would be compelled to say what they think without qualification or question, how many would be found in any quarter of it who really believe that the passing of Home Rule means the better Government of Ireland in any form or in any detail? What is the other claim put forward by the supporters of this measure, and especially by the Government? It is the claim which has, above all others, in my judgment, least foundation and which is the most offensive. It is that you are going to secure peace and happiness between the two countries by giving Ireland Home Rule. I wonder how many of those who make this demand stop to think what it means. It will be admitted that there has been some want of harmony between the two countries, and that the circumstances of both are unsatisfactory. How do you propose to bring about the desired harmony? How do you propose to make these circumstances satisfactory? By the most extraordinary steps any Government have ever taken. You propose to do it by propitiating those who have been the enemies of British government—who have been the enemies of British rule—who have poured contempt upon the flag and everything that represents the British Empire. You propose to bring about this peace and goodwill among men by alienating, trampling upon, and insulting those who have never asked anything more than you ask for yourselves—those who have ever been loyal to the Crown and the flag. Those are the people who are insulted by you to-day. Why? Because they ask to be allowed to continue under the same form of government which you live under, to enjoy the same privileges which you enjoy, and to have the same rights which you claim.

Every Government is entitled to adopt the legislative policy it thinks right, and I would be the last person, believing as I do implicitly in party Government, to deny that it does what it believes to be right in the view of the party to which it belongs and which it represents. Assuming, as I always do, and as every honest man must do, however much men disagree with their political opponents, that you believe the interests of party are in the main identical with the interests of the country, I do not blame the Government if they believe that the best way to keep their party in good heart is to pass Home Rule. I do not blame them for trying to pass a Home Rule Bill, but I do blame them for venturing to tell the country that it is not to keep their own party in, which is their real object, but for claiming for themselves the special virtue that they are anxious to bring peace to Ireland. How can you pretend that you are going to bring peace to Ireland when you are going, as you yourselves know as well as I do, to do that which is contrary to the wish of the loyal minority in Ireland, the men who have never failed you, and who regard you as aiming at the destruction of everything they care for—the destruction not only of their own position, but of the position of those who are to come after them. It is not a question of organisations, and it is not a question of parties. I ask in the name of common sense, how can it be contended that the passing of this Bill is to be justified on the ground that you are going to restore peace and goodwill in Ireland and make the Irish the friends of the rest of the inhabitants of the United Kingdom? From anything I can see you are going to make the Nationalist' Members for Ireland firmer allies of your own political party. That may be true. It may be a sufficiently good argument for your policy, but you cannot honestly pretend that you are going to make the Irish true friends of the rest of the United Kingdom by attempting to conciliate those who have been your enemies and by proceeding deliberately to insult and injure those who have been the best friends of the United Kingdom and the Empire.

It is not only in so far as this measure proposes to do a great injury to the loyalist minority, at any rate in their own view, that the Government are, in my judgment, sinning so greatly as they are. It is also in the method by which they have, especially latterly, pursued their policy. What has been the cry of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite in this House and in the country? When they made it clear that they intended to proceed with Home Rule as one of their first measures there was an outburst from a great part of Ulster. What was their reply? Did they treat it as the deliberate opinion of men who were as much entitled to consideration as they themselves? Did they say, "These men are exposed to what they regard as a great wrong, and we must treat them fairly, justly and with consideration?" No; what they have done is: first of all, to impute to them that they were acting not only in bad faith, but in a spirit of braggadocio, and that they really did not mean what they said. They have done nothing to placate those in Ireland who are resolutely opposed to Home Rule. It is not only that their measure is one which gives great offence and causes profound anxiety; it is also the method by which they have proceeded with their measure up to this time. They have done everything in their power to add to the bitterness with which we oppose them and the suspicion with which we regard every act that they commit as an executive Government. While they have abandoned the old grounds on which they have recommended Home Rule, the new grounds on which they have taken up this measure are not such as can be maintained. It is pure hypocrisy to advance them as a justification for a measure of this kind.

Then, when we come to their precedents what do we find? The Postmaster-General (Mr. Herbert Samuel) last night in his speech told us that in many countries and Colonies this principle of local self-government has been adopted. He said that in the United States of America, when a State which has not been admitted within the Union reaches a certain position, it is at once admitted, and he asked, "How do you answer that?" I answer it by saying what every sensible man will agree with, that that is no precedent at all for what you are going to do here. If it is, it points in the opposite direction. In the United States of America and the Dominion of Canada when they admit within the Union a State or a province that has not hitherto been given those privileges, they are giving to that particular State or province an elevation by bringing it up to the standard of the greater provinces in the States or the Dominions. But the Government here are doing exactly the reverse. The Postmaster-General quoted the United States of America. He did not make any very considerable reference to Canada. The same answer applies to Canada. But the precedent of all others upon which the Government and their friends have mainly rested themselves is the precedent of South Africa, and to this extent I agree they are right in speaking of South Africa because it is the latest case they have in Colonial government. But in speaking of South Africa they have not one single justification for making it a precedent for the form of government which they propose to give to Ireland—except one. I do not suppose that it is one that they will accept. They are entirely mistaken when they claim South Africa as a precedent for this extension of local self-government for Ireland. They entirely put the saddle on the wrong horse. When they say that South Africa is a justification for what they have done, they are referring to the first step which they took, the grant of responsible government to the Transvaal and the Orange Colony, but do they pretend or does anyone of them pretend, who make that claim, that if the reforms in South Africa have rested there with the extension of self-government to those two Colonies, they would be able to point as they do to-day to South Africa as a glorious incident in our Imperial history which has justified what was done?

They would make that claim. Then all I can say is that with all their ability and eloquence they have managed to put their case very badly. In all the speeches which I have read or heard made in this House in which South Africa has been claimed as justifying what we are asked to do now, the greatest stress has been laid upon the position of the Union Government of South Africa to-day as a great part of the Empire. There is only one detail in connection with South Africa in which I maintain that the cases are in any way parallel. When the Government gave responsible government to those two provinces they were risking nothing of their own. They were risking not their own liberty, their own privileges, their own rights, but the liberties, privileges, and rights of the loyalist population of those two provinces who were exposed to certain risks. They are doing that to-day with the loyalist population in Ireland. This is the only parallel. There the comparison ends. What happened in South Africa? Incidents like these are of no importance to the Government. I happened to be in South Africa towards the end of the discussions on this question. I met an immense number of men, Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen, who had been in the employment of the Government before, who were displaced, as they thought unjustly, while other men were retained in their places. This did not matter to His Majesty's Government. It was no concern of theirs that these men should suffer so long as they were able to claim the credit of having brought about this great Imperial factor in that part of His Majesty's Dominion. But you cannot carry the comparison further. What was required in South Africa was a Union of four provinces. That was brought about by several conferences which were held in the four Colonies. At these conferences those who were in favour of one form of government or the other were brought into close contact. These matters were discussed during a long series of months, and opponents met and had an opportunity of discussing their differences, and as a result the Act of Union was framed.

4.0 p.m.

When the Government claim South Africa to-day as a justification of their policy, they talk about a policy of federalism and say that they are going to federate the Kingdoms here, but in South Africa; when they were dealing with a scheme of federation, they were not discussing it long before they came to the conclusion that it was unworkable, and they came round quickly to the policy of unification. It is a scheme of unification which in every detail is as different from the scheme of federation as one thing can be from another. What are the words put into the South African Act? What is the first word with which they begin the Preamble? They apparently in South Africa attach more importance to Preambles than we are accustomed to here. When they put a Preamble into an Act they give effect to it. The Preamble in the South African Act runs as follows:—

Does the hon. Gentleman desire me to read it? If he does, I shall be delighted to do so, and refer to Section 85 of the Act as well as to the third paragraph of the Preamble. As I have already said, the Government of South Africa when they put a Preamble into an Act found that Act upon it, and proceed to carry out the Preamble in every one of its particulars. They were desirous of united South Africa under one Government, and they therefore devoted some eighty-four Sections of that Act to the creating of a Central Government, and, as the hon. Baronet the Member for North Bucks (Sir Harry Verney) said, there is a third paragraph of the Preamble which states:— person who will read the South African Act can come but to one conclusion, namely, that there is no precedent whatever for advancing the South African Act of Union as a precedent for what we are now proposing to do.

The Government have taken credit to themselves here and in the country for what has happened in South Africa. They deserve no credit for it whatever. It was not due to any act of theirs, excepting the grant of representative government to the Transvaal and the Orange River Colony. Those satisfactory results, at which we all rejoice, are due to conferences to which I have already referred, and which brought British and Boers together. They are due to the public-spirited action of men like the present Prime Minister and the Leader of the Opposition in the Union Parliament and their followers on both sides. But to say that it is due to the fact that you gave representative government, where a Crown Colony was previously in existence, is, I think, a most preposterous claim to make, and one to which you are not in the smallest degree entitled. I do not blame hon. Gentlemen opposite for looking about the highways and byways to try and find some claim that they can make for credit to themselves. I do not blame you for catching at straws when you are in extremity, but I say that the claim is not justified, and that the precedent of the South African Act of Union is one which cannot be twisted to have any resemblance to what you are proposing to do in reference to Ireland. So much for your precedent. What about the Bill itself? I said at the beginning, and I repeat it, that I really believe that after the speech of my right hon. Friend (Mr. Balfour) last night, this unfortunate Bill is hardly worth more castigation than it has already received. I am waiting with curiosity to hear the reply of the Chief Secretary to-night to my right hon. Friend's speech. I do not in the least blame the Postmaster-General for not attempting to answer the speech of my right hon. Friend, because to do so exceeded the powers of any man, however able, and he has ability enough, although we on this side of the House think that he frequently misuses it. I consider that he showed his wisdom last night by not exercising his ability in trying to answer the speech of my right hon. Friend.

There are one or two things I wish to ask the House to let me say in reference to the Bill itself. I am not going to say anything about the Senate—stillborn— not even a breath. It is quite true that the Prime Minister told the House why he thought it necessary to recommend the Senate. We have the great advantage in this House, from its construction, that we are able to watch the faces of our opponents when revelations are going on. As a very old Member of the House I have been rather a close student of those interesting details in our House of Commons life. I have often seen Members opposite look surprised at announcements which come from the Government, but never have I seen such a look of blank dismay on the face of every Member opposite as I saw when the Prime Minister proceeded to tell hon. Gentlemen, who had been hugging to their souls the conviction that there were ready democratic Members of Parliament, that they would be called upon shortly to go into the Lobby to vote for a Second Chamber which was to be wholly nominated by the Crown. "Breathless" does not express the condition in which hon. Gentlemen found themselves when they had fully digested the fact. One or two hon. Members opposite have written letters of regret on the subject. They made it quite clear that in their opinion the proposal is absolutely unworkable. I do not think we need waste any time about it, and I am quite certain that it is not going much further. I would only say that I do not know what object the Prime Minister thought he was going to serve by introducing a nominated Senate; I do not know whether he thought it was going to help the Nationalist Members for Ireland to strengthen their position by adding to their numbers. He cannot have thought that he was going in any way to conciliate the Unionists' opposition by introducing this Senate, because it will be an insult to their intelligence to think that they would derive any comfort from the creation of this nominated body. It is to be nominated by the Prime Minister, of course, in reality; and we know that as the Prime Minister was obliged to bring in this Bill to please hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway, so he will be obliged to nominate the Senate to please them. Therefore to suggest that it would give any comfort to us is a waste of time. Some better device will have to be discovered than that for strengthening the Irish party.

So far as we are concerned, we say it makes Home Rule even worse, because if you are to have a Home Rule measure we will oppose it whatever it be. We are resolute. In passing Home Rule, you should at all events please you own friends and give it some appearance of a democratic measure, the kind of measure which you have always told the electors you would support. What about finance? The Postmaster-General told us a great deal about it last night. He made a very able statement to us, but I think everybody will agree that before we can discuss the figures of this Bill in detail we must have it before us and have all the figures, which are complicated and difficult, very carefully examined. I am only going to make this passing reference to the Postmaster-General's statement. He was very indignant with some of us on this side of the House, because, he said, it had already been declared that Home Rule meant a new burden of some £2,000,000 upon the taxpayers of the country, and he turned to his Friends and said, "Anybody who makes that statement makes one which is absolutely untrue." Yes, put thus, by the Postmaster-General his criticism is correct, but it is playing with words. Does the Postmaster-General or does anybody opposite pretend that this Bill and its financial arrangements with the burden of £2,000,000 upon the taxpayers where the representatives of the taxpayers have full control over everything, is the same thing as £2,000,000 contributed to a separate Parliament to spend that money as it thinks best without any check by the ratepayers. It is ridiculous to suggest that the two things are not a good deal different. Why should you run away at the very beginning from what you are doing? Why should you not admit at the very beginning, and why are you afraid to say that you are endowing Ireland with certain funds in order to govern itself?

After all, you are treating Ireland as far as the financial arrangements are concerned even worse under this Bill in one respect than under the Councils Bill. Why should you be ashamed of it already? The hon. and learned Member for Waterford in the speech he made the other evening appealed to us. He said, "If you are going to bring about this settlement of this old standing difficulty, why be niggardly in your money?" I do not hesitate to Bay that, opposed as I am to Home Rule in any shape or form, if I believed that by your measure you were going to conciliate public opinion in Ireland, that you were going to bring together the contending forces, and that you were going to have a real settlement and true peace, I would not on the floor of this House squabble over £2,000,000 or over £10,000,000. I maintain that you could not measure the value of such a settlement to the people of this country by any statement of pounds, shillings, and pence, and if I thought that you were going by your new Bill to really bring peace and happiness to Ireland and to the United Kingdom and to the Empire I would not stop at the question whether your Grant was £500,000 per year or £2,000,000 per year or what it was. I should say give enough, and so finance this Parliament that they can do their work. I am not fighting the financial Clauses because I believe your money is not sufficient or because I believe it to be too much, but I deny your right here in Parliament to take the British taxpayers' money in order to establish a Parliament which shall be able to use that money as they think fit, without any control by those who represent the British taxpayer. I say I would not fight over the details of the pounds, shillings, and pence, if I thought it meant peace, but I believe your new financial arrangements, if I understand them aright, will settle nothing and will unsettle a great deal. I believe if your Parliament came into existence you would find before it had been in existence twelve months that you would have to entirely alter your financial arrangements, and I believe you would be driven to the only plan that I regard as feasible, and that is if you mean Home Rule, say what you mean and act accordingly, and give the people complete control. You are claiming that this Bill is a great boon to Ireland, and a great proof to Ireland of your desire to help it. I venture to say that if we understand these financial Clauses aright, every word and line of them breathes distrust in the Irish people, and shows that while you profess to be anxious to give them powers to govern themselves, you are afraid to give them complete powers lest they should misuse them and injure the rest of the United Kingdom. I believe those powers will satisfy neither Ireland or Great Britain.

Bad as is this part of the Bill, and that as to the Senate to which I have just referred, there is a much more serious effect even than those. The most amazing part of your Bill is to be found in that part which deals with land legislation. If there is one question in Ireland which concerns the whole people more than another, and the proper treatment of which is more likely to lead to prosperity or the reverse, it is the land question. Under continuous Land Acts, the last one of which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover (Mr. Wyndham) was responsible and which is the greatest of them all, a revolution has been steadily taking place in Ireland. Its progress has been unhappily delayed by the action of the present Government. Can any one conceive the Irish Parliament meeting in all the freshness of its vigour and its new life, Ministers seeking to address themselves to the difficulties of the people, trying to make the country more prosperous, and finding at the very outset of their career that they are denied the power to deal with the one question of all others which lies at the foundation of Irish prosperity and Irish progress. That is the result of your Bill. The Land Act is to be one of the reserved services. The Estates Commissioners are to be responsible—to whom? We have not been told yet what is to be the fate of the Chief Secretary? Is there to be a Minister responsible to this House or not? What happens at the present moment? The Estates Commissioners go down to the country to buy land. The basis of their purchase terms of the land they buy is all the subject of very bitter discussion. Who is responsible now? The Chief Secretary has no direct control over the Estates Commissioners, but he is the Minister in this House who has to answer and is responsible for every branch of Irish government. Who is going to answer in future? Who is going to be the Minister who will defend in Parliament the action taken by the Estates Commissioners in dealing with land?

And are the Government going to include in these reserved services the Congested Districts Board? That is a question which ought to be answered, and answered at once for this reason, that the Congested Districts Board is now under the Act of the present Chief Secretary, the sole land authority in nine counties in Ireland. Therefore, I maintain if your proposal is to reserve the Estates Commissioners as a reserved service subject to the Imperial Parliament, and to hand the Congested Districts Board over to Irish control, that that proposal is absolutely unworkable. It will bring about nothing but direct confusion if there are to be two authorities that will overstep the limits of each other's areas. They will conflict in their administration, and will make the administration of the Land Acts and the work of the Congested Districts Board absolutely impossible. If, on the other hand, you are going, as logically you ought to do, to keep the Congested Districts Board as a reserved service as well as the Estates Commissioners, then what are you going to leave to the Irish Government to do? Will any Irish Parliament, or any body of Irishmen, accept meekly such an insult? What is it the Irish Parliament are to do for the people upon whom they are to bring all these blessings if you are taking from them the main work of land legislation? If you are not taking the Congested Districts Board, you are leaving things in an impossible position, since it will have to carry on the work of the Board side by side with the Estates Commissioners, over whom they will have no control, who will not be responsible to them, but who will be a reserved service owing, I suppose, their responsibility to the Imperial Parliament. I venture to say that in putting land legislation as a reserved service, and I am only asking because I do not know, and in what you are going to do with the Congested Districts Board, in that you have struck a blow at the future prosperity of Ireland which is far more serious than hon. Gentlemen realise who are not familiar with the inner history of Ireland. It amazes me how any body of Irishmen, such as the Nationalist party, should be willing to accept, even provisionally, an arrangement so absurd and so unworkable as this is.

Last night the Postmaster-General told us that the police in Ireland were to be under the control of the Lord Lieutenant, who under the new system is to be a Minister, like the Governor of a Colony, appointed for a period of years, and to carry out the government as regards the reserved services. In Ireland, as in the rest of the country, you have periods of great agricultural depression. However willing and anxious the Government may be to carry out land purchase, circumstances will probably make it impossible for them to do so at a very rapid rate. Therefore, at least you will have for some time, I am afraid, men in Ireland in this position. You will have the occupier of his farm paying a lower sum in the form of an annuity for the redemption of his purchase money than the sitting tenant, who will be paying his rent and will have none of the advantages of the purchasing occupier. If that bad time comes, "what will happen? Do you think hon. Gentlemen, Nationalist Members who have hitherto been in the habit of going to the fanners and telling them not to pay their rents but to put them by to fight the landlords and their agents, do you think all that is going to be changed? Do you think if bad times come that they will not go down again? Do you think, because the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) becomes Home Secretary for Ireland or Chancellor of the Exchequer, or whatever other office he has booked out for himself—I do not mean anything offensive in that; I only mean to suggest whatever office he contemplates supposing he is invited to take it up by the new Head of the Irish Government—do you think he will be altered in his practices because he accepts this office? Do you think if he believes that the Irish tenants are paying more rent than they ought under the circumstances, that because he is a Minister he will refuse to go down and give the tenantry the advice he has given before. Who, then, is to step in between the tenants and the Estates Commissioners, or whoever the responsible authority may be. The Lord Lieutenant and the police, the unfortunate Lord Lieutenant who is to be alone in Ireland without any Minister to advise him, without anybody to tell him what is the best thing to do, he is to be called upon to employ the policy—against whom? Against some Members of the Irish Government who are sitting in Dublin alongside of him and above all to whom the police will be looking as their future administrator when the period of six years is up. Was anything ever proposed in the name of government administration so hopelessly ridiculous as this?

I wonder who you are going to get to fill the post of Lord Lieutenant when he is to be there for five years [HON. MEMBERS: "Pirrie"] when he is to have no adviser in Dublin, and when his duty is to be to call the police into operation in order to check the action of the Irish representative Government of the day. Sir, it only has to be stated to appear in all its nakedness and to be rejected by any practical body of men. It is very significant that in those statements which we have had from two Members of the Government, no reference has been made to education. We are not told what is to be the change in education in Ireland. We are not told whether the National Board of Education is to be continued or whether you propose that there shall bean Education Minister and a centralised form of government such as we have here. No doubt those facts will be revealed, those mysteries will be cleared away when the Bill is in our hands. Sufficient is. known I venture to say already to satisfy us, not only that we were right, and that we have been right all along, in the determined opposition which we have offered to Home Rule in any form, but that we have been right in something else. After all what are the comments made upon the Parliament that was in Dublin in 1782? That was described as an honest attempt to create two separate legislatures, but so arranged it inevitably broke down. That will be the fate of your new proposal. You are trying to do the impossible. We have always said that as the result of the Debates of 1886 and 1893, it came out clearly that it passed the power of man to propose any scheme which was not really separation, and which at the same time would give to Ireland self-government and not cripple self-government there or materially interfere with the Central Government here. Your Bill to-day shows that in our forecast we have been right. Our position therefore is simple enough; we object to Home Rule to-day as we have always objected to it. The Prime Minister the other day in his speech was very indignant at my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition for the language he had used in Belfast. He said, does anybody believe it? I am here to-day to say that I believe it. I have no desire, and in the long period of years that I have been in this House I have never desired, to think worse of my political opponents as men, as Englishmen, Scotsmen, or Irishmen, than I do of my own friends.

But what can I think in the situation in which I find myself? For twenty-five years you have had your eyes open as to these gentlemen. You have told us, sometimes with indignation, that this, question of Home Rule has been the nearest to your heart during all the years you were in opposition. You have had all these practical difficulties before you. You knew where it was that the Bills of 1886 and 1893 broke down. Were we not entitled to believe, if you adhered to these protestations, if the matter was so near to your heart, and if you were determined to give Home Rule to Ireland, that you I would long before this have overcome these difficulties and seen your way to their solution? But when you produce your scheme what do we find? That you have not overcome one single difficulty, and that your method of treating some of them is even worse than that of 1886 or 1893. Whereas the schemes of those years were bad, and in our judgment wholly unworthy of the support of this country, they did not approach the stupidity and the unworkable character of the scheme for which you have made yourselves responsible. You have poured insult upon the Unionist minority in Ireland. You have not failed to throw doubt upon their honesty and the reality of their convictions. You have accused them of masquerading and boasting. You have said in speeches and in articles that they are only talking, that they do not mean what they say. You may know more about them than I do. I, at all events, in my heart and in my conscience, firmly "believe that they mean and feel everything that they have said. I believe that you are betraying them by the Bill you are now asking Parliament to pass. I believe in my heart that you are betraying the country of which you are the accredited representatives. I know what our Unionist friends in Ireland feel. I know not only how determined they are, but how real and how deep-seated are their fears and their anxieties. I wish with all my heart I could do more than I can to help them in the difficult times which lie before them. This I believe for those with whom it is my privilege to work, and this I say for myself, that no soft words delivered at the last moment will control us, no threats will disturb us. We believe that the path of duty lies clear before us. To our Unionist friends who have laboured with us and for us, who nave done so much to make the Empire what it is, I say to-day that we will be to them true to the end whenever it may come.

There is one advantage in listening to such a speech as that we have just heard. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. W. Long) represents what I may call the extremist form of Toryism. His whole policy is quite unchanged and unchangeable. What is the use of his telling us that the Government have not overcome the difficulties of solving this problem and in the same breath that he is opposed to Home Rule in any shape or form? I am really rather amused at the attitude taken up by the Opposition in this matter. I, like the right hon. Member for the Strand (Mr. Long) and the right hon. Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour), am one of those who have been present at all three Home Rule Bill Debates. What is the difference between the previous situation and the situation to-day? I remember that when Mr. Gladstone brought in the Bill of 1886 there was the greatest schism in the Liberal party that ever took place in any party. You could not then count on a large number of Members of that party from day to day or from hour to hour. When you went into the Lobby at twelve o'clock you were told that Smith was all right, Jones was all wrong, and Robinson was wobbling. Then at six o'clock Smith was all wrong. Jones was all right, and Robinson was still wobbling. I never in my political life saw a more instructive example of the enormous and predominant part the time-servers can play in the story of a great struggle. In 1893 also we had a good deal of division of opinion. We had the amateur constitution-mongers in all parts of the House, including the Liberal party. I remember the respected Member for Edinburgh, Dr. Wallace, tearing the House to passions of laughter and astonishment as he criticised one of the proposals of the second Home Rule Bill. There was also a certain amount of division of opinion in Ireland with regard to both these Bills.

But what is the state of things to-day? To-day the Liberal party is united on this Bill. [Daughter.] There is no cave. [An HON. MEMBER: "Wait and see."] I do not know why hon. Members laugh at that observation. In any case, we will see before midnight sounds to-night. I am quite willing that my prophecies with regard to the unity of the Liberal party should be judged by results. The Labour party is to a man in favour of this Bill. The Irish party, sitting on these benches, is to a man in favour of this Bill. I understand that the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. W. O'Brien) is in favour of the principle of the Bill and will support the Second Reading. If you take Ireland, not only is Ireland, so far as the indications show at present, solidly in favour of this Bill—[Several HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—Nationalist Ireland—but so far as indications show, the Irish millions in all parts of the world are in favour of it also. If I look to the other side what do I find? We hear a great deal of talk about Ulster. We ought to have a great deal of talk about Ulster on this matter. The tail is wagging the dog. The Ulster tail is wagging the Tory party. Their policy is dictated to them by Ulster. What was their attitude in regard to this Bill? [An HON. MEMBER: "We will not have it."] Their attitude is that this is a mean, timid, half-hearted Bill, a grudging recognition of Irish nationality. To judge from some of the speeches, including the very able speech to which we have just listened, I am inclined to think that the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. W. Long), the Member for Croydon (Mr. Malcolm), and the Member for North Armagh (Mr. Moore) will turn up at the Irish Convention next Tuesday and move the rejection of the Bill as being unworthy of the sturdy nationality of Ireland.

If I examine their criticisms further, what do I find? This Bill does the most contradictory things. It drains England and bankrupts Ireland. It is going to destroy the liberties of Protestants, and, alas, we are warned at the same time it is going to expose the Catholic schools of Ireland to the devastating hand of an Irish Parliament. These criticisms destroy each other by their folly. These Gentlemen are in such a desperate state that, like some Roman of old, they consult the augurs and the oracles. One Gentleman gets up and in a very able speech congratulates the Government that they did not open the Session on the 13th, but he warned them that they opened this Debate on 11th April, fifty-one years after the opening of the Civil War in the United States. The Irish correspondent of the "Times," not to be outdone in this consultation of the augurs and the oracles, declared that the Debate on the Home Rule began under the inauspicious fact that the Pope was dead. You would have thought that that would have brought satisfaction to hon. Members, because the Pope seems to be the one personage that really interests them, but the Pope was not dead, and the Bill is very much alive. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Long) has referred to the financial difficulty. I am glad to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on the contrast between the generosity of his sentiments and the narrowness of his opinion. He said that he was quite willing not to worry about any number of millions given to Ireland, but he is worrying very much about these two millions. Why should he worry about them? England loses the two millions already, and, as a matter of fact, if the present state of relations between England and Ireland goes on, I challenge him to find any unprejudiced financier in England, of any party or of any nationality, who will not declare that that deficit must go on increasing and increasing. You were warned several years ago, as far back as 1893. There was no deficit then, but the Financial Relations Commission reported:—

That is only the beginning of the safeguards. There is the safeguard of the Imperial Parliament. There are indeed, two bigger safeguards. There is the safeguard of the Protestantism of England, which would not tolerate for one hour an attack upon the liberties of co-religionists in Ireland. There is another and a greater safeguard than even that. That is the character in history of the Irish Nationalists in regard to this question of religious toleration. I repeat what hon. Friends of mine have said, and say there is no charge against the Irish Nationalist more inaccurate, and I will go further, and say more cruel and more ungrateful than this charge that he desires to persecute and exhibit intolerance to his Protestant fellow-countrymen. The hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for North Armagh the other night said:—"Oh, it is all very fine for you to make this lip-service, and worship the principle of toleration. It is all right for you to make these death-bed repentances." Death-bed repentances! Lip service! Look at these benches; look at them all through the years that this party has existed. Have we ever been without a considerable Protestant minority here of Irish Nationalists in our ranks? Three times in my own lifetime, three times in the lifetime of most of my hon. Friends around me, we have elected Protestants as leaders of the Nationalist forces in Ireland. Isaac Butt, the founder of our party, was a Protestant. William Shaw, who succeeded after his death to the office of leader, was a Protestant. The successor of William Shaw was Parnell, a Protestant, the most powerful leader that Ireland ever had in modern times with the exception of Daniel O'Connell. Part of the strength of Parnell was in the fact that he was a Protestant.

When hon. Members above the Gangway, when English Liberals and Scottish Liberals and English Unionists, can point to three Catholic leaders in succession over their Protestant forces, then, and not till then, will I allow them the right to teach Irish Nationalists any lesson of the great gospel of religious toleration. I do not often describe causes as worth dying for. I leave those heroic words to hon. Members above the Gangway. From my reading of history, men have been sacrificed for causes that were unworthy and for quarrels about words, for superstitions, and many other things. I do say there is one cause worth dying for, and that is the cause of absolute freedom for a man's conscience in the domain of religion I believe that is the opinion of every man on these benches that belongs for the most part to a race and creed that has carried on its traditions through centuries of persecution. Is there a religious difficulty in Ireland at all? The extraordinary thing about this so-called religious difficulty is that it does not exist where it might be expected. In so far as Protestants are concerned it does not exist. We never hear about the danger of the persecution of Protestants in the South of Ireland, in the West of Ireland, in the East of Ireland! Whoever hears of persecution of Protestants in Leinster, Munster, or Con-naught? Not a word.

Sometimes assertions are made of persecutions. Stories are told about these things with much circumstantiality. These stories are not usually put to the test of examination, but occasionally they are. They were put to the test lately by the Bishop of Cloyne. It was stated that a number of Protestants in Queenstown were subject to persecution and intimidation at the hands of the priests and other ecclesiastical authorities. The Bishop of Cloyne, who is a public-spirited man, resented this attack—this charge of religious persecution. He took a bold and, as it proved, a very wise method of vindicating his character and the character of his Church. He went to Edinburgh and attacked the Scottish paper that made this charge against him and the other Catholics of Queens-town. The case came before an Edinburgh jury—a jury of Scotsmen, who, I assume, were Presbyterians. That jury of Scottish Presbyterians vindicated the character of the Irish bishop against the Scottish newspaper.

There is no sustained charge of persecution against the Catholic majority, against Protestants in the South, West, and East of Ireland. I do not want to weary the House, but I could quote a speech from the Very Rev. Canon Moore—I believe a relative of the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for North Armagh. Let me read now what another Moore says. Canon Moore is Rector of Mitchelstown, county Cork, where the Protestants are a very small section of the population. The reverend gentleman said:— statement of the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for North Armagh. He knows Ireland. The hon. Member below me knows England perhaps, but is not so well acquainted with Ireland. The case or part of the case is that the Protestants of Ulster cannot trust an Irish Parliament or an Irish Government, because the majority of that Government will be Catholic or elected by Catholics. If that part of the case breaks down, what is left? It has broken down, not in my opinion, but in the opinion of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand Division. Speaking in Salford on 12th October, 1911, the right hon. Gentleman made two statements. He said:—

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The right hon. Gentleman went further and said:— liberty in Ireland was to him reducing Ulster to a degraded status. I observe the hon. Gentleman called himself an Ulster man. Does he mean by that that he is an Ulster man and not an Irishman?

In reply to the questions put to me, may I say I used the expression "Ulster man" as a more particular phrase. Of course, I regard myself as being an Irishman.

I am very glad I elicited that statement from the hon. Gentleman. I do not think it is altogether unnecessary. It may perhaps have been unnecessary in the case of the hon. Gentleman, but it is not unnecessary in the case of other Gentlemen from the North of Ireland, as will be seen from reading their speeches. I read a speech made at a Methodist conference in which one gentleman of Irish birth said he always regarded himself as an Englishman resident in Ireland. That is not the kind of Irishman we admire in Ireland, or that is admired even in England. The hon. Gentleman says that what we regard as an extension of liberty he regards as reducing Ireland and Ulster to a degraded status. That is a very astounding statement. I would not want our case put in a form which I would regard as more favourable to us and less favourable to him. What is the case of the hon. Gentleman? He, an Irishman and an Ulsterman, would be reduced to a degraded status if Ireland was self-governing. Does the Canadian think that? Was the Leader of the Opposition reduced to a degraded status when his father left Ulster and when he became a citizen and a native of self-governing Canada? Was any Australian occupying a degraded status when Crown-colony government was succeeded in Australia by self-government?

The hon. Gentleman is not the first hon. Member below the Gangway who has made this point. I was very anxious when I spoke on Thursday to say nothing offensive to any hon. Member of the House. What was in my mind when I spoke of the degradation of status was that I personally shared the view of the late Mr. John Bright when he called the party to which the hon. Gentleman belongs a party of rebels. It is because they are a party of rebels that I think it would be a degradation for loyal men to be put under their domination.

We are getting on, Mr. Speaker. I really believe that the example of the Leader of the Opposition is infecting his followers. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will excuse me for saying this. I say it certainly in no discourteous spirit, that in my opinion the right hon. Gentleman never does such service to his political opponents as when he makes an interruption or answers a question, and I thank the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Ronald M'Neill) for the absolute fidelity with which he is following in the illuminating footsteps of the Leader of the Opposition. This is to reduce Irishmen to a degraded status and the reason is that Ireland will be governed by rebels. I should have expected a little more tenderness for rebels from the hon. Gentleman and other Members from Ulster. The Noble Lord the Member for Oxford University coming from that chaste and sedate seat of learning, gave us a long apologia for rebellion, and the hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway have been going all over Ulster declaring that the soldiers will be called upon to disobey the orders of their officers, if they are asked to put down disorder in Ireland if it were created by Orangemen.

During the very troublous times through which this country has just passed the Government of the day prosecuted and convicted three men for using the same language. They are now prosecuting another gentleman, Mr. Tom Mann, for doing the same thing. I do not pronounce any opinion upon the action of the Government; it is not in my province to do so; but what do hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway think of their action? "A fellow feeling makes us wondrous kind." What do they think of the Government's action? We know what is thought of their action through all the long occasion of that national tragedy. There was only one moment of exultation in their ranks and that was when they cheered the prosecution of Tom Mann. You must not expect the people of this country to tolerate language of that kind used by rich men when they have prosecuted by trial and imprisonment such language when used by poor men. The hon. Gentleman says that Ireland would be reduced to a degraded status if she got self-government. I call that an astounding statement. We have had the Union in Ireland and Irish representatives in the Imperial Parliament now for 111 years. During that time we have had the expatriation of between 4,000,000 and 5,000,000 of our people — to a very large extent from the province to which the hon. Gentleman belongs. We have had these people going to the extent of 80 per cent. under another than the British flag, taking their seeds of hatred and resentment with them against the Government which drove them forth. In that period we have had more than one million deaths by starvation in Ireland at the very time when the roads of Ireland were covered with wagons carrying away the food from the starving people, and the hon. Gentleman, an Irishman as well as an Ulster man, has been able to see that national tragedy proceeding under the Union for 111 years, and has been consoled by the fact that he is free from the degrading status of self-government.

What as to the future? A degraded status, even if governed by Irishmen! What does it mean? It means that a self-governed Ireland is degraded in its status. Why? Take the present state of things! I will not denounce the Government of Ireland. At the present moment we are told that Dublin Castle is in the position of a stud farm for producing Protestant Home Rulers. That is the degraded status. The right hon. Gentleman the present Chief Secretary for Ireland, is the last and worst of men, and as for the poor unfortunate Prime Minister, he has not sold his convictions, because, according to the interrupting Leader of the Opposition he has no convictions at all. Degraded status! Why will this be a degraded status? There will be a body elected by the Irish people with administrators dealing with the internal affairs of Ireland. I have seen the question asked "What good can Home Rule do for Ireland?" My answer is a very simple one.

There is only one safeguard for good administration in any country, and that is the responsibility of the administrators to the representatives of the people. That is a very simple proposition. Hon. Gentlemen would not deny it if it applied to any country but the one they are unfortunate enough to call their own. What is the case? This Parliament, elected by Ireland, will have Ministers to deal with the drainage of Ireland from which the fellow provincials of the hon. Gentlemen suffer as much as my Friends and fellow-Nationalists down in the South of Ireland. They will attend to the schools of Ireland. Is it a degraded status to attend to the schools and the children of their own land? The right hon. Gentleman the most terrible, the last, and the worst of Chief Secretaries, has undoubtedly improved the educational position of Ireland. I remember in a Debate which I daresay stirred the right hon. Gentleman, if he needed to be stirred, to the reform of the educational system, a speech made by my hon. Friend, Professor Kettle, who was then a member of this party, now a professor in the National University of Ireland, in which he showed to the House by official Reports that a schoolhouse in Ireland had less cubic feet of air and space for its pupils than the black hole of Calcutta. Children in order to save themselves from perishing from the cold had to carry sods of turf in their arms. That is what we have got from escaping the degraded status which so afflicts the hon. Gentleman.

A Parliament responsible to Irish opinion will deal with the schools of Ireland, will see that her children are well educated both in their minds and in their hands. Never again will it happen that millions will leave the shores of Ireland, as they have done before, with their minds unbrightened by education and their hands untaught and untrained, without a penny in their pockets, and compelled to land on the shores of America, Australia, and this country. Never more, after an Irish Parliament comes into existence, will any Irishman leave Ireland to come as he does now to England in order to go before the retort and the blast furnace or into the chemical works; never more will men and women go into the lead-poisoned atmospheres of factories in this country to take up the worst paid and the most unhealthy work, because we have not the degraded status of a Minister of Education who would be responsible to an Irish Parliament. It will be the duty of that Parliament to make Ireland forget the sores of the past and to heal up her wounds. In the Irish landscape to-day, when we have not the degraded status of self-government the affrighting and ever-recurring spectacle is that of the unroofed house, which becomes almost a nightmare and an obsession. We shall bring back the people to those houses and the devastated fields. We shall build up a nation-from the ruins to which it has been reduced by a century of stupid misgovernment. We shall regard that not as a degraded status, but as the greatest and noblest opportunity ever given to a people in their own country.

Hon. Members from Ulster are not only against the rest of Ireland, but they are against the world. They are against the Empire and the world. In the old days it used to be said of a great theologian, St. Athanasius, Athanasius contra mundum. Now we have not Athanasius contra mundum, but we have the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dublin University contra mundum, shall I say Edouardus, or shall I even correct it further, as the right hon. Gentleman is going to be the Leader of a provisional Government, and say Edouardus Primus Hiberniœ contra mundum. They are against the whole world, and they have always been against the whole world. They talk to us of bigotry and they declare they are afraid of it. Well, it is natural. Bigots always are afraid of bigotry. I would ask, is there is a single measure of toleration that that party has ever supported? Have they ever supported toleration from England or from Ireland? They opposed the emancipation of the Catholics, the emancipation of Nonconformists, and the emancipation of the Jews. They opposed the Disestablishment of the Irish Church, and some of them are not ashamed of it even now, and they opposed the opening of the municipal corporations of Ireland to the Catholics of Ireland, in a Catholic country. No wonder that they should be afraid that others would give to them the bigotry they have extended to others, but they have changed to-day. Does not everybody remember that within the last few years, when the present King came to the Throne—I have such a large collection of caskets and anthologies of Orange literature that I find it difficult sometimes to pick my way through them. When the Accession Oath was brought in, relieving the Sovereign from the onerous duty of selecting out the religion of one section of his people from the terms of opprobrium and abuse, every Member of the Orange party voted against it. This quotation is worth waiting for. It is from a speech reported in the "Belfast Newsletter" in 1910, by Captain F. H. Watts, J.P., who declared that at a meeting of Londonderry Orangemen:— the House with further quotations, but I give them as comic relief to a very serious question. It may be said when I prove the bigotry of hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway that I am over-stating my case. It may be thought by some that as they dealt out to us we will deal out to them. [An HON. MEMBER: "Hear, hear."] An hon. Member cheers that statement, but does he think it? I observe that the hon. Gentleman will not commit himself to a plain "Aye" or "No." I will say why I am confident that any apprehensions which hon. Gentlemen have on that subject are unfounded. The hon. Member for the St. Augustine's Division (Mr. R. M'Neill) is not the only Protestant whose views we know on this question, and still less is he the only Irish Protestant. There was an Irish Protestant called Henry Grattan and an Irish Protestant called William Orr and Lord Edward Fitzgerald. There was also an Irish Protestant called Robert Emmott, all of them rebels, and therefore I am sure the subject of the contumely of the hon. Gentleman. But Henry Grattan did not consider that an attempt to govern Ireland with an independent Parliament was bringing it down to a degraded state.

No, but he was dismissed from the Privy Council. Under self-government Ireland, and, I believe, the hon. Member would find the spirit of Henry Grattan would extend from the Protestants to the Catholics of Ireland. The reason I bring this name of Henry Grattan in juxtaposition is this: he was a Member of an Irish Parliament which was exclusively Protestant containing no Nonconformists and no Catholics. Up to 1793 no Catholic could vote. What is the history of that Parliament? I told you a while ago Englishmen, Scotchmen, and Welshmen of all parties and creeds that when you have elected three Catholic leaders as we elected three Protestant leaders, you will have a right to teach us lessons in religious toleration and not till then. This Irish exclusively Protestant Parliament in Dublin was a far earlier advocate and supporter of the policy of religious toleration than the Imperial Parliament was. I would back the old Parliament against your English Parliament of the period in breadth and promptitude, and if I may use the word, precocity of its spirit and religious toleration. Henry Grattan, at a time when every man was elected by an exclusively Protestant electorate, when he was addressing a body which was constantly and consistently Protestant, advocated the rights of his Cathlic fellow-countrymen. In season and out of season he advocated their cause, and that is one of the foundations upon which the future liberties of the Protestants of Ireland can confidently rely. It is from that, as every Irish Catholic and Nationalist knows, that we sucked in the doctrine of Irish nationality and large religious toleration, from the Protestant lips of Grattan and Flood. Sir, you are fighting against the world as well as against your own countrymen; you are fighting against the Empire. Is there a single man in the whole British Empire, in cur self-governing Colonies of a great and responsible position, that will justify your policy? Look at the list we have to-day and yesterday in all the papers from all parts of the world. The right hon. Gentleman has just complimented the Government upon the South African settlement. He has complimented General Botha on the magnificent assistance he gave towards healing up the wounds and putting an end to the divisions between Boer and Briton in South Africa. But the right hon. Gentleman forgot to say that among the telegrams of adhesion to this Bill is one from General Botha, who hopes to see the wounds of Ireland healed and the divisions between Protestants and Catholics put an end to.

What does it matter who asked for it? When the Administration of Sir Wilfrid Laurier was defeated at the last General Election in Canada hon. Gentlemen tumbled over themselves in sending telegrams of congratulation to them. Is there one of the Cabinet of Mr. Borden that has not telegraphed in favour of Home Rule for Ireland? Is there one? Name one if you can. You cannot. Go to Australia. Is there a responsible man there outside the Orange ranks who is not in favour of Home Rule for Ireland? I put a parallel case. Hon. Gentlemen are always talking about the offer of the Colonies to us. I have heard it asserted more than a hundred times that the eleventh hour had come, and that midnight with its deadly toll of doom and end to Imperial unity was almost already resounding from the belfry towers. Supposing the Parliament of Canada had five times passed a resolution in favour of Tariff Reform; supposing the Parliament of Australia had carried a resolution in favour of preferential and Colonial tariffs; supposing all the Ministers had sent telegrams in favour of Tariff Reform to this country; why, the glass roof would be broken by the shouts of hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway begging you to obey the voice of the Empire.

Allusion has been made, not always in flattering terms, either by my political enemies or by some of my own countrymen, to my recent visit to Canada. It was a somewhat singular experience. There was scarcely a meeting I held that was not presided over either by a Prime Minister or by a Minister of Canada. Sir Lomer Gouin, the Prime Minister of Quebec, presided at my meeting and gave his adhesion to Home Rule. I went to Montreal, and my meeting was presided over by the Hon. Judge Doherty, chairman of the United Irish League of Canada, who is now Minister of Justice in Mr. Borden's Cabinet. I went to Toronto, and my meeting was presided over by Mr. Foy, the Attorney-General, who was then acting as Premier. I went to Halifax, and my meeting was addressed by the Attorney-General, then acting Premier, and a telegram of adhesion to Home Rule was read, if I mistake not, from the Prime Minister of that province. I went to Manitoba, and my meeting was attended by two Ministers, and Mr. Richards, who gave his adhesion to Home Rule, is now in the Conservative Government, not a Government of rebels, but a Conservative Government. I went to Saskatchewan, and my meeting was presided over by the Prime Minister. I went to Alberta. The Prime Minister happened to be absent, but my meeting was attended at his request by one of his Ministers. I went to British Columbia, and my meeting was attended by a rebel of Ulster descent, like the hon. Gentleman the Member for St. Augustine's (Mr. Ronald M'Neill)—a very good blend, and I dare say we have a good deal more of it in Ireland. The Prime Minister of British Columbia is a good Conservative and a Tariff Reformer, and yet he is a Home Ruler. I have not had the honour of having been in Australia, but you find the same thing there, and indeed in all the Colonies.

I want to tell a little experience which will relieve the hon. Member for St. Augustine's from this terror of a rebel Government in Ireland. Every meeting began, and some of them ended, with "God Save the King." Do you challenge me on that point? [HON. MEMBERS: "Yes."] Then I will meet the challenge squarely. We think in Ireland that the true democratic road is through liberty to loyalty, and not through loyalty to liberty, and "God Save the King" will be sung in Ireland when it is no longer degraded into a tune of party faction, as it is now. I now come to my last point. I have been to the United States five times. I was in that country as far back as 1881. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Croydon (Mr. Malcolm) once thought he was inflicting a deadly sting upon me when he described me as a mendicant friar, but I would not ask for any prouder title for my people or my colleagues. I have known America for a long stretch of years. I knew it before Mr. Gladstone proposed Home Rule, and I have known it since. I have honestly always thought the concession of Home Rule to Ireland would have a very great and healing effect upon our people in America; but I try to be a realist in politics, and I confess I thought the process of healing would be very slow and difficult. I was wrong. I speak in the presence and hearing of several of my hon. Friends, who have also been in the United States, and I think they will corroborate my statements that the healing of feeling among our people in America towards the people in this country has gone on with extraordinary rapidity. I never thought that I should live to see the day when the people of our race in America would be so largely reconciled to the institutions and to the people of this country.

Let me illustrate my experience by one story. I have told it so often that I am almost ashamed to tell it again, but I have never told it to hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway. I was on a recent tour in the town of Grand Rapids, and I was entertained there after my meeting. I would advise the hon. Gentleman when he is converted to Home Rule—and he will be received like a prodigal son by Irishmen all over the world—to prepare himself for the hospitality he will get from his countrymen. Having travelled twenty-four hours to get to Grand Rapids, and having travelled twenty-four hours to get to another town, I felt inclined to go to bed, but instead I went to supper. [An HON. MEMBER: "Scotch or Irish?"] Both, and, as the hon. Gentleman shows what I may call a felicitous anticipation of interest in this, I may tell him the presiding officer was an Ulster Presbyterian Nationalist. The supper began at eleven, and it ended at four. I had the pleasure of listening to thirty-five of the most eminent citizens of the greatest city of the greatest State in America, and in the midst of the hilarity a gentleman was called upon to speak, and he got up and said he did not know why he was called upon to speak, because he was not a journalist, a lawyer, or a politician; he was a modest man. After a few light and preliminary observations of that kind he suddenly struck a deeper and more serious note. He said:—

I think the whole House was immensely interested in the speech to which we have just listened. We recognised the depth of feeling with which the hon. Member spoke. He looks forward to a reign of peace in Ireland. I cannot help thinking he must have had in his mind the extraordinary solution of the Irish difficulties which has been put forward by Dr. Horton in his celebrated letter to the "Times," in which he suggested those difficulties should be solved by carting over to England all that population in the North of Ireland which objects to Home Rule and that their places should be taken by carting back to Ireland that turbulent Irish population of Liverpool so ably represented by the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken. He talked of his experience in Canada, but he forgot to tell us what a different song he sang in Canada from what he sings at an Irish meeting or elsewhere. Anybody who observed his tour will know his demands on behalf of Ireland were very different from what he puts forward here.

We will agree to differ on that point. The hon. Gentleman has more knowledge of his own speeches than I have, but I am bound to say, and I think the House will agree with me, that my impression is the impression which was received by most hon. Members. I think we all admire the way in which the Prime Minister discharged his task last Thursday. It was a hundredfold more difficult than that discharged by his predecessor who introduced the other Home Rule Bills, because most of the arguments then adduced have broken down, and all those portentous prophecies of 1886 had been falsified. New arguments had to be found and new pleas had to be urged. Can anyone wonder that the proceedings fell somewhat flat on Thursday last, as compared with the proceedings in 1886 and 1893? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) referred yesterday to the Debate of 1886. In the unfortunate absence of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Bordesley Division (Mr. Jesse Collings), and I, happen to be the only ones left of the Liberals who voted against the first Home Rule Bill, and, looking back over those twenty-six years, the thing that stands out above all others in one's memory is the very real distress of mind with which we contemplated the necessity of having to separate ourselves from our party. We had waged a very strenuous fight with the Conservatives, in the course of which constant reference was made to Mr. Gladstone, because, in his name and on his suggestion, we had appealed to the electorate to give him such a majority as would make him independent of the temptation of having his Irish policy shaped by the Irish Nationalist Members.

It is a curious thing that history should thus repeat itself. Only a few years ago the Prime Minister warned the Liberal party against tackling the Irish question when in a position of dependence on the Irish Members. We all know what has happened since then. The right hon. Gentleman has tried to explain away his words. He has told us he is no longer dependent on the Irish Nationalist Members for continuance in office, but, if I may say so without impertinence, I think he has succeeded in persuading no one of that fact but himself. I return to the Parliament of 1886, when Mr. Gladstone succumbed to the temptation against which he warned us. Difficult though it was to separate ourselves from him, our duty was quite clear. There were very few "Mr. Robinsons" who wobbled. We felt certain of the course we ought to take. We felt it was our duty to be true to our policy and to the pledges which we had given to our constituents to uphold the Union. My point is that the difficulties by which the Unionist party were opposed in 1886, were a thousand times greater than those which face the upholders of the Union now. Then the whole of Ireland was in a state of turmoil, crime and outrage were rampant. The Irish Members had sworn to make the government of Ireland impossible, and Mr. Gladstone's policy was one of despair. I am bound to admit I have always thought the Conservative party of those days cannot be entirely absolved from some responsibility for it becoming a policy of despair, in view of their action in connection with the Maamtrasna murders in 1885: I always thought this action was the last straw that drove Lord Spencer, in despair, to accept the policy of Home Rule.

Ireland, as I have described it, was in a state of turmoil. But we said that by persisting in a policy of doing absolute justice to Ireland, and conferring upon Ireland those democratic institutions which we were prepared to confer upon England—that by a policy of developing the resources of Ireland, with a generous use of English money, we would bring peace and quiet to Ireland. Was not our prophecy justified? Did we not hand over to our successors in 1906 an Ireland more peaceable, more prosperous, and more contented than ever before? I maintain that that was largely due to the action of one man the right hon. Gentleman the Member of the City of London, who, by the strength of his rule at a very critical moment, and by his determination made the Unionist policy in Ireland, not only possible, but successful beyond our fondest hopes. I am proud to think that the vote which we Liberal Unionists gave twenty-six years ago has been proved to be a vote in the true interests of all classes in Ireland—a vote which has brought blessings to Ireland which could never have been given her had we voted otherwise. Is not the position of the Irish tenant farmer to-day incomparably better than it would have been if Mr. Gladstone's Bill had become law? Can it be denied that either of Mr. Gladstone's Bills would have spelt bankruptcy for Ireland, and resulted in chaos and ruin? Can it be denied that we have a right to be proud that we persevered that policy, in spite of every discouragement, and thus brought Ireland peace and prosperity, new hopes, and new vitality? Is this a moment to weary of well-doing and to smash the work of years, when all classes in Ireland are beginning to realise that honest work brings prosperity rather than agitation and unrest?

You now tell us that Ireland is so peaceful, so prosperous, and so quiet that we may safely gamble with the future, that we may safely run the risks involved in the confession of Home Rule. I say it will be a very severe responsibility which you are incurring if you run the risk of plunging Ireland into strife once more, and if you run the risk of destroying all that prosperity which has been built up with such care. The other arguments put forward by Mr. Gladstone have also crumbled away. In 1886 he was never tired of adducing the example of Norway and Sweden and of Austria and Hungary as instances of the blessings accruing from the grant of Home Rule and the union of hearts produced thereby. Where is that union of hearts now? We know what has happened in Norway and Sweden. We know that in Austro-Hungary the position they have adopted towards each other of semi-independence has produced constant and ever-increasing friction, and has been a constant anxiety to the rulers of those countries, an anxiety that led the old Emperor the other day to threaten abdiction in order to keep the position going at all. I say with such lessons before us it would be folly to follow in their footsteps. While all the old pleas in favour of Home Rule have been falsified, the strength of the case against Home Rule has increased a hundredfold. I do not base my opposition to that policy mainly on the utterances of the Irish Members. We have had a lot of tall talk from them in the past. I do not wish to base my opposition to Home Rule upon the bitter religious differences. Serious as those differences are, I do not wish to say any- thing to prolong them; I have no wish to use that argument in any way.

My objection to Home Rule is a more fundamental objection, and it is based upon more fundamental principles. The Empire, as we all know, is composed of a number of self-governing communities dotted all over the globe. Each of the large communities is composed of more than one State. My fundamental proposition is that where, by reason of their position adjacent to each other, the States in a group are interdependent, with identical interests, then each State will only obtain commercial prosperity—will only attain financial prosperity and only be adequately defended if the Government is centralised at a base. Let me explain what I mean. Several hon. Gentlemen have pointed to South Africa and Australia as very good instances of the blessings which have resulted from the concession of Home Rule. To my mind in those cases, as has already been said, the argument is in exactly the opposite direction. Both those great communities have lately moved in the direction of centralisation, as opposed to a system of Home Rule in each State. Take South Africa. There you had four autonomous States entirely independent of each other, with seperate Legislatures, and financially independent. They have seen what benfits acrue from closer union and from centralisation, with one Parliament at the base. It has been most wisely seen that with concentration of effort in Parliament, with a common purse and amalgamation of financial resources, the power for good of the Australian or South African Union will be all the greater. This change has been effected with unanimous approval of the whole world. Let us imitate our Colonies and let us consolidate rather than disintegrate.

I should like in passing to allude to the extraordinary argument which has been put forward by many Members of the House, and which was put forward by the Postmaster-General yesterday when he said you ought to grant Home Rule because, if a Referendum were taken throughout the Empire, our great Colonies would vote for Home Rule. What a curious suggestion is that to make! What right has Canada or South Africa to have a say as to what should be the relations between the Central Parliament at Westminster and a subordinate Parliament within these islands? Have we any right, has South Africa any right, to dictate to Canada what shall be the relations between the Central Dominion Parliament at Ottawa and the subordinate Parliament in Ontario? If we were to try to dictate to Canada, if South Africa were to try to dictate to Canada, what should be those relations, they would tell us, and I think they would tell us very rightly, to mind our own business, for it is no affair of ours. Therefore, I say, that this argument has no substance whatever. In this connection the Prime Minister said on Thursday, "Why not add one more to the twenty-eight Home Rule Parliaments already existing in the Empire?" In order to arrive at that figure of twenty-eight the right hon. Gentleman threw into the hotch-potch practically all the independent Parliaments and all the central Parliaments of our Colonies, as well as all the subordinate Parliaments in those Colonies—the four Assemblies in South Africa, which, as has been said from the Front Bench to-day, have little more power than a county council, and finally he threw in the Isle of Man Parliament and the Parliament of the Channel Islands. The Prime Minister has talked of the "incurable sloppiness of argument" associated with the advocacy of Tariff Reform, but never was there an argument more sloppy brought forward in support of any particular policy. I hope I shall not be considered impertinent in saying that the Prime Minister himself has accustomed us to expect clearer thinking from him. I am quite sure a great number of hon. Gentlemen opposite who are anxious to preserve the authority of the Imperial Parliament, but to whom party ties are very strong, are but reluctant converts to Home Rule and only find salvation in the fact that Ireland is to be subject to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Those who attach importance to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament have no right to be satisfied merely with a form of words. What was it Lord Hartington said?—

We have to ask ourselves whether under this Bill the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament is being preserved. How is effect given to that supremacy? The only way in which we can exert supremacy over the Irish Parliament is by the veto of the Crown, as in the case of the Colonial Parliaments. Has the veto of the Crown enabled us to control those Parliaments? No, it has not, and I maintain that the veto of the Crown will be no less useless a means of controlling the Irish Parliament.

Before leaving this branch of the subject, I should like to ask how the veto will work? Suppose we did exercise the veto, what would happen? The Irish Government would resign, and no administration would be found to take its place. Who then would govern Ireland? We all know that there would be chaos and deadlock until the Imperial Government took up the task of governing Ireland. What a job we should then have. The more I look into the question, the more I am convinced that we could never exert any control over the Irish Parliament by means of the veto of the Crown. I believe that many hon. Gentlemen opposite are sincerely anxious to preserve the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament, but there is one thing that they forget, which is that supremacy involves control not only over the making of laws, but over their enforcement. All these safeguards, vain and shadowy as they are, have been inserted in the Bill with a view to guarding against possible sins of commission. It is no less necessary to guard against possible sins of omission—omission to guarantee civil and religious liberty to all, omission to guarantee to the citizen of Ireland the power of doing what he has a legal right to do, and the power of refraining from doing what he has a legal right to refrain from doing. We all know what is meant in Ireland by leaving a man severely alone. We know that in times past in Ireland the lives of men who discharged their legal obligations would, without police protection, not have been worth a day's purchase. In the case of the Irish Government sins of omission may be just as serious, with consequences far more terrible, than sins of commission. Under this Bill I maintain that the supremacy of this House is an absolute sham, because the Imperial Parliament parts with all effective control over the Irish Executive and the Irish Nationalist Members will be at liberty to enforce those laws, and those laws only, which they think it desirable to enforce.

With regard to the subject of finance, that is far too big a question for me to go into at any great length. Apparently, the Irish are to enjoy all the benefits of the Imperial services for an annual payment of £5,000,000 less than nothing. What is the reason for this extraordinary arrangement? Why has it been provided that an immense sum should be paid annually out of the pockets of the English taxpayers to Ireland? I believe the real reason is that the Government look to these financial arrangements to keep the Irish Government in order. They have not got much faith in the veto of the Crown, and so they intend to make it quite plain to the Irish Government that they will only receive this annual subsidy during good behaviour; in fact, we are going to put the Irish Government in the same position as we have put the Amir of Afghanistan. I do not know that the policy of subsidies has produced any cordial relations there, and I doubt its success elsewhere. In the course of the Debates on Tariff Reform we had a good many violent denunciations of the policy of the cash nexus. Here you have cash ties which are far more indefensible, because, as I understand, they are going to deprive Ireland for ever of the necessity of taking any thought for the Empire. A great deal has been said about threats of resistance in Ulster. I am a believer in constitutional methods, and if ever the people of England, Scotland, and Ireland come to the conclusion that Home Rule ought to be tried, it will have to be tried. But the Government are being forced by their Irish allies to adopt new methods, anti-democratic methods. They have garotted English public opinion; they are seeking to pass Home Rule behind the backs of the English people, and, as I believe, in defiance of their will. Most strongly do I hold that by this action they are inviting the resistance of Ulster, they are inviting Irish loyalists to resist to the end. You are justifying resistance if you try to pass Home Rule by tricking the English people out of their constitutional rights. I am perfectly certain that such methods will not avail you in the end.

In all seriousness, cannot hon. Gentlemen opposite, or some of them, understand what must be felt at the present moment by the inhabitants of Belfast and that part of Ireland? Surely they must admit that the dread of a Home Rule future is a genuine dread, and they must admit that there is some ground for that dread. These people have created a wonderful prosperity in the North of Ireland by the integrity of their business methods, by their hard work, and by their most admirable strength of character. Can they contemplate unmoved the possibility that their great industries, of which they are so justly proud, will be subjected to the taxing powers of the Irish Nationalist Members, men who, to say the very least of them, are wholly unsuited for any degree of responsibility in connection with the commercial welfare of Ireland; men the whole of whose lives have been devoted to fostering agitation and unrest, which are positively fatal to the growth of material prosperity. How much it means to Ulster we may realise when we are told, and I believe rightly, that Belfast pays two-thirds of the Customs Duties paid by the whole of Ireland. That shows what a hive of industry there is in the North of Ireland. Such words as the words of the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) are still unforgotten in the North of Ireland. He told us, it is true it is some time ago, that, when they had the control of the police, the Irish Government would remember who had been their friends and who had been their enemies in the past. There are still some Members of the House of Commons who were present in the Parliament of 1893, who will remember the disastrous attempt made by the hon. Member for East Mayo to explain away those words, an attempt over which it would be a kindness to draw a veil.

It may be said that this is ancient history, but in the treatment which the hon. Member for North Tyrone (Mr. T. W. Russell) has meted out to the Agricultural Organisation Society in Ireland, we have a very recent object lesson of the spirit which is only too likely to animate those who will guide the destinies of Ireland in the future. He has rammed that lesson home by the speech he made to the Irish Agricultural Council in which he said:— us convincing proof that there is every justification for their stern determination never willingly to submit their destinies, their great industries, the future of their children, and all that they hold dear, to the tender mercies of a Nationalist Parliament sitting in Dublin.

We have now heard from the three Gentleman who have been in communication with the Government— the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon), the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. T. P. O'Connor), and the hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond), three important speeches. What we have not heard is something about this Bill. We have heard about Saskatchewan, and Alberta, Moose Jaw and Medicine Hat, but very little about Bally-hooly or Kilmallock. On a First Beading Debate, while it is allowed to use the Bill as a text for general exposition, something more is required from those who have been in close touch and concord with Ministers in framing the Bill; something more is due to the people whom they represent than mere general oratory and tub-thumping. I must, therefore, say that I feel some disappointment and surprise that from the beginning to the end of the speech—the very powerful and able speech, well suited to a Nationalist Convention—of the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool, and the speech to which we listened last night from the hon. Member for East Mayo, there was not one phrase or sentence of exposition, explanation, or defence, of any Clause of this measure. Thereby I think they stood the Government, and above all, the Prime Minister, in very bad stead, because the people of Ireland are looking, after seven years of waiting, for some clear and definite exposition of the measure. I shall say something in defence of the Government, I shall say something in defence of the Prime Minister, and I shall say something in defence of this Bill. The first thing I would say to the Prime Minister is this: that I believe he has discharged his task, so far as his difficulties allowed him, in a manly and honourable manner, and if at any time I have said anything calculated to throw doubt upon his sincerity I wish to express my regret that I have done so. He has had a task of enormous magnitude. What has he had? When Mr. Gladstone introduced his Bill in 1886, when Mr. Butt or Daniel O'Connell produced their measures, the great complications of finance in the relations of these countries had not taken place. Mr. Gladstone, in memorable words, said the Act of Union had cut deep tracks in history. The Act of Union has cut deep tracks in history, and we can no more ignore the fact that the Act of Union has taken place than we can forget the fact of the Battle of Waterloo or the Battle of Sedan.

Let us then, in the first place, consider what was the problem which the Prime Minister had to unfold and explain. In the first place, you had a country—England —which we Irishmen have been taught to look upon as a unit. You had a country in which this great international problem, fit only to be dealt with in the closets of statesmen, was made a question of party shuttlecock and embittered conflict across the floor of this House. And any man who wants to carry a measure affecting Ireland, no matter how good his intentions may be, must take account of the venomous opposition to which party conflict has subjected it. It is the same when the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wyndham) and the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Balfour)—to whom I shall always feel grateful, and of whom I shall always speak with respect, and I trust I may even be allowed to say with affection—brought in their great and revolutionary Bill. They had to take account of the party conflict upon that side of the House just as much as the Prime Minister has had to do in the framework of this Bill. Accordingly I would beg of the Tory party to believe what I say, what I know, that, instead of this being a measure to repeal the Act of Union, it is a measure to supplement and make new articles in the Treaty. I wish the Nationalist Convention could be told that by its leaders. I wish something to that effect had been said here to-day by those who speak for the Irish party. When I say that I do not say it to prejudice this measure or to splash it with contumely. I say it is an absolute necessity, and an historic necessity, to say it. The Tory party have met us in two ways. One fragment of their argument conjures up the spectres of the past. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Balfour) reminded us that England for a long time claimed a headship over France. The King of England was the King of France, and so he said for centuries after we were unable to dismiss an office boy in Paris. Is that the case in Ireland? Will that be the case if this Bill passes? Your own Friends behind you have twitted us us with the fact that this Bill is practically little better than a Parish Councils Bill. At one moment you say you have no more right to the Crown of Ireland than your Kings have to the Crown of France, but in the next you say you will have no flag, you will have no Mint, you will have no Army and no Navy, you cannot appoint Volunteers, you cannot even raise a company of Boy Scouts. Where is your consistency? Would it not be better for the great historic Tory party to recognise the fact, as we recognise it and are bound to recognise it, that the sovereignty of the Irish Parliament is as dead as Julius Cæsar?

What was the position in Ireland before 1800? No such anomalous position existed in any nation under heaven, nor ever can exist again. You had an island with a Lord Lieutenant with the absolute regality and power of a king. I think it was Matthew of Paris who described him as the most Kingly subject in Europe. You had that Sovereign entitled, without any reference to the King of England, to enact, at all events to sanction, measures of sovereign authority not only dealing with the Army and the Navy but with everything affecting British kingship and Imperial sovereignty. Could it last? Does any Unionist know the grounds upon which Pitt put the necessity of the Act of Union? It was not that we had cheered for the Boers. It was not that some Catholic did not deal with a Protestant. If you, the historic party, want to understand the grounds of the Act of Union, you will find them admirably set out in the speech which Mr. Childers made on the Second Reading of the Bill, and which I will summarise in two sentences. You will find them at page 1745 of the Parliamentary Debates, vol. 305, 21st May, 1886. Mr. Childers spoke of Pitt's argument as most masterly. Now you, the Conservative party, are bound by this Act, and you have to show how you can justify your opposition to a measure of this kind, which, I maintain, Pitt would have been quite willing to leave Parliament in possession of. I am quoting Mr. Childers, and, of course, the text of Pitt I take from Mr. Childers' description. I do not propose to do more. There are six reasons given by Pitt. Parliament were in favour of giving the Regent full Kingly powers, but the English Parliament, who knew George IV. perhaps rather better, were not so much in favour of it. The second argument of Mr. Pitt was based on the failure of Ireland to conclude a commercial treaty with Great Britain in 1785. That is the question of the tariff between the two islands. The third reason was— the Opposition, because those who should have struck from this side of the House, and who ought to know what the Bill is, talk in general terms from which anybody might suppose that the Union was in fact being repealed. The Union is not being repealed. It is being made perpetual, and instead of being made perpetual against the wish of the Irish people, it is being made perpetual with the consent of the Irish people; and am I to be told that this is a Bill which a Conservative and constitutional Opposition should treat lightly, or that they should engage in bandying words with the Government, charging them with shameless-ness and corruption and perfidy?

I hear the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Long)—I would call him my right hon. Friend if I may, because a more genial Chief Secretary we never had—say that we were not fit, by reason of our past, to be entrusted with legislative functions in an Irish Parliament. It is an extraordinary thing that if we are not fit to make laws in a poor little Irish Parliament we are fit to make them here; and that if we are not fit to deal with the small and petty questions which necessarily interest Irishmen, we are fit and competent and welcome to deal here with all the great questions which engage the attention of the Empire. We are told that we are rebels. Well, I am quite willing to be a rebel if there is any reason, but I am not willing to be a rebel when there is no reason. I wish to say of the British Parliament, in which I have been engaged for the last thirty years—and this is an important thing in dealing with the temper of men and the temper of nations—that except on the question of finance, and what springs therefrom, except on the question of land settlement, it has practically settled nearly every question with which I was interested thirty years ago. But there is one question which you will never settle, which you cannot settle, and which you have refused to settle, and that is the question of the right amount of taxation which Ireland should contribute. That is the reason why I welcome this Bill of the Prime Minister. You of the Conservative party have had your opportunity. Remember, it was in your time that a great English Commission reported that Ireland had been overtaxed something like—I use a round figure— £300,000,000 in breach of the Act of Union. I heard the Noble Lord (Lord Hugh Cecil) yesterday, whose history showed that the teaching is very bad at Oxford-I am only speaking as an Irish~ man. He said, "Is the Irish Parliament willing to accept outdoor relief from England?" I am not willing, but England was not ashamed to accept outdoor relief from Ireland. You were not ashamed for 112 years, and even at a moment when our country was prostrated by famine to take from these poor, wretched peasants millions and millions and millions of money. That was done by this great, rich, and Imperial country, and now, after 112 years, when for the first time, owing to circumstances for which no Irishman is responsible, the accounts have gone the other way, the Treasury in Downing Street runs up the green flag to the peak. They are all Home Rulers at the Treasury now.

I said that the problems with which the Prime Minister had to deal were great and grave and onerous, every one of them. As a boy I heard Mr. Butt bring in his Motion here. I think it was on 30th April, 1874. I used to come to hear all the Home Rule Debates in those days. Finance was not a question at that time. The questions on which we used to lay stress and maintain that this Parliament could not settle were questions like education, the franchise, grand juries, the land question, and other matters. The financial question had not become urgent. The financial' question now with us has become a question of life and death. What were the figures when Mr. Gladstone brought in his Home Rule Bill in 1886? Through no fault of the right hon. Gentleman the Prime Minister perhaps this Bill is for us £5,000,000 worse than Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1886. Why is it £5,000,000 worse? Let us examine the figures. I take revenue alone. The revenue for 1886–7 of the three Kingdoms was £90,000,000. When I came into the House at first it was not more than, I think, £60,000,000. When the Home Rule Bill of 1893 was brought in the revenue was £91.000,000. What is the advance since then due to? Now the careful fingers of Mr. Gladstone no longer handle the national purse. It has gone up from £91,000,000, and has more than doubled. For last year it was £185,000,000, and that increase has occurred not merely in the lifetime of most of us, but between three Home Rule Bills. That is why this Irish question has become urgent. You may be a great Empire, but we cannot afford you. Let me point out this to the Conservative party. You passed two of the most revolutionary Bills ever passed for Ireland—Bills that will touch the Irish people, and do touch them in every day's relations of their lives.

When this Bill is passed Ireland will go on pretty much as usual. It will save her from some further trouble. What did you do for hundreds of years? You had governed the country by means of an oligarchy called grand juries. For the first two hundred years they raised £2,000,000 for roads and bridges, and put it in their breeches' pockets, or built demesne walls with it. It went anywhere but on the roads. That was stopped by Thomas Drummond in 1837; but you still left the great question of local administration, which is what the farmers and labourers feel an interest in. Their roads and bridges, and matters like that, you have now handed over to the people by probably one of the most remarkable experiments, or rash experiments, as the present Chief Secretary called it, and after that Act I felt as if I was a blind man whose eyes had been suddenly opened. For that Act I have never felt anything but gratitude and thanks to the Tory party, and I venture to say that it is that Act which makes this Bill possible. What next did you do? I venture to say to the Conservative party if that policy had been allowed to be carried on untrammelled and unobstructed, that from scarcely any quarter of the country would there come -objection to this Bill. We are rebels unfit to be trusted with Home Rule! But we are quite fit to be trusted with £200,000,000 of British money. Was there ever such an absurdity, that this nation of rebels who lie awake at night thinking how they are to cut your throats are to have entrusted to them £200,000,000 of British money, not for one year, remember, but spreading over sixty-nine long years. You say that you not only trust the rebels but trust their children and their children's children. You declare that these poor people, living on bogs, steeped in superstition, of course, and in the blackest ignorance, are worthy of a gift which you could not venture to extend to England, Scotland, and Wales.

These are questions, remember, which touch nearly and dearly the lives and happiness of the people, and yet you are afraid of these people. What have you to be afraid of? I was glad to hear expressions last night from the party of the hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. J. Redmond) as to what he was willing to do to make concession to Ulster opinion. I will go a little further, and will be a little more definite. I agree that this feeling against us is absurd. I agree that it is irrational; but that it exists is as plain as that the light is shining. I welcomed to some extent the remarkable speech made last night by the hon. and learned Member for North Armagh (Mr. Moore). He said that you never will settle this question until the Ulster people are willing that you should settle it. He suggested that my hon. Friend the Member for Cork (Mr. William O'Brien) had gone a long way towards making that settlement. No doubt my hon. Friend the Member for Cork has undergone a great deal of obloquy and annoyance from his colleagues and fellow-countrymen because he had the courage to hold out the right hand of friendship to Protestants. I hold out the right hand of friendship, and let me say that the Senate proposal of the Government, instead of being, in my opinion, deserving of laughter or ridicule, might well be turned into one of the most powerful safeguards of the Protestants of Ireland, and I believe it is with that view that it is proposed by this Bill. Therefore, it is no answer to me to say that a nominated Senate is not a success in Saskatchewan, or to ask "What do you think of the nominated Senate in Woolloomooloo?" Analogies are generally false. In dealing with Ireland you are dealing with a condition which exists, I believe, nowhere else in the world except in Poland, because now the Germans are giving Home Rule to Alsace and Lorraine, so that unless you want to walk hand in hand with the Czar of all the Russias, I do not know how England is going to hold up her head among the nations of the earth.

If you ask how I would deal with the Senate, if I were drawing this Bill to appease the Protestants of Ireland, I reply that I might not draw it perhaps in such a way as this, but if I had to nominate the Senate formed on the broad lines suggested by the Government, you say you are afraid of the Catholics—I would give half of the Senate, half of its nominated members, to the Protestant and Presbyterian synods of the country, and I would go further— for which I may be grimly attacked at the Nationalist Convention on Tuesday next— and I would take from the American Senate a power therein resident, and I would give that Senate a power of veto over all the appointments of officials, with salaries of more than £500 a year. Thereby nobody could allege that all the offices of the country were being given to Catholics. Nobody could allege as the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) suggested yesterday, that you were giving jobs in the Post Office for the sake of bribery. Everybody knows very well if we want this Bill, as we do want it, to put our country on rational and business lines, that the Protestants of the country have a fair right to a fair share in all the offices that are going. Let the Nationalist Convention, if they like, suggest a better way of securing fair play. That is my contribution in that direction.

I would like to say one word with regard to this question of treason. The Tory party in my opinion, when they are charging Irishmen with cheering for the Boers and making violent speeches in the past, ought to look to their own record. Who exasperated us? I do not say it for the sake of recalling the past. Who put eighty of us on our trial in a foreign venue, without a jury, before three packed judges on a forged letter? You did. Who put a thousand of our people into gaol without appeal? You did. And what for? For making this beneficent revolution which is now your pride. If we had not gone to gaol would we have had any Land Act? If my hon. Friend the Member for Cork (Mr. W. O'Brien) had not sacrificed himself would we have had the Purchase Act? And had it not been for the sacrifice of countless men, would Ireland ever have been treated as she has been from both sides of the British Senate to these measures, which from either one side or the other must bring gain and benefit to the country? What do the Tory party offer? The Liberal measures may be imperfect, but where have they led you? You have had to declare—I will not say "had," that is not perhaps a fair word to use—but, at all events, you have declared that Ireland is in this fortunate position that if she fails with the Liberal party and misses at the polls, instead of twenty years' resolute Government it is 20 per cent, of Tariff Reform that she will get. What a fortunate country I belong to. I never knew before what it was to have both parties bidding for our support. Where is it to come from? It necessarily must mean this—and I think it is highly altruistic, especially of the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition. He has boldly stated that he will continue to keep out Canadian cattle, and will not do it on the pretence that they are all diseased, which is the Liberal policy. The first breach in the Liberal armour was some thirty years ago, when you discovered trichiniasis in Germany—I think that was the beginning of it—and it was brought to its fullest perfection when that honest agriculturist, the Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Chaplin), was at the Agricultural Board; and I always regarded him,' and still regard him, as a good friend of Ireland. But the Leader of the Opposition states, and states boldly, that he will no longer take refuge in the Pharmacopoeia. Whatever we get in future we will get in the schedule of a Tariff Bill, and I think that that is a straightforward and a honest way of working this matter.

The great difficulty in dealing with a country like Ireland in the matter of tariff is this. You are never safe even in having that famous stud farm for Protestants in Dublin Castle when you know that the next administration will come in and turn all your stud farm loose. How can we set up agriculture in Ireland on the basis of a 20 per cent, tariff to be paid for by the kind and good English as restitution for the past, how can we set that up with any safety when we know that the moment the British people begin to feel the pinch at by elections—which are the great standard of morality nowadays—it will be changed? How do we know that, having established all these great and useful industries, the cruel Liberal party will not come back to power and repeal all our tariff, and after we had turned all our pasture ground into plough ground—and let me tell you it is a question of four and five years' rotation, and sometimes six— that we will not find the Liberal party coming into office and saying, "This is all wrong. Ireland is a very beautiful country, but we cannot afford her?" And I maintain therefore that our country is entitled in her peculiar situation as between the oscillation of British parties to some stable form of Government. Have we got it? Why one of the extraordinary things in the present situation is this. The Member for East Down (Captain Craig), said, "We have got a shattered Constitution and a profligate Chancellor of the Exchequer." I am not quite sure whether he said "profligate" or "corrupt," and we were suffering from "Lime-house." How do we southern Nationalists try to remedy this? We try to get away from Limehouse, and from the Chancellor of the Exchequer. And you want us to stick to him. [Hon. Members: "No."] Our complaint about this Bill is that we have so largely failed—because, I am sorry to have to say it, we have entered upon these discussions practically in blinkers.

Some favoured Members of the House have seen the Committee's Report on the financial relations of the two countries—a sort of preferential treatment which perhaps can be justified occasionally by the condition of the Division Lobby; but when you are discussing grave and important matters affecting the relations of the two countries, I respectfully think that we should all have had an equal start. But the extraordinary part pi the position is this. The Government say they appointed a special Committee of Experts to advise them. They did not understand the situation when they asked the Committee of Experts to advise them, and then, having got the Report of the Committee of Experts, they quite understand the question, because they refuse to take the advice of the Committee. And this is the Imperial Parliament, where we are expected to go down and worship British common sense. What did the Committee report? I gather from the halting explanation of the right hon. Gentleman opposite that they reported in a sense hostile in every way to the finances of this measure.

The Prime Minister shakes his head, and of course I translate that into meaning that my words are not entirely accurate; but would it not have been better with regard to a Committee, whose Report is in existence for the last three months, that we should have had this to enlighten us and to guide us in these discussions? I will only say this. I do not accept the finance of this Bill at all. I do not believe that it is final, but I wish to add this, that I am equally convinced that just as Ireland does not want to live upon your outdoor relief, neither do you want to live upon ours. I am willing that Ireland should make a proper contribution to the upkeep of this Empire. I believe that there is no Irishman in any part of Ireland to say the reverse. I believe that we have distinct interests in it. Irish Civil servants fill this Empire. This Empire is an enormous gain in myriads of ways to our country, and I believe that Ireland ought to make, whether in meal or in malt, whether in men or in money—I do not commit myself as to which—and I think you are entitled to have a fair and reasonable proportion from our country. But do not ask me to believe the Treasury figures. When we had our own Clearing House, our own Customs House, our own auditors, going into the matter for three, four, or five years, and both sides have been heard, then I am willing to strike a balance with you, and pay our fair proportion. I am not willing to take the figures now; I do not believe they are correct. They may not be intentionally false, but I believe that it would be madness for Ireland to accept the figures put forward upon that side of the House. I would further say this: I have not the least fear that, if we bring forward accurate figures and arguments, we will be treated illiberally or dishonestly. I have perfect confidence, whether the Government of the day be Liberal or Tory, that a straight and right account will be struck between the two countries. I come now to the second question, which is equally serious, the question of the land. Three-fourths of the Irish question is the land question. Where you are in error is in thinking that if you seek to settle by means of land purchase you will settle the Irish question. You will never settle the Irish question until you have cured the heartache of Ireland— never. You Tories from Ulster know that as well as I do, and I believe you feel it just as intensely; and, what is more, I believe you are as anxious for a settlement of this question as anyone. It would be absurd for us to be attacking the Orange party. Their existence lies in history; their position lies in history; they are as much entitled to freedom in their corner of the country as we are entitled to it in ours, and I believe that if the party passions in which they are enmeshed were allowed to evaporate—and they never can so long as this system of the English Parliament prevails—there will be found among them some of the most ardent and most faithful members of that despised assembly which you referred to to-day as giving you a degraded status.

I want the land question settled on other grounds. I heard with great pleasure the Member for the Strand Division (Mr. Walter Long) say to-day that his party would not deal illiberally with Ireland. I believe that is right. The Tory party have a feeling that they are wrong, and they think they will make it right by putting a little extra jam on the bread. As to the Tory policy, I am not attempting to belittle it; I am only stating it in short and homely language. The Liberal party, in my opinion, committed a crime against Ireland when they passed the Bill of the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland—a crime against the Irish nation, and, I believe, what they regard as most serious it was a crime against the English nation. This Bill requires very little to finance it. I think the amount of the Insurance Act almost would have financed it —a measure which nobody asked you for. Certainly, the amount of the Pensions Act would have financed it four times over, not that I am saying that the Pensions Act was not a great and valuable and Christian measure, and one perhaps of the most remarkable ever passed by the British House of Commons. But I say that since you have come into office, and until this Bill, you have never considered the Irish question, and that is why I say that, though Mr. Parnell forced Mr. Gladstone within two months, in 1886, to bring in his Home Rule Bill of that year, the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) has given the Government, not two months, but seven years to deal with this question, so that the measure should have been proportionately better. When this body, which you call a Parliament, and which you can no more make a Parliament than you can turn a man into a woman by christening him "Mary," meets in Dublin, we shall have forty-two persons in this House handling the land question. Somebody gets up in Ireland and asks for some solution or some remedy to be applied to an agrarian grievance in his country. The reply of the hon. Member for Mayo, or whoever else happens to be Prime Minister, would be, not to go to the Privy Council, but to go over to Westminster, and get his Member to ask a question. That is an intolerable situation.

Deal with this question, when you are dealing with it, as a whole. I do not want to burden you with any such knapsack as Mr. Gladstone unfortunately was compelled to undertake in 1886. But what is the difficulty of restoring the Wyndham Act to its integrity, so that the Minister for Ireland, whoever he may be, will be able to say to the man who comes up and speaks of the tenant's grievance, "Why do you not buy your land?" I do not wish to say anything on the tenure question; it is much too dangerous a topic at this moment. I do not wish to say anything upon it because I have not seen the Bill. I may say I have had the confidence for thirty years of every Ministry, Liberal and Tory, except this one; but I say the tenure question is one of great difficulty and complexity. If questions are to be raised in reference to this Bill as to the right to reduce the judicial term of the Scotch Bill, or the right to appoint a special Commission, or any other matters of that kind, you will find yourselves in an impassable jungle, and therefore, unpleasant and awkward as it may be to you to have to retrace your steps on the purchase question, I say the sooner you do it the better for yourselves and the happier for Ireland. That is my entire contribution to this Debate. I wish this Bill every success. I thank the Government for having brought it in. I will give them, I hope throughout, my utmost support in endeavouring to pass it. I would like to see it passed unanimously by this House. I believe that if the Orange party in Ireland, or the Conservative party, would address themselves to those who are the leaders of the Nationalist party, they would find that they could mould this Bill as they pleased. I believe that they would be willing to eradicate from it anything to which any reasonable man could object; and, animated by that spirit on both sides, I believe this House thereby, with the blessings of both sides, will have produced a measure which for the first time will stand four-square to every nation and enemy that you have got in the wide world.

I am one of the small number of Members of Parliament who have been present at the birth of the three Home Rule Bills. Each Bill has evoked many beautiful speeches in Debate; but I venture to say that on no single occasion when Home Rule has been discussed in this House have we heard two more striking speeches than we have heard to-day from the hon. Gentleman who represents an English constituency, the Scotland Division of Liverpool (Mr. T. P. O'Connor), and the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, one of the Members for Cork (Mr. T. M. Healy), in favour of Home Rule. Sometimes the best friends will fall out, and those two Members are not on such loving terms as they were in 1886 and in 1893, but I am sure I speak for the whole House when I say that the House loves them both, loves to hear them both, and we hope that if ever the time comes that Irish representation is to be cut down to forty-two, they may be among the forty-two to represent Irish opinion in this House. The hon. Member (Mr. T. M. Healy), who has just concluded a very fine, powerful, humorous and persuasive speech, told us that he has not yet heard one single speech against this Bill. I certainly thought I heard a speech of great power, a most destructive speech against this Bill from my right hon. Friend the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) last night. I should like to make my humble contribution as a speaker against this Bill and against its terms. The hon. Member for Cork asked, "Why do not you Unionists accept this Bill? This Bill does not make Ireland a nation. This Bill does not break up the Union. This Bill perpetuates the Union." But this Bill destroys the effectiveness of the Union. It may keep the Union nominally, but it destroys its effective power. The hon. Gentleman went on to say, "You have trusted us with £200,000,000 for Land Purchase; why cannot you trust us with Home Rule?" It is because we had the strong Union of the British Parliament, this Parliament with the effect of controlling force behind it, that we did trust Ireland and Irishmen with two hundred millions. Take away the strong controlling force of this great Parliament of Great Britain and Ireland, take away the Executive force, take away all those forces which every Government ought to have which lends two hundred millions of money, and then I ask at what rate will the hon. Gentleman and his friends be able to borrow the money to complete this admirable work, for which he himself expresses deep gratitude, namely, that of Land Purchase? I am convinced that from that point of view the hon. and learned Gentleman who wants, as I know he does want with all his heart and soul, to continue that admirable and comprehensive work of land purchase, is doing Ireland a sorry turn in voting for this Home Rule Bill, which will reduce Ireland to borrowing on her own revenue, a paltry two millions per year, and will deprive Ireland and the Irish Government of the full credit of the richer partner in this great partnership which has existed for over a hundred years, and which will, I trust, exist for many hundreds more.

I have had something to do with raising loans in the City. Those who have followed my little doings know that I have not been unsuccessful; but why? It was because the credit of the body for which I borrowed was extremely good, and therefore we were able to borrow at a cheap rate. That is of the greatest possible importance to those of us who believe in this work of land purchase, and the sooner we complete it the better, and the sooner we do so the greater will be the productivity of the greatest of Irish resources. Sometimes we are asked, as we were asked by the Postmaster-General, "What are you going to look to to produce some diminution of this heavy deficit which now occurs in the revenue of Ireland and which has to be met by the United Kingdom?" The deficit will continue, said the Postmaster-General, and that was repeated by the Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool. He told us there was not a single financier who would get up and say there was any hope under Unionism of this deficit decreasing. I cannot pretend to be a great financier, but I spent a great deal of time in connection with finance at the Treasury and on the London County Council. I say boldly if Ireland obtains cheap credit by being connected with the British Parliament, and if she can borrow at a cheap rate and hasten the process of land purchase, her property and our property will alike appreciate, and before long the riches of Ireland will increase and her revenue will go on increasing, as we were told by the Postmaster-General they did increase last year; and we may look to it that through that bigger revenue and the bigger development of Irish resources that this deficit is not likely to continue, but that it will be be gradually wiped out.

Take the other picture. Break up the Parliamentary Union between Great Britain and Ireland and you will destroy the credit of Ireland—at all events for the time. It will be many a long year before Ireland will recover her credit, and before she can borrow at the cheap rate which is desirable if you are going to complete land purchase. For my part, I see no hope whatever of the gradual diminution of this deficit by the £200,000 per year, by which the Postmaster-General held out hopes that it might be diminished. I believe, on the contrary, if we embark on this dangerous course of breaking up this great Parliamentary Union and of giving Ireland only the credit she can obtain for herself with all the disturbing elements that will come on to this great scene of strife in Ireland, I believe that the deficit, instead of disappearing, is likely to become more accentuated and get bigger and bigger, and swell and swell and swell, as the hon. Member for the Scotland Division of Liverpool put it. That, I believe is the harm that is going to be done by the breaking up of the Parliamentary Union. Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway are sincere in believing that their country will benefit by some such scheme as Home Rule. I and my Friends are equally sincere in believing that we are not only doing a bad thing for that portion of the United Kingdom which we represent, but doing a bad thing for Ireland, not alone for Ulster, but for the whole of Ireland, if we grant anything like a Parliament on the lines adumbrated by this Bill. The hon. and learned Gentleman said that he had heard no speakers against this Bill. Let me put my case from the British point of view against this Bill. I have heard these three Bills brought forward, and not one of them would have produced finality. That is what we want after all. The hon. Gentleman said, "We in Ireland are in need of a stable Government. Our country is entitled to some stable form of Government." Have we got that? Is not England entitled to some stable form of Government, and is not Scotland, and are we likely to get it under this Bill? The hon. and learned Gentleman said also, "Now I have no cause to be a rebel. I am no longer a rebel if I ever was one." But a little later he showed a very rebellious attitude towards the financial proposals of this Bill, and if he and his Friends are going to content themselves with the financial arrangements and the land purchase arrangements, and many other arrangements, including the safeguards in this Bill, there will come another body of men in Ireland elected at the polls who will perhaps desire all those arrangements which the hon. Gentleman desires in connection with finance and land purchase, and there may arise those of the old school who will say Ireland is a nation that ought to have the rights of a nation, and that nothing but the rights of a nation will content them.

The right hon. Gentleman the Postmaster-General taunted us on this side with always having the word "Empire" on our lips, and yet not heeding the Dominions across the sea. I could answer that argument, but I will not stop to do so. I would like to reply that the Prime Minister has Ireland a nation on his lips. The other day, in answer to some comment from this side of the House, he said Ireland is a nation. Yes, but does he give them the rights of a nation under this Bill I Does he give them even the rights of a Dominion much less the rights of a nation. There are none of those rights here. I hope we shall have a little less of this platform oratory and those perorations about Ireland and comparing Ireland with Canada, and South Africa and Australia. They may do very well on the platform, but they do not persuade anybody here, because we all know this Bill does not give to Ireland any of the rights which Australia and Canada and South Africa have. I want to address myself again, as a Member representing an English constituency, to the British point of view. After all, even supposing that the Ulster question was settled, and that the Gentlemen who represent Ulster with their constituents were all of one accord in demanding some form of local government for Ireland. That would be a day we would all like to see if only for the one reason that we should like to see all Irishmen reconciled for the common good of their country, but if that could be so, and if we are going to break up the old deed of partnership of 1800, we must look, and we are bound to look, and we shall not be doing our duty if we did not look, at this Bill from our point of view, the point of view of England if we represent England, or of Scotland, if we represent Scotland, or of Wales, if we represent Wales. That is what the Prime Minister said, and in very strong words he has told us we must look at this point of view and at this Bill as he has looked at it. He said:— because there may be all kinds of circumstances and conditions which will vary the case for England, or the case for Scotland, or the case for Wales." I would like to put to right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite one very simple question. When you intend, and what time I do not know, to set up separate national legislatures for England and Scotland and Wales, are you going to offer to England, Scotland, and Wales legislatures with less powers, both legislative and financial, than those which you are offering to Ireland? If you are, why? For what reason is England, when she is to have a separate legislature, not to have the same powers as Ireland is to have under this Home Rule Bill? You will have four different national legislatures, and I presume there will be four different exchequers. If not, why not? The Postal Service is to be handed over to Ireland, and I presume there are to be four different postal services. There is to be a separate Customs House for Ireland, and I presume there are to be four separate Customs Houses. And if not, why not? Give me the reasons why I, as representing an English constituency, should not hereafter ask for England that we should have the same financial control of our finances that Ireland is going to be given of her finances. That is the question at all events that needs answering.

There is a picture brought before us by the Prime Minister. Ten Houses of Parliament in the United Kingdom and how many Members? There are 200 for Ireland, and Scotland would hardly do with less. Give half to Wales, and that makes 500. Cut us down to 1,000 for our two Houses and there is 1,500. Then take 500 more Members for the central governing body of the whole of the United Kingdom and you have 2,000 Members of Parliament all paid and all their expenses paid. What a brilliant picture for the taxpayer. I should advise everyone to hasten to be a Member of Parliament or a salaried official or a smuggler, and perhaps that would suit some of them, because they would be the only people who would be able to get a living wage as far as I can see. That is the picture the right hon. Gentleman offers to us. He says, it is the avowed policy of himself and those who act with him to set up legislative assemblies in the United Kingdom. That is repeated by the Postmaster-General. He says, we must always look at it and keep that in mind, and the Prime Minister himself told us that their distinct and direct purpose was the further and fuller application of the principle of Home Rule. We shall be obliged to look at it from that point of view, and I shall survey it from that point of view. Look at what is going to happen in the direction of finance. Ireland is to pay no share whatever of the National Debt. When you come to set up your separate Parliament for Scotland, what will Scotland say? Scotland will probably say, "We are perfectly prepared to pay our share of the National Debt, but we do not intend to pay the share or any portion of the share of Ireland." Why should they? Wales will probably say the same, and England will in all probability be left to shoulder the whole of the burden. Let me take another point. Ireland is to pay, as I understand, no share of any of the expenditure on the Army and Navy. Scotland will say, "Why should we pay not only our share of the expenditure on the Army and Navy, but the share of Ireland as well?" After all, Belfast will require protecting quite as much as Glasgow, and Cork will require protecting as well as Cardiff. Hence Wales also will offer the same objection towards paying Ireland's share to the common expenditure on the Army and Navy.

Then we come to the reserved services. The Prime Minister himself puts the expenditure on these reserved services as follows: Old Age Pensions, £2,660,000; National Insurance, £190,000; Land Purchase, £616,000; Royal Irish Constabulary, £1,385,000; Collection of Revenue, £300,000. When Scotland gets her separate Parliament, is she going to pay a share of the cost of old age pensions for Ireland? Why should she pay any share when you have broken up the Imperial Parliament? Again, in regard to National Insurance; are you going to distribute the expenditure which Ireland ought to bear under any common system? In what proportions are you going to distribute the share that Ireland ought to pay? Take land purchase. We are all most willing to find the money on British credit for land purchase in Ireland, and to give £12,000,000, or for my part even more, to see the policy of purchase successfully carried out, as long as we dwell under the ægis of one Parliament, with the credit which that Parliament can obtain for each portion of the community. But when that is no longer so, when separate Parliaments are set up for Scotland, Wales, and England, why should the farmers and the labourers of this country be taxed to provide a magnificent system of land purchase for Ireland when they cannot get any such system for themselves? Take the collection of revenue. England, Scotland, and Wales are to pay the cost of the collection of revenue in Ireland. That is all very well as long as we are under one Parliament; but if you set up these separate Parliaments, why should these countries pay the share of the cost of the collection of revenue that ought to be paid by another? They will have to pay for the collection of their own revenue; that is quite certain. Then Ireland is to have a margin, or a wedding present, of half a million of money. At the end of ten years it is promised that it shall be reduced to £200,000. This represents a capital sum of £10,000,000 or £12,000,000. That is not a bad present to give to Ireland, but the hon. and learned Member for Cork (Mr. T. Healy) will not be content with that. He will ask for more. So will the Irish Parliament. There will be no finality to that. When Scotland comes to set up a Parliament of her own will she not ask for a margin? When Wales comes to set up a Parliament of her own will she not ask for a margin? Both will say, "You gave Ireland a margin for housekeeping; give us a margin also." England will probably be the last to have a separate Parliament. If we ever get one, who is going to give England a margin? I cannot help thinking as an Englishman and as representing an English constituency that we shall have to shoulder a great proportion of the whole of this burden. Therefore, when the hon. and learned Member says that nobody has spoken against this Bill I say that I speak against it, and against the arrangements contained in it as being unfair to the constituents and taxpayers whom I represent.

That is one of the leading features which to my mind make it absolutely impossible that this Bill can be taken as a basis of federalism. The First Lord of the Admiralty, in his speech in the national quarter of Belfast, used this very remarkable sentence about Irish finance under the Home Rule Bill:— United Kingdom. They are absolutely inconsistent with any idea of a future federated Empire. I know that hon. Gentlemen opposite hope—I am not quite sure that they believe—that there is never going to be any alteration in our fiscal system. I for one believe that there will be a very substantial alteration before many years have passed by. I admit that it will be difficult to carry it out. Of course, it will be. All great reforms are difficult. But while it will be difficult with one single Customs House, how much more difficult will it be with a system under which there are four Customs Houses within the United Kingdom? Yet that, apparently, is the system which the right hon. Gentleman, if he had his way, would set up. There are many reasons why this system and character of Irish finance are absolutely inconsistent with the conception of a United Kingdom. There never was a United Kingdom split up in this way, with four Customs Houses, four methods of collecting Excise, four postal services. The thing is preposterous; it is absolutely absurd; it is unworkable; it is inequitable; it is illiberal and unfair all round; it is even impossible. The thing cannot be done.

Let me examine some of the powers to be given to the Irish Parliament. Take first the Customs House. The Postmaster-General said, "We must obey this cardinal maxim: we must set up a system of finance in which the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer must never be interfered with as regards his Budget by the Chancellor of the British Exchequer." I wish the Chancellor of the British Exchequer would not be quite so fond of interfering with the chancellors of local exchequers by putting upon them burdens which he ought to bear for himself. It is a very good principle. How is it going to work out under this system? The Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer will be interfered with by the Chancellor dominating the British Exchequer, and the Chancellor dominating the British Exchequer will be interfered with at many points by the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer. Supposing the same powers as regards Customs are given to the four countries? Two powers are to be given to the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer. There is, first, the power to impose new taxes on all those matters which are not taxed at the present time, and, secondly, power to impose 10 per cent, extra Customs duties on those articles that are taxed already. Take the new taxes first. It might be that we were engaged in a heavy war. We might have to raise very large sums of money. The Chancellor of the British Exchequer, desiring to impose new taxes, might find he had been anticipated on that new ground by the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer, who was not favourable to the war or to any contribution being made by Ireland towards the expenses of the war. In proportion as you tax an area, whether by a new tax or by a 10 per cent, increase, in that proportion you destroy the value of that ground for the Chancellor of the Imperial Exchequer if he desires to impose further taxation. That is perfectly obvious.

The right hon. Gentleman said, "You will see the day when the Chancellor of the Irish Exchequer will come to the Joint Board and say, "Now we can afford to make some contribution towards the expenditure on the Army and the Navy. Now we will wipe off our deficit." I do not think I shall live to see that day. I think the Irish Parliament will take very great care that their accounts balance. The Irish Parliament, impregnated with the notion of the hon. and learned Member for Cork that Ireland has always been overtaxed by this country, is hardly likely to find any money sooner than it can possibly help to wipe off any deficit that may remain as due to the British Exchequer. It will be perfectly easy to avoid it, because the Irish Parliament is to have the power to remit any taxation it likes. Directly the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer found that there was going to be too much money in the pool for him to get out as money allocated for Irish services he would at once remit some taxation. He would take the duty off sugar or tea. Nothing could be easier. So that there would never be anything more than the surplus to which the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer was entitled for Irish services. You might actually have this happening at the very moment when the British Chancellor of the Exchequer was putting on an extra 2d. on sugar or 2d. on tea to meet heavy war expenditure— the Irish Chancellor of the Exchequer might be doing that which the Postmaster-General invited him to do and reducing the duties on tea and sugar in Ireland. That is the First Lord of the Admiralty's conception of the characteristic of the finance of the United Kingdom. There is no union about it at all. It is absolute separatism in finance. It makes not for unity, but for separation all the time. Even when all that is done, the hon. and learned Member for Cork says that Ireland will be thoroughly dissatisfied with what is being done for her in the region of finance. So they will be. Therefore we are right in saying that there is no finality whatever in this measure.

The Bill is simply an invitation to the game of squeeze. There will be forty-two Members from Ireland sitting here. They may be all of one opinion as regards squeezing the British Exchequer. I remember the late Colonel Saunderson used sometimes to join in these financial Debates, and, as the right hon. Member opposite (Mr. T. W. Russell) knows, he did not take the British side on the question of finance. Thus they would be not "Forty Thieves," if one puts it that way, but forty-two people anxious to get a hand into the British Exchequer in this way. It is said, "Oh, there are forty-two Irish representatives, of whom probably eight will be Ulster men. If these eight Ulster men are set off against eight Nationalists, there will be a majority of only twenty-six, and they can have very little relative effect on British parties." The right hon. Gentleman opposite knows better. He is far too good a student of political history to think that. He knows how many decisive Divisions have been decided in this House in the last fifty years by far less than twenty-six votes. I could quote many cases where only one vote has turned out a Ministry. The Reform Bill in 1831 was carried by 302 to 301. There was a famous Division in 1841, when Sir Robert Peel's Motion of want of confidence was carried by 312 to 311, Parliament dissolved, and Lord Melbourne resigned. There was another instance when Lord Palmerston's Amendment to the Government Militia Bill was carried by eleven votes, and Lord John Russell resigned. There was a Government defeat in 1859 on an Amendment to the Address, when the Government resigned, Lord Derby went out, and Lord Palmerston came in. On the Reform Bill of June. 1866, the Government were defeated by eleven votes, and resigned. In March, 1873, the Irish University Bill was rejected by only three votes. In February, 1885, a Vote of Censure on the Egyptian question was rejected by only fourteen votes. In June, 1885, the Budget was defeated by twelve votes, when thirty-nine Irish Home Rulers voted in the majority. I have given enough instances to show that far fewer than twenty-six Members have been constantly able to turn Ministers out and put other Ministers in. Even though there are only twenty-six votes attached to a Government, it will still be in the power of those twenty-six to make their own bargains with that Government on all these financial questions, and to say, "If you do not give us more than you gave us in your Act of 1912, we shall take care that you go out, and that others come in to take your place." So there is, as I say, no financial finality in the scheme. It is a scheme that invites to what I have called the game of "squeeze." It excites constant conflict between the Irish Parliament and the British Parliament for better terms than are given under the Act of 1912, although they are much better than the terms given under the Act of 1886, notwithstanding what has been said by the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for North-East Cork. He complains that this Bill is worse by £5,000,000 for Ireland than the Bill of 1886. The 1886 Bill would have landed the Irish Government, had it been passed in a deficit of something like £3,000,000. The Bill of 1893 would have handed over a deficit of £2,000,000. This Bill, at all events, starts the country, not with a deficit, but with a small surplus, and in that respect it is better for the Irish people than either of the Bills of 1886 and 1893. Still I say that it does not satisfy and never will satisfy them. That is one of the main reasons why I and my hon. Friends are determinedly opposed to every Home Rule Bill. They bring no finality to the unhappy dispute which has so long existed between England and Ireland. The Prime Minister in a very eloquent passage, told us that— of the people will be that they prefer, both for Ireland and for Great Britain, the solid benefits which have been obtained from this great Parliamentary Union, and that they will refuse to him the power which he asks for to establish in the place of that Parliamentary Union a bastard form of federalism such as has never been witnessed in the annals of the world's history.

Some of the points which have been made by the right hon. Gentleman opposite would be better dealt with in Committee when we come to discuss the financial Clauses of the Bill. The right hon. Gentleman dealt in reminiscence with the two previous attempts of this House to settle this great question. I did not take part in the Bill of 1886, although I followed the proceedings closely outside, but I was a Member of the House in 1893, and I take this opportunity to say in a few words why I think this Bill has a much better chance of success than either the Bill of 1886 or that of 1893. The general view of the Bill of 1886 was that it was defeated, no doubt, by the great split which took place in the ranks of the Liberal party of that time which had promoted the measure. The Bill of 1893 was supposed to have met its quietus in the House of Lords. It has always struck me, although the notion may not be very popular, that there was an essential element of weakness in this respect in these two Bills: neither the Irish party that promoted the Bills, nor the Liberal party of that day that had taken them up, had obtained that complete grasp of the Irish question of that time. So far as the Irish party was concerned they indeed knew the grievances under which the country that they represented was suffering. But they had not got that complete grip of the causes from which these evils sprang that we have obtained at this time. Therefore I think, although I regret the Bill of 1886 and the Bill of 1893, there have been great compensatory advantages, because a grasp of the question has been obtained hardly possible at that early stage of these discussions.

These three Home Rule Bills were not the first discussions that we have had in this House in regard to this great question of the relations between England and Ireland. Debates had been going on for seven centuries. There was this great distinction in all the three Debates, between them and others that had preceded them: in the first place, in 1886, one great English party, although it was split when it came to the crisis, took the side of Ireland. Previous to that time England had always been united against Ireland. It was owing to that cause that the country had suffered so much in previous generations, nay, in previous centuries. In 1886, for the first time, one British party took the part of Ireland. True, it was split, and the Bill was lost. In 1893 also the party, a British party, defended the cause of Ireland. This House on this occasion presents a very different appearance. We have two English parties, the Liberal party, solid in support of my right hon. Friend, and the Labour party, which weighs more than it counts, also solid in support of this Bill. It is a very healthy change in public opinion when we have got two great parties, representing well the democracy of Great Britain, in favour of the principles of the Bill that the Government have brought forward.

There is one plea which has been brought forward on the opposite side of the House which seems to me to be essentially a reasonable plea. Hon. Members say, "You give us no reasons for this measure." That brings me to the point that I have already mentioned—the point of the greater information that we have at present to the earlier times. I think one reason can be given for this Bill, a reason which cannot be disputed in any way, and which, if it is exhibited, will show that a measure of this kind must be adopted by this Parliament. One set of evils can be brought forward which cannot be dealt with in any way except by such a Bill as this. On the other hand, if this Bill is allowed to go through and shaped in Committee, it would provide a large remedy for these evils. Of course, I allude to the evils of over-taxation mentioned by my right hon. Friend the Member for one of the Divisions of Cork, in a speech to which I think everybody listened with much pleasure. He just touched the question, but it is very curious how little has been made of the subject of over-taxation in the whole of the Debate. True, the Prime Minister mentioned it; but he did not, for reasons which are apparent, develop the subject very much. Over-taxation is one of the most grievous evils that can be imposed upon any nation. It arises in our connection in this way, from the fact that this House found it impossible through the whole 110 years to devise any system of common taxation which would apply to the two countries.

Ireland has suffered most terribly because we have attempted to apply a system of taxation which did not suit the country. It is not a question that one can go into at any length here; but this question is one that touches the very life of Ireland. It was most lamentable to hear the way this matter was dealt with in the speech of the right hon. Gentleman opposite. This is a serious question. Even he had to admit—that, after all, is the Irish Members' whole point—and Irish hon. Members who sit above the Gangway admit—this grievance of over-taxation. It astonishes me that their admission of this great grievance does not lead them to take a more temperate view of the very moderate Bill that the Government has brought forward. When the historian comes to look back at the history of Ireland for the last three centuries, looking at the seventeenth century, he will see that apart from the wars that took place, that England did most harm in Ireland by the cruel blows which she struck at Irish trade. With regard to the eighteenth century, the historian will say that the penal laws passed by England were the greatest disgrace to that century. In regard to the nineteenth century the historian will say that for the first time England put taxes on Ireland, and that the result of that taxation was more dreadful to that unhappy country than either the penal laws or the destruction of trade in the previous century. One may allude with some confidence to this question because of what has been examined in connection with it.

There was a time in the earlier days of the Opposition when we discussed the matter, with bare benches in front of us. "Wisdom," however, "has been justified of her children," and now this financial question broods over the whole thing. Instead of a Bill being brought in and argued on merely constitutional grounds, as was largely the case in 1886 and 1893, we have had two large speeches from the Government on finance. I venture to say that the points raised there will secure far more consideration as the Bill goes on than perhaps Members are prepared to acknowledge. What is the reason? The reason is that the matter has been thrashed out. Everybody knows about it. A revolutionary change has been brought about in the relations between Great Britain and Ireland by the examination which has been made of this question. I am alluding, of course, to the Royal Commission which reported in 1896. There had been no inquiry before the Bill of 1886 or before the Bill of 1893. How could the authors of the Bills of 1893 frame a fair system for Ireland? They had nothing to guide them. Now we have these valuable reports. By the way, I cannot help on this occasion mentioning the point raised by the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Cork, who spoke earlier this evening. He said that the Bill of 1886 was about £5,000,000 better for Ireland than this Bill. That was rather a dark saying at first to me, but there is a sense in which the hon. Gentleman was perfectly right. At that time the taxation of Ireland was between £6,000,000 and £7,000,000. Now it is £10,800,000 as the Prime Minister has told us.

8.0 P.M.

Therefore £4,000,000 more are being wrung out of Ireland to-day than if the finances of the matter had been dealt with in 1886. This is a question which Englishmen—I mean those representing English constituencies—find it very difficult to realise the gravity of. They will perhaps say that if taxation has increased so has population and wealth, but Ireland's population has diminished. A heavier burden has been placed on a smaller nation, and, in spite of all that is said, I venture to say the nation has made very little progress in wealth. But I want to look at the matter from a more general standpoint for the moment. The Royal Commission made a most interesting Report in regard to this matter. It dealt first with the history of the period, and it said that the Union had "laid a burden upon Ireland which the country was unable to bear." In 1853 this House levied taxes not justified at the time. Then the Report came down to 1894 and 1896, and it showed by calculation that something like £3,000,000 too much were at that time being wrung out of Ireland. Hon. Gentlemen opposite should in fairness remember this. They are writing in all their papers about the £2,000,000 that we have heard so much about that this House is giving under the Bill to Ireland. The answer that the Government has made is a good one: that £1,500,000 is given now without the Bill, and if you had no Bill more still will be given. But there is a better answer, namely, that for 110 years vast sums amounting to hundreds of millions have been given in this same way. It will be said by hon. Gentlemen opposite, "Oh, we dispute the whole thing. The findings are not accepted by us, and there is no injustice at all; we repudiate it. The Irish are as well treated as the British." Well, let us see what can be made of that argument. I say I think the Government is treated very unfairly from this point of view. They have in their Bill been obliged to recognise this new revolution in regard to the finances of Ireland. So that the Unionist Government from 1886 to 1906, when it was constantly obliged to recognise the new grasp of the Irish question, and all their policy was shaped with a sense of trying to repair the injury that Great Britain had done, perhaps blindly and ignorantly, but had certainly done to Ireland in previous years.

I have a most interesting document in my hand in the form of a "Whip" I received in 1897 for a Debate which really laid the foundations for better financial treatment for Ireland, and which treatment was introduced, I quite admit, by hon. Gentlemen now sitting on the Front Bench opposite. We had a Debate in 1897. In 1896 a measure was passed through this House called the Agricultural Rate Act, in which Ireland had been cheated, or at any rate, unfairly treated. On the 6th May, 1897, an Irish Member was able to bring the matter forward, and there was a great Debate in this House, one of the greatest that ever took place upon any Irish question, and which revolutionised once and for all the whole policy hitherto pursued, and which laid the foundations of the new Tory policy, and for this Bill. The Debate turned on the question whether Ireland should be treated, let us say fairly, and should receive £800,000 or be put off at a meagre sum of £150,000, which the British taxpayer offered. I do not want to go into the details, but I do want to mention this Whip to which I have referred. The Whip, which I received on the morning of that Debate, was signed by eight gentlemen, and these eight gentlemen were: Edward Blake, Edward Carson, T. M. Healy, W. J. Leckey, Horace Plunkett, P. J. Power, John Redmond, and S. W. Wolffe. The Leader of the Irish Unionist Opposition to this Home Rule Bill signed that Whip in conjunction with the Leader of the Irish Nationalist party for fair play and reasonable financial treatment for Ireland. The Debate was very remarkable, as I am sure the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down will remember.

At first the Government of the day presented a stiff front. The Chancellor of the Exchequer was Sir Michael Hicks Beach, but Conservative after Conservative and Tory after Tory from Ulster got up and denounced their own Government, and at last the Government gave way and promised that not only would there be fair financial treatment for Ireland, but that county government would be conceded to Ireland. That was a great night for Ireland. It was only the beginning of the new Tory policy, and was followed by the County Councils Act next year, followed by a Bill establishing the Board of Agriculture in Ireland, followed by the Development Grant, followed by Land Purchase, and then a more remarkable thing still followed. I have here the prospectus of the Irish Reform Association, which developed a great measure of devolution as a settlement of all these other measures; in short, a Tory Home Rule policy was brought forward directly as the result of these financial Debates and as a triumph for Ireland. But, unfortunately, the Tory Home Rule policy came to an untimely end, but we ought to remember this great financial Debate to which I have alluded. In connection with this great movement I have a number of names with which, however, I will not trouble the House. I see among them the names of Tories like Lord Dunraven and Lord Rathmore. I do not wish to give any more lest I should be inaccurate as to their politics, but I have the whole list of the gentlemen who took part in that movement. It came to an untimely end, and the Chief Secretary of that day, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover (Mr. Wyndham) resigned, and so the devolution policy failed and Tory Home Rule went no further. Bui what I want to direct the attention of the House to is this, that that policy of moderate Home Rule, or "devolution" as they called it, proceeded directly out of the new faith and spirit which had been developed in this House with regard to Irish finances owing to the revelation of the Irish financial Commission.

Here to-day we have a Chief Secretary, overburdened with the weight of this Home Rule Bill, accused of giving away the taxpayer's money and treated most unfairly in every way. Who was it laid the foundations of this new policy? Hon. Gentlemen who preceded my right hon. Friend in office. It was the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover. I am far from blaming him, but it was he and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour). I say that at that time we Liberals who were sitting upon the benches opposite behaved with far more patriotism than do the Tories to-day. The Liberal party did not believe in all the principles of the Government of that day, but they said this is a great question and it ought to be dealt with. The Liberals did not make it a party question, but we said, "Let us arrive at the solution of this old quarrel," and we supported the Government, The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down will remember that I, sitting then where he is now, was always ready to assist the Government in endeavouring to get this old sore, which was a disgrace to this country and a reproach to the British Empire, healed. Why cannot Gentlemen opposite make the same return to us? Hon. Gentlemen upon the opposite side may say, "We were right, but you are wrong." Well, we did not think they were right. We said something must be done, and so the Liberals extended their support to Tory measures; and I think we may now claim, when some great Liberal proposals are brought forward, that they should receive a little more consideration from the Tory party then they have received up to the present time. This House has maintained its character for dealing with great Imperial questions by treating them from the non-party standpoint. It always treats Colonial questions and foreign questions from the non-party standpoint, and I wish hon. Gentlemen opposite would be a little more reasonable and try and treat this Home Rule Bill from a more moderate point of view.

You say you want to find some protection for the Protestants of Ulster. I am an Ulster Protestant, and I understand that question perfectly. I come from one of the counties of Ulster where protection might really be thought to be wanted. If hon. Gentlemen opposite would only learn to see that it would be better for them. Cavan is an important county in Ulster; it is as important as any of the four on the northern coast. If hon. Gentlemen opposite would only understand that they would easily get the solution of this question. What danger can there be in Antrim or Armagh, where the majority is Protestant and where the Protestants know well how to defend themselves and their rights? Who can touch them in these counties? If there be any danger it must be in a county like Cavan where the Protestants are only 16 per cent., and where there is a great Catholic majority. All I can say is none of the Protestants there are afraid. They never suffered any religious persecution and they do not believe it will ever arise. Ascendancy in Ireland has arisen because it is the belief of the minority. A minority in order to assert itself must always be more or less violent; a majority can be gentle and quiet and give fair play, so I think upon this question there might be a great deal more moderation of feeling than has been shown by the party opposite.

There is one finding of the Royal Commission of a curious character which the people of this country never studied, but which went to the bottom of the whole relationship between the two islands. The fourth point in the findings of that Commission are in words like these, that uniformity of taxation does not produce equality of burden. That was the most interesting problem that was suggested to this House by the findings of the Royal Commission. This House always proceeded upon the supposition that if any article was taxed the same way in the two islands of Great Britain and Ireland perfect justice was done, and that is was nonsense to say you committed any injustice so long as the people in England and Ireland paid exactly the same taxes upon the same articles. The Royal Commission blew that argument into the air. They proceeded to give illustrations which showed that the same taxes in two different countries may become the most formidable weapon of oppression in one of these countries that any Parliament could wield, and the illustrations were shown to be perfectly convincing. Two countries were taken, not Great Britain and Ireland, but Great Britain and France. We were told that if Great Britain and France were taken as one country for taxation and if we laid a duty upon tea, France would pay practically nothing, but that if we levied a duty upon coffee England would pay practically nothing, or only about one-tenth of what France would pay. If we levied a duty upon wine France would be ruined while England would pay-nothing, and this matter of uniformity of taxation producing equality of burden was discovered by this inquiry to be one of the greatest fallacies which any assembly could make use of. Out of this discovery there grew up an interesting demand which has arisen in Ireland. Ireland was perfectly startled to hear that the revenue she was paying was £10,800,000. The right hon. Gentleman who preceded me drew the happy conclusion from that that Ireland was prosperous. That is the English feeling, but there never is any growth of revenue in Ireland, it only grows by putting on new taxes or raising old taxes, and no extra money is produced in any other way.

The hon. Gentleman could not make any interruption that would have done him less credit. He has not studied the question. A penny in the Income Tax produces less in Ireland now than in 1853. Ireland was a prosperous country with 5,500,000 people then, now she has 4,200,000, and her wealth has also diminished. A penny in the £ on the Income Tax in England now produces double what it did forty years ago. You can get no increase from Ireland except by the imposition of fresh burdens, whereas in England and Scotland, owing to the growing prosperity, you get increased revenue from taxes wisely put on. I am only mentioning these points in order to show that there is a very grave question here to be considered, and that this Parliament may do a very grievous wrong against Ireland, which can only be set right by such a measure as my right hon. Friend has introduced. Perhaps the House will notice one point about the criticisms which have been made in regard to this financial proposal. Hon. Gentlemen opposite have referred to the provision that the Irish Parliament can increase any tax by 10 per cent. They have not noticed that Ireland can abolish the Tea Tax, although I do not believe that Ireland will do any such thing. I believe that Ireland will make her burdens lighter. If she does not she will be proceeding differently from what she did when she was granted county councils, because in that case during the first seven years the rates went down 2d. This Bill is based upon the principle of allowing Ireland to manage her own affairs and can any hon. Member opposite say that that is not a reasonable proposition1? If hon. Members opposite have any better proposition, why not bring it along and endeavour to put this Bill into a better shape instead of going on with wild talk, as if this Bill was not aimed at real evils.

and as if it was not justified by previous history.

The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London asked hon. Members to look at every line of the Bill from the standpoint of Wales and Scotland, and everybody seems to be doing it. So far I have avoided all that. Not long ago I uttered a note of warning about this point, and I stated that I would not say anything about Scotland just yet, and I said let us work away in Ireland. I am in favour of the Colonial Home Rule which was promised to Ireland last year. I am in favour of the same Constitution as Canada, not because I am against federation, but I mean federation of the Empire, and when the other parts come in Ireland will come in as well. I think that possibly that principle is embodied in this Bill, but the more we confine it to a measure dealing with Ireland the better we shall escape criticism, and the less we shall provoke the hostility of hon. Members opposite. With regard to the proposal that forty-two Irish Members should be retained in this House I have never changed my views. I am now speaking as a British Member, although I am an Irishman. I think the Irish Members are a nuisance in this House. I hope that statement is not out of order, and I mean it in no disrespectful way. The Irish Members have destroyed our Parliament, and it is owing to them that we have all these closures and all the changes that have taken place in this House. Look at their unprincipled interference the other day with the Bill for the emancipation of women. They dealt with that question very dramatically, because in May last year thirty-one of the Irish Members supported Woman Suffrage, whereas in March this year thirty-one of them voted against that measure. How can any House survive when that kind of thing is going on? If that is so, I think it is a good thing to reduce the number of the Irish Members to forty-two, but I think it would be better if there were none at all. As regards taxation, I do not think this Bill is rightly understood, although I agree that the best explanation of a complicated Bill I ever heard in regard to its financial provisions was made yesterday by the Postmaster-General. I think the right hon. Gentleman, however, "will not contradict me when I say that all these provisions are prepared with the idea of giving Ireland, when she can pay her way and get rid of her deficit, a fuller measure of autonomy.

It is no good talking about the Day of Judgment to-day. Let us go on quietly, and every improvement we make will tend to make matters better. Ireland is the only country in the world of any importance without a Customs House, and knows nothing about her own business. A Customs House to a nation is the same as lungs to the human being, and without a Customs House you cannot tell anything about what goes in or out of the country. I am in favour of all these advanced notions, and I wish to promote a spirit of the utmost friendliness to this country. I believe that the better constitution this House gives to Ireland the closer will be the union between the two countries. I was very pleased to hear the contribution made by the hon. Member for Cork to-night to our Debate. I agree that in my opinion all the defects in this measure can easily be cured in Committee. I appeal to hon. Gentlemen opposite to unite with us at once and close this long-standing quarrel in order to establish relations between the two countries which will stand the test of time.

I had not the advantage of hearing the right hon. Gentleman opposite during the whole of his speech, but I heard him say that he thought the county of Cavan was the most important county in Ireland. On that point I differ from the right hon. Gentleman because I think that county Antrim, which I represent, is by far the most important in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman dealt with the finance of this Bill, and I will not attempt to follow him through the very difficult and complicated points which he raised. I frankly admit that I have not grasped the financial situation yet as it will appear in the Bill, in spite of the Postmaster-General's clear statement yesterday. I think that these financial questions, amongst others, will lead to endless complications and endless difficulties between the proposed Irish Government and the Imperial Government at Westminster. When an Ulster Member rises to speak on what to him is so serious a question as this Home Rule Bill he need not waste the time of the House explaining for what purposes he rises. I need hardly say that, as an Ulster Unionist, I join with my colleagues not only in opposing the Bill, but to state that I look upon the Bill with loathing and bitter resentment. Nothing that we can say describes too strongly our determined opposition to this measure. I hope the House will not mind ifs as an Ulster Member, I deal with the question mainly from the Ulster Unionist point of view. I am sure the House, after the great demonstration we had only a few days ago in Belfast, where countless thousands were assembled in opposition to this Bill, needs no reminding that this Ulster opposition is the ugliest, the most stubborn, and the fiercest which the Government and their Nationalist supporters will have to confront. On that Minister who proceeds to push through this measure will rest a most grave responsibility for the future.

The safeguards were admirably criticised by my right hon. Friend the senior Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) yesterday. I entirely agree with him that as safeguards they are altogether useless from the Protestant and Ulster point of view. They are very much the same as they were in the Bill of 1893, and we look upon them with no more satisfaction than the safeguards in that Bill were looked upon by the Unionists in those days. Indeed, there is so little in the Bill to give any shadow of hope or confidence to the Unionists, and especially to the Protestant minority in Ireland, that I cannot help wondering whether the Government are really sincere in the manner in which this Bill has been introduced. Surely, from all we have heard about the safeguards of the Protestant interests, we might have expected the Prime Minister would have thrown out some suggestion which would tend to weaken the Ulster Protestant opposition. Nothing of the sort was to be found in the Prime Minister's remarks, and one cannot help thinking, therefore, that in some respects this Bill is only an instalment of the payment which the Government owe to the Nationalists for their recent support of the Budget, and such measures, of which they conscientiously did not approve. One might at least have expected that a much more fair and that even a generous representation would have been given to the Ulster Unionist minority in Ireland in the proposed Senate. I was honestly surprised at the proposed constitution of this Senate. I did think, from the suggestions we have recently heard and from the attitude the Government is supposed to hold on this question, that the Ulster Unionist minority would have been given a generous representation, perhaps even more representation in the Senate than their numbers might entitle them to have. What do we find 1 Nothing of the sort. The first Senate is to be nominated by the present Government, and naturally we know what sort of Senate that will be. After a few years, it is to be nominated by the Irish Government, and we equally know that will be a Nationalist Senate. That naturally does not give us any shadow of hope of any safeguards so far as the Senate is concerned. Besides that, if Home Rule is ever established in Ireland, it will be Single-Chamber Government in a far worse form than the Single-Chamber Government under which we now suffer in this Parliament.

I will deal shortly with the question of the racial and religious differences in Ireland which unfortunately separate the people. I honestly look upon this question as a very sad one. and I sincerely wish something could arise which would diminish the very bitter feeling and the very clear line which unfortunately marks the two races in our country. Many Members-from England would hardly believe such differences exist as is illustrated by an instance I will give the House. I know a case in which a little time ago two gamekeepers, one a Protestant and the other a Roman Catholic, were attacked by a body of poachers. The Roman Catholic held aloof and left the whole contest to fall upon his Protestant fellow gamekeeper. When the whole fray was over, the Roman Catholic apologised to his fellow gamekeeper for having deserted him in this struggle, saying he recognised the poachers as belonging to his own party and as Roman Catholics. "How could I," he said, "do otherwise than stand aside in that case?" [An HON. MEMBER: "Bosh!"] It is not bosh; it is perfectly true. It is most unfortunate that sort of thing does happen. It may not be of much interest, and I only-mention it to show hon. Members from England how very acute, and, I admit, how unreasonable, is the feeling in some cases between the two parties. I honestly be-live, if some hon. Gentlemen opposite, especially some Presbyterian Members from Scotland, were in our position, they would oppose this Bill as strenuously and as determinedly as we do. If we were to change places with them, and they happened to have all their interests in Ireland, as we have, and they represented the feeling there is in Ireland, I can only hope we should show a little more sympathy to them than they appear to show to us.

It is an undoubted fact that until this question became imminent, the gulf which separates parties in Ireland, the dividing line, was becoming less acute, and a greater spirit of toleration and fairness was rising on both sides. A more tolerant feeling was undoubtedly growing, but this Bill will only be a match to inflammable material, which will be fed by the fuel of party bitterness as this Bill proceeds on its devastating course. There can be no doubt of that. We then come to what is really the crux of the whole question, and I have listened in vain for any speech dealing with this point. What really tangible and substantial benefit is any party in Ireland going to receive if this Bill becomes law? That strikes me as an extraordinary thing about this Bill. There is no solid reason why Home Rule should be granted to Ireland. The desire for Home Rule is in many cases only a matter of sentiment, and I firmly believe if this matter could only be left alone and Liberals would not take up this line, which they pretend is for the pacification of Ireland, it would indeed be better for all concerned. I heard the Chief Secretary not long ago, when challenged from these benches to point to any benefit which might come to Ireland, refer to the question of Irish education; but surely that is a question which, if it wants reforming, can be adequately dealt with in this House. Then there is that other argument—the argument of congestion in this House. That I am convinced is a very poor argument. I believe, as the right hon. Gentleman who yesterday led off this Debate told us, that the difficulties that will arise under this Bill between Ireland and this Parliament, will cause a much greater congestion of acrimonious business here than ever before.

May I say a word about the so-called Liberal party in Ulster, a party which the Chief Liberal Whip endeavoured to stimulate as far as he could until this Bill came to the front. We hear very little now of the Liberal party from Ulster. We may scan the benches of this House very minutely and not find a single representative of it here. That confutes the argument of the hon. Member who preceded me; it shows that if there is any demand for Home Rule in Protestant Ulster it is infinitesimally small. May I give the House an instance which arose in my own Constituency? At the time I was first returned to this House in January, 1910, the gentleman who was then president of the Mid-Antrim Liberal Association resigned his position. He said he did so on the ground of ill-health. No doubt that had something to do with it, but I believe he will not resent my saying that the question of Home Rule which was then beginning to come markedly to the front hastened his retirement from the presidency of that association. He was succeeded by a gentleman who held the presidency for a few months till, I think, approximately January last, and at that time the introduction of the Bill was so imminent that he resigned his chairmanship and came straight, within a week or two on to a platform of my own in support of the Union, on the occasion when the Junior Member for Dublin University addressed a meeting in the central town in my Constituency. I think that is a very remarkable fact, and it shows that hon. Members opposite are not justified in bringing forward the argument that the Liberal Protestant party in Ulster are favourable to Home Rule. Then he was succeeded by a Gentleman who said distinctly when he accepted the presidency of this Liberal association that he would only hold it until the introduction of the Bill, and that was as much as to say that he would not continue his presidency unless he found that the Bill absolutely safeguarded Protestant interests. I thank the House for having listened to what I have had to say, and I appeal most earnestly to the Government to remember that there is a large and formidable party in Ulster who are determined to go to any length rather than submit to this Bill. That is really and seriously a condition which they must appreciate, and I cannot believe that the Government are determined to push this Bill through relentlessly and without any consideration. If they do, grave will be the responsibility on the Government for bringing about a state of disorder and, possibly, civil war in Ireland.

I am sure the House has been extremely interested by the speech of the hon. and gallant Member for Mid-Antrim, but there are two or three points that require a further statement from these benches. It has been assumed all the way through this Debate that the whole interests of Ulster lay in the hands of the Orange party. I am astonished at that statement being made time after time in connection with this Debate. The only interest that they represent in this House is the ascendency interest. I think it will be found certainly that large industrial magnates in the city of Belfast are largely in favour of a Bill of the character we are now discussing. The hon. and gallant Member mentioned a certain demonstration. I want to say that if it were possible within the next week or two for the Members sitting on those benches to go over to Belfast we could get a demonstration in Belfast itself, and not outside, which would give, if not a unanimous vote, certainly a distinctly favourable vote for a Bill of this character, provided there were no attempt to stir up the religious animosity which unfortunately does exist. I think I am safe in saying that the way in which this matter has been approached by the Unionist Members who sit in this House has been simply a matter of carrying on a policy to obscure the real issues.

We hear much talk about the industrial interests of North-East Ulster, and much about the prosperity, in particular, of Belfast. I have some knowledge of the industrial conditions which have prevailed in Belfast during the last fifteen years. I know the industrial conditions of Great Britain well; I know nearly all the great industrial towns in England as well as in Scotland and in Wales. But I know of no places where there are such abominable sweating conditions as those which exist in Belfast in certain trades, and I am perfectly certain of this, that if Belfast workmen in particular could be shown what, I believe, they could be shown, that a Bill of this character would do much to remedy those abominable conditions, they would give a vote strongly in favour of this Bill. I was astonished at the speech made by the right hon. Member for Fulham (Mr. Hayes Fisher). For a jumble of figures I never heard an exhibition like that which he gave on this occasion. Although he got up for the express purpose of dealing with this Bill, his arguments did not touch the principle at all. He only juggled with the figures. He missed the main principle. He said he represented a great English constituency. Now I am an Irishman, although I had not the privilege and honour of being born in Ireland. I was born and have lived in England all my life. I have the honour of representing a constituency which I believe, in point of industrial importance, is second to none in this country, and I say that so far as the workmen of that constituency and England is concerned, what would be the result if this Bill were submitted to them, even as it stands now, without taking into consideration the fact that in future discussions it will be made much clearer. As one who knows the industrial democracy of Great Britain and Ireland, I say that they are strongly in favour of some measure of justice, in the form of this Bill, being given to Ireland.

The Unionist Members from Ulster could not frighten the industrial democracy of Great Britain with the bogies of separation or religious intolerance. There was a time when that could be done, when there was prejudice in the minds of the British working men and women in regard to previous Bills. But since that period the schoolmaster has been abroad and we have a totally different type, in point of thought, at any rate, in the working class electors now upon the electoral roll. They know more about the history of Ireland in connection with these matters than the electors who were on the roll when the previous Bills were submitted to this House. The British working man gives credit to the Irishman for a certain amount of common sense. I rather doubt whether Members from North-East Ulster would give them that credit, because according to some of them we have not much common sense. The British working men to-day, who, after all, elect the Government of this country, know that if there were Home Rule to-morrow—full and complete Home Rule, in a much broader sense than this Bill gives it to Ireland—and if the whole of the Members of the Parliament in Dublin were Catholics, they would have too much common sense to indulge in any act of religious persecution, even if they wanted to. They would know that if any such act were contemplated the net result would be a repeal of the Act that gave them Home Rule. There is too much common sense among the Irish people to indulge in actions of that character.

With regard to the bogey of separation I think that is dead. No sane man believes in that to-day. If he does, let me suggest to him one or two points. Irishmen know that separation would involve one of two alternatives. Either they would have to build a Navy and establish a standing Army or they would have to invite some other country to come over and give them protection. With regard to the latter point, without in the least committing my colleagues, but speaking as an individual Irishman, I say we have had too much of British rule, and that if we get one party off our backs we are not going to invite another to get on. With regard to the question of building a Navy and establishing an Army, Ireland can never be a rich country in the sense that England is rich, and, so far as I am personally concerned, I hope it never will be. I do not want to see the black blotches that we call towns in the North of England established all over Ireland. Therefore it will never be possible for an Irish Parliament even had they the desire to indulge in expenditure of that character. It is said that the fact that Ireland has been governed well for twenty years does away with the claim of Irishmen for self-government. Something has been said about rebels, and rebellion is anathema of course to Ulster Unionists unless it suits their purpose. But has no concession ever been made to what are I believe erroneously called rebels? Take the Land Acts for instance; the Land Acts were given to conciliate a people on the verge of rebellion as a result of a vicious land system, and it comes with a very bad grace from Members who have passed those Acts to say that this Bill ought not to be given to Irishmen because they are rebels. The fact that Ireland has been well governed does not do away with the claim for self-government. I cannot forget the eternal truth of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman's statement, that good government is no substitute for self-government. Sentiment must count for something in this matter. Take my own personal position. I was not born in Ireland. I have lived in England all my life, but I feel more keenly on the question of the aspirations of the Irish people than even my own father. If this Bill did not make some recognition of that sentiment I should consider it as Dead Sea fruit. In spite of the fact that we do not agree upon many points with hon. Members opposite, I believe we are all proud to claim that we are Irishmen, and I want Unionist Members in this matter of sentiment to see eye-to-eye with us, at least some way, in regard to this question of self-government. I have never yet known people who refused self-government unless they were degenerate. In view of the fact that this Bill does give safeguards, in view of the fact that you have a nominated Senate—I utterly disagree with it, but I agree to it going into the Bill if it in any way meets hon. Members from Ulster—in view of the fact that this is a Home Rule Bill I do not see how hon. Members from Ulster can reject it, and I would appeal to them to consider it in that light.

May I at once assure the hon. Member that the Ulster Members will not take this Bill in any circumstances whatever. Consequently his appeal falls on deaf ears, and he may take it from me that any appeals of that kind will be met in exactly the same way.

I take is as coming from the hon. and gallant Gentleman himself, but I do not take it as representing the views of the working classes of Ulster. Hon. Gentlemen opposite are not here acting in any representative character on this question at all, and the proof of that could be obtained if the working classes of Belfast in particular could be addressed without stirring up religious animosities. From what I know of those connected with the Labour movement in Belfast, I can tell Unionist Members who represent Belfast now that they had better consider how they will go on when they have lost their seats to Labour Members in an Irish Parliament, because the Labour movement there is determined that economic questions shall be the main political consideration, and they are going to push them for all they are worth. I did make that appeal, and I wind up with that appeal. The hon Member (Mr. William Moore) said last night that this Bill is going to give the Nationalist party all they want, and about ten minutes later he scouted the very idea that the Bill was going to make Ireland a nation. You cannot have a thing both ways, and in view of the fact that, according to the statement made by hon. Members opposite, the Bill is but an extension of the devolution which was going to come from the Unionist Benches, I think they ought to accept it. For myself I agree at once that it goes further. It gives to the people the priceless boon of self-government—the right to govern their own country according to the ideas of the majority of the people of the country. That being so, I hope the Bill will go through, and, repeating the words of the hon. Member (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald), we shall support it through thick and thin. We are concerned, not so much with the details as with the fact that, in our judgment, it gives the Irish people that for which they have struggled for centuries, and in that sense it will satisfy them. Therefore it will be one of the greatest acts of Imperialism that even this Government has been responsible for.

I believe there were some Liberals who up to the last moment believed that the Bill which the Prime Minister was going to introduce would be a sort of glorified County Councils Bill, but I think they now see that it will be a rival to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster. There was a good deal of talk about maintaining the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament in Ireland. I should like to know how the Prime Minister is going to maintain that supremacy. In the ultimate result it can only be done by an armed force, and if it is necessary to maintain an army and a second set of officials to keep this Irish Parliament in order, the question naturally arises why interfere with the present system. But the Prime Minister knows full well that the supremacy of this Imperial Parliament will be a myth. In reality the Imperial Parliament can no more interfere with the acts of Colonial Parliaments than it can with this Irish Chamber or with the German Reichstag. It is important therefore that the British people should realise that Home Rule, as outlined by the Prime Minister, must result in the long run in an independent Parliament for Ireland. Home Rule means the reversal of that policy which has been pursued by England since the Norman Conquest. History has shown us that the authors of Home Rule are not original. Ireland and Scotland arid Wales, to say nothing of the different divisions of England, have all had their separate Parliament. These Parliaments were wiped out because they resulted in friction and weakness, which prevented the unity which the people were striving for. Home Rule is not only an act of lunacy so far as the British people are concerned, but it is an act of lunacy carried out in the face of the lessons of history. It may suit the Nationalist book to declare at present that what they desire is only a limited control, but when a suitable opportunity affords itself they will demand an independent Parliament. It must not be forgotten that a dependent and an independent Parliament have been tried before in Ireland and they both failed. The Union Parliament was found a success, and yet it is this successful system that the Prime Minister proposes to upset, and if he succeeds we must tread over again the same weary circle, beginning with a dependent, which will inevitably be followed by an independent Parliament, and then, by revolution and conquest, coming back to the Union Parliament. If Home Rule means anything it means the beginning of a process of separation which must end in the two countries being independent of one another.

9.0 P. M.

I should like to know if the English people have counted the cost of this movement. Are they prepared to have a hostile nation established on their western flank? Are they prepared to run the same risks as they did in the time of Grattan's Parliament? Even assuming the very best of an Irish Parliament, we know there is bound to be continual friction with the Parliament at Westminster, and, having regard to the past history of the Nationalists, it is absurd to suppose that they intend to work harmoniously with the British Parliament. Even in Dublin a fortnight ago a late Member of the House of Commons, Professor Kettle, one of the leaders of the Home Rule movement, objected to the presence of the Union Jack on a private building. The British people must realise now that Home Rule means separation and the establishment of a hostile nation close to their very door. In the past they have profited by the fact that the Protestants have been ready to make any and every sacrifice for England, but if the Irish Protestants are handed over to their hereditary enemies, what incentive will there be for assisting England? Treachery does not conduce to the growth of loyalty and Home Rule would mean treachery on the part of England towards the Protestants of Ireland. While the particular principles of this Home Rule scheme are, if anything, more vicious than that of Mr. Gladstone's, the details are certainly more objectionable. Take for example the retention of the Irish Members at Westminster. In 1886 it was proposed to exclude the Irish Members altogether. The natural objection was that that meant separation. In the second Bill it was proposed to retain them, but to limit their votes to Imperial purposes. The Prime Minister's plan may be briefly explained. He proposes to retain forty Irish Members at Westminster. They will still have the power of making and unmaking British Parliaments, but the British people will have absolutely no voice in the composition of the Irish Parliament. These Irish Members will come over to Westminster and dictate their terms when the opportunity affords itself. Home Rule will not mean, as some Irishmen and Scotchmen vainly imagine, the elimination of the Irish element from British politics. Irishmen will have the privilege of managing their affairs free from any outside interference, but at the same time the Prime Minister proposes to give an opportunity of managing their affairs to the British people as well. If there is a spark of independence left among the British people they will resent this unfair arrangement. If the Nationalists insist on having a Parliament of their own, they should not be permitted to manage the affairs of Great Britain.

But the grievance from the British point of view does not end here. The Nationalists not only ask for a Parliament, but they actually have the audacity to demand that the British people will pay for the maintenance of that Parliament. So long as Ireland remains a partner in the United Kingdom she is entitled to generous treatment; but if Ireland determines to set up housekeeping on her own account, then I say she ought to pay her own bills. There is no truth in the allegation that Ireland has been overtaxed since the Union. If Nationalists want to appeal to the Act of Union, they must remember that for a period of 111 years Ireland ought to have paid ll¾ per cent, of the Imperial expenditure. If they wish to appeal to Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bills, they will find that under the first Ireland should be contributing £6,474,000, whilst under the second she should be contributing £3,486,000. Ireland was poorer in 1886 and 1893 than she is at the present time, as is shown by the fact that imports and exports have increased by £27,000,000 in the last six years. Since 1893 the deposits in the Irish Joint Stock Banks have increased from £34,500,000 to £56,000,000, and in the same period the deposits in the Post Office Savings Bank have trebly increased. Yet in the face of this remarkable progress, we find the Prime Minister departing from Mr. Gladstone's financial policy, and actually proposing to saddle the British taxpayers with burdens they ought never to be called upon to bear. While Great Britain is not to be allowed a voice in the management of Irish affairs, the British people are to be compelled to pay for the upkeep of the Irish Parliament.

The money paid for land already sold, or in course of being sold, amounts now to £117,000,000, and it is estimated that £80,000,000 more will be necessary for the purchase of the remainder of the land. Supposing that friction takes place between the two Parliaments, and the Nationalists revive the plan of campaign, how is the British Parliament going to collect that money? The whole machinery of the Government of the country will be, as we know, in the hands of the Nationalists. I do not think they would be very considerate of the feelings of the British taxpayers. Under Home Rule it is unjust to ask the British people to be responsible for the financing of the Land Purchase Acts. If the Nationalists are as capable business people as they say they are, why should they be denied this privilege? The explanation of this is to be found in the fact that the Prime Minister knows the Irish Parliament will be absolutely devoid of credit. The British people are also to be forced to pay old age pensions in Ireland. I think that this will present a delightful opportunity for fleecing the British taxpayers. Even with the present checks which the Imperial Treasury has devised there are abuses, but under the Prime Minister's system there will be every incentive to wholesale corruption. The whole of the proposals in the financial part of the Bill are absolutely chaotic and unworkable, and this can only result in doing grave injury to Great Britain and in the ultimate bankruptcy of Ireland. In 1886 and 1893 we were assured that the finances of Home Rule were perfect, but I know that many Nationalists have been forced to admit that if either of these Bills had passed, Ireland now would be a bankrupt country. How, then, can we place reliance on the assurances given by the Prime Minister? As to the guarantees given against religious persecution, I do not think that they will be worth the paper they are written on. The value of safeguards depends on the ability to give effect to them, and with the Government in the hands of the Nationalists it would be very easy to ride roughshod over these safeguards. If the Irish Parliament ignores the limitations contained in the Bill, what will the British Government do? There is only one effective step to take, and that will be to abolish the Irish Parliament. Therefore I ask, Why establish a Parliament to-day which you may have to abolish to-morrow? Ulster will reject this Bill as emphatically as it rejected the last two Bills. Ulster men have absolutely made up their minds on this question, and they will absolutely ignore the decrees of a Dublin Parliament. How is this situation going to be met? I would like to ask this one pertinent question. Are Imperial troops going to be employed to shoot down men whose only crime is loyalty to Great Britain? All that Ulster men ask is to be allowed to remain as they are at present, citizens of the United Kingdom. More than that they do not ask, and less than that they will not take.

We are now approaching the end of the first stage in this discussion. I am afraid that until one has seen the Bill it is not right for me to hope that I can avoid travelling over ground which has been traversed already, but what I intend to do, or try to do, is to examine the ground on which the introduction of this Bill is justified, to consider as briefly as I can some of the proposals in the Bill itself, and then to consider the circumstances under which and the methods by which it is proposed to carry this Bill through Parliament. I was struck, as I am sure most Members of the House must have been, by the reminiscences of the old struggles of 1886 and 1893 which we regarded only from the outside. The old argument which Mr. Gladstone placed before this House with such matchless force had almost all disappeared. The Prime Minister justified the introduction of his Bill, mainly, I think I may say almost exclusively, on two grounds, on the grounds that the overwhelming majority of Irish Members had over and over again in the most emphatic way demanded Home Rule, and on the ground also of the congestion of this House which it is suggested that this Bill will relieve. I wish the House to consider and weigh carefully exactly the length which the argument about the desire of the Irish Members inevitably leads. They desire Home Rule. Therefore we must grant it. If this Bill is a final settlement, is a permanent working arrangement between the two countries, well and good. But if not the Irish Members will then have their own Parliament. They will present their demands through their own Parliament in a way just as constitutional as the way they present them now as Members of this House, and by the admission of the Prime Minister, by the very grounds on which he justifies his Bill, we shall be absolutely precluded from refusing that constitutional demand whatever it is—whether for a change in the restrictions or for complete autonomy or complete independence—we shall be precluded, absolutely from denying them the claim which they constitutionally make.

In these circumstances it is very important to consider whether this Bill can be a final settlement. I am not going to quote, if I can help it, many speeches; I can only quote two extracts in this connection. The hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) told us again the other day that he stands where Parnell stood. The quotation which I desire to read is from a speech of Mr. Parnell. It is not one of those speeches in which he claimed complete independence for his country. It was a speech made in 1891 in reference to the Home Rule proposals which Mr. Gladstone was then recommending to the country. He said:— therefore what does matter, what is vitally important, is whether, in the nature of things, this is a measure which can be a permanent working arrangement. Is there any Member of this House who honestly believes that this can be the final settlement of the arrangement between the two countries? It is a constitution which none of our self-governing Colonies would submit to for a single week. It cannot, in the nature of things, last.

I am ready to say for myself, and I believe that I represent the view of the great majority of my Friends, that if it were necessary or if it were possible to grant Home Rule—and for reasons which I shall give later, I do not think it is possible—I would grant it fully and completely. I would give to Ireland precisely the same powers which are enjoyed now by Canada, and I would do it for this reason. By that arrangement you would have a chance of a friendly Ireland. Under this Bill there is absolutely no hope of a friendly Ireland. If things go wrong in Ireland anywhere—and inevitably they must go wrong sometimes— there would be a party in the Irish Parliament—and probably the whole Irish Parliament except the Unionists, and perhaps they may change their views by that time—[HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]— well, if we drive them out, I do not see why they should be expected to continue friendly—there will be a party in the Irish Parliament which will lay all the blame of all their misfortunes on the restrictions this House imposes upon them. That is inevitable. The agitation will remain as strong as now, with this difference, and this difference only, that you will have given to that agitation, in the Irish Parliament, a leverage which will make it infinitely more dangerous than it is at the present moment. In this matter there is no halfway house. Irishmen must either regard themselves as citizens of the United Kingdom, they must take their chance with the rest of us in the British House of Commons, in which they are representatives as much as we are—[HON. MEMBERS: "More."]—well, perhaps that will not continue for ever—in which they will always be represented to as great an extent as we are, they must take their good fortune and their bad fortune in that arrangement, or they must be regarded as a separate nation, which the Prime Minister called them the other day, entitled to all the rights of a nationality, and if they are that, then you have no right, moral, or any kind, except force, to interfere with anything which they desire to do.

The second ground on which the Prime Minister justified this view was the congestion of business in this House; and he actually suggested at great length that this Bill was going to remove or mitigate that congestion. He gave illustrations the absurdity of which was sufficiently pointed out yesterday. We are to have forty-two Irish Members still in this House. How, then, is the congestion to be removed? The numbers, it is true, are reduced, but there is no one who has been even a year in this House who does not know that forty Members, if they are in earnest, not to speak of forty Irish Members can take up the time which the House could possibly give them on any subject. In this arrangement both sections of Ireland will be represented—the minority and the majority. Every subject of controversy in the Irish Parliament, every subject which has excited animosity there, will be discussed over again in this Parliament, and our last state will be worse than the first. That is obvious. It was pointed out by the hon. and learned Member for Waterford in 1893, and it was pointed out by another Gentleman, a Member of the present Government, in words so forcible that I should like to read them to the House. It was Lord Morley who said:— Government to make such a proposal, except for the reason which was given by my Noble Friend the Member for Oxford University (Lord Hugh Cecil) yesterday, that England has no national sentiment. It is obviously unjust; nobody can defend it, and I believe it will be found that Englishmen have a little common sense as well as national sentiment. If they be here at all, why do you reduce their number? They either have the right to be represented according to their full population, or they have no right at all? What did Mr. Gladstone say about that? He said that if Ireland were represented not by eighty Members, but by thirty or forty, the effect would be that the object of the retention would not be gained, because the voice and vote of Ireland would not be adequately given. The right hon. Gentleman the Postmaster-General (Mr. Herbert Samuel), in dealing with the point made by my right hon. Friend the Member for the City (Mr. Balfour), asked the question if my right hon. Friend objected because the number of Irish Members was too many or too few? The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City in his speech had already given an answer, a sufficiently obvious answer, that if the Irish are partners in the United Kingdom your Bill gives them forty-two too few Members; if they are not partners, it gives them forty-two too many.

I wish now to turn to the financial proposals of this Bill, so far as I have been able to understand them, from the two speeches delivered by Members of the Government. This at least is plain: we are going to set up Ireland on her own account, and we are going to give her an endowment of at least two millions sterling a year in order to enable her to set up on her own account. But that is not the end of it. There are the reserved services. The right hon. Gentleman said nothing about the growth of the amount on account of National Insurance. I have looked into that a little. Judging by the actuary's report of the growth for the next two or three years for the whole Kingdom, it is obvious that our contribution to Ireland for that cause alone will increase to the extent of at least several hundred thousand pounds. But there is still another consideration. Does the House realise what happens every year that we discuss the Budget 1 Every year Amendments are made to take off or reduce the duties on such things as tea, sugar, and sometimes "tobacco. What happens now? If the Chancellor of the Exchequer here ever fulfils the pledge which has been given so often to reduce these duties, not only will the British Exchequer lose that, but we shall pay for the reduction in Ireland, whether the duties are reduced or not. The taxation will be taken off Ireland, but the amount given to Ireland will not be reduced. There is another point, and a very important one, in connection with the financial arrangements. The Prime Minister used what I thought was not a very effective argument in reference to a speech made by myself. In that speech I stated that so long as Ireland was part of the United Kingdom we should complete land purchase, and we should do everything in our power to develop the resources of Ireland. Is not that natural? It is our concern. We are simply developing our own estate; and, more than that, we are developing it under our own control. We know how the money will be spent, and we know that in future, as in the past, the expenditure of that money will bring increased prosperity to Ireland, and in that increased prosperity England and Scotland will share. What is the Prime Minister's argument? [HON. MEMBERS: "Where is he?"]

The Prime Minister used an argument which I do not think very worthy. It was this: "Cut your losses. The British people are going to gain by this arrangement in their pockets." Do hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway realise that that cuts both ways? If there is any truth in it, and the English taxpayer gains, then the Irish taxpayer must lose. But is that true? The right hon. Gentleman says we are going to cut our losses, but Ministers have told us very little about the further development of land purchase. I presume that the loan for that purpose is to be guaranteed by the British Government. That will mean £80,000,000, or something like it, and given under what conditions? We are gambling on the chance of good government in Ireland. Instead of cutting our losses if, as the result of this arrangement, there is not good government in Ireland, we shall throw £80,000,000 into the sea and lose the money. And the right hon. Gentleman the Postmaster-General gave us a reason by which he led the House to believe that this endowment, this tribute, would gradually cease. What was the ground of that suggestion? It was based on the assumption that the revenue of Ireland would increase, but what if the industrial prosperity goes back, what then? We shall have to pay the same amount. Our tribute will increase automatically in proportion as Ireland does not advance, and is there any ground to offer that it may go back? Remember that at this moment two-thirds of the Customs revenue of Ireland is collected in the city of Belfast. Remember also that the men who control the industries of Ireland have said that they believe the setting up of such a Parliament would mean not retrogression, but the ruin of Irish industries; and have not only said it, but have shown their belief in it in another way. Every time that this subject has come forward—in 1886, and in 1893, and now again—there has been a great fall in all Irish industrial securities, always when Home Rule has come forward. I quite admit that since this Bill was introduced the fall has not gone any further, but why? Because they do not believe the Bill is going to pass. If they did believe it was going to pass there would not be a fall, there would be a panic.

I ask the House to look at these wonderful financial proposals from another point of view. They are certainly going to set up one new industry in Ireland, the industry of smuggling. Just think what the proposals mean. The Irish Parliament is to have the right to reduce to any extent they like any duty imposed by this Parliament. Take the duty on tea or on tobacco. Suppose they take off the duty on tea, and make the duty on tobacco half what it is, in that case you will only have to have a Custom House arrangement just as complete as you have now with any foreign country, but more than that if they halve the tax in the case of tobacco, and with tea it will be precisely the same. The kind of tobacco I smoke costs 6d. or 7d. If the duty in Ireland were half the amount the price would be between 3d. and 4d., and it would pay me—it would pay every consumer in England—to have all their tobacco and all their tea come from Ireland by Parcel Post. What then are you doing? You are not only setting up a system which will mean that every ship coming from Ireland to the United Kingdom will have to be examined, but every parcel and every passenger will have to be examined, and, as it appears to me, every parcel which goes through the post will have to be opened. And that is the proposal of a Free Trade Government. Up till now not only the practice but the whole experience of mankind has shown— [Interruption]—I am sure hon. Gentlemen opposite intend to listen to me. They have good reasons for doing so. The experience and the practice of the whole world has shown that the first and essential state to national unity is fiscal union. Take the case of the United States. It was not the War of Independence that made the United States a nation. After the War of Independence, when they had different fiscal systems, there was so much jealousy between States inside and States on the sea border that they were more than once on the point of war with each other. It was the work of Alexander Hamilton to give one fiscal system for the whole United States, and by so doing he made the United States a nation, and you are upsetting that arrangement.

The next point to which I would direct the attention of the House is the guarantees for the minority. That is very important, to judge by the speeches of those who are in favour of this Bill. What are the protections for the minority? There is first the Senate. The hon. Member for Waterford, very ingenuously I think, told us the other day that he was in favour of a nominated Senate. Of course he is in favour of it, or it would not be in the Bill. What interests me is to know whether the Government or those behind them are in favour of it. It is to be nominated—the last word of democracy—and by whom? By His Majesty's Government. The appointments will be made, I suppose, by the Chief Secretary, but which Chief Secretary? Will it be by the right hon. Gentleman who is to follow me or the hon. Member who has been described by the hon. Member for Waterford as the "real Chief Secretary." From past experience there is no one who has any difficulty in answering that question. The appointments will be made by the hon. Gentleman below the Gangway. I wonder if before he makes them he will make the candidates sign the party pledge. But there are safeguards in the Bill; there is no doubt about that. Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway are not going to take any risks. They think that a nominated Senate, if it has an eight years' run, might be independent, no matter how it was appointed, and they are not going to run that risk. The two bodies in the event of conflict are to vote together. In the last Bill the number of the Irish Members was 103, of whom there would have been about twenty-five Unionists. If the whole Senate voted with them, that would make sixty-five against between seventy-five and eighty. That is running it too close. They cannot risk that. Therefore they have increased the number of the Lower House to 164, so that they may be certain, under any circumstances, of a majority of between forty and fifty. And that is the first protection of the minority!

Then we have the veto. The Prime Minister made great play with the veto. So did the hon. Member for "Waterford. He said it was exercised in regard to our great self-governing Dominions. I can assure him he is entirely wrong. It is never exercised in regard to any matter of domestic interest in any one of the Dominions. I know enough about Canada to know that if any Government attempted to exercise it, both parties in Canada would unite in opposition to it. The last occasion, so far as I can recollect, on which there was an attempt to exercise it, was in regard to a very small self-governing colony. That was a case where the governor thought, rightly or wrongly—I am not going into particulars —that a Bill was not only bad, but the result of jobbery, and he stopped it. The moment the Colonial Secretary heard of it he sent a message, "You have no right to stop it; you must let the self-governing Government take its own way, whatever the result may be." In the nature of things that must always be so. Nothing is more certain in this world than that one democratic Parliament cannot control another democratic Parliament. The hon. Member for Waterford calmly suggested that if the Irish Parliament were to pass something obviously unfair to the minority we would reject it. But the Irish Parliament would not think it unfair or they would not have passed it. The moment we rejected it, what would happen? The Government would resign, and they would be supported by the Irish Parliament. No other Government would take its place, and we should have either to give away or to take away again the Government which we are now giving.

Take, next, the guarantees with regard to religious liberties. I have never spoken on this subject, and I dislike to speak about it, for, whatever my views in other respects are, I am certainly not bigoted in religion. The hon. Member for Waterford has told us over and over again that there is nothing which he resents so much as the charge that there would be any religious intolerance under the new Parliament. So far as the hon. Member for Waterford is concerned, I accept in full what he has said. I do not believe he would be more apt himself to exercise intolerance to a Protestant than I should be to a Roman Catholic. I accept that. But will he have the power? I ask the House, and I ask hon. Members opposite to remember this. The Protestants in Ireland, nine-tenths of them at least, do believe that under this Parliament they will suffer disabilities. They have said so in every possible way at their meetings, where the most representative men in all denominations have expressed their view. And who are the men who hold this view? The hon. Member for Mayo (Mr. Dillon) said yesterday that this was not a question of religion; it was a question of ascendency. What about the Presbyterians in Ireland? Up to 1886 they always belonged to the party opposite. They supported Catholic emancipation in 1829. They supported the disestablishment of the Irish Church in 1869. They supported all Mr. Gladstone's Bills. I know many of them. I have read the writings of many of them, and I have seen no reason whatever to believe that they are a bit more intolerant than men of the same religion in Scotland. Yet, with absolute unanimity, they do fear religious disabilities under Home Rule. I hope they are wrong. I do not say they are right. I hope they are wrong. But do not be under any illusion. The only safeguard is the tolerance of the Irish majority. There is no other. You can put nothing in your Bill which will protect them. It is impossible. My Noble Friend the Member for Oxford University (Lord H. Cecil) gave an instance yesterday where he suggested that Protestant preachers might, by Act of Parliament, be prevented from preaching. The Government would deal with it in precisely the same way. as the Home Secretary the other day dealt with a man in London who was making speeches which were thought to be improper. It is a question of the Executive Government. The hon. Member for North-East Cork (Mr. T. Healy) told us to-night that this is not the repeal of the Union. That is quite true in a sense; but in a sense it goes much further than the repeal of the Union. In Grattan's Parliament there never was an Irish Executive. There was always a British Executive. The life and liberty of individuals do not depend on your legislation; they depend on the Executive.

I said earlier that it is impossible to grant Home Rule. That is my opinion. I think it is impossible. The opposition of Ulster, or, if you do not like to hear it called Ulster, of the North-East corner of Ireland, makes it impossible. That is my opinion. I cannot understand on what grounds of justice, in the face of the principle on which hon. Members opposite justify this Bill, they can pretend that they are going to force the people of Ulster to submit to a Government which they detest and abhor. Why do they bring forward this Home Rule Bill at all? The Prime Minister dealt with the point in his speech. It is because, with the best intentions, we here do not understand the sentiments and the point of view of the people of Ireland. Do the Nationalists understand the point of view of the men of Ulster? The gulf between these two peoples in Ireland is really far wider than the gulf between Ireland and Great Britain. The number of men in that part of Ireland which you call the North-East corner are as homogeneous as are the Nationalists in the other parts of Ireland. The Prime Minister spoke of them as a small minority. They are a minority, but why a small minority? It is true they only send twenty Members or thereabouts to this House. What is more important is that the votes of those Members are not for sale! They are not a small minority.

The Nationalists of Ireland, as compared with the whole of the United Kingdom, are about a fifteenth of the population. In Belfast and the surrounding counties, where the feeling is overwhelmingly Unionist, they are a million of people —something, like a fourth of the whole population of Ireland. If therefore there is any ground upon which you can say that the Nationalists of Ireland are entitled to separate treatment as against us, the ground is far stronger for separate treatment for Ulster. What is regarded as one of the greatest crimes of despotism in the past? It is, and has always been considered, the transference of allegiance against their will of small nationalities. Well, it is the fact—I do not rejoice, I am sorry for it—for I agree with Sir Horace Plunkett, who said that the trouble between England and Ireland was due not so much to differences between England and Ireland as to differences between Irishmen and Irishmen—it is the fact—that these people look upon their being subject to an executive Government taken out of the Parliament in Dublin with as much horror, I believe with more horror, than the people of Poland ever regarded their being put under subjection by Russia. You are proposing to commit this crime, and to commit it in the name of liberty!

10.0 P.M.

As the House knows, I was present last week at a gathering of these people. It is really difficult for me, and I am afraid it is impossible to tell what I saw, and to ex press what I feel, without those who were not witnesses of it thinking that I am talking not only with exaggeration, but with bombast. I am glad to say there were a large number of Members of this House who did witness it, and they will know that no words I can use will adequately express the impressiveness of what I saw. I have been present at many political demonstrations, perhaps as large as has been held in this country in recent years. This gathering was not like any of them. It really was not like a political demonstration. It was the expression of the soul of a people—as I believe, a great people. They say they will not submit except by force to such a Government. How are you going to prevent that? I know that in what I am now going to say I run the risk of being told that I am talking incendiarism unworthy of the position which I hold. I take that risk. I have another duty, at least I think so, and that duty is to impress upon this House, if I can, and to impress upon the country, so far as my words can reach, the reality of the situation in Ireland. These people in Ulster are under no illusion. They know they cannot fight the British Army. [An HON. MEMBER: "They will try."] Some hon. Member below the Gangway said that the people of Ulster would urge the soldiers not to shoot. He was quite wrong. The people of Ulster know that if the soldiers receive orders to shoot, it will be their duty to obey. They will have no ill-will against them for obeying. But they know also, and I do ask hon. Members to believe this, at least—I think I am saying nothing that is not literally true—that these men believe, and are ready, in what they believe to be the cause of justice and liberty, to lay down their lives. How are you going to overcome that resistance?

Does anyone suppose that this Prime Minister would give orders to shoot? [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] I mean nothing offensive now. I have something to say to the right hon. Gentleman later. Do hon. Members believe that any Prime Minister could give orders to shoot down men whose only crime is that they refuse to be driven out of our community and be deprived of the privilege of British citizenship? The thing is impossible. All your talk about details, the union of hearts, and the rest of it is a sham. This is a reality. It is a rock, and on that rock this Bill or any Bill like it will inevitably make shipwreck. I said earlier that I was going to discuss the methods under which the Government proposed to carry this Bill. The Prime Minister the other day—Thursday—seemed to me—I may have mistaken him—to suggest that I would hesitate to repeat here what I have said at Belfast. I do not know why he should have that impression. I said no word in Belfast which I did not believe to be literally true and demonstrably true. I am glad to have the opportunity of not only repeating it here, but of proving it here. The right hon. Gentleman asks with that air of injured innocence to which we are getting accustomed: What had he to gain? He had everything to gain. He had eighty Irish votes to gain. He had place and power to gain. He had a laudable ambition, which has always been regarded as the last infirmity even of noble minds, to gain!

But there is something else for which I give him the credit of believing he attaches more importance than his personal ambition. He had to gain the ascendancy of the party for which he is responsible, and this Government more, in my belief, than any other that ever existed in the United Kingdom, has always put party interests before the interests of the country. There is another question: What had he to lose? He had to choose between seeing the people's Budget rejected by the representatives of the people and an abject surrender. He chose surrender. It comes natural to him. Practice has made him perfect. Now what is the point to which he referred? I said he was bringing forward this Bill not from conviction, but from expediency. Does not the whole history of the last twenty years prove that I was right? During the whole of that time he and his party have never touched Home Rule except when they were dependent upon the Irish vote. As I pointed out in previous Debates during their long career in Opposition, they never once moved an Amendment in favour of Home Rule from these benches in the whole of that time, and what is the Prime Minister's own record? Ever since the rejection of Mr. Gladstone's Bill in 1895—

I am speaking of the rejection by the people of this country in 1895, and ever since then what has been his record? Policies, he told us, ebbed and flowed. Men have come and gone, many election addresses have been issued, but one thing the right hon. Gentleman has been constant in, as the needle to the Pole, one thing he has been persistent and insistent in, he never once in any election address mentioned the subject of Home Rule. And he thinks these election addresses of no importance now. Other people do not think so. His allies from Ireland below the Gangway do not think so. The hon. and learned Gentleman for Waterford spoke of the Prime Minister using these words:—

I say I do not believe, and I do not think there is a man upon this side of the House who believes, that this Bill would have come before the House if the right hon. Gentleman had not been dependent on the Irish vote. And we are not alone in that belief. Take his allies below the Gangway from Ireland. The hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Waterford has precisely the same faith in the right hon. Gentleman's sincerity as we have, neither more nor less. The hon. and learned Gentleman said this at the time of the Budget:— the Irish Secretary, but the other one, the Chancellor of the Duchy, said:—

Now follow the next stage in this conspiracy — a conspiracy, the object of which is to pass Home Rule against the will of the people of this country. We come next to the guarantees, a pretty story. The right hon. Gentleman on Thursday flattered me by giving me the credit of inventing a new style. My right hon. Friend the Member for "the City, who was then the Leader of the Opposition, not like myself merely in this House, but in the country, spoke of that transaction in these words:— And when the secret history of these transactions is written the world will know how true it is. "A felon's stroke." "Treated the Crown abominably "—that is the old style—I prefer it to the new. It is deadlier than anything within my competence. Do you like it any better? [An HON. MEMBER: "Settle it between yourselves."] Has it not occurred to the right hon. Gentleman that what is new is not the style of the criticism, but the things that have to be criticised when we are dealing with a new standard of decency. Look at the next stage. [HON. MEMBERS: "Time."] I should have finished long ago, but for the interruptions. [HON. MEMBERS:"Oh, oh!"] They went to the country on the Parliament Bill, which had two definite sides—a rearrangement of the relations between the two Houses, and also a reform of the House of Lords. Napoleon gave to France a new proverb: "False as a bulletin." The Government have given to us a new proverb of "Lying as a preamble." They gave a pledge as definite as was ever given by any man in this world. They acknowledge the pledge, and the right hon. Gentleman described it as a debt of honour. The debt of honour must wait until he has paid his debt of shame. They have not paid the debt of honour. Why? Ask the hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. The hon. and learned Member for Waterford said: I have lost it, but it was to the effect, which the hon. Member will not deny, that he would not vote for the Reform of the House of Lords. That was enough. Why did the hon. Member not allow them to keep their debt of honour? For one reason, and a very good one. He knows that the only chance of passing this Bill is that the people of this country should not be allowed to say a word about it; and he knows, if there is any Second Chamber, however constituted, however democratic, a great change like this could not take place until it had been referred to the people of the country. They have played their cards very skilfully. No, they are the tools. The hon. Member for Waterford has played his game very skilfully, but I think it is a wrong kind of game. From his own point of view, I think it is the wrong game to play, and I will tell him why. If this Bill were openly submitted to the people of this country, there would be a difference between the Unionists in England and the Unionists in Ireland. Now there is none. We can imagine nothing which the Unionists in Ireland can do, which will not be justified, against a trick of this kind. And you will not succeed. Yon have taught us to divide the United Kingdom into units. We represent one unit, England. Has she nothing to say on a question like this? I say to the Government, and I say to the hon. Member for Waterford, you will not carry this Bill without submitting it to the people of this country, and, if you make an attempt, you will succeed only in breaking our Parliamentary machine.

The subject of this Debate being nominally Ireland and the better government of Ireland, and at all events the government of Ireland by somebody or other—being an Irish Debate, one of many we have had during the last century of Union of an animated and peculiar character—it is certainly not surprising to find that the greater part of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down has not been devoted to the problem of governing Ireland, but to an attack, violent, no doubt, impotent in my opinion, upon the character of my right hon. Friend the Prime Minister. We on this side of the House are quite content with our Prime Minister. We certainly do not envy the Opposition their new Leader. The right hon. Gentleman no doubt from the first moment he assumed his important office, which was put upon him by the unanimous vote of his own side, gave us to understand that he was a professor of strong language. He assured us that we should know the difference when this new Achilles left his tent, and we were given to understand—[HON. MEMBERS: "Ireland, Ireland."] As hon. Gentlemen opposite wish me to leave that subject, I do so with pleasure. It would be perfectly impossible—

I am quite willing to leave that subject to the judgment of the country and to all persons who have any regard for the best traditions of this House. The Bill which my right hon. Friend asked leave to introduce the other night is entitled a "Bill to amend the provision for the government of Ireland." That is a subject which this House has been busily engaged in discussing for the last hundred years. Numberless Debates have already taken place on that subject, and we are assured in many of the speeches of hon. Gentlemen opposite that the Act of Union, which we are now modifying and altering most materially—I agree—that that Act of Union brought about a result of which its name, at all events, gave some indication. But if you ask what are the feast days, the holidays and the gala days of this Act of Union during that hundred years, you will find them in the pages of "Hansard" on the eighty-six different occasions when the representatives responsible for the government of this House have come down to it and have asked for what are commonly called Acts of coercion. These are the only symbols you can produce of this so-called Act of Union, and every one of us knows, every historian knows, every foreign critic of our relations with Ireland knows perfectly well that of union, in the true and real sense, there never has been any. While there has been no union, there has, however, been—and it has been admitted quite frankly by hon. Gentlemen opposite—there has been a revolution. Everything during that last hundred years, everything in Ireland has changed, except one thing—one thing, and one thing only, has remained permanent arid immutable, and that is the demand of the great majority of the Irish people for a change in the form and in the aspect, perhaps even more in the aspect than in the form of their internal self-government. We are entitled, on an occasion like this, to bear these things in mind. Englishmen are the most stolid race in the whole world. They do the most astonishing things in every country except, indeed, in their own, where they are, I admit, somewhat sluggish. In every country but their own they do the most astonishing things, and then they forget all about them; go away indifferent, look on something else, consider something else, and then are surprised when, perhaps, after a long lapse of years, they are told that they have not only sanctioned, not only promoted, but accomplished a revolution. During these hundred years there has been, and nobody knows it better than the right hon. Gentlemen who have been personally concerned with the government of Ireland, a revolution in Ireland.

The Irish landlords have lost nearly all their influence, and have parted with half their territorial possessions—parted with them to a race, a hungry race, a land-hungry race, of small peasant proprietors. I say nothing against the old Irish gentry. Peace to their memory! I am quite prepared, with the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. William O'Brien) to invoke a blessing upon the bonus, which undoubtedly accelerated their departure. The Irish landlords were in no sense of the word bad fellows. They were the victims of the very worst system of land tenure that any diligent student of that dreary subject has ever come across. However, they have gone. The Parliamentary representation of the Irish counties, once their proud appanage, has disappeared from them, and passed into very different hands. The old names have disappeared, I hope not for ever, from our Division lists. Old country houses, which did so much to maintain the proud and jovial traditions of Irish hospitality, famous all the world over, are now, as everybody who travels about the country notices—even I confess I do so myself with regret—closed, or else they have become public institutions, schools, and colleges—[An HON. MEMBER: "Workhouses"]—no, not workhouses— and it may be religious institutions, where the only guests who are ever entertained are the inspectors of the Local Government Board or the Diocesan Visitor. What greater sign of revolution could you have than that referred to in the powerful speech made earlier in the evening by the hon. Member for North-East Cork (Mr. T. M. Healy)? You, the Tory party, ruthlessly, I think bravely, and in the result wisely, you ruthlessly tore away from the country gentlemen their one public vocation in life. They had plenty of avocations, but their one public vocation in life was the discharge of country and county business. You took it away from them completely, and handed it over to the small farmer and to the small shopkeeper. No completer somersault was ever made by any country, at any time, in the throes of any revolution. You did this, a most remarkable and startling thing. Somebody has asked me what is my opinion of these new Irish county councils. I am not much addicted to panegyrise any body of men, whether they be directors of the bank of England, or members of a county council. And, of course, as President of the Local Government Board, my attention is never called to their well doings but only to their occasional evil or irregular doings. This much I can say for them. The action, the courageous, the rash but none the less courageous action, of 1898 has been fully justified in the result, for every year that has passed since the commencement of the operations of the Act has heightened the character and increased the efficiency, and, I think, already gone far completely to establish the reputation of these county councils.

It is an extraordinary thing to my mind that you should find these things not only in rural Ireland but also in urban Ireland. The towns of Ireland—I am not speaking of the great towns, but of the very numerous smaller towns in Ireland—are awakening to a public life, to a public sense of duty, and to a demand, far too long delayed, though again and again recommended in some of those innumerable Reports with which the Irish Office is simply blocked, Reports of Commissioners, of examiners, and of persons who have been appointed to go all about Ireland and say what things should be done, long years ago said that one of the most absolute essentials for Ireland was that these small towns should have their areas so increased that their rateable value might be sufficient to enable them to carry out themselves those sanitary operations which are necessary for their existence. But now all over Ireland, not only in the rural, but in the urban districts, there is this same new and public life. I was very glad when the hon. Member (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) referred to Belfast. Belfast does not spend all its time in remembering the battle of the Boyne. Not at all. Or even in reciting the history of the siege of Deny. It is a great, throbbing, living community of working men, and their days and their hours are passed not merely in unremitting toil, but in sharing hopes, aspirations and ambitions which will require and will receive a full working out when the opportunity is given them. So it is all through Ireland. But—and this is the point—most of these revolutionary changes, of these new ideas, of this yeast of thought and improved feeling, of those aspirations in literature, poetry, the drama—despise these things if you choose: they are something in the history of nations and the history of a people—all these changes, all these emotions, all these feelings, whither are they tending, in what direction do they move? Are they making for or against self-government—Irish self-government on Irish soil?

I have observed this as closely as I possibly could during the five years and more that I have held the office entrusted to me, and I have no hesitation whatsoever in saying that the whole movement, this new movement in this new Ireland, which you yourselves, I frankly admit, have done so much to create, is in the direction of the demand to which this Bill gives, if you like to say it, inadequate expression. Are not these, at all events, the things which we ought at this hour mostly to consider? It is a new Ireland that has got to be governed. How do you propose to govern Ireland? I was much struck with that part of the right hon. Gentleman's speech which described, with evident sincerity, the sensations which he experienced on his late visit to Belfast. He seems to have no difficulty in thinking that the people in North-East Ulster are a separate people, almost a separate nationality. He witnessed there what he described as the soul of a people, and he felt how moving it was. But is there not another Ireland and would he not be moved equally much were he to see a great assembly and a great representation of hundreds of thousands of Irish Nationalists passionately demanding self-government for their country? Very well, let us, at all events, agree that there is not only in North-East Ulster, but in other parts and throughout the whole length and breadth of Ireland the same national demand, the same passionate feeling, and the same soul of a nation as he witnessed in Belfast the other day. But I confess that the point which I am most anxious to impress upon this House is— for God's sake do not make the cardinal error of supposing that, at this moment, the old Irish problem with which we are so familiar, and with which the whole House has been familiar for the last hundred years, has worked itself out. Do not go away and say, "Everything is all right for Ireland." We have been told by hon. Gentlemen opposite—it forms part of their case—that Ireland is peaceful, prosperous, and happy, that the whole horizon is without a cloud, that everything is going perfectly well, that a rich harvest is ripening under the sun, and that everything will be all right if you would only remember Lord Melbourne's favourite remark, "Why not leave it alone." That is all, it is said, that Ireland needs at the present moment. I confess that it does not seem to me so very long ago that I stood at this box, baited and badgered by the Tory party, who asked me to prove myself a man, to throw off the horrible yoke of hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway and to assert courageously that the condition of Ireland was such as to-demand the supension, or the setting aside, of the ordinary law, and to put people in gaol and keep them there without trial. All these things were forced upon me. As I had not the faintest, intention of doing anything of the kind, it did not affect me very much. But I feel bound now to remind hon. Members opposite that all is not perfectly well in Ireland, and I assert unhesitatingly that, both administratively and legislatively, nothing can be perfectly well in Ireland, and that Ireland can never be in the position her genius, her character, and her resources entitle her to, unless you reform her, both administratively and legislatively, so as to impose upon the people themselves the necessity of maintaining a strong Executive in Ireland. Why! the greatest and most distinguished, or, at all events, in my judgment the most distinguished man who ever led the Tory party, Mr. Disraeli, in one of his illuminating remarks familiar to everybody, and uttered, oddly enough, in this House, attributed the weakness of Ireland to an alien Church, to absentee landlords, and to the weakest Executive in the world. That was before me. I doubt very much whether my parents were so much as married at that time. The weakest Executive in the world, and the weakest Executive in the world it has ever since remained, whether the Chief Secretary of the day called himself a Tory or a Liberal. Weak it always was, and weak it must always remain until it has behind it the full force of the people of the country. They, and they alone, can put down village ruffianism. They and they alone can properly deal with concerted tyranny.

And as regards legislation, really I am amazed that hon. Gentlemen opposite from Ulster should be able to look me in the face and deny how constantly they have pestered me, and rightly they have pestered me, in order to introduce legislation for Ireland. Take the Poor Law, a question in which the people of Ireland, irrespective of party politics, are concerned. There was a Report upon the Poor Law, an admirable Report, four or five years ago which laid the path for immediate legislation upon that most important subject. Gentlemen opposite are just as much interested in it as Gentlemen below the Gangway. They have pestered me to bring it in. How can I bring it in? There is no time to bring it in. You did not bring it in anyhow. It was pressed just as much in your time as it has been in mine. [HON. MEMBERS: "It was your Report."] There may have been no report, but there was a very general consensus of opinion on the subject, and after all we all feel, everybody must feel, apart from religious prejudice in the matter, that such a question as that peculiarly touching Ireland, such as the Irish Members or people absolutely concerned with the government of Ireland can pretend to understand, would be dealt with far more quickly, and, I think, far more wisely, in a Parliament in which everybody, we hope, would be fully represented than by this House. Somebody said to me about the education question, "What do you propose to do with the education question?" God knows the education question requires to be dealt with in Ireland. I have laboured in that cause as hard as any mortal in my position could do, and without vanity I can say at all events non omnis moriar. What however I have succeeded in doing is indeed small. The question of primary education and secondary education and the position of the teacher in the secondary schools—all these things weigh more heavily on my heart than almost anything else, except some of the scenes of disorder which I know still do occur in Ireland. You have not cured that evil yet. These things must weigh heavily on the heart and the almost impotent hands of any Chief Secretary for Ireland. I care not whether he is a man of ten times my ability. Why cannot you now deal with this question of self-government. We have been told over and over again it is because in Ireland there are two camps and two religions. I am the last man in the world to dispute the gravity of religious sectarian differences. I have had charge of an Education Bill. I do not know whether the Noble Lord the Member for Oxford University (Lord Hugh Cecil) will support me in this matter now. I think he followed me pretty closely at that time. I have never underrated the importance of these differences or pretended for a single moment that they can be put upon one side, but when we are told that there are two religions in Ireland I am compelled to inquire which of them is the Christian religion? And what by any chance is the name of the other. In Ireland there is an overwhelming majority of the adherents of what used to be called in this country the old religion, that is, they belong to the Church of Rome. Is the Church of Rome a Christian Church or is it not 1 I do not hear any answer to that question. There are the Presbyterians in the North on the Scotch model. There are all over Ireland, beloved wherever they are, the Methodists, up and down, east and west, north and south. There are the Quakers, maintaining nobly the traditions of that marvellous community. There are Baptists and Congregationalists on the English model, and, of course, there are the Protestant Episcopalians, representing the most prosperous and successful survivors of the Elizabethan establishment. We have all these people in England; I know all of them perfectly well; but —and I honour you for the self-restraint that a great number of Members have exercised—you do not speak evil of the Church of Rome; you do not speak blasphemously or unkindly of her central service or of her creed or of her ritual. You do not do it. But what you do in effect, say, I think, one has said it out aloud in some meeting or other—that you can only trust Roman Catholics when they are swamped in a great Protestant majority over the whole of the United Kingdom. If that is really your true view, if you cannot trust Roman Catholics in Ireland, because in Ireland they are in the majority, if you insist on throwing them in hotch-potch so that the great Protestant majority here may swamp them, I say that is Protestant ascendancy. I do not believe that there is any truth in the statement that Roman Catholics are only fit to have civil rights and to be vested with the vote, and to be able to sit in Parliament, when they are in a permanent and perpetual minority.

It has been said over and over again. [HON. MEMBERS: "Name!"] Then nobody has said it; therefore the objection to the Roman Catholics in Ireland is not that they are in a majority. Then, I ask. if that is not the objection, what are you frightened for? The right hon. Gentleman himself distinctly said that he was rather indisposed to believe it, but that he was perfectly certain that the great body of Protestants in Ireland did really believe that were there to be an Irish Parliament entrusted with Irish affairs, inasmuch as the majority, possibly for a century or two to come at all events, of its members would belong to the Roman Catholic faith, they as Protestants would go in peril of something—either their lives or property, or at all events they would be under great political disadvantages. I do not believe that for a single moment. The right hon. Gentleman himself did not say that he believed in it, but he said that other people believed in it. Then it is a question of casuistry, how far are people entitled to put themselves across the line of a great demand for the better government of the country, simply because they say, "We do not think that under your new constitution we should be allowed to carry on our work, or to go about our business in the way we are at present." I really do not believe in this hypothetical and anticipatory treason. We are all of us potential rebels. I have no sympathy with persons who say, "Oh, no; you must never in any circumstances speak as if you would rebel." I am capable even myself, in my old age, of becoming a rebel—my imagination is not so lethargic, but I could conceive circumstances in which I possibly might—but I do think that any minority is bound, absolutely bound, to wait until there are some overt acts, until something is done, to place them under those unreasonable restraints; and if they were, need the Protestants of Ulster be alarmed? They do not need to invoke elderly barristers to lead them into the field. [Interruption and HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] They will have— [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] I think hon. Members are unduly squeamish. Surely the House of Commons is not reduced to the level of a nunnery, and we are entitled—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] I say they would have behind them the whole forces of the Empire. When Ulster tells

Division No. 70.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Beale, W. P.

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Acland, Francis Dyke

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Adamson, William

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D

Benn, W. W. (T. H' mt, St. George

Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)

Agnew, Sir George William

Bentham, G. J.

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Ainsworth, John Stirling

Bethell, Sir J. H.

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Alden, Percy

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Allen, A. A. (Dumbartonshire)

Black, Arthur W.

Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood)

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles Peter (Stroud)

Boland, John Pius

Chancellor, Henry George

Armitage, Robert

Booth, Frederick Handel

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Bottomley, Horatio

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Atherley-Jones, Llewellyn A.

Bowerman, C. W.

Clancy, John Joseph

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North)

clough, William

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Brace, William

Clynes, John R.

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock)

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Brocklehurst, William B.

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Barlow, Sir John Emmott (Somerset)

Brunner, John F. L.

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Barnes, G. N.

Bryce, J. Annan

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Barran, Sir J. N. (Hawick)

Buckmaster, Stanley O.

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Barran, Rowland Hurst (Leeds, N.)

Burke, E. Haviland.

Cowan, W. H.

me she will fight and that she will be right I answer, unhesitatingly, of course you will fight and of course you will be right whenever your religion is oppressed or your property differentiated and despoiled. Well, but are you entitled, or is any minority entitled, to say "We will boycott, and stop, and put an end to any alteration of which the vast or the great majority of our countrymen approve "? [HON. MEMBERS: "Never."] Very well, that is the issue, and the people of this country will have no difficulty in forming their own opinion. [An HON. MEMBER: "Give them the chance."] You had plenty of chances. [HON. MEMBERS: "When?"] Does the hon. and gallant Gentleman, for whom I have a great personal respect—

The hon. Gentleman cannot help it if I respect him. I do not wish to delay the House from this Division. [HON. MEMBERS: "What about the Bill?"] At the close of a Debate like this there is not the fullest and amplest time for discussion. Certainly, many of the speakers who preceded me, though certainly not the right hon. Gentleman, made speeches on the assumption that we were already in eternity. The time has gone by for this. I do not quarrel with them in the least. I have not lost my temper, I hope, at all.

rose in his place, and claimed to move: "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The House divided: Ayes, 360; Noes, 266.

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Hedge, John

Needham, Christopher T.

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Hogge, James Myles

Neilson, Francis

Crean, Eugene

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Crooks, William

Holt, Richard Durning

Nolan, Joseph

Crumley, Patrick

Hope, John Deans (Haddington)

Norman, Sir Henry

Cullinan, John

Horne, Charles Silvester (Ipswich)

Norton, Captain Cecil W.

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Hudson, Walter

Nuttall, Harry

Davies, E. William (Eifion)

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

O'Brien, William (Cork)

Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.)

Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Davies, M. (Vaughan (Cardigan)

John, Edward Thomas

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Dawes, J. A.

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

O' Doherty, Philip

De Forest, Baron

Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

O'Donnell, Thomas

Delany, William

Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)

Ogden, Fred

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe)

O'Grady, James

Devlin, Joseph

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Dewar, Sir J. A.

Jones, W. S. Glyn-(T. H'mts, Stepney)

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Dickinson, W. H.

Jowett, Frederick William

O'Malley, William

Dillon, John

Joyce, Michael

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Donelan, Captain A.

Keating, Matthew

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Doris, William

Kellaway, Frederick George

O'Shee, James John

Duffy, William J.

Kelly, Edward

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Kemp, Sir George

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

Parker, James (Halifax)

Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.)

Kilbride, Denis

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

King, Joseph

Pearce, William (Limehouse)

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid.)

Lamb, Ernest Henry

Pearson, Hon. Weetman H. M.

Elverston, Sir Harold

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon. S. Molton)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Philipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton)

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Lansbury, George

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Essex, Richard Walter

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Pointer, Joseph

Esslemont, George Birnie

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Pollard, Sir George H.

Falconer, James

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Farrell, James Patrick

Leach, Charles

Power, Patrick Joseph

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

Levy, Sir Maurice

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

Lewis, John Herbert

Price, Sir R. J. (Norfolk, E.)

Ffrench, Peter

Logan, John William

Priestley, Sir Arthur (Grantham)

Field, William

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Primrose, Hon. Neil James

Fitzgibbon, John

Lundon, Thomas

Pringle, William M. R.

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Lyell, Charles Henry

Radford, George Heynes

France, Gerald Ashburner

Lynch, Arthur Alfred

Raffan, Peter Wilson

Furness, Stephen

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

Raphael, Sir Herbert H.

Gelder, Sir William Alfred

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

McGhee, Richard

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Gilhooly, James

Maclean, Donald

Reddy, Michael

Ginnell, Laurence

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Gladstone, W. G. C.

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

Glanville, Harold James

Macpherson, James Ian

Rendall, Athelstan

Goldstone, Frank

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Richards, Thomas

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

M'Callum, John M.

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

M'Kean, John

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

Greig, Colonel James William

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Griffith, Ellis James

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Roberts, George H. (Norwich)

Guest, Hon. Major C. H. C. (Pembroke)

M' Laren, Hon. F. W. s. (Lincs, Spalding)

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

M' Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe)

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Guiney, Patrick

M' Micking, Major Gilbert

Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)

Gulland, John William

Manfield, Harry

Roch, Walter F.

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Markham, Sir Arthur Basil

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Hackett, John

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Roe, Sir Thomas

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Marshall, Arthur Harold

Rose, Sir Charles Day

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)

Martin, Joseph

Rowlands, James

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Rowntree, Arnold

Hardie, J. Keir

Masterman, C. F. G.

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Meagher, Michael

Russell, Rt. Hon. Thomas W.

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Meehan, Patrick A. (Queens Co.)

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

Menzies, Sir Walter

Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)

Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.)

Middlebrook, William

Scanlan, Thomas

Harwood, George

Millar, James Duncan

Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.

Haslam, James (Derbyshire)

Molloy, Michael

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton)

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Molteno, Percy Alport

Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B.

Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Hayden, John Patrick

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Sheehy, David

Hay ward, Evan

Montagu, Hon. E. S.

Sherwell, Arthur James

Healy, Maurice (Cork)

Mooney, John J.

Shortt, Edward

Healy, Timothy Michael (Cork, East)

Morgan, George Hay

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Helme, Norval Watson

Morrell, Philip

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)

Henry, Sir Charles

Muldoon, John

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

Munro, Robert

Snowden, Philip

Higham, John Sharp

Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Hinds, John

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Spicer, Sir Albert

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Nannettl, Joseph P.

Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.)

Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West)

Walsh, J. (Cork, South)

Wiles, Thomas

Summers, James Woolley

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Wilkie, Alexander

Sutherland, John E.

Walters, Sir John Tudor

Williams, J. (Glamorgan)

Sutton, John M.

Walton, Sir Joseph

Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Williamson, Sir A.

Taylor, T. C. (Radcliffe)

Wardle, George J.

Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.)

Tennant, Harold John

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Worcs., N.)

Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Thomas, J. H. (Derby)

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Winfrey, Richard

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Watt, Henry A.

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

Thorne, William (West Ham)

Wedgwood, Josiah C.

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

Toulmin, Sir George

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

Young, William (Perth, East)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Whitehouse, John Howard

Verney, Sir Harry

Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Master of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth.

Wadsworth, J.

Whyte, A. F.

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Horner, Andrew Long

Aitken, Sir William Max

Craik, Sir Henry

Houston, Robert Paterson

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Nlnian

Hume-Williams, Wm. Ellis

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Cripps. Sir C. A.

Hunt, Rowland

Anstruther-Gray, Major William

Croft, H. P.

Hunter, Sir Charles Rodk. (Bath)

Archer-Shee, Major M.

Dalrymple, Viscount

Ingleby, Holcombe

Astor, Waldorf

Denniss, E. R. B.

Jackson, Sir John

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, E.)

Baird, J. L.

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Doughty, Sir George

Joynson-Hicks, William

Baldwin, Stanley

Du Cros, Arthur Philip

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, London)

Duke, Henry Edward

Kerry, Earl of

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Keswick, Henry

Banner, John S. Harmood.

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

Kimber, Sir Henry

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Faber, Captain W. V. (Hants, W.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Barlow, Montague (Salford, S.)

Falle, Bertram Godfray

Knight, Capt. E. A.

Barnston, Harry

Fell, Arthur

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Fetherstonhaugh, Godfrey

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc., E.)

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Larmor, Sir J.

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.

Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Lee, Arthur Hamilton

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Fletcher, John Samuel

Lewisham, Viscount

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Forster, Henry William

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Foster, Philip Staveley

locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Bentinck, Lord H. Cavendish-

Gardner, Ernest

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Beresford, Lord Charles

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R.

Bigland, Alfred

Gibbs, G. A.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Bird, Alfred

Gilmour, Captain John

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Beles, Lieut.-Colonel Dennis Fertescue

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Goldman, Charles Sidney

Lowther, Claude (Cumberland, Eskdale)

Boyle, W. L. (Norfolk, Mid)

Goldsmith, Frank

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)

Boyton, James

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Lyttelton, Hon. J. G. (Dreitwich)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Mackinder, Halford J.

Bull, Sir William James

Grant, J. A.

Macmaster, Donald

Burdett-Coutts, William

Greene, Walter Raymond

M' Calmont, Colonel James

Burgoyne, Alan Hughes

Gretton, John

M' Mordie, Robert

Burn, Colonel C. R.

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Butcher, John George

Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Malcolm, Ian

Campion, W. R.

Haddock, George Bahr

Mallaby-Deeley, Harry

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Meysey-Thompson, E. C.

Cassel, Felix

Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Castlereagn, Viscount

Hambro, Angus Valdemar

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Cator, John

Hamersley, Alfred St. George

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Cave, George

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)

Moore, William

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Harris, Henry Percy

Mount, William Arthur

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Harrison-Broadley, M. B.

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.)

Helmsley, Viscount

Newdegate, F. A.

Chambers, J.

Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)

Newman, John R. P

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

clive, Captain Percy Archer

Hickman, Col. Thomas E.

Nield Herbert

Clyde, James Avon

Hill, Sir Clement L.

Norton-Griffiths, J.

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Hills, John Waller

O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)

Collings, Rt. Hon. J.

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Cory, sir Clifford John

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Courthope, George Loyd

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Parkes, Ebenezer

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington,)

Peel, Capt. R. F. (Woodbridge)

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Valentia, Viscount

Perkins, Walter Frank

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l, Walton)

Walker, Col. William Hall

Peto, Basil Edward

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Spear, Sir John Ward

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Stanier, Beville

Weigall, Captain A. G.

Pretyman, Ernest George

Stanley, Hon. Arthur (Ormskirk)

Wheler, Granville C. H.

Pryce-Jones, Colonel E.

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)

Quilter, Sir W. E. C.

Starkey, John Ralph

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)

Ratcliff, Major R. F.

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Winterton, Earl

Rawson, Col. Richard H.

Stewart, Gershom

Wolmer, Viscount

Remnant, James Farquharson

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, N.)

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Swift, Rigby

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Rolleston, Sir John

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Werthington-Evans, L.

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Rothschild, Lionel de

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Royds, Edmund

Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Rutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Yate, Col. C. E.

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Yerburgh, Robert

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, N.)

Younger, Sir George

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Thynne, Lord Alexander

Sanders, Robert Arthur

Tobin, Alfred Aspinall

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Lord

Sanderson, Lancelot

Touche, George Alexander

Balcarres and Mr. W. W. Ashley.

Sandys, G. J. (Somerset. Wells)

Tryon Captain George Clement

Question put accordingly, "That leave be given to bring in a Bill to amend the provision for the Government of Ireland."

The House divided: Ayes, 360; Noes, 266.

Division No. 71.]

AYES

[11.14 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Fitzgibbon, John

Acland, Francis Dyke

Clancy, John Joseph

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Adamson, William

Clough, William

France, Gerald Ashburner

Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D.

Clynes, John R.

Furness, Stephen

Agnew, Sir George William

Collins, Godfrey P. (Greenock)

Gelder, Sir Wiliam Alfred

Ainsworth, John Stirling

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Alden, Percy

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Gilhooly, James

Allen, Arthur Acland (Dumbartonshire)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Ginnell, Laurence

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Armitage, Robert

Cowen, W. H.

Glanville, Harold James

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Craig, Herbert James (Tynemouth)

Goldstone, Frank

Atherley-Jones, Llewellyn A.

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

Crean, Eugene

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Crooks, William

Greig, Col. James William

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Crumley, Patrick

Griffith, Ellis Jones

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Cullinan, John

Guest, Hon. Major C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Barlow, Sir John Emmott (Somerset)

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Barnes, G. N.

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Guiney, Patrick

Barran, Sir J. N. (Hawick)

Davies, Ellis William (Eifion)

Gulland, John William

Barran, Rowland Hurst (Leeds, N.)

Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Beale, W. P.

Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.)

Hackett, John

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan)

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Dawes. James Arthur

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)

Benn, W. W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.)

De Forest, Baron

Harcourt. Robert V. (Montrose)

Bentham, G. J.

Delany, William

Hardie, J. Keir

Bethell, Sir John Henry

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Devlin, Joseph

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

Black, Arthur W.

Dewar, Sir J. A.

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Boland, John Pius

Dickinson, W. H.

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

Booth, Frederick Handel

Dillon, John

Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.)

Bottomley, Horatio

Denelan, Captain A.

Harwood, George

Bowerman, C. W.

Doris, William

Haslam, James (Derbyshire)

Boyle, D. (Mayo N.)

Duffy, William J.

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Brace, William

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Havelock-Allan, Sir Henry

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Hayden, John Patrick

Brocklehurst, William B.

Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.)

Hayward, Evan

Brunner, John F. L.

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Healy, Maurice (Cork)

Bryce, J. Annan

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

Healy, Timothy Michael (Cork, East)

Buckmaster, Stanley O.

Elverston, Sir Harold

Helme, Nerval Watson

Burke, E. Haviland-

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary)

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Henry, Sir Charles S.

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Essex, Richard Walter

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)

Esslemont, George Birnie

Higham, John Sharp

Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)

Falconer, James

Hinds, John

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Farrell, James Patrick

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

Hodge, John

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

Hogge, James Myles

Cawley, H T. (Lancs., Heywood)

Ffrench, Peter

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Chancellor, Henry George

Field, William

Holt, Richard Durning

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Hope, John Deans (Haddington)

Horne, C. Silvester (Ipswich)

Morgan, George Hay

Rowntree, Arnold

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Morrell, Philip

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Hudson, Walter

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Russell, Rt. Hon. Thomas W.

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Muldoon, John

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Munro, Robert

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Jardine, Sir John (Roxburgh)

Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.

Samuel, S. M. (Whitechapel)

John, Edward Thomas

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Scanlan, Thomas

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir C. E.

Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)

Needham, Christopher T.

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton>

Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)

Neilson, Francis

Seely, Colonel Rt. Hon. J. E. B.

Jones, Leif Stratten (Notts, Rushcliffe)

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Nolan, Joseph

Sheehy, David

Jones, W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts, Stepney)

Norman, Sir Henry

Sherwell, Arthur James

Jowett, Frederick William

Norton, Captain Cecil W.

Shortt, Edward

Joyce, Michael

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Keating, Matthew

Nuttall, Harry

Smith, Albert (Lancs, Clitheroe)

Kellaway, Frederick George

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)

Kelly, Edward

O'Brien, William (Cork)

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

O'Connor, John (Kildare)

Snowden, Philip

Kilbride, Denis

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

King, Joseph

O'Doherty, Philip

Spicer, Sir Albert

Lamb, Ernest Henry

O'Donnell, Thomas

Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.)

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton)

Ogden, Fred

Strauss, Edward A. (Southwark, West)

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

O'Grady, James

Summers, James Weelley

Lansbury, George

0'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Sutherland, John E.

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Sutton, John E.

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

O'Malley, William

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Taylor, Theodore C. (Radclifle)

Leach, Charles

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Tennant, Harold John

Levy, Sir Maurice

O'Shee, James John

Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.)

Lewis, John Herbert

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Thomas, James Henry (Derby)

Logan, John William

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Parker, James (Halifax)

Thorne, Willaim (West Ham)

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Toulmin, Sir George

Lundon, Thomas

Pearce, William (Limehouse)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Lyell, C. H.

Pearson, Hon. Weetman H. M.

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Lynch, Arthur Alfred

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Verney, Sir Henry

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)

Philipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton)

Wadsworth, J.

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Walsh, J. (Cork, South)

McGhee, Richard

Pointer, Joseph

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Maclean, Donald

Pollard, Sir George H.

Walters, Sir John Tudor

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Walton, Sir Joseph

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Power, Patrick Joseph

Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Macpherson, James Ian

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Wardle, George J.

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.)

Waring, Walter

M'Callum, John M.

Priestley, Sir A. (Grantham)

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

M'Kean, John

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Primrose, Hon. Neill James

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Pringle, William M. R.

Watt, Henry A.

M'Laren, Hon. F.W.S. (Lincs., Spalding)

Radford, George Heynes

Wedgwood, Josiah C.

M'Laren, Walter S. B. (Ches., Crewe)

Raffan, Peter Wilson

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Raphael, Sir Herbert H.

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Manfield, Harry

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Whitehouse John Howard

Markham, Sir Arthur Basil

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.

Marks, Sir George Croydon

Reddy, Michael

Whyte, A. F. (Perth)

Marshall, Arthur Harold

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Wiles, Thomas

Martin, J.

Redmond, William (Clare)

Wilkie, Alexander

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Rendall, Athelstan

Williams, John (Glamorgan)

Masterman, C. F. G.

Richards, Thomas

Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough)

Meagher, Michael

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Williamson, Sir Archibald

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.)

Meehan, Patrick (Queen's Co.)

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Worcs. N.)

Menzies, Sir Walter

Roberts, George H. (Norwich)

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Middlebrook, William

Roberts, Sir J. (Denbighs)

Winfrey, Richard

Millar, James Duncan

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

Molloy, Michael

Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

Molteno, Percy Alport

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Young, William (Perth, East)

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Roe, Sir Thomas

Montagu, Hon. E. S.

Rose, Sir Charles Day

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Master of Elibank and Mr. Illingworth.

Mooney, John J.

Rowlands, James

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Baldwin, Stanley

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Aitken, Sir William Max

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.)

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Banner, John S. Harmood-

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Anstruther-Gray Major William

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Archer-Shee, Major Martin

Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

Astor, Waldorf

Barnston, Harry

Beresford, Lord Charles

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Bigland, Alfred

Baird, John Lawrence

Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc., E.)

Bird, Alfred

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Hambro, Angus Valdemar

Ormsby-Gore, Hon. William

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Hamersley, Alfred St. George

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Boyton, James

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Parkes, Ebenezer

Bridgeman, Wlliam Clive

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Bull, Sir William James

Harris, Henry Percy

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Burdett-Coutts, William

Harrison-Broadley, H. B.

Peel, Capt. R. F. (Woodbridge)

Burgoyne, Alan Hughes

Helmsley, Viscount

Perkins, Walter Frank

Burn, Colonel C. R.

Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon)

Peto, Basil Edward

Butcher, John George

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Campion, W. R.

Hickman, Colonel Thomas E.

Pretyman, Ernest George

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury)

Pryce-Jones, Col. E.

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Hills J. W.

Quilter, Sir William Eley C.

Cassel, Felix

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Ratcliff, Major R. F.

Castlereagh, Viscount

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Cator, John

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Rawson, Col. Richard H.

Cave, George

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Remnant, James Farquharson

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Horne, William E. (Surrey, Guildford)

Rolleston, Sir John

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Horner, Andrew Long

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Houston, Robert Paterson

Rothschild, Lionel de

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.)

Hume-Williams, Wm. Ellis

Royds, Edmund

Chambers, James

Hunt, Rowland

Rutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Hunter, Sir Charles Rodk (Bath)

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Ingleby, Holcombe

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Jackson, Sir John

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Clyde, James Avon

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset. E.)

Sanders, Robert Arthur

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Sanderson, Lancelot

Collings, Rt. Hon. J. (Birmingham)

Joynson-Hicks, William

Sandys, G. J.

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Cory, Sir Clifford John

Kerry, Earl of

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Courthope, George Loyd

Keswick, Henry

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (Liverp'I, Walton)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Kimber, Sir Henry

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Craig, Capt. James (Down, E.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Spear, Sir John Ward

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford

Stanier, Beville

Craik, Sir Henry

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Stanley, Hon. Arthur (Ormskirk)

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Cripps, Sir Charles Alfred

Larmor, Sir J.

Starkey, John Ralph

Croft, Henry Page

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Dalrymple, Viscount

Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)

Steel Maitland A. D.

Denniss, E. R. B.

Lee, Arthur Hamilton

Stewart, Gershom

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Lewisham, Viscount

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Swift, Rigby

Doughty, Sir George

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Sykes. Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Da Cros, Arthur Philip

Locker-Lampson, 0. (Ramsey)

Sykes, Mark (Huil, Central)

Duke, Henry Edward

Lockwood, Rt. Hon Lt.-Col. A. R.

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.)

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Faber, Captain W. V. (Hants, W.)

Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Falle, Bertram Godfray

Lowther, Claude (Cumberland, Eskdale)

Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, North)

Fell, Arthur

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)

Thynne, Lord Alexander

Fetherstonhaugh, Godfrey

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Tobin, Alfred Aspinall

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Touche, George Alexander

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Mackinder, Halford J.

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.

Macmaster, Donald

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Flannery, Sir J. Fortescue

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Valentia, Viscount

Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)

M'Mordie, Robert

Walker, Col. William Hall

Forster, Henry William

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine)

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

Foster, Philip Staveley

Magnus, Sir Philip

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)

Gardner, Ernest

Malcolm, Ian

Weigall, Captain A. G.

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Mallaby-Deeley, Harry

Wheler, Granville C. H.

Gibbs, George Abraham

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)

Gilmour, Captain J.

Meysey-Thompson, E. C.

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset. W.)

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Goldman, Charles Sydney

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Winterton, Earl

Goldsmith, Frank

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Wolmer, Viscount

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Moore, William

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Worthington-Evans, L.

Grant, J. A.

Mount, William Arthur

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Greene, W. R.

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Gretton, John

Newdegate, F. A.

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Newman, John R. P.

Yate, Col. C. E.

Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Yerburgh, Robert

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Younger, Sir George

Haddock, George Bahr

Nield, Herbert

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Norton-Griffiths, J.

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Lord

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)

Baicarres and Mr. W. W. Ashley.

Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Bill ordered to be brought in by the Prime Minister, Mr. Birrell, Mr. Herbert Samuel, Sir Edward Grey, Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Churchill, Sir Rufus Isaacs, and Sir John Simon. Presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday, 29th April, and to be printed. [Bill 136.]

Adjourned at Twenty-eight minutes after Eleven o'clock.