House of Commons
Thursday, April 18, 1912
Private Business
Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill (by Order),
Read a second time, and committed.
New Writ
For the County of Gloucester (Forest of Dean Division), in the room of Henry Webb, esquire, one of the Commissioners for executing the Office of Treasurer of the Exchequer of Great Britain and Lord High Treasurer of Ireland.—[ Mr. Illing-worth. ]
Colonial Reports (Annual)
Copy presented of Report No. 713 (St. Lucia, Annual Report for 1910) [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Irish Finance
Copy presented of Report by the Committee on Irish Finance [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Public Income and Expenditure
Account presented of the Public Income and Expenditure in the year ended 31st March, 1912, together with the Balances in the Exchequer at the commencement and at the termination of the year, and the Amounts received into or issued from the Exchequer, in respect of Funded and Unfunded Debt created or redeemed in the said year [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 96.]
Civil Servants (Retirement)
Copy ordered of Treasury Minute, dated the 12th day of April, 1912, stating the circumstances under which certain Civil servants have been retained in the Service after they have attained the age of sixty-five; and of the Return therein referred to.—[ Mr. Masterman. ]
Riots
Return presented relative thereto [Address 12th April; Mr. Ellis Griffith ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 97.]
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Germany and England
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether Germany has intimated that it would be ready to enter into an offensive and defensive alliance with England, as the only means of putting an end to the competition in armaments?
No, Sir.
Hague Opium Convention
asked the Secretary for Foreign Affairs whether he is prepared to lay Papers in regard to the recent Opium Convention at The Hague?
The report of the British delegates at the recent Opium Conference at The Hague has only just been received and has still to be considered by the various Departments concerned. The printed volumes containing the proceedings of the Conference and the documents laid before it were only received from the Netherland Government yesterday. It is therefore impossible as yet to decide what Papers, if any, can properly be laid before Parliament.
Will some Papers be laid very shortly?
I hope so.
Persia
asked whether Salared-Dowleh has flatly declined to comply with the recommendations made to him by the British and Russian Governments that he should leave Persia, but states that he intends to proclaim himself as Shah; and, if so, what steps the two Governments propose to take?
The reply to the first part of the hon. Member's question is in the affirmative. As for the second, in view of the situation, the two Governments have urged the Persian Government to hasten the arrival at Hamadan of the new Governor, Farman Farma, and to strengthen the forces under his command so as to enable him to deal with Salar-ed-Dowleh. According to the latest report received from His Majesty's Chargé d'Affaires at Teheran, Farman Farma, who has been halting at Kazvin, has now left for Hamadan.
Education (Ireland)
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if copies of the reports of the inspectors on schools vested in Diocesan and Presbytery Boards are forwarded by the Board of National Education to those Boards; and, if so, is this procedure in conflict with the statement on these documents, which declares them to be confidential and intended only for the information of the manager, teachers, and Board's (National) officers?
The Commissioners of National Education inform me that extracts from the inspectors' reports of their visits to certain schools in connection with which there are educational endowment schemes are sent confidentially for the information of the Boards of Governors under the respective schemes. As the Governors have general control of all schools coming under the schemes, and usually nominate the managers, the Commissioners do not consider that this procedure is in conflict with the spirit of the statement referred to. The statement will be amended so as to include Boards of Governors in future issues.
asked for the names and addresses of those Queen's scholars who completed a two years' training course in 1900, and were in the year 1900 appointed principals of schools with an average attendance of between thirty and fifty, who were paid, by the Commissioners of National Education at a higher rate of salary than £56 per annum, exclusive of residual capitation grant, and who were paid the ordinary salary of the National Board, respectively; and the reasons assigned by the Commissioners of National Education for this difference of treatment?
The Commissioners of National Education inform me that two teachers, who completed their training in 1900 and were appointed to schools with an average attendance of between thirty and fifty, were paid a higher salary than £56 per annum exclusive of residual capitation grant, and twenty-seven such teachers were paid the ordinary salary. In the case of the two teachers referred to the strict application of the rules in force in 1901–2 would, in the judgment of the Commissioners, have operated inequitably, and they were, under the powers then possessed by the Board, specially considered.
asked what percentage of assistant teachers were classed higher than third class in the year 1899; what percentage of assistant teachers are now graded higher than third grade; what is the cause of this decrease in the rate of promotion of assistants; how many assistants have been promoted from third grade to a higher grade since the year 1900; what steps do the Commissioners intend taking so as to ensure a more speedy promotion of deserving assistants; and what proportion of the proposed increase of the £25,000 now estimated for towards increasing national teachers' salaries will go towards the promotion of third grade assistants to a higher grade?
The Commissioners of National Education inform me that 51 per cent, of the assistant teachers were classed higher than third class in the year 1899, and 2 per cent, are now graded higher than third grade. The Commissioners are not aware of any decrease in the rate of promotion of these teachers. Two assistants have been promoted from the third grade to a higher grade since the year 1900. The Commissioners have no present intention of altering the rule in regard to the payment of assistant teachers. No special allocation of any portion of the sum referred to has been made for increase of the salaries of these teachers.
Bank Deposits (Ireland)
asked how much money there is in the Trustee Savings Banks of Ireland and the amount of deposits in the Post Office, and how much in the ordinary joint stock banks of the country (Ireland); and the average rate of interest paid?
The amount of the deposits in Trustee Savings Banks in Ireland on 31st December. 1911, was £2,566,084, the amount of the deposits in Post Office Savings Banks in Ireland on the same date was £12,479,000, and the amount of the deposits and cash balances in Irish Joint Stock Banks on that date was £57,094,986. The average rate of interest paid by Trustee Savings Banks in Ireland during the year ended 20th November, 1910, was £2 9s. 7d. per cent. The rate of interest paid on deposits by Post Office Savings Banks is 2 per cent., and by Irish Joint Stock Banks 2 per cent.
Old Age Pensions
asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland why an old man called John Reilley, Rossoddan, Bally-jamesduff, county Cavan, has been refused a pension, as, although his name does not appear on the parish registry, his age was certified as over seventy by a declaration before a magistrate by two old neighbours of seventy-eight and eighty; and, if this statement of claim is correct, will he see that this old man obtains a pension?
John Reilley's claim for an old age pension was disallowed by the Local Government Board on appeal on the grounds that he was unable to furnish satisfactory proof of age. The declaration referred to being merely an expression of opinion on the part of the two persons in question, and being unsupported by evidence of any kind, could not be accepted by the Board as sufficient to justify them in deciding that the claimant was over seventy years of age.
Glandore Harbour Lighthouse
asked whether any application had been made by the Congested Districts Board on behalf of the Glandore Harbour Lighthouse for an annual Grant to defray a portion of the working expenses; and, if so, did the Congested Districts Board give due attention to the matter?
The Congested Districts Board have paid two Grants of £5 each towards maintenance of the Glandore Harbour light during the past two years. No application for a Grant for this year has yet been received by the Board.
Chapel Disturbance (County Antrim)
asked the Chief Secretary whether on Easter Sunday evening an attack was made upon Mr. S. P. Kerr, J.P., a member of the Ulster Liberal Association and a Protestant, while returning from service near his home at Greenisland, county Antrim; whether the persons who assaulted Mr. Kerr were Ulster Orangemen and Unionists who were incensed at his having occupied a seat upon the platform at the meeting recently addressed by the First Lord of the Admiralty in Belfast; and whether any special steps are being taken to protect the civil and religious liberty of Protestant Liberals in Ulster at the present time?
I am informed that Mr. Kerr, on returning from Divine Service on the date in question, was followed by a crowd who pelted him with eggs and flour. He reported the matter to the police, but stated he was unable to identify anyone who took part in the assault. The police are taking all necessary steps to prevent a similar occurrence.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one of these advocates of religious liberty interrupted the service by asking Mr. Kerr to declare that he was not a Home Ruler and was opposed to a Parliament in Dublin, and that then it would be all right?
I have had a police report, but I do not think any members of the force were present in this place of worship.
Does the right hon. Gentleman accept the suggestion in the question that this assault was owing to the fact that this gentleman had occupied a seat on a political platform?
The police tell me there was a very strong feeling in the chapel, which bears the name of Ebenezer, against anybody taking part in their service who had been on this political platform.
Would this horrible thing have taken place if the First Lord of the Admiralty had never gone to Belfast?
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the gentleman mentioned in the question preached in favour of Home Rule on the Sunday before Easter, and that his son assaulted a member of the congregation after the demonstration took place, with the result that a large number of the congregation had to leave the church? Was it not after this that the strong feeling arose?
I cannot account for the eggs and flour, except on the supposition that there was a strong feeling in this religious body, owing to the action which this gentleman had taken politically, but whether he had preached in favour of Home Rule or not I do not know. No doubt he is unpopular with a number of persons who worship in this chapel on account of his political opinions.
Is the Ebenezer room a Catholic chapel?
Oh, no.
Is not the moral you must have impartial administration to keep both sides in order?
I have often heard from hon. Gentlemen opposite that politics are introduced into the pulpit of different denominations all over this country.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered my question.
I did not understand it.
Outrages (Ireland)
asked whether on 31st March, 1912, a party of excursionists, returning by train from the Home Rule demonstration at Dublin, fired a fusillade of revolver shots whilst passing Milltown, a Protestant working-class quarter; whether the windows of a weaving factory were damaged; and whether any arrests have been made?
No such occurrence as that referred to by the hon. Member has come to the knowledge of the police.
asked the Chief Secretary whether, on 3rd April, 1912, a cattle-drive took place near Fooreen, in the neighbourhood of Ennis; whether on the following day a youth named M'Cormick, accompanied by a police patrol, while looking for the missing stock, was fired at and injured; and what steps he is taking to restore order in this district?
The facts are as stated, but M'Cormick was not accompanied by a police patrol. A patrol came on the scene soon after the occurrence. One arrest was made, but informations were refused. The police are doing all that is possible to preserve order in the district.
asked whether during the night of Sunday, 7th April, 1912, the house of a farmer, named John Carr, in the neighbourhood of Galway, was fired into, Mrs. Carr receiving severe injuries; whether any arrests have been made in connection with this outrage; and what steps are being taken to prevent these occurrences?
The house of James Carr was fired into as stated, but neither Mrs. Carr nor any other person was struck. No arrests have been made. The police are doing all that is possible to prevent these occurrences.
Have any arrests been made?
No, Sir.
Government of Ireland Bill
Revenue of Ireland
asked what was the total revenue of Ireland for Imperial Exchequer purposes for the last completed financial year; and what proportion of such total was derived from Antrim, Derry, Down, Armagh, and Belfast?
As regards the first part of the question I would refer the hon. Member to Appendix C of the White Paper which has been circulated. With regard to the second part of the question I fear I can add nothing to the answer given by me to the hon. Member for Salisbury on the 11th ultimo.
Customs and Excise Duties
asked whether, in the Revenue receipts on account of the Irish Government, the Customs and Excise Duties on tobacco, spirits, and stout will be calculated on production or consumption?
I beg to refer the hon. Member to Clause 24 of the Government of Ireland Bill.
Members of Irish Parliament
asked if it is intended under the Government of Ireland Bill that Members of either of the Irish Houses of Parliament shall be eligible to sit as Members of either of the Imperial Houses of Parliament?
Membership of the Irish Senate or House of Commons is not of itself a disqualification for Membership of either House in the Imperial Parliament.
Will Irish Members be able to draw salaries in the British as well as the Irish Parliament?
I am not aware that there will be any salaries in the Irish Parliament.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think that Members of the Irish Parliament will sit there for nothing, considering that Members are paid £400 a year here?
Collection of Taxes
asked whether, under the Government of Ireland Bill, the officers of Customs, Excise, and Inland Revenue will be under any obligation of complying with directions of the Irish Executive as to the time and mode in which taxes are to be collected?
The collection of taxes is not an Irish service within the meaning of the Bill, and Clause 4 of the Bill provides in effect that the Executive power as respects services which are not Irish services is not to be affected by anything in the Bill.
Who will be responsible for the collection of taxes?
If the Irish Parliament imposes taxes and the Imperial authority collects them, obviously as to the time and mode of collection, to which the hon. Member refers, some arrangement must be come to.
Personal Explanation
Will the House allow me, by way of personal explanation, to make a correction of something I said in my speech on the Home Rule Bill on Monday last? It is not any matter referring to the Bill itself, but referring to the Report of the Committee of financial experts appointed by the Government. I find, on reading the Official Report, I said that the Committee proposed that complete fiscal autonomy should be granted to Ireland, and that consequently upon this they proposed the exclusion of Irish Members from this House. The statement in that form is not accurate. The retention or exclusion of the Irish Members was not within the reference to that Committee; and what I should properly have said was that, as a consequence of the recommendation to grant fiscal autonomy to Ireland, in the opinion of the Government, it would follow that the Irish Members should be excluded from this-House. I thank the House for giving me the opportunity of making the correction with the same publicity as I made the original statement.
Telegraphs
In reference to the White Paper issued by the right hon. Gentleman as to the charge for telegraphs in Ireland, will that include the old charge of interest on taking over the telegraphs in 1870, and, if so, on what basis Ireland's proportion of that charge has been computed?
No, Sir, I think those figures do not include anything in respect of that. But there is a Clause in the Bill which provides that there shall be an apportionment between Ireland on the one hand and Great Britain on the other of any capital liabilities which have been incurred in respect of what will be Irish services, and that includes telegraphs, telephones, and so forth.
Are we to take it that the apportionment has been made both in regard to the telegraphs of 1870 and the telephone apportionment as regards last year?
It will be made.
It has not been made?
No.
Questions
Northern Reserve (Masai)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies, whether he has any information regarding-the emigration of sections of the Masai northwards as well as southwards from the Northern Territory; and, if he has no such information, whether he will inquire if that emigration is taking place, and if it is with the knowledge and approval of the Government of British East Africa?
No, Sir, but I will make inquiry.
asked whether the Masai tribe are to be allowed to keep the land which they occupied in British East Africa during the year 1909.
I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave to my hon. Friend, the Member for Leicester, on the 16th of this month. It is, of course, out of the question that the Northern Masai should be allowed to keep the land in the north as well as the land which is being substituted for it in the south. The Southern Masai will retain the land which they have occupied for some years past.
Have the Colonial Office decided what is to be done with the land occupied by the Northern Masai?
No allocation of land which has in the past been occupied and is still temporarily occupied by the Northern Masai has yet been made.
Books of Stamps (Advertisements)
asked the Postmaster-General whether some of the books of stamps issued by the Post Office contain advertisements of pork sausages; and whether, as in the case of intoxicating liquors, he will give instructions for the removal of advertisements offensive to a section of His Majesty's subjects?
The answer to both parts of the question is in the negative.
Elementary Schools (Geography Examination)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether one of the questions set for examination in geography at the Christmas examination for teachers in elementary schools was to account for the facts underlying the following statements taken from the story of Henwen, the Beneficent Pig, in the Triads; since which time the best wheat and the best honey have been in Gwent; and Dyfed has produced the best pigs and barley from that time to this; and thenceforth the best rye has been found at Lleyn and at Eivonydd; in Arvon she dropped a wolf-cub and an eagle chick; Col gave the wolf to Menwaed of Dinas Affaraon and the eagle to Brynach, lord of Arllech-wedd, and one often hears of the wolf and the eagle; and, if so, whether he can state how many candidates correctly answered it; and in what way, in the opinion of the Board, ability to do so constitutes a test of capacity for teaching children in elementary schools?
Perhaps the hon. Member has suffered with me from a lack of opportunity for excursions into the profitable fields of Welsh literature. The folklore story referred to in the question is well known and furnishes an explanation of many of the characteristics of the localities named which holds good to-day. Fourteen questions were set in the paper, of which this question formed part, and candidates were required to answer four. The question was, therefore, an optional one. It was intended to afford for the Welsh candidates an opportunity of showing knowledge of the literature and traditional history of Wales and of local topography, and of giving evidence of imaginative powers such as might enable them to mitigate for younger children the austerities of geography. Seven candidates answered the question and showed appreciation of the topographical references and the reasons for the special products.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, with great respect, if he does not think it is time the British taxpayer was relieved of taxation for piffle of this kind?
How many candidates succeeded in answering the questions satisfactorily?
None.
I believe seven answered them more or less satisfactorily.
Is not the literary standard among teachers and pupils in Wales higher than in any other country?
Eltham College (Woman Suffrage Literature)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether London County Council teachers at the training college at Eltham have made use of their official position for the dissemination of literature in favour of woman suffrage; whether this is in accordance with the regulations; and whether he will secure the stoppage of the practice?
I have not had my attention previously called to the facts alleged in the question. There is nothing in the Regulations to prevent teachers in training colleges from expressing opinions upon topics such as woman suffrage, and I think we may rely upon the sense of responsibility in the teachers to restrain them from using their influence improperly in matters of this kind. The question primarily concerns the London County Council, whose attention I have drawn to the allegation made by the hon. Member.
National Insurance Act
Irish Commission
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that the private residence in Dublin of the late Sir Samuel Walker, Lord Chancellor of Ireland, has "been taken for the purposes of the Irish Insurance Commission; and whether he can state for what period this house has been so taken?
The house in question has been rented for one year as a temporary office for the Irish Insurance Commission, pending the acquisition and fitting up of a permanent office.
Is it not a fact that great dissatisfaction exists amongst citizens in Dublin in reference to the ever-increasing practice of purchasing or taking temporarily private houses in the best residential quarters of Dublin for the purposes of public offices?
I have had no representations on the subject, but I think the hon. Member will agree with me that the Commission should take some temporary building before they take a permanent building of their own.
Will the hon. Gentleman undertake to communicate with the Irish Board of Works, from whom, on a former occasion, he said he had no information to bear out the suggestion I made that there was an ever-increasing practice of taking private houses for public purposes in Ireland?
I will certainly listen to any representations that may be made.
Will the hon. Gentleman undertake to communicate with the Irish Board of Works to ascertain their views upon this matter?
I think I am familiar with the views of the Irish Board of Works.
Expulsion from Trade Unions
asked whether a trade union which establishes a State section as an approved society under the National Insurance Act will be allowed by its rules to provide that if any member of the trade union does not choose the approved society established by it as his approved society he shall be liable to expulsion from the trade union?
In such a case the Insurance Commissioners are concerned with the separate section which is the approved society, and the rules of a trade union or other body which has formed that separate section are not within their control.
Does the hon. Gentleman mean that this might happen without any check by the Insurance Commissioners?
I have no reason to suppose it would happen.
Could it be so provided by the rules of the society, without any check by the Insurance Commissioners?
The sole control of the Insurance Commissioners deals with the section which becomes an approved society.
Expulsion from Friendly Societies
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware that in the model rules issued by the Insurance Commissioners for use by existing societies it is stated that in any case where a member is expelled he has a right of appeal to the Insurance Commissioners; and whether he will take steps to get Subsection (6), page 17, of the rules amended so as to make it clear that appeals can only be made against expulsion when the offence for which a member is expelled is an offence against any of the provisions of the National Insurance Act?
I do not think that the suggestion made by the hon. Member would be in accordance with the spirit of the Act. The intention of the model rule is to secure that where a member is expelled for any offence against the rules of the society, he is first given a fair hearing, and the charge, whatever it may be, is proved against him. It is open to an approved society to require such qualifications as they may think fit to require by rule for continued membership of the society subject only to this, that the Commissioners will not approve a society which proposes to expel members for reasons other than misconduct where the state of their health prevents them from obtaining admission to another society.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the lecturers are telling the representatives of the societies that in any case where a member is expelled he has a right of appeal to the Commissioners?
I have no information on that subject.
Advisory Committee
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether any members of the Advisory Committee of 159 persons, appointed under Section 58 of the National Insurance Act, will receive payment in any shape or form for their services; whether any of them have received anything in the nature of a promise of an appointment under the Act; what number of members will be required to form a quorum; and whether such quorum will include members from each class represented on the committee?
Members of the committee will be able to claim their travelling expenses and subsistence allowances, but will not be otherwise remunerated. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative. I think it would be undesirable to lay down rules of procedure for the Advisory Committee before the committee meets.
Questions
Engineers (India)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India what is the total number of engineers in the Imperial Service of the Public Works Department and the State railways, and how many of these are natives of India; and if he will state how many assistant engineers were appointed in each of the past five years, specifying in each case how many of them were natives of India?
In reply to the first part of the question, the number is 736, including officers of the Royal Engineers. All officers appointed before 1892 to these Departments now belong to the Imperial Service. It is impossible, from the records in the India Office, to state the number of those who are statutory natives of India. As regards the second part of the question, the figures are as follows:—
asked how many applications were received for the post of assistant engineer in each of the past five years; and how many of these in each case were from natives of India?
The total number of candidates for appointments in the Imperial Service were as follows:—
Is the proportion of 10 per cent., which is reserved for natives of India, supposed to be a maximum or a minimum figure?
It is a maximum.
House of Commons (Lighting)
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he can state the date when it is expected the new lighting scheme of the House will be completed?
No alteration in the present arrangements will be made until the Report of the oculist has been received.
Does not the hon. Member consider it more fitting to keep this House in comparative gloom while the Government are doing the dirty work they are attempting?
Local Taxation Committee
asked whether the Departmental Committee appointed in April, 1911, to inquire into the relations between Imperial and Local Taxation since the Report of the Royal Commission on Local Taxation in 1901, and to make recommendations on the subject with a view to the introduction of legislation at an early date, have taken evidence; and, if so, on how many days they sat for that purpose; whether they are now preparing their Report; and whether they propose to hear any further evidence before it is issued?
Up to the present the Committee has taken evidence on twenty-five days and it is still sitting for that purpose.
Railways Bill
asked whether, in view of the fact that the Government Railways Bill seeks to initiate entirely new principles of railway administration, which will materially affect the interests of all producers and consigners of agricultural produce, the Government will defer taking the Second Reading of this Bill until after the Central and Associated Chambers of Agriculture have had the opportunity of considering it at their next monthly meeting on the 7th May?
The hon. Member appears to me to exaggerate the novelty of the proposals of the Bill. I am afraid I cannot undertake to defer the Second Reading of the Bill, should an opportunity of taking it occur.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give any indication when the opportunity is likely to arise. It is a matter of very great importance to farmers?
Admiralty Risks (Insurance)
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state what was the paid-up capital and also the amount of premium income of the Marine Insurance Company accepted for Admiralty risks in 1906?
The company referred to was accepted after full inquiry as to its suitability for inclusion in the Admiralty List; but it is not considered in the public interest to furnish particulars as to the financial position of companies at the time they are accepted.
Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that, if the other circumstances were satisfactory, there would be no departure in Admiralty policy so far as regards this criterion?
We have made very careful inquiry, but I do not think it would be fair to others to state the reasons for inclusion or exclusion.
May I ask whether the Admiralty policy is the same now as formerly in this matter?
I cannot go into the matter by way of question and answer. It is much too difficult for that. If my hon. Friend wishes further information, perhaps he will put a question on the Paper.
Royal Dockyards
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state the reason why about 300 men are being discharged from Chatham dockyard; whether he is aware that in some cases regard is not being had to seniority, but that some of the men retained have been in the service for shorter periods than some of the men discharged; will he state the reason for this preferential treatment; whether any further discharges are contemplated; and whether there is any prospect of re-engaging the men at an early date?
The services of the men who have been discharged at Chatham are not required at present. As I have already stated all other things being equal the men first to go—except in the case of ex-apprentices—are those who have been the shortest time in the service. If in the present case some of the men retained have been in the service for shorter periods than some of the men discharged, it must be taken that the former are more efficient workmen. Any further discharges will depend upon the adjustments of trades which may be found necessary to meet the exigencies of the work. I am afraid there is no prospect of re-entering the discharged men at an early date. Should the numbers again be increased, in pursuance of our general policy, those men will be taken on first who, prior to discharge, had been longest in our service, provided that their previous conduct and service have been satisfactory.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, whether the contractors for the construction of the Rosyth dockyard decline to engage any workman except through a Labour Exchange; and, if so, whether this is done in consequence of representations from the Government.
The method of engaging labour at Rosyth is at the discretion of the contractors. The only representation made by the Admiralty was a general circular, dated 31st October, 1910, a copy of which has been posted to the hon. Member.
Is it not a fact that the whole of those men are employed through the Labour Bureau, and, if so, has any similar action been taken previously in order to more or less improve what I may call the sort of pet offspring of the Governments.
I do not understand the last allegation, but I understand that they practically do employ their men through the Labour Exchange. The matter is left entirely to their own discretion.
Is the hon. hon. Gentleman aware that this engagement through Labour Exchange by dockyards or contractors does not give equality of opportunity to workmen, but merely gives an opportunity to heads of departments and contractors to obtain the men they require?
I would like to have notice of that question.
Royal Navy
Obsolete Vessels
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he intends to pursue the practice of his Department of refusing to sell obsolete war vessels except on condition that they be broken up, in view of the fact that much higher prices could be got for these ships if breaking up were not insisted on?
Obsolete ships of potential fighting value are sold under obligation to be broken up either on grounds of secrecy or in order to avoid the possibility of international complications especially at a time of war between naval Powers. The particular conditions of sale to be applied to obsolete ships are considered as a matter of naval policy in each individual case. As a rule, breaking up is required, but unless a condition of war exists or is imminent, as free a competition as possible is obtained by not insisting on the breaking up necessarily taking place in the United Kingdom. If a higher offer than might be obtainable under breaking up conditions were received, it would be duly considered on the merits of the case and with due regard to the conditions prevailing at the time. I may add that the best means of obtaining the widest competition for the purchase of obsolete ships, consistently with international obligations and general naval interests, is a matter constantly under the consideration of the Board of Admiralty.
Why are foreign Powers which are permitted to build new and up-to-date warships in this country not permitted to buy obsolete ones?
As stated in the answer, the hon. Gentleman will see that if a higher offer than might be obtainable under breaking up conditions were received, it would be duly considered on the merits of the case.
Is the opportunity given to foreign Powers to send in a higher offer?
The sales are on condition that the ships be broken up. The hon. Member will get an exact statement of the conditions in a letter which was prepared in March, 1910, and perhaps my hon. Friend will read it.
Fishery Cruisers (Scotland)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether any statistics are kept in his Department of the number of days in the year when the fishery cruisers lie at anchor in harbour, and how many days in the year they patrol the waters they are intended to watch; and, if no such statistics are kept, whether he will take steps to get the Fishery Board to call for such reports from the captains of these vessels?
The Annual Reports of the Fishery Board for Scotland set out in tabular form the number of days on which each fishery cruiser is at sea; as, for instance, on p. 49 of the Report for 1910, Cd. 5697–1911.
Oil Fuel
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether during the last few days His Majesty's Government have entered into a contract with the Shell Transport and Trading Company, Limited, or with companies with which they are associated, for the supply of 1,000,000 tons of fuel oil to the Admiralty; if so, whether British groups were invited to tender; and will the Government undertake to give British Companies the opportunity at all times of tendering for present and future supplies?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. In reply to the second part of the question no such tenders as those indicated in the first part have been called for. As to the third part of the question, the practice has always been to invite all British Companies regarded as competent to undertake supplies?
Questions
Motor Omnibuses (Fatal Accidents, London)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department how many fatal accidents have been caused in the Metropolitan area by motor omnibuses since 1st January of this year?
There were thirty-seven fatal accidents caused in the Metropolitan Police area by motor omnibuses between 1st January and 16th April, 1912.
Has the hon. Gentleman "any reason to suppose that the motor omnibus companies are making any attempts to devise some method of increasing public safety so as to reduce this very serious figure? Will my hon. Friend call the attention of the Motor Omnibus Company to this figure?
The hon. Member must put down these questions, as they do not, seem to arise out of the question on the: Paper.
Co-partnership
asked the Prime-Minister when he will be able to give a. definite answer to the memorial on the subject of co-partnership?
I can at present add nothing to the answer given by the Prime Minister on Tuesday last. The Noble Lord was then asked to repeat his question on this subject later on. Perhaps he would be good enough to do so.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give me some indication of what "later on" means? Thursday is-later on than Tuesday.
The question is being very carefully considered by the Cabinet. We are not in a position to give an answer just yet. If the Noble Lord will put down a question in about a fortnight's time, we might be able to give some-answer.
Will the right hon. Gentleman not hold out any hope of an earlier decision of the Cabinet on this-subject?
The Noble Lord knows that it is a very important subject, and I doubt very much whether we shall be able to give anything like a definite answer before that time.
I will take the chance of putting it down in a week's time.
Osborne Judgment
asked if the Government intends to introduce legislation to meet the situation created by the Osborne Judgment as regards the use of trade union funds for political purposes; and, if so, whether the Government will, at the same time, take steps to fix on trade unions declaring and conducting strikes responsibility for acts of violence and intimidation by their members?
With regard to the first branch of the question, I must refer the hon. Member to the answer given by the Prime Minister to the hon. Member for the Blackfriars Division of Glasgow on 22nd November, 1910; and, as regards the latter part, to the replies given by the Prime Minister on 30th October last on the subject of the Trades Disputes Act, 1906.
As I cannot be expected to keep all these various replies in my head, I would ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer to give me some reasonable reply to the question which I have put down?
I would ask the right hon. Gentleman, if the Government are considering this matter, will they at the same time consider the advisability of increasing the responsibility for any serious rioting or damage that may occur in Ulster of the associations which are now actively engaged in stirring up sedition in that province?
Industrial Disputes (Disturbances)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if an authoritative record is kept of disturbances in connection with industrial disputes arising from the action of strikers seeking to prevent men desiring to do so from working; and, if not, whether he will arrange for such a record to be kept in future?
The local police authorities are primarily responsible for the maintenance of law and order, and probably their records show in most instances whether any disturbances are, or are not, connected with an industrial dispute. In the Home Office, the only record is the files of correspondence relating to those disturbances in which the local authorities apply for the assistance or advice of the Department or on which they are specially asked to report. My right hon. Friend cannot undertake to keep any further record.
Vinegar
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether, in view of the sale of a large amount of so-called vinegar containing less than 4 per cent, of acetic acid, to the detriment of purchasers and consumers, and to the risk incurred by local authorities in instituting prosecutions under the Food and Drugs Acts in reliance solely on the ex- pression of opinion recently given by the Local Government Board to the London and County Vinegar Brewers' Association, the Board will make Regulations defining vinegar, under the Public Health (Regulations as to Food) Act, which will have the force of law, similar to those now being made by the Board in reference to the use of preservatives in milk and cream?
The question of the proportion of acetic acid present in vinegar is not one which involves danger to public health, and the Board have therefore no power to make Regulations under the Public Health (Regulations as to Food) Act, 1907, in regard to this matter.
Children in Workhouse (Tiverton Union)
asked the President of the Local Government Board if his attention has been drawn to the fact that the guardians of the Tiverton Union are maintaining over thirty children in the workhouse, and that, instead of providing suitable accommodation for them apart from workhouse surroundings, they have lately advertised for an industrial trainer to take charge of them in the workhouse; and, if so, whether he proposes to take any action in the matter?
According to the latest figures in my possession, there were nineteen children in the Tiverton Workhouse on the 1st January last. The guardians have not communicated with me in regard to the appointment of an industrial trainer, but I learn from my inspector that the question of making provision for the accommodation of the children outside the workhouse has been under their consideration. I will not lose sight of the matter.
Foreign Cheese
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether, in view of the sale at high prices of large quantities of filled foreign cheese containing a low percentage of milk fat, especially when, as recently, there is a serious shortage of cheeses of English manufacture, the Board will issue Regulations laying down a standard of fat in cheese which will prevent its purchasers and consumers from being, as they are now, frequently imposed upon?
So many practical difficulties stand in the way of framing Regulations of the character suggested that it appears to be very doubtful whether any advantage would result from the attempt. The hon. Member is, of course, aware that there are many varieties of cheese, and that the proportion of butter fat in any kind of cheese is not the quality of which connoisseurs chiefly take account.
Army (Major's Retiring Pensions)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether he is prepared to make any announcement with regard to the retirement pensions of majors in the Regular Army in accordance with his undertaking; and whether majors who joined the Service from the universities or the Militia at the age of twenty-two will be given the option of retiring voluntarily at forty-eight on £300 a year, according to the conditions under which they joined, or of accepting the conditions of the Warrant of 1911?
I am not yet in a position to make any announcement on this subject, which is now being considered.
Loss of Steamship "Titanic."
False Reports
asked the Postmaster-General if his attention had been called to certain telegrams to the effect that the "Titanic" had been taken in tow and the passengers had been saved; and whether the origin of those telegrams can be traced?
I am aware that reports, subsequently found to be false, appeared in the Press, and I believe that their place of origin is generally known. But I am making inquiry whether the wireless messages from ships holding my licence for wireless telegraphy on which the reports were represented to have been founded, were in fact sent from those ships, and I should be glad if the hon. and gallant Member would put down a further question in a week's time.
Have these reports had no effect upon the premiums for reinsurance?
That is not a matter within my cognisance.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries upon the subjects?
I think the question should be addressed to the President of the Board of Trade.
Is it not a fact that in consequence of these telegrams the rate of insurance went down from sixty guineas to twenty-five guineas per cent.?
Boat Accommodation
asked the President of the Board of Trade if there is any law which gives his Board power to compel the owners of passenger steamers to provide sufficient lifeboats to give a place in them to every human being on the boat in case of a disaster like the loss of the "Titanic"; whether, as often alleged, there is no passenger steamer leaving a British port with lifeboats sufficient for that purpose; whether in many cases the lifeboat accommodation is only about one-third of that required; and, if there is no such law, will the Government introduce a Bill for that purpose?
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether taking into consideration the reported loss of life which has recently occurred to the passengers of the steamer "Titanic," he will take steps that regulations may be made to compel all steamers to carry boats, rafts, or other life-saving apparatus sufficient to accommodate the whole of those on board?
asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) whether he will consider the propriety of framing a regulation for the purpose of preventing British passenger liners for New York, during the spring season, taking the North Atlantic route, with a view to establishing crossing records; and (2) whether he can state the exact lifeboat accommodation which was provided on the "Titanic," and what proportion it bore to the authorised number of passengers and. crew?
I think it will be convenient if I deal in a single statement with all the questions relating to the boat accommodation of the "Titanic," and the Board of Trade regulations relating to boats and other life-saving appliances. The Board of Trade are empowered by Section 427 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, to make rules for life-saving appliances on British ships, and Section 428 requires the owner and master to give effect to the rules. The rules now in force, originally drawn up in 1890, and revised in 1894 and subsequently, prescribe a scale indicating the minimum number of boats to be provided in accordance with the gross tonnage of the ship. The highest provision made in this scale is for vessels of 10,000 tons and upwards. In view of the increased size of modern passenger steamers the Board of Trade early last year referred to the Advisory Committee on Merchant Shipping the question of the revision of the rules, and, in particular, of the provision to be made in the case of steamers of very large size. In view of the public interest aroused by the recent lamentable disaster, I am having the Report of this Committee printed with the votes. [ See Written Answers this date. ] After considering this Report, together with the views of their expert advisers, the Board of Trade were not satisfied that the increased provision recommended by the Advisory Committee was altogether adequate. After additional investigations and tests in regard to the best type and proportions of lifeboats, the Board, within the last few days, referred the question back to the Committee for further examination. I mention this in order that the House may understand that before the recent terrible disaster occurred, the Board of Trade, in concert with the best expert authorities available, had been carefully and practically considering the question of the revision of the scale of boat accommodation prescribed for large ships. I do not, of course, desire to forecast in any way the result of the inquiry which will be held into the loss of the "Titanic," or any modification of policy that may be necessitated by the findings of that inquiry, or by the new situation created by the present disaster. I wish the House, however, to understand quite clearly that, up to the present, it has never been the intention of the Board of Trade regulations, and, so far as I know, it has not been suggested by any responsible expert authority, that every vessel, however large and however well equipped as regards watertight compartments, should necessarily carry lifeboats adequate to accommodate all on board. It has always been considered up to the present by all expert authorities that subdivision by watertight compartments is a safeguard to be taken into account in considering the minimum number of boats required. The Board of Trade Rules (following in this respect the Report of the Life Saving Appliances Committee of 1890) expressly allow a deduction in the case of vessels so equipped, and the recent Report of the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee makes further recommendations in the same sense. No doubt the present disaster creates a new situation which will need to be most carefully considered, I hope, however, not in a panic, in the light of all the information which the inquiry will disclose.
Coming to the actual facts of the case, the present Rule of the Board of Trade with regard to a ship of 10,000 tons and upwards requires a minimum boat accommodation of 9,625 cubic feet ( i.e ., sixteen boats under davits, with a capacity of 5,500 cubic feet, and an addition of 75 per cent, in the shape of other boats, rafts, etc.). This would provide for about 960 persons. The "Titanic" actually carried sixteen boats under davits, with accommodation for 990 persons, and four Engelhardt boats, accommodating 188 persons in addition (i.e., altogether accommodation for 1,178 persons). Besides these, there were forty-eight lifebuoys and 3,560 lifebelts. The total number of passengers and crew which the vessel was certified to carry was 3,547, and on the recent voyage the actual number on board when the vessel left Queenstown was 2,208. With reference to the question of framing a Regulation to prevent passenger steamers for North American ports during the spring season from taking the Northern Atlantic route, I am not prepared at the moment to express any opinion. This and all other relevant questions will be submitted to searching inquiry.
Do I correctly understand the right hon. Gentleman to say that the "Titanic" carried the whole of the life-saving appliances required by the rules of the Board of Trade, and may I call his attention to the rule that requires that a three-fourths increase in the scale he has mentioned should have been provided in accordance with the tonnage, and that the correct number of lifeboats were twenty-eight?
No, I thought I had explained that the "Titanic" was carrying more than was required by the Regulations. I think the hon. Member has misunder- stood the rules. The rule is that they are required to carry sixteen boats of a cubic capacity of 5,500 feet. In addition to that they have to provide 25 per cent, additional boats, and they were already provided by the "Titanic," and more than was actually required by the existing Board of Trade Regulations.
Will the right hon. Gentleman also extend his inquiry to small vessels in view of the fact that the cross-Channel steamer which was recently in collision had only six boats, which could not possibly have carried away the 400 who were on board at the time?
The Committee will certainly consider small boats as well as large. At the moment public attention is more directed to large boats, but I can assure the hon. Gentleman that there will be no neglect on the part of the Board of Trade or any other authority to look at the whole matter very carefully.
Will the right hon. Gentleman extend the terms of reference to small vessels, especially those carrying a large number of passengers?
Can the Board of Trade do anything to discourage the racing for time records across the Atlantic, which is the cause of this disaster?
I am afraid we have no power over that.
In issuing the Report of the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee, will the right hon. Gentleman include the Report of the Sub-committee which tried the "Engelhardt" lifeboat last year?
I will consider whether it will be of interest to the House. If so, I shall certainly have no objection to circulating it.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, when the terms of reference are being drawn up, careful attention will be given to the penalties under which steamship companies labour at the present time in consequence of lateness in arrival, and also whether in consequence of the explosion of the theory that any ship can be unsinkable although it has sixteen bulkheads, as in the case of the "Titanic," he will do all he can to facilitate this inquiry in the hope that no other accident will occur in the meantime?
It is my desire and also that of my Department to facilitate the inquiry as far as possible, but there must necessarily be an inquiry into the loss of the "Titanic," and it is quite clear that until we have such information as is available in regard to the disaster to that ship, we shall not really be in such a strong position as to know what to do. I can assure the House there will be no delay. We feel the great responsibility the Board of Trade bear in the matter, but I really think it is far better that we should give a little longer time and come to a satisfactory conclusion rather than that we should act rapidly and be led possibly into other evils.
In view of the rapid growth in the size of vessels in recent years, does not my right hon. Friend think that it was a long time to leave it from 1894 to 1911, without making any regulations for vessels over 10,000 tons?
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if it is not a fact that Atlantic liners of German and United States nationality do to-day actually carry close on double the lifeboat accommodation required by the Regulations of the Board of Trade in this country?
I do not think that is so-as a matter of fact, but perhaps the hon. Gentleman will give notice of the question.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman really think that it is an established fact that this unfortunate vessel was between the zones of the icefields and the icebergs during this season of well known and established danger, and that the Board of Trade should take immediate steps to prevent the recurrence of such disasters?
I really think it is a matter to which some consideration should be given. Hon. Gentlemen must remember that if this great disaster has given a shock to public opinion, it will also be taken fully into account by the managers and directors of these great lines, who naturally are anxious for the safety of their vessels and passengers, but I really do not think I ought to be asked to give an answer to such a question just now.
I beg to give notice that at the end of Questions I shall ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House on this subject.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether I am to understand that, according to the Regulations of the Board of Trade these vessels are only carrying lifeboats and life rafts according to the tonnage, and not according to the number of passengers they carry, and further whether he is aware that there is no difficulty whatever in naval architecture to prevent these boats from having a sufficient number of lifeboats and life rafts to carry all the passengers?
Under the existing Regulation the boat accommodation is calculated on tonnage. That may or may not be a good plan, but at any rate it is one of the most material points to which consideration will be given. As regards the latter part of the question I do not wish to express an opinion, but it is evident, from what I have already done, that the real difficulty in a matter of this sort is not only the accommodation on the deck, but that if you overload the vessel with boats, the real danger in the case of emergency would be that the very number of boats themselves might lead to disaster. That is a point on which I do not wish to express an opinion. All these points will receive very great consideration.
Motion for Adjournment
I beg to move the Adjournment of the House for the purpose of calling attention to a matter of urgent public importance, namely, the failure of the Board of Trade to provide adequate protection for the lives of passengers on British ocean liners.
The subject to which the hon. Member desires to draw attention may clearly be said to come within the Rule, but I would point out that the hon. Member has got a more favourable opportunity, if he wishes to raise the topic on the question, that I do now leave the Chair. Indeed, it is possible that it may come on at an earlier stage than it would by obtaining the Motion for the Adjournment of the House. Therefore I suggest that the hon. Member should take his chance of getting in upon the question that I do now leave the Chair, and he will "be able to raise that particular topic.
I am much obliged to you, Sir, and I shall endeavour to catch your eye after the discussion on the Insurance Act.
Business of the House
Will the right hon. Gentleman state what Supply is to be taken on Monday?
I understand that it has been arranged to take the Post Office Vote on Monday next.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when Vote 8 of the Naval Estimates will be taken?
I am afraid I cannot give an answer to the question now. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will give notice.
Can the Chancellor of the Exchequer state when the Railways Bill will be taken?
No; perhaps the hon. Gentleman will give notice.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when it is proposed to take the Second Reading of the Home Rule Bill?
I understand that an announcement is to be made on that subject next week.
Will it be taken before Whitsuntide?
Oh, yes; certainly.
Will the right hon. Gentleman inform me when the postponed Budget Resolution will be taken, and whether he will circulate the text?
Though I do not think it is a usual thing to circulate the text, yet, if there is a general desire for it, I will do so. Notice will be given of the date.
Will it be before Whitsuntide?
We will try before Whitsuntide.
Bills Presented
May I ask, with reference to the large number of Bills standing in the name of the right hon. Member for Stroud, how many will result in establishing Nonconformity in various parts of the country?
That is a matter for discussion when the Bills come before the House.
Libel in Pleadings Blll
"To extend the Law of Libel to Pleadings in certain actions at Law." Presented by Mr. BOTTOMLEY; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 143.]
Beverley Charities Bill
"To confirm Schemes of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of (1) various Charities in the borough of Beverley and the parish of Beverley St. John, in the East Riding of the county of York; and (2) the Charity called or known as the Minster New Fund in the said borough." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 144.]
Padiham Horeb Union Church Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity consisting of the Horeb Union Church and Trust Property in the ancient township of Padiham, in the ancient parish of Whalley, in the county of Lancaster." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 145.]
Hatfield (York, West Riding) Calvinistic Chapel Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity consisting of the Calvinistic Chapel at Hatfield, in the West Riding of the county of York." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 146.]
Whitby Charities Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of (1) various Charities in the ancient parish of Whitby, in the North Riding of the county of York; (2) the Charities of Alice Gallilee, in Whitby and other places in the said North Riding." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 147.]
Wibsey (Bradford) Independent Chapel Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or man- agement of the Charity consisting of the Independent Chapel School and Trust Property at Wibsey in the township of North Bierley, in the city of Bradford." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 148.]
Roe Street (Macclesfield) Congregational Chapel Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity consisting of the Congregational Chapel and Trust Property in Roe Street, in the ancient township of Macclesfield, in the ancient parish of Prestbury, in the county of Chester." Presented by Mr. Charles Allen; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 149.]
Hulme Trust Estates Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity consisting of the Hulme Trust Estates (non-educational), in the county of Lancaster, and elsewhere." Presented by Mr. Charles Allen; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 150.]
Great Haywood and Tompkin Congregational Chapel Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the following Charities in the county of Stafford: (1) the Charity consisting of the Congregational Chapel in the ancient township of Great Haywood, in the ancient parish of Colwich; (2) the Charity consisting of the Congregational Chapel in Tompkin, in the township of Bagnall, in the parish of Stoke-upon-Trent." Presented by Mr. CHARLES ALLEN; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 151.]
Haberdashers' Company Loan Fund Bearing Interest Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity called the Loan Fund Bearing Interest under the management of the Haberdashers' Company of the City of London." Presented by Mr. Charles Allen; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 152.]
Samuel Robinson's Trust Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity of Samuel Robinson for Independent and Baptist ministers." Presented by Mr. Charles Allen; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 153.]
Kingswood Chapel Charity Bill
"To confirm a Scheme of the Charity Commissioners for the application or management of the Charity consisting of the Chapel at Kingswood, in the ancient parishes of Banstead and Ewell, in the county of Surrey." Presented by Mr. Charles Allen; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 154.]
School Board Elections (Scotland) Bill
"To alter the mode of conducting the election of members of school boards in Scotland." Presented by Mr. Beale; supported by Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Munro-Ferguson, Mr. Eugene Wason, Sir Archibald Williamson, and Sir George Younger; to be read a second time upon Wednesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 155.]
Supply
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1912–13
Order for Committee read.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That Mr. SPEAKER do now leave the Chair."
National Insurance Act, 1911 (Administration)
I beg to move, as an Amendment, to leave out from the word "That" to the end of the Question, in order to add instead thereof the words, "this House is of opinion that the methods adopted and the steps taken to bring into operation Part I. of the National Insurance Act, 1911, are unsatisfactory, and that owing to the delay in establishing the Advisory Committee and framing regulations, and in establishing the Insurance Committees and District Committees, and in making arrangements for providing medical benefits, and in settling schemes for disposal of the present funds of friendly societies under Section 72 of the Act, and in ascertaining and making known the alternative benefits under Section 13 of the Act, the date of commencement of Part I. of the Act ought to be deferred so as to enable societies to organise their future business on a proper footing, and so as to give insured persons a reasonable time within which to make their arrangements."
I do not propose, in moving the Motion which stands in my name, to apologise to the House at all for the length or the character of the terms in which it is drawn. In fact, we, in this House, have had so few opportunities—they have been so few and far between—to consider and discuss all-important matters which were left to the Commissioners under the Insurance Act, that we now, thanks to the chance of the ballot, desire to embrace this opportunity of eliciting some information with regard to this measure, and, with that object, we have so framed the Motion as to cover as wide a field as possible. It may be said, and probably will be said, during the course of the Debate, by those who are responsible for the administration of this Act, that we on this side of the House must not be impatient, and that the Insurance Commissioners or any other body of men, set up under the Act, must have time for due consideration. I, for one, do not wish to suggest for one moment that this matter should be unduly hurried, and I do not wish certainly to blame in any way those who have been called upon to occupy difficult offices at short notice, but I do think that it will be admitted during the course of this Debate that some of the actions on the part of those responsible for the administration of this Act are far from satisfactory, and that they should be cleared up. I think it will be to advantage and help very much to clear up matters if the Financial Secretary of the Treasury at the beginning of this Debate will tell us who is looked upon and who we are to regard definitely as responsible for the administration of this Act. I take it that every Government Department, every Administration, must have some head, and I would like to ask him whether we are to look to the Chancellor of the Exchequer as the person mainly responsible as the head of affairs in the administration of the Insurance Act or whether it is Sir Robert Morant, the chairman of the Commissioners. I do not know if the hon. Gentleman will tell me now.
Of course, the whole Parliamentary responsibility for any executive action of the Commissioners is accepted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
I thank the hon. Gentleman for his answer. If that is the case, I would like to say that we were not told in the House during those Debates we had on important Clauses, when we were closured night after night, that the matters which were left undiscussed, and which were to be left to the Insurance Commissioners to determine, were really in effect to be left to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to determine, because that is what has actually taken place. Clause after Clause, power after power, regulation after regulation, were left to be decided by some future authority—decided, as we were told, by those who would be responsible for the administration of this Act. But, as a fact, what has happened I The Advisory Committee, which the Act provided should have power, and should be appointed in order to assist in making regulations, has only just been appointed now, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself has taken upon himself to administer the Act as he has thought fit during the last three months or more. It has been perfectly apparent right the way through, and we find it within a few days of the passing of the Act. In the first White Paper that was issued the Chancellor of the Exchequer figures largely. It begins, "The Chancellor of the Exchequer anticipates," and so on, "The Chancellor of the Exchequer is most anxious to do so and so," "The Chancellor of the Exchequer believes "something else, and so on, the Chancellor taking a personal active part in the setting up of this Act; and we find the Chancellor of the Exchequer, when he got into difficulties with my Noble Friend the Member for Hitchin (Lord Robert Cecil), giving personal orders to Mr. Watson, the actuary, to get out certain facts and to write him a letter which he could use in the public Press for party purposes. We find the Chancellor of the Exchequer himself making the appointment of the Committee which is to report on considerations of general policy in respect to the problem of tuberculosis.
Right away through it is perfectly true that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has taken upon himself powers which I certainly think it was not understood in this House of Commons he was going to delegate to himself when the Act was forced through this House under closure and without adequate discussion. I think, if the Chancellor of the Exchequer was going to take that personal active part, it was undesirable, and, I venture to say, ten times more undesirable, than if he was not going to do so, to have taken the active part which he has taken, I understand, in the formation and carrying on of that party organisation known as the National Insurance Committee, and latterly as the Liberal Insurance Committee. We find from the very beginning the Chancellor of the Exchequer, instead of endeavouring to set up his Advisory Committee, and instead of endeavouring to settle terms with the doctors in order that the Bill might be carried out with its proper effect, seems to have devoted his energies rather to popularising the Act from a party point of view in the country. If the Chief Liberal Whip likes, in his political capacity, to make party capital of an Act of Parliament, that is his business, and it is not for me to criticise it; but I do say, as a Member of this House, we on this side of the House have a distinct grievance against the Chancellor of the Exchequer when he uses his official capacity as the head of a great Department, as the head of an administration which has been set up, when he uses that position at one and the same time in order to carry on a campaign in the country. For that same purpose, from a party point of view, we find the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Patronage Secretary to the Treasury putting their heads together to see how best the Act can be made popular. I find that from the very earliest moment the Treasury has been identified, and closely identified, with these two organisations. The first trace which I find of it is in the "Times" of 18th January, and there we have a paragraph headed:— find on 31st January, again from the "Times":—
That is the Chancellor of the Exchequer's contribution to working this Act and inducing people of all parties in the country to join in working the measure satisfactorily. Surely it may be described as the "new style" on the part of the Government, if they are going to use Acts of Parliament to try and popularise their own party. Then in the "Times" of 2nd February:— cerns that even one notice is issued from the same office for the two associations. The "Times" of 3rd February said:— They have a mutual office at the Treasury; they are both presided over by officials of the Treasury; they both issue leaflets; they both train lecturers. Strange to say, great minds run in grooves, no doubt— they both hit upon the expedient of issuing pamphlets of questions with answers. There is an extraordinary similarity between the two organisations. They might, at any rate, be first cousins, if not closer relations than that. Strange to say also, they both had the privilege of being addressed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, one on one day, the other on another. They both send lecturers all over the country. I, for one, cannot see why any indignation should be shown by the party opposite because we suggest that the time had arrived when they should change the name. I think that indignation might rightly be felt in the country at the system which had been going on. When there was strong feeling in the country that something should be done, it was announced that in future the National Insurnace Committee would be known as the Liberal Insurance Committee, and, in what is now known as the Chancellor of the Exchequer's Opera House speech, it was stated by the Chief Government Whip, when again by some extraordinary coincidence they both happened to meet under the same roof, that in future the party organisation would be called the Liberal Insurance Committee. But, in spite of the fact that that announcement was publicly made by the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury, they continued to hold meetings under the name of the National Insurance Committee.
I am sorry the Chancellor of the Exchequer is not present. I gave notice that I was going to bring these matters forward. I wish he had been here, as I would rather have made these statements in his presence and given him the opportunity of contradicting them. Hon. Members opposite may think it a very trivial or amusing matter, but people in the country do not think so. They are watching the administration of this Act, It is reprehensible, to say the least, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have lent himself in the way that he has to his party at the expense of the country and of the Act to try to make party capital out of it. Then with regard to the lecturers sent about the country. There is some reason why we on this side should wish it to be clearly understood why we object to the National Insurance Commission being in any way muddled up with this National Insurance Committee. We have these two bodies appointing lecturers, who go to different parts of the country, perhaps to the same constituencies. I am not going on this occasion to raise the question of what has been said by the Government lecturers; but when we realise the line taken by these party lecturers who masquerade as Government officials— [HON. MEMBERS: "No."]—I think we have distinct cause for complaint. [HON. MEMBERS: "Where?"] In place after place. We have lecturers going about under the guise of National Insurance lecturers, even after the name of the organisation has been changed. Surely to describe themselves as National Insurance lecturers is to cause confusion. Let me read an extract from the report of a meeting held in my Constituency. The lecturer was Mr. J. E. Dobson. I do not know if he is any relation to the present candidate; at a pending by-election.
He is the next Member.
We will wait and see. He said:— his own bat," so to speak. So far as I can make out there has been no system. Those societies which applied for the services of a lecturer at the public expense could have them if they undertook that the meeting should be private, that there shall be no reporters present; the lecturers could go down, and in many cases the meetings would be merely ticket meetings. That was not informing the public what their position was under the Act. These meetings have been held in a "hole and corner" manner, sometimes in public-houses, which one has heard so often condemned by hon. Gentlemen opposite; held, I say, in public-houses when it suited the convenience of trade unionists and others; held in halls sometimes that would only hold forty people. These highly-paid officials, getting from three to six guineas per week and travelling expenses paid, after the privilege of having received lectures from the Chancellor of the Excheuer before they went, were sent down in this way. Public money has been spent, and that is the way the Act at the present time is being administered!
Surely there should have been some system! Surely it is those who do not belong to a society, those unfortunate persons who will be Post Office contributors, who are the first people who should have been taught what were the wonderful advantages which the Chancellor of the Exchequer thinks they will get when the Act is put into force! Surely those organisations which have their own officials, who have been following the matter closely, are better able to look after themselves than that vast body of men to whom I have alluded! If it has become necessary to send lecturers all over the country to explain this complicated Act, surely it ought to have been done on some system? The constituencies ought to have been taken thoroughly. The different populous centres ought to have been covered, and in that way the money spent on these lecturers might have been well spent. Instead of that, it has been left in a slipshod way for anybody to apply for lecturers, and then a lecturer would be sent. If there was no application a whole district was left uninformed. Then the lecturers, even with the very best intention to do their best, have been handicapped "because they have not been able to explain many of the most important matters which members of their audience might have particularly wanted to know. How, for instance, are the lecturers going about able to explain what the alternative benefits under Section 13 of the Act will be? They are unable to do so because the table has not yet been made out. How can they explain what the medical benefit is going to be when at the present time, no one, not even the Chancellor of the Exchequer, knows what medical benefits will be allowed? The Financial Secretary to the Treasury, whenever he has been asked at Question Time with regard to the choice and appointment of these lecturers, seems to think that because one or two Unionist candidates have been appointed to these posts, that that is quite sufficient to excuse eight or ten or twenty appointments of active members of his own party. One swallow does not make a summer, and one Unionist candidate does not lend an air of respectability to twenty representatives of the party of which the hon. Gentleman is a member.
With regard to the literature which has been distributed, I do not mean to go into it very closely, but I would say this: it does seem rather a dangerous thing in connection with this Act to send round these "questions and answers" if that is the meaning of the literature dealing with the explanation of the Act. I have not been able to go through all these leaflets. I do not say they are inaccurate so far as they go. I do say this, that these answers to questions do put the most rosy complexion possible on the Act. They point out its advantages; they are not very ready to point out its disadvantages. It is rather like the thing we are sometimes treated to at the music hall. A ventriloquist comes out on the stage with a rather large and grotesque doll in his arms which he puts on a chair, makes the doll ask him ridiculous questions, which he answers to his own satisfaction. That is rather the method which has been adopted by these Insurance leaflets.
Are those issued by the Commissioners or by the National Insurance Committee?
The particular one that I have here, if the hon. Gentleman will give me time to read, is one issued by the "Commission," not by the "Committee." I am given to understand that the Committee have issued a large number of what I imagine are much more violent leaflets, and probably much more inaccurate if they carry out the sentiments expressed by their own lecturers. This is the kind of style in which the leaflets are written:—
What I have composed is entitled "Questions and Answers for Deposit Contributors."
I desire to ask your ruling Mr. Speaker as to whether it is in order for an hon. Member to give an exposition or explanation of the Act when he is discussing the administration of the Act?
Will the hon. Gentleman show me how the hon. Member can discuss the administration of the Act without illustrating his remarks?
With all deference, Sir, the point which I would wish to make is that the hon. Member is not discussing the machinery of the Act which is in question and the manner of administration. His explanation is as to the provisions relating to special classes insured under the Act.
Whose explanation?
His own: this imaginary leaflet he is giving to the House.
The hon. Member took no exception when I was reading either his own pamphlets or the extracts from the lecturers with which he is associated and which certainly had nothing to do with the Insurance Act. Therefore I must ask him to have patience and to listen attentively.
"Will anything be deducted from the sum standing to my credit each year for administration and sanatoria? —Yes, the Actuaries' estimate that 4s. a year will be sufficient to deduct for administration, and the Act provides for 1s. 3d. to be deducted each year for sanatoria, making 5s. 3d. in all. In addition to this, 8s. 6d. or more will have to be deducted each year for doctors and medicine.
"But did not the Chancellor of the Exchequer say, on February 12th, at the London Opera House, 'Of course there is not a penny of the money raised from the workman which goes to the officials, not a penny. The whole cost of the Insurance Commission falls upon a separate Vote which is down in the Estimates. Every penny contributed by the workman, by the employer, and the 2d by the State—every penny is handed over to the society for distribution by those societies'?— Yes, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said so, but it was not correct.
"Then if at the commencement of any year the amount standing to my credit is insufficient to pay this sum for medical benefit, sanatoria and administration, shall I be entitled to any benefits during the year?— No, not unless the Insurance Committee consents, and then subject to those conditions as the Committee may impose
"Then how many weeks' contribution during the year will it be necessary for me to make before I shall be entitled to any benefit?—According to the Actuaries' Report, about nineteen weeks.
"So if I am only able to get eighteen weeks' work in the year I shall be taxed 4d. a week all that time and my employer will be taxed 3d. a week, and I may get no benefits at all?—That is so.
"But did not the Chancellor of the Exchequer say we shall get 9d. for 4d.?—Yes, but it was not correct.
"But if I am permanently disabled surely I shall get 5s. a week for life?—No, you will get 6s. a week only as long as there is any money standing to your credit.
"Then if I have been in work for fifty weeks for five years and paid my Id. each week and have drawn out nothing, how much would I have standing to my credit?—About £5 10s., which would not be sufficient to give you 5s. a week for one year."
We never promised that.
That is not in the Act.
Well, if the hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench can deny it he is quite entitled to do so when he gets up to reply.
"Anyway, if I get consumption and go to a sanatorium, there will be a provision of 10s. a week for my wife and children while I am getting cured, because the Chancellor of the Exchequer promised it in his Tabernacle speech on October 11th. 1911?—Your wife and children will get 10s. only so long as the money standing to your credit lasts.
"Then the Insurance lecturer who said his statements must be taken with a grain of salt was speaking for the Chancellor of the Exchequer as well as for himself?—Yes, I should say so.
"Now, if my wife gets a regular job as a charwoman of 2s. 6d. for one day each week, will she have 3d. deducted from her earnings the same as if she had six days' work?—That is so.
"And if when I die there happens to be any money standing to my credit, will it be handed over to my widow?—Under the Bill as originally proposed she would have got none of it, but thanks to an Amendment moved by a unionist Member, she will now be allowed to draw four-sevenths of any such balance left."
I will hand that to the hon. Gentleman the Financial Secretary, and I hope that he will make good use of it and publish it. The hon. Gentleman opposite asked me whether the literature I produced belonged to the National Insurance Commissioners or the National Insurance Committee. I told him that it had been published in connection with the party of which he is a member.
What I asked was whether what the hon. Gentleman was reading from was issued by the National Insurance Commissioners of which Sir Robert Morant is chairman?
As the hon. Gentleman is so anxious to know, I shall tell him where this which I hold in my hand comes from. It is published by a body called the Young Liberals. I shall not read it, and shall only explain the cartoon. It shows the gratitude which the Liberal party feels to the Chancellor of the Exchequer for the active part he has taken in helping them with their party campaign, while at the same time he was chief of this Government Committee. There is a picture on this publication, and under it the words, "Saint David up to date." It is a picture which I can only describe as extremely blasphemous. The Chancellor is represented standing as the Good Shepherd with a crook in his hand and a halo round his head and there is a cathedral in the background with a stained-glass window. I think if hon. Gentlemen opposite saw it they would admit it is not a very pleasant spectacle. That is the type of literature which the party opposite has been spreading in regard to this Act, and it shows clearly the active part which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has taken in regard to the administration of this Act from the party point of view. The final part of my Resolution, as will be seen, suggests that it is in the interests of the friendly societies and the country generally that the Act should be postponed and should not come into force at the present time owing to the delay in setting up. the Advisory Committee and framing the machinery under which the Act is to work. I have not the least doubt that hon. Gentlemen opposite will try and suggest that this is merely a party move, and that, if the Act is delayed, it will bring untold hardships to those waiting for the refreshing fruits of the promised 9d. for 4d. In framing this Amendment, let me remind hon. Gentlemen opposite I give due consideration to the feelings of some of the great friendly societies. We have heard, time after time, references to the great work and the great position of such a society as the Manchester Unity. I should like to read a resolution passed at a special conference of the Manchester Unity, held on 2nd February:—
"That this conference is of opinion that in the best interests of the Unity it is essential that the Act should not come into operation before 1st January, 1913, and hereby instructs the Board of Directors to take such steps as they consider necessary to attain such an end."
If the Manchester Unity, a highly organised body, with officials who followed from day to day the discussions of the Bill, and are carrying on negotiations since the passing of the Act, find it necessary to ask that the operations of the Act be delayed for some months, how much more necessary is it in the case of the smaller societies unorganised, and some of which do not yet in the least realise what the Act means? It means this: that if the Act is forced on now, and if the Chancellor of the Exchequer insists in spending his time and energy in making party capital out of the Act, he should have appointed his Advisory Committee and made his regulations earlier, and have tried to come to terms with the doctors instead of trying to rub them up the wrong way, as he did at the Opera House. His machinery then might have been got into working order without doing the damage which undoubtedly will be done now if the matter is rushed through. There is a general feeling throughout the country, shared by those who represent the small societies, that, however inconvenient delay may be, it would be better to have delay than to force through the Act and so close down many societies. We know perfectly well that if the Act is brought into operation in July, the only benefits which are to come for the first six months are sanatoria benefits, and we were told yesterday at I Question Time that nothing is ready yet in order to give sanatoria benefits, and that that part of the Act will have to be delayed. Therefore, I do not think there is any reason why the Act should not be delayed. I do not specify any particular time, but I say that until we hear from the friendly societies and others interested as to when they can make their arrangements, the Act should be held up accordingly.
I rise to second the Motion made by my hon. Friend, and I may say in starting that I do not propose to occupy the attention of the House so long as he did, nor do I propose to consider, certainly in detail, all the various matters referred to in the Resolution. I think my hon. Friend has made a very interesting speech, and has quite legitimately attacked the methods that have been used in endeavouring so far to bring this Act into operation. I venture also to think that he has done wisely in calling the attention of the House, and through the House the attention of the country generally, to the admixture of politics with the benefits which are supposed to arise under the Act, so as to obtain some party advantage by the methods employed. I am also gratified to find that he called attention to the system of lectures and lecturers. I have on more than one occasion asked why these lectures are held in such a hole-and-corner fashion. Without reference to party considerations, there are many Members of this House who would have been glad to have heard some of these lectures. They would have liked to have improved themselves by hearing some of the lecturers sent round by the Chancellor of the Exchequer and the Government at the expense of the taxpayers. Surely it is not a wise thing that these lectures should have been delivered in a private manner, so that it was practically impossible, as was pointed out by the Financial Secretary, for anyone who did not make application to some body or persons to obtain permission to attend one of these lectures, in which the details of a very complicated Act of Parliament were to be explained. I should be very glad if the Financial Secretary will say something with regard to that important matter brought forward in this Amendment.
The part of the Amendment to which I desire to refer is that which calls attention "to the administration of the Insurance Act.… and which expresses the opinion that the methods adopted and the steps taken to bring into operation Part I. of the Act are unsatisfactory, and that owing to the delay in establishing the Advisory Committee and framing regulations, and in establishing these Insurance Committees and District Committees, and making arrangements for medical benefits." I will not delay the House by going into all the other points, but shall rather limit myself to the question of the arrangements so far made with regard to medical benefits. I feel quite certain I shall have the sympathy of hon. Members opposite, when I state that it is to me incomprehensible that this Act should have been drafted practically without reference to the members of the medical profession, without whose co-operation it cannot possibly work. Yet unfortunately that has been the case, and that is the reason of the long delay in bringing it into operation. It was only a few days since, on 12th April, five months after the Act was passed, that a meeting was held of the Scottish Medical Insurance Council, and this was the resolution they passed: non possumus, and he expected to override the wishes of the whole of the medical profession by Act of Parliament, and they would be compelled to come in under the machinery of the Act; but from that time up to the present moment the medical profession have held out for the granting of these very Amendments which I moved in August last, and they have not yet been granted. I venture to say further, that if these Amendments had then been adopted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer this Act, so far as its medical benefits go, would have been in operation a long time before now, and we would have had the whole of the medical profession willing to come in, and prepared to give effect to a measure the object of which is to prevent sickness and illness. So far a settlement has not yet been reached with the medical profession on the points by virtue of which they are willing to co-operate. What has been done?
Large sums of money have been expended, innumerable committees have been set up, secretaries and clerks and lecturers and typewriters and persons of all descriptions have been appointed at enormous cost to the country, to cure sickness, while the particular persons who are alone able to work this part of the Act have not yet agreed to co-operate. At the present moment the rate of remuneration paid to the members of the medical profession has not been settled either in the Act or by the Commissioners. I think it ought to be known that the very actuarial calculations on which the Bill is based will probably be found to be entirely inaccurate, because they have proceeded on the assumption that the members of the medical profession will be willing to give medical attention for less sums than they are prepared to accept. I have only recently been informed that a very much larger sum of money than that which has been calculated amounting to some hundreds of thousands of pounds will be required to satisfy the legitimate requirements of the medical profession before the medical benefits of this Act can be secured. Perhaps the Financial Secretary to the Treasury will be able to tell us—and the information I am seeking would really be useful to the medical profession—whether the Chancellor of the Exchequer intends to devote a portion of the £6,000,000 surplus which he has at present in his pocket to provide sufficient remuneration for members of the medical profession to enable this Act to come into full operation. With a view of indicating the terms under which the medical profession were willing to co-operate in working this Act I must refer to a letter they wrote to the Commissioners on 29th February. I bring these matters forward because I consider it very important that the public should know exactly why it is this long delay has been caused in bringing this Act into operation. On 29th February the British Medical Association wrote a letter to the Commissioners in which they stated:— very large Committee, consisting of 161 members. I do not think it has met yet, but it has already been appointed, and there are thirty-three medical members. The excuse for the delay in acknowledging this letter sent by the medical profession to the Commissioners on 29th February was that they were unable to do so, as they are waiting until the Advisory Committee had been set into operation.
No letter has been received which has not been acknowledged by the Commissioners.
I did not say that, I have already stated that the letter has been barely acknowledged, but no answer has been given to the letter itself. The hon. Member opposite knows as well as I do, and probably better, that this Advisory Committee cannot negotiate on behalf of the medical profession, and all it can do is to advise the Commissioners or the Joint Committee of the various Commissioners in various parts of the kingdom. All they can do is to advise the Joint Committees in regard to what the medical profession may require, but as regards negotiating I may tell the hon. Gentleman, who is Vice-Chairman of this Advisory Committee, that the medical Members of that Committee will not in any way be empowered to negotiate on behalf of the medical profession. These proceedings have been going on until the present time, and the latest letter received was an answer to a letter of 12th April, addressed again to the Joint Committee of the National Health Commissioners, in which the Committee said:—
"The Committee would now be glad to know whether it may expect to receive a detailed reply to its letter of 29th February."
The answer given by the Secretary was dated the 15th of April—three days ago— and it was as follows:—
"I am directed by the National Health Committee and the Insurance Joint Committee to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 12th inst., and to state that all such representations as those of the British Medical Association conveyed in your letter of the 29th February will be carefully considered in connection with the preparation of the regulations for the administration of medical benefit. The preparation of these regulations is at present under the consideration of the Joint Committee, and it is hoped that it may be practicable, at an early date, to obtain, in that preparation, the advice and assistance of the Advisory Committee recently formed, to which, as you are aware, representatives of your Association have been appointed."
Here we are on the lath of April, and we are no nearer than we were in August last to an arrangement being made between the Commissioners appointed to carry this Act into operation and the members of the medical profession without whose assistance the Act cannot possibly be carried out. I think this is a case justifying a great part of the Motion, which I am seconding. Let us consider what further statement has been made by the Financial Secretary. When these facts were brought under his notice by questions across the floor of the House, he finally took refuge in the statement that even if there are no medical benefits the Insurance-Act will come into operation. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] This is really the most remarkable statement that has ever been put forward, and I should be very glad if the hon. Member would inform us what it means. It means nothing less than trying to perform "Hamlet" without the Prince of Denmark. How is it possible to arrange for the prevention of disease and illness unless you have the members of the medical profession working with you? What were we told a few days ago, in answer to a question on this point? The answer given to us was that if the medical profession refused to co-operate the insurance committees will be enabled to pay to the insured person the sum equivalent to what the medical benefits would cost. Yes, that is true, but how can we ensure that this money collected from the pockets of both workmen and masters and contributed to by the State for the purpose of medical benefit will be used for that purpose. It may be used for any other purpose, and not necessarily for medical benefits. I think I have justified the words of the Motion now before the House. I trust the Financial Secretary will be able to give a satisfactory answer to the question I have put to him in the course of my; remarks.
5.0 P.M.
I congratulate the Opposition upon their choice of the Mover and Seconder of this Amendment. The Mover spoke of the friendly societies, and he very carefully avoided any reference to the difficulties of the doctors. The hon. Member who represents the University of London (Sir P. Magnus) very carefully confined himself to a discussion of the medical difficulties, and he made no reference whatever to the position of the friendly societies. Apparently both hon. Members knew full well that their position is mutually destructive. Had the hon. Member who spoke for the friendly societies dared to go a little further and ventured to give his views upon the medical difficulty he would at once have come into violent collision with the Seconder of this Amendment. I congratulate them both upon steering clear of each other. I will take the remarks of the hon. Member for the London University first, and I congratulate him upon adopting a tone which was a little more acceptable to us on this side of the House than the tone which was adopted by the Mover of the Resolution. I have always recognised the hon. Member's wish to find a solution of the difficulty rather than to make any party capital out of it. I found no such frame of thought running through the speech of the Mover. I think the hon. Member for the University of London overstated the case when he said, if the medical benefits were taken out of the National Insurance Act, we should have the play of "Hamlet" without the Prince of Denmark. The friendly societies and those who are seeking to be approved societies do not take the view of the hon. Member at all, and, if an announcement could be made throughout the country that the medical benefits would be dropped—I hope the Commissioners will not be driven to take that course—it would be hailed in the majority of cases with delight. It is just as well the members of the medical profession should remember that. They may have heard it, but they generally forget it when they make their speeches. The simple course would be to hand the money over to the societies, so that they could continue to make arrangements for the medical treatment of their members as they do now. They can do it now for an average price of from 2s. 6d. to 3s. per head per annum, so they would surely not have any difficulty when they had 6s. per head per annum at their disposal. A question was put from the opposite benches a few weeks ago with regard to a place near Leeds, where the doctors held a meeting and where some meetings of the friendly society were held. The society at the very place hon. Gentlemen opposite selected has had to renew its appointment of its medical officer, and every medical man in the district applied to serve, although the remuneration is only 2s. 6d. per head per annum, and although the district is not a very salubrious one. It is on the banks of the River Aire, and it is in the midst of all the smoke of the steel works of Leeds. I venture to point out that doctors must not sign petitions indicating that they regard poverty as certain if they agree to work for 6s. per head per annum and then all unanimously compete for these posts giving only 2s. 6d. That is a point I invite those who speak for the doctors to clear up.
The position of many of us on this side of the House throughout the Debates on the Bill in Committee was that we did not desire to give any vote hostile to the medical profession. The hon. Member has referred to several Amendments he moved, and he claims, if they had been inserted in the Bill, this difficulty would have been lessened, if it had not entirely disappeared, but the hon. Member never went to a Division. He voluntarily withdrew his Amendment.
No, the proposal was negatived without a Division.
I think that shows even a greater sense of weakness than withdrawing it. I consider any hon. Member who takes the very strong and serious view which has been put forward by the hon. Member to the House to-day cannot reconcile that view with the fact that he allows an Amendment to be negatived without a Division.
One knew there was a majority against it.
I was one of those who assured the hon. Member that as far as was, humanly possible I wished to give every vote I could on the side of better remuneration and equitable treatment of the doctors, and I regarded myself as one of his chief supporters on this side of the House. I do not know a single occasion on which the hon. Member and myself were in opposite camps during the progress of the Bill. The view of the Conservative party on this question underwent a great change after the Bill was through, and when they discovered the electioneering power of the doctor on his visits. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] I say so. [HON. MEMBERS: "Then you are wrong."] Hon. Members can give their view, but I say the hostility of the Conservative party to this Act grew and swelled in volume after the Bill was through. On the First Reading of the Bill they gave me no sympathy whatever when I criticised it, and in the Lobbies and the Smoke Room they asked me not to be an Ishmaelite and run my head against every party in the House. Again, on the Second Reading. I ventured to criticise the Bill and point out some objections and to ask for some Amendments, and, of course, the Front Opposition Bench immediately got up and thanked the Chancellor of the Exchequer for introducing the measure and said they wished to pass it with all speed and under no circumstances whatever would succumb to the temptation to make any party capital out of it. They claim that as the Bill progressed through Committee they were able to insert very valuable Amendments. I agree, but I also claim that one or two valuable Amendments were inserted from this side of the House. But as the Bill grew more acceptable so the Conservative party grew more hostile, and I ask them how they can reconcile that position with the spirit of true patriotism which they claim?
I have taken particular trouble in listening to the two speeches to-day to get at something definite, but I am only able to gather the hon. Member desires one thing. He wants some more money to be given out of the Budget to the medical profession. I am glad to see the hon. Baronet the Member for the City of Lonon (Sir F. Banbury) in his place, and I think I can leave them in his safe hands. Apart from that request for more money, the only thing definite is an objection to the separate Commissioners for the different nationalities. The hon. Member would seem to indicate he was not at all in sympathy with setting up different Commissioners for the different nationalities. He said it was unnecessary expenditure. There has been some reference by some Conservative Members to this point at by-elections in Scotland, but they have never bad the courage to speak openly. I challenge them in this House to get up and say they would propose to do away with the separate Commissioners. That was one of the points I criticised in this House. I said we were entitled to have the arguments brought before the House, and with very little support from the opposite side I rose in my place and insisted upon the thing being discussed. There were the difficulties of book-keeping and of administration by trade unions and societies which overlapped the national boundaries, but separate Commissioners have been formed, and I quite candidly say, now that I see it in all its meaning after visiting, at any rate, three of the countries and interviewing a great many people with regard to the Act, I am rather glad there are separate Commissioners. Do hon. Gentlemen opposite mean what they say? Will they come out into the open and tell us whether they will abolish them or not? If not, I would ask them to go on no longer with their vague criticisms.
I am glad the hon. Member for Eastbourne (Mr. Rupert Gwynne) had the courage to make any reference to the exposition of this Act in his constituency. I well remember a meeting in his constituency which I attended. It was got up under the auspices of the Holloway Societies, and of course party politics were tabooed. Two of my confréres who went down from London at the invitation of the societies were Conservatives, and it fell to the lot of one of them to answer questions from the meeting. We got most extraordinary questions about that time, last Autumn. Anyone who was conducting meetings at that time knows how extraordinary they were. We were asked: "Is it true that a man who has been a member of a society for thirty or forty years has to sacrifice all he has paid in?" "Is it true, when he is in a hospital, neither he nor his family get any sick benefit?" "Is it true that a man can only be a member of one society, and that he must abandon the rest and sacrifice all he has paid in?" "Is it true that a man's savings are taken out of the Post Office Savings Bank in order to support Lloyd George's scheme?" Those were the questions we got all over the country, and they almost invariably came from leaflets of Conservative associations. I was not aware when I saw the Resolution that hon. Members would not only bring leaflets which they thought were used, but would cite imaginary ones. I will refer them to leaflets No. 49 and No. 51, issued by the Union of Conservative Associations in Scotland. Two more lying documents I have never seen in my life. I did not know it would be in order, but I have got two sets, and, if any suitable opportunity is afforded—
May I ask whether those are the leaflets to which he referred when he spoke of the Eastbourne Division?
These points were made at Eastbourne, but the leaflets were not there. There was no by election going on there. The leaflets appeared for the purpose of catching votes. They appeared at Govan and places like that. The hon. Member for Colchester (Mr. Worthington-Evans), as far as I can judge from public reports and from visiting his constituency, has been the fairest exponent of this measure on the Conservative side, and I am perfectly certain his horror when I mention this is sincere and genuine. I see some Scotch Members here, and I will ask them to be bold and frank enough to get up and defend those leaflets—if they have not them I will supply them with copies—either in this House or in any public debate. Questions of that kind came up at the Eastbourne meeting. I was on the opposite side of politics to the hon. Member for that Division. I have nothing personal against him. I had not gone down for party purposes, and I thought it would be rather unkind incidentally to accomplish that purpose. To avoid any appearance of party bias I arranged, therefore, that a colleague of mine who was a strong Conservative should answer questions. He was subjected to a great deal of heckling, and the questioner said time after time "We were told the exact opposite at the Conservative meeting held shortly before."
Will the hon. Gentleman quote the questions? My recollection does not altogether tally with his.
At that meeting, which I attended in company with two Conservatives, numerous questions were asked from the body of the hall. They were answered by my colleague, and the questioners said they had had entirely opposite answers at a previous Conservative meeting.
It does not at all follow that because the hon. Member's colleague was a Conservative I agree with his account of the meeting.
I am glad to see the names of both the gentlemen who went down with me are on the new Advisory Committee. It shows I am not talking about men of straw.
The hon. Member, I believe, attended many meetings in different parts of the country with what he calls his two colleagues, but he left the Town Hall at Eastbourne to catch an early train, and he did not hear the gentleman to whom I imagine he refers.
I have given a correct account of what passed at that meeting, and I challenge the hon. Member to go further into it. I am only making a broad, general statement, but I shall come a great deal closer to him if I am allowed to do so, and shall have a great deal to say about the hon. Member for Buntingford as well as the hon. Member for Eastbourne. The hon. Member for Eastbourne seems to complain that lecturers went down to his constituency. I do not believe there was a constituency in the whole country that needed a lecturer more than that one after the hon. Member himself had tried to explain the Act. There is an extraordinary complaint—I have met it outside at by-elections—against Liberal speakers. I believe the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition tried to make some capital out of this, although he did not, I think, succeed. The complaint is that in some way there is some connection between Liberal exponents of this Act and the Insurance Commissioners. The hon. Member for Eastbourne himself suggested that all through his speech, but he failed to show the slightest connection between any party speaker outside and the National Insurance Commissioners. He neither gave us the name of a man, nor did he connect any leaflet with that body. He simply hinted at the charge. The extracts he read, however, showed how carefully our Chief Liberal Whip had been to dissociate party activity from the Commissioners' work of explanation.
The hon. Member apparently has entirely misunderstood the work of the Commissioners in explaining the Act to the friendly societies. He spoke of hole-and-corner meetings. He must be entirely ignorant of friendly society work. The friendly societies all over the country had to decide whether or not they would apply for approval. In many instances they have been in doubt and have wanted some impartial person to explain the Act and to advise them, and they have found it necessary, of course, to lay their financial position clearly before their advisers. To ask them to do that in public with a number of Conservative Members present anxious to make political capital out of the matter, and to direct personal attacks on the Chancellor of the Exchequer, would be simply absurd. If hon. Members opposite think that this is a good party game in their own interest, they are making the greatest mistake in their lives. I have not sought to make any party game out of it. My connection with sickness and insurance is not political in any sense whatever, and I certainly think our Friends; are entirely on the wrong tack. They will set all the best approved societies against them, and the members of those societies will regard the Conservative party as their opponents if they persist in their present attitude of objecting to the sending out of these lecturers to explain the provisions of the Act. The only suggestion I can make is that the Conservative party perfer that the people should remain in darkness when they can have light and information for the asking. These things may do for people anxious to have a weapon to chastise the Chancellor of the Exchequer, but they will not appeal to the public or to the members of these friendly societies. I appeal to the Conservative party to abandon this extreme attitude once and for all. I agree the hon. Member for the University of London has shown less of this feeling than is usually shown by Conservative candidates. I know the Conservative party are fond of saying that their attitude on the Bill changed only after the guillotine was applied. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I am glad to have drawn that cheer from hon. Gentlemen opposite. It is a kind of interruption which is always welcome. But I would remind them that the Kilmarnock election was fought long before the guillotine was applied to this Bill, and they were so delighted with their champion in that contest that they are now running him in East Nottingham. What did the Conservative champion say at Kilmarnock? He said that this Insurance Act would never do a man, with arms or without arms, the slightest good, and then he got eloquent in the Celtic style. Perhaps an apology is necessary to my Welsh Friends for saying that. Perhaps it is unfair to that nation to make such a suggestion, but certainly he used these remarkable words:— he delivered in Scotland during the Recess, before there was any indication of any time table, coupled this Bill with Home Rule and with Welsh Disestablishment, and made this remarkable declaration:— charitable institutions are framing their machinery with a view to marching together unitedly under this Act on 15th July next. I cannot understand why hon. Gentlemen should wish to put a stop to that movement, and I do appeal to them to show a nobler spirit.
It is because we want this Act to have a chance of being properly administered, and because we want more time for the various societies to perfect their arrangements that we are supporting the Amendment now before the House. The hon. Member has drawn a picture of societies springing up in all directions, new societies, and new associations being formed. It would be much more convincing if he could give us the names of those new associations who have been making their arrangements for the purpose of grouping small societies, or if he could give us a list of any considerable number of societies which have been able as yet to decide whether they can be formed into approved societies. I will not deal at length with the speech of the hon. Gentleman, because it had for the most part nothing whatever to do with the Motion before the House. He did, in his opening remarks, refer to what the Mover and Seconder had said and the positions they took up—one as representing the friendly societies and the other as representing the doctors, and he declared that their positions were mutually destructive. If that be the case it is the most severe criticism I have heard passed upon the National Insurance Act, as it must be remembered that both the friendly societies and the doctors will have to come in under the Act, and their attitude must not be mutually destructive if the Act is in fact to be worked for the benefit of the people of this country.
I did not say that the friendly societies and the doctors were mutually destructive. What I did say was that the speeches of the Mover and Seconder were destructive of each other.
I do not want to misrepresent the hon. Gentleman. I understand him to say that the positions taken up by my two right hon. Friends were mutually destructive. My answer to that is that both the friendly societies and the doctors have to accommodate themselves within the Act if the Act is to be successful, and it seems to be that the hon. Gentleman really did nothing more than to emphasise the difficulties in the administration of the Act, difficulties which have made us desirous to have its operation postponed. The hon. Member said he was present at a meeting at Eastbourne last October at which very many questions were put, and he came to the conclusion that in Eastbourne they had been misinformed about the Insurance Act. That is an extraordinarily easy thing to say, but I have no doubt it is perfectly true. It is quite likely that last October many people were under a misconception regarding the provisions of this Bill, because those provisions were changing from day to day, and no one could say in what particular position any particular proposal stood at that moment. The hon. Gentleman has no right to say in this House that questions arise in that way, and to impute to my hon. Friend some misconduct or some misrepresentation of the Act without being able to give at least some information on the questions which he says were asked. Before I turn to the Motion, I should like to emphasise the point made by the Mover of the Amendment, that there has been a great deal of confusion between the National Insurance Commission and the National Insurance Committee.
No.
The hon. Member for Pontrefact says there has been no confusion, but I will call the attention of the House to a meeting which was advertised in the "Dundee Courier" on 7th March. It has been the habit to say that the National Insurance Committee has ceased to use that name, and is now called the Liberal Insurance Committee, for the very reason that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was himself afraid that the Committee and the Commission might get muddled up, and that the public would not understand which set of lecturers was actually attending the various meetings. As late as 7th March, according to the advertisement in "Dundee Courier," meetings were being held and addressed by a Mr. McNab, who was described as of the National Insurance Committee. I have reason to believe that he is a Liberal lecturer, and not an official lecturer. His name does not appear amongst the official lecturers. On the next day a Mr. Jackson, of the National Insurance Committee, was lecturing, and he again was not one of the official lecturers, but a Liberal lecturer. My hon. Friend was right in calling attention to this action, because it is impossible to expect that the public should be able to distinguish between the Committee and the Commission, and between the lecturers who are supplied from those two bodies. I also want to call attention to a lecture, of which I have a shorthand note, given before a cinematograph show at Sligo on a Sunday evening. I do not think the House will mind if I quote a considerable portion of it, because it is one of the most interesting and humorous lectures I have ever read. There are two statements in it to which I want to call the hon. Member's attention, because I want to show him what might be done in the way of correction. This lecturer started by saying:— derives from this insurance. Here you have a repetition of that statement by one of the officially paid lecturers on a Sunday evening at Sligo. This lecturer also refers to the disablement benefit in a way in which he again copies the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and with no greater accuracy. He says the 10s. sickness benefit lasts for twenty-six weeks, and thatr—
This leads me to call the hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that these "Questions and Answers for Lecturers," which ought, if they were properly drawn up, to prevent these mistakes, have never yet been issued. The House may remember that as long ago as 23rd January, instructions were given to the lecturers, according to the printed paper, of the steps taken to bring the Act into operation, that, in answering any questions, the answer which is contained in "Questions and Answers for Lecturers," or other publications, should be followed. That is dated 23rd January. I suppose anyone reading that would believe that there was a publication called "Questions and Answers for Lecturers" in existence on the 23rd January. We were told, when we asked for this document before, that it was not in existence, but that it was going to be published. On the 6th March the Secretary to the Treasury promised that it should be published as soon as possible, or words to that effect. Here we are in the middle of April, and still these instructions to lecturers have never been published. I do not know how many thousands of the lectures have taken place in the meantime. Whenever we get a report of a lecture, it is certain that we can immediately put our finger upon some statement made by the lecturer which ought never to have been made, and probably never would have been made, if the Treasury had done its duty, and had issued these "Questions and Answers for Lecturers" before.
There are some statements in the leaflets and circulars which have been issued to which I wish to call the attention of the House. First I will deal with "A. S. No. 2," which is one of the circulars referring to Section 13 of the Act. This circular says:— the view that none of these schemes can be submitted to or considered by them until the society submitting it has become an approved society. That means, so far as domestic servants are concerned, that they cannot get out a scheme until they have formed an approved society. They cannot practically form an approved society until, at any rate, they have been able to place the scheme before the people who join the society. You have got them chasing their tails, for they cannot take either one course or the other. I ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer to exercise his powers, which he can do readily, to alter this Section so as to make it apply to societies, or groups of individuals, who propose to become approved societies. The Chancellor has already altered one of the Sections for this very purpose. It was obviously found difficult, when appointing the Advisory Committee, to get nominations from the approved societies. So I noticed in the "Gazette" a regulation had been passed, which, by the by, does not seem to have been sent round in the ordinary way—it was a pure accident that I saw it in the "Gazette"—altering one of the Sections of the Act so as to bring it into operation before the approval of the society. I am asking the Chancellor of the Exchequer to do exactly the same thing as regards Section 13, and to bring that into operation also before the approval of the society.
The Government has adopted a most extraordinary position with regard to Section 72 of the Act, which refers to schemes being brought in for the approval of the Registrar of Friendly Societies for dealing with the existing funds of societies. The Government have apparently wavered in their minds as to what the meaning of Section 72 is. Surely after the Act came into operation a large number of friendly societies applied to be dissolved, and the Registrar of Friendly Societies, no doubt under instruction, held up the registration. The Secretary to the Treasury in answer to a question said it had never been refused. I gave him particulars of one society, called the Friends in Distress, which was registered in South Wales, which had lodged and completed their papers some time in January, and it was not until March that their papers were passed for dissolution. It appeared, after further questioning, that what had actually happened was that some doubt as to the effect of Section 72 had apparently been brought to the notice of the Government, and they took the advice of the Law Officers on it. The position now is apparently that the leaflets are wrong. A.S.2 and leaflet No. 1 do not agree. One says that every friendly society which confers benefits similar, etc., must lodge a scheme showing how far it is proposed to vary the benefits. Leaflet No. 1 makes the same statement, but with the additional words, "whether it becomes an approved society or not." Probably the second leaflet is correct, but the first statement is incorrect. I notice that the first statement was made on 26th February, and the other was not made till March, so I presume in the meanwhile the Government had been getting on. But there is also an alternative which, under cross-examination at Question Time, the Secretary to the Treasury admitted on 25th March did not apply to societies which wound up in the meanwhile. If this leaflet is to be made correct, the alternative ought to be given at the same time as the statement that is now made. In connection with Section 72, I think the Treasury ought to make it clear that this applies to every existing registered friendly society, whether approved or not, and they ought at once to say what is to happen in connection with those societies which do not become approved under the Act. There are societies—I had a communication from one only this morning—which do not mean to become approved at all. They mean to continue their business as if the Act had not passed. Over and over again it has been said that the existing funds of societies are not affected by this Act. I have not the slightest doubt that the hon. Member (Mr. Booth) said that.
dissented.
I am wrong. I have been guilty myself of saying that existing funds of societies are not affected by the Act. It appears that they are. Existing funds of societies which do not become approved, but which wish to go on just as they were before, have still got to bring in a scheme under Section 72 to apply these funds as the Registrar of Friendly Societies may approve.
If they have members who become employed contributors.
That limitation may or may not apply. "If they give benefits similar to the benefits given under the Act." All such friendly societies give a sickness benefit of some sort, therefore they give a benefit similar, and so they come in under Section 72. The leaflet ought certainly to be expanded so as to make it clear that it does affect existing societies which do not intend to come in under the Act. I wish to make an appeal to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to see whether he can devise some words which are a little less misleading than those which are now in it. The question is, is the amount of the State subsidy the same for a woman as for a man, and the answer is—yes. I do not object to that answer. It is correct, and it might stop there; but it goes on:—
"It is equivalent to 2d. a week in each case."
That is the part of the answer that I object to. It is only necessary to maintain that in order to maintain the 9d. for 4d. fiction. I wish the Chancellor of the Exchequer had heard the appeal of the hon. Member (Mr. Booth) to keep this Bill out of the cockpit of party faction. I think we might well retort that the leaflets of the Commissioners ought not also to descend into the cockpit, nor to support the 9d. for 4d. fiction, which has been so freely published from Liberal platforms. Would it not be enough in this question to answer simply "Yes," and leave out the statement, which is highly controversial if it is not absolutely inaccurate—in my opinion it is absolutely inaccurate—that it is equivalent to 2d. a week in each case.
We are there quoting the very words used by Mr. Watson, who was the actuary of the leading friendly societies, and was the actuary chosen by the Unionist Committee.
I know the Secretary to the Treasury has already hidden himself behind Mr. Watson in answer to this particular question, and I am not surprised that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has done the same thing. I could also quote Mr. Watson. I know perfectly well that Mr. Watson will not challenge the statement that for the next eighteen years it is not equivalent, and it is only equivalent if you take into account benefits which may or may not be received, as Parliament may hereafter determine, by other generations of insured persons.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman if he objects to Mr. Watson's statement, can he quote to me the authority of any responsible actuary for the statement that it is not equal to 2d.?
May I, before I answer that question, ask the right hon. Gentleman another. Has he changed his mind since 6th July last, because then I asked him whether the two-ninths benefit was not equivalent to less than a halfpenny a week for one series of years and less than l½d. a week up to 1928, and his answer was that the calculations that I had referred to were accurate.
I certainly have not changed my mind, but what on earth has that got to do with it? After all, the hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well that insurance is not a matter of what you are going to pay in the next five, ten, or fifteen years. It is a liability for a whole lifetime, and when we are undertaking a liability for a whole lifetime it is a question of what the amount of the liability is. If the hon. Gentleman can find any responsible actuary who will tell him that it is not 2d. he can come to us and say we ought to make it 2d.
The right hon Gentleman has not met the point. The statement is that it is equivalent to 2d., and that is taken in conjunction with the insured person's contribution and the employer's contribution of 4d. and 3d. a week, and it is constantly stated that that is a 2d. a week contribution by the State. The contribution of the State is not the equivalent of 2d. at any rate for eighteen or twenty years. I ask the right hon. Gentleman to forego the pleasure of pretending that it is 2d. during the next eighteen years, and at any rate to put a note in this leaflet taking it all through the period of insurance, but not for the next eighteen years.
If the hon. Gentleman would state himself, on his own responsibility—I admit he knows the Act thoroughly—that the liability undertaken by the State is not equivalent to 2d. I should say that there is a case for investigation.
But that is not the point. I am not saying the liability undertaken by the State is not equal to 2d. if you extend it far enough. What I am saying is that for the next eighteen years the statement in the official leaflets is untrue.
Why eighteen years?
If the right hon. Gentleman will look at the answer which he gave me on 6th July last he will see that over that period calculations were got out, and I know I am right when I am talking of eighteen years. I think it is a little longer, but it is certainly eighteen years.
That has nothing to do with it.
I can only call the right hon. Gentleman's attention to a leaflet which, as it stands, is in my view misleading and could easily be made perfectly true if a note is put to it that this is true in the long run, if he claims that it is true in the long run, but is not true for any year during the next eighteen years. I know there will be a little inconvenience to some of his followers if that statement is made, but it would be desirable in the interests of truth.
Really this is rather an important point. It is true about the 2d. as it is about the 4d. and the 3d. The 4d. and the 3d. are to insure a man up to the time he is fifty years of age, and therefore you calculate the amount of the liability with reference to the whole liability of the approved society, and therefore the 2d. is not for fifteen years or eighteen years, nor is the 4d. for eighteen years. The liability will be 2d or 3d. altogether for him.
6.0 P.M.
I cannot very well argue it now, but I can offer the right hon. Gentleman a very easy test of the statement he has just now made. If the right hon. Gentleman will see what the actuaries estimate the so-called 2d. of the State will amount to during any of the next two or three years, he will find that it is millions below what the real 2d. paid in in the same way as the employer's 3d. and the workman's 4d. with which he is now erroneously comparing it will amount to. I want to direct the attention of the House to the curious position of the Advisory Committee. The House will remember that under Section 58 of the Act the duty of the Insurance Commissioners was to appoint an Advisory Committee "as soon as may be after the passing of the Act." That Advisory Committee was to have representatives on it of approved societies, associations of employers, medical practitioners, and so on. It was to be a great big Advisory Committee for the purpose of assisting the Insurance Commissioners. When we objected while the Bill was passing through the House to the wide powers that were being given to the Insurance Commissioners we were consoled and comforted by the Chancellor of the Exchequer with the statement that the Advisory Committee would always be at hand, and that we could safely trust the Insurance Commissioners, because they would not act without that Committee. For example, on 29th May the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:—
"Let me remind the House that the Insurance Commissioners will act on the advice of the Advisory Committee—that is in the Bill."
In December last the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:—
"It is not for us to frame the regulations. We have pot the Insurance Commissioners—men of experience. We shall have more than that. It is proposed to bring into existence a great advisory body representing practically every interest in the country."
It was quite clear—I do not think the Chancellor of the Exchequer will deny it— that the Government were not to interfere in the administration at all. The administration of the Act was to be carried on by the Insurance Commissioners with the assistance of this great big Advisory Committee. There was no intention then, at any rate, of the Government interfering at all. Surely, therefore, I am right in saying that the representation which the Chancellor of the Exchequer made to the House was that the Insurance Commissioners would carry out the Act, that on them the responsibility lay, that they would be assisted by an Advisory Committee, and that it was quite safe to trust the Commissioners with these extraordinarily wide powers we are giving them. The Chancellor of the Exchequer does not deny that. I do not think he can.
Of course, I never said that the ultimate responsibility would rest upon the Commissioners. That is constitutionally impossible. The ultimate responsibility for the spending of enormous sums of money like that is upon the Minister responsible for it, and I could not, whatever I did, divest myself of the responsibility of the Department over which I am presiding for the administration of enormous sums of money. If the hon. Member means that the administration should be conducted by the Insurance Commissioners with the aid of an advisory body, of course, I say that the responsibility must be with the Treasury.
I understand that the Treasury represents the Insurance Commissioners in this House, and to that extent takes the responsibility for what they do. That I perfectly understand. But I think the House was comforted by the statement that the Insurance Commissioners would be men of great ability, as they are indeed, and that as. they would have the advice of an Advisory Committee we might safely trust them to carry out the administration of the Act. I remember that the Chancellor of the Exchequer said that even in the case of the appointment of a clerk the responsibility will be on the Commissioners and not the Government. I think I am right in saying the House expected that the Commissioners would take the responsibility for the administration of the Act with the assistance of the Advisory Committee, and that they would not act without consulting the Advisory Committee. I think I must refer to the statement of the Commissioners themselves. The first memorandum which was issued by the Commissioners said clearly:—
"The Commissioners are desirous of having the opinion and advice of their Advisory Committee before taking any substantive steps or arriving at any important decision."
They added in another part of the circular that it was not possible for them to reply or to give interviews, but that a special memorandum would be issued after the opinion and counsel of the Advisory Committee have been taken. That was in January or February, but, notwithstanding that, we know that the Advisory Committee was not appointed until 12th April, and that all through February and March model rules for societies, leaflets on various subjects, memoranda of all sorts, and at least one regulation, was issued without any consultation with the Advisory Committee. There seems to have been a sort of tug-of-war going on—I am not behind the scenes, and I do not know —between the Insurance Commissioners and the Treasury in some form or another. In answer to a question the Secretary to the Treasury said—I am paraphrasing what he did say—that the Commissioners before taking any important decision or action have to ascertain and carry out the views of the Chancellor of the Exchequer or the Secretary to the Treasury as the responsible Minister, and that they are not free to act upon their own views as; Commissioners.
I never said anything in the least approaching that.
Let me put it more definitely. If the hon. Gentleman will refer to the OFFICIAL REPORT, he will find, on 29th February, the following question and answer:— the Advisory Committee? If, on the other hand, the Commissioners are entitled to take the advice and act on the advice of the Advisory Committee there must be some limitation to the apparently very wide powers he has got. I do not think there can be much doubt of that. Perhaps the House will remember that the powers of the Development Commissioners are quite different. It was only a day or two ago that the Financial Secretary, replying to a question as to the Development Commissioners, informed the House that they had got independent powers, and that he could not make them do anything at all. He could only answer for them in this House. We thought that the Insurance Commissioners had power nearer that of the Development Commissioners than the mere shadow of power which the Chancellor of the Exchequer appears to have left them.
I turn from the question of the Insurance Commissioners to the other part of the Resolution, which asks for further time to enable the societies to organise their future business and for new societies to be formed. The first question that arises in the attempt to form a new society is, naturally, who is going to pay and how are the expenses of the formation of the new society to be found? The Act itself apparently gives no power to pay preliminary expenses at all. There is power to pay administration expenses, and the Insurance Commissioners—or the Chancellor of the Exchequer—have got to say how much is to be put aside each year for administration expenses. But apparently there is no power to pay the formation expenses of any new society. There is no Clause referring to that, and apparently no fund to draw upon. The Insurance Commissioners state in their circular of 4th April that they propose to approach the Treasury—this time they have become very humble towards the Treasury—with the view to the issuing of an Order under Section 78 of the Act for the purpose of authorising the repayment of preliminary expenses. That is only wanted because Section 35 apparently does not give power to pay these preliminary expenses. I would observe in passing that that Section was one of those put in the Act without any discussion in Committee or on Report on account of the Government closuring the discussion. I would like the Chancellor of the Exchequer to say what is the position with regard to new societies, and to state whether that Order is going to be made to empower preliminary expenses to be paid.
In answering that I should be much obliged if he would say whether the preliminary expenses of county associations, voluntary associations, or small societies, can also be paid, and if so from what sources? This is a matter of the utmost importance to those of us who are trying to get the county associations together. If we could get a small levy from each constituent society, that would do probably. But we must not make the small societies run the risk of having these payments charged on audit, so that it ought to be provided for in any Order that is made.
Several sets of model rules have been issued. Those rules have got twenty-seven pages. They start in this way:— attached to the rules, because it is absolutely impossible without that table, for anybody intelligently to explain what happens to a member of a friendly society who gets into arrear. There is a real difficulty going to arise in connection with that table. The Act is unintelligible in that respect, and the sooner the difficulty is tackled the better. It is quite probable that there will have to be another "removed difficulties" regulation in order to get over a difficulty which exists in that class. Rule 22, which is a very important one for members of approved societies, is also in skeleton: it is not there. That is the rule which relates to the behaviour of insured persons during disease or disablement.
Naturally they want to know whether they have got to stop at home all day, or whether they are not to go out during certain hours, if they are to receive disablement assistance benefit. That is a rule which is an extremely important one, because if it is broken I rather think that a member can be expelled from a society. At any rate, it is one of the important rules for breach of which he can be fined up to 10s. or more and can lose benefit, and it ought to be published among the first rules published. For the Commissioners or the Treasury to bring out great packets of new rules running to twenty-seven pages and to leave out some really vital thing is not assisting the administration of the Act. The answer of the Secretary to the Treasury, no doubt, will be that as regards regulations to be prescribed at present they have not made up their minds what the particular prescription should be, but how can members select their societies first until they are able to see the rules of the society which they are going to join? How can societies themselves be established until these rules are completed and in working operation? For those reasons and others I support heartily the Motion before the House, for as matters stand now no Department of this work is complete in the ordinary centre; much less is it complete in the counties, for no attempt has been made to set up the Committees, and much less is it complete in the smaller towns, for District Committees have never been set up and cannot be; and it is not complete as to local administration through the friendly societies, because until you have given them the means of judging what the alternative benefits are under Section 13; until you have told them what is going to happen to their funds under Section 72, until you enable the rules to be complete it is quite impossible either for the society or the members to tell in what way the Act affects them or how best to make use of its provisions.
I wish to confine my remarks to the action and the inaction of the Insurance Commissioners. When the Insurance Bill finally left the House many Clauses had not been discussed here at all, many provisions of the Act were not understood properly by Members of the House, and many doubtful points were left over for the decision of the Insurance Commissioners. The Act is going to be put in force before those who are going to be affected by it have really understood it. It is going to be put into force before many of the doubtful points have been cleared up by the Insurance Commissioners. I have the honour to represent a purely agricultural constituency, and the vast majority of those who are going to become insured persons there under this Act have not got at the present moment the faintest notion of how it is really going to affect them. So far, they have not had the advice or the assistance of the Government lecturers. Nor have the leaflets which have been mentioned to-day yet reached the agricultural labourer. I believe that even when they do he will find that they do not contain the information he requires. These leaflets have been issued by the Insurance Commissioners without prejudice. They specially guard themselves by stating— cottage will be taken into account. Therefore the agricultural labourer who now receives 14s. and perhaps gets a cottage at 2s. below the annual economic value will have to pay, hot 3d. a week, but the full contribution of 4d. a week.
It is of the greatest importance that the agricultural labourer should know the actual amount of his contribution on the National Insurance Act. He usually belongs to some club or friendly society, and the friendly societies, like the Manchester Unity, are now sending out forms asking the members three questions: First, whether they wish to insure both under the Act and in the friendly society? That is to say, whether they wish to pay the contribution under the Government scheme in addition to the contribution which they are paying at the present time. Second, whether they wish to pay the same contribution as they are paying now? That is to say, 6d. a week, including the Government contribution. And, third, whether they wish in future to insure under the Government scheme only? None of the leaflets which have been issued contain any information with regard to the methods of arriving at the value of the difference between the actual rent paid and the economic value of the cottage.
Until the agricultural labourer knows how that is going to be determined he cannot possibly answer the questions which have been put to him by the friendly societies, and the friendly societies cannot possibly draw up their scheme under Section 72 until they have received the answers from their members. There is another question which has not been settled yet in the Act by the Insurance Commissioners. Considerable doubt exists in the minds of both farmers and agricultural labourers as to harvest money and other payments for piece-work which are made at various times during the year. I believe the House is probably aware that the agricultural labourer at harvest time gets a sum varying from £5 to £8 in addition to his usual wages. He looks upon that sum as forming part of his annual earnings. I believe the Chancellor of the Exchequer last year informed us that he was against any system of averaging—that is to say, the man would have to contribute according to the actual wage which he received for each particular week.
In that event I suppose the agricultural labourer who receives under 15s. a week would be paying 3d. per week in ordinary times and 4d. per week during harvest time, when he was receiving this additional sum. That should be made perfectly clear, because most people are at the present moment under the impression that a man would have to contribute according to his average annual earnings. I hope the Commissioners will issue a leaflet of instructions in which the matter will be at once made clear, because it is one which affects the whole agricultural industry. There are two other points which I wish to bring under the notice of the hon. Gentleman. One of them is in regard to medical benefit. I have been asked by members of friendly societies in the country what is going to happen to members who are over seventy years of age. At the present moment the man over seventy, who is a member of a society, gets his sick pay and gets his medical attendance. He is insured, and he remains insured, whether he is over seventy years or not. Under the Act, a man is no longer insured as soon as he reaches the age of seventy—that is to say, he is not going to get sick pay. Although he is still to get medical attendance, he is not to get sick pay. His contributions will cease, and what the members of friendly societies are asking is this: Where is the money to come from to provide for these men when they reach the age of seventy years? We have never been told, and it has never been put into any Government publication. Are the friendly societies to form a sort of reserve fund to enable them to pay medical benefit to their members, whether they reach the age of seventy or not? The Chancellor of the Exchequer last year agreed that in many country districts the people enjoy better health and probably live longer than men in towns or mining districts. He told us that the better health of a community brings profit to life assurance companies, but means a loss in respect of sickness, and that the later you prolong life the heavier you make the sickness pay.
He has protected himself from this additional charge by stopping insurance at the age of seventy. Still a man over seventy will continue to have medical benefit, but it is not clearly stated where that medical benefit is going to come from. The other point is, why the Insurance Commissioners could not issue any instructions dealing with the question of casual labour? That is a most important matter. The farmer has to employ at various times of the year a certain amount of casual labour. He takes on ten, twenty or thirty men perhaps one or two days in the week; and those men, when they have finished their task, go and do similar work for another farmer. We want to know whether it is the intention of the Act that we should have to pay and deduct not only the man's contribution, but the whole of the employer's contribution in respect of those casual employés engaged perhaps only one day in the week. I believe this is mentioned in the Act, and it is one of the absurdities of the measure, and perhaps one reason why it has never been mentioned in any of the Government leaflets. For very much the same reason the advantages which the Post Office contributor will derive from the Insurance Act have never been set out in the leaflets which have been published. I am supporting the Motion which has been moved by my hon. Friend, because I am certain that so far the small societies of the country have not had time to make the necessary inquiries or make the necessary financial arrangements to bring the Act into operation. I am supporting it because I am convinced that at the present moment many of the questions which you have left over to the Insurance Commissioners to decide have not been settled. I believe that this Act has been rushed not only as a piece of legislation, but is being rushed in administration. I am absolutely certain that for those in the country districts it will be very much better that the operaion of the Act should be postponed until the 1st January, 1913.
One is struck by the contrast between the discussions in this House and the discussions outside. I do not wish in the very few words I mean to address to the House to descend into the cockpit of party, but I cannot help feeling impressed by the difference between what is being said here at the present time and what is being said at a by-election, which is being contested. We have been told in the House that it is necessary to complete the administration, to fill up certain gaps which there are in the administration at the earliest possible date, and outside the champion of the Conservative party is saying that this Act is an insane imposture of which all you can say is, that the contributors have got to pay. I do not believe anybody here in this House would repeat that statement. The hon. Member who spoke last has told us that the Act is not fully understood in his constituency and elsewhere, in spite of the efforts of hon. Members to enlighten their constituents. I do not think that the Act will be understood until it gets into operation, and that is the reason why I am anxious to see it get into operation at the earliest possible date. If it is not understood, as the hon. Member said, and if it is still necessary to distribute literature on the subject, is not that an answer to a good deal of the criticism that has been made as to the Insurance Commissioners having sent round lecturers, some of whose statements have been criticised? Personally, so far as I have been able to see the work of the Insurance Commission, I think they have been extremely prompt, helpful and efficient in a gigantic task such as that of getting this great and beneficent measure into operation. I am very loth to criticise or express dissatisfaction on certain points. I am perfectly aware that they cannot be expected to do everything all at once, but, at the same time, there is one point on which I am not wholly satisfied—the question of friendly societies meeting in licensed places, a subject which, doubtless, Members, when I rose, suspected that I had in view.
In the Debate on this matter we were left in this position: It is laid down in Section 27 of the Act that approved societies and their branches must comply with regulations to be made by the Insurance Commissioners, and when we tried to stiffen that point up in the Debate, and when my hon. Friend the Member for the Rushcliffe Division (Mr. Leif Jones) moved an Amendment by which it would have been impossible for branches of approved societies to meet on licensed premises, we were met by the Attorney-General, who said that was a matter which ought to be left to the Insurance Commissioners, who would be able to deal with the point, and would have greater elasticity of action, and he appealed to the hon. Gentleman not to persist with his Amendment, having regard to the wide powers given to the Insurance Commission. In response to that appeal, and on, the assurance that the matter was going to be dealt with by the Commissioners, the Amendment was not pressed to a Division, and now I ask what the Commissioners have done. So far, at all events, they have done nothing, and it is for that reason I would ask the Secretary to the Treasury if he can give me any information as to what has been done or what is going to be done in relation to this really important matter. After all, we are in this position—that there are 12,564 branches of friendly societies meeting on licensed premises at the present time out of about 27,000. The number is going down, but it is going down slowly, and you cannot leave the matter entirely to the action of the friendly societies alone. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why?"] I think it is undesirable to do so. You are going under this Act to flood the friendly societies with a great mass of new members, men and women alike. It is estimated, I believe, that at least four million women are going into the approved societies. I do not think it necessary to be a temperance fanatic at all to think that it will be very undesirable that these women should be gathered into the friendly society meetings on licensed premises. We are in the hands of the Insurance Commissioners and the instructions which they may give, to prevent what I think is extremely undesirable. I am quite ready to admit that they cannot do everything at once, and that some of these friendly societies meet on licensed premises for the only reason that would appeal to me, namely, that there are no other places which they can get for their meetings.
I do not know how far that is the case; it may be so, but what I would say is this, that the whole tendency of our modern legislation and administration is to divorce the administration of business from licensed premises. You take the parish councils, the boards of guardians, and so on, and remove them from any chance of meeting on licensed premises. You remove coroners' inquests, meetings of justices of the peace, and vaccination stations, one thing after another, from licensed places; wherever you can you divorce administrative business of this kind from licensed premises. I really think that this is one of those cases where we might ask the Insurance Commissioners to assist and encourage friendly societies in removing their branch meetings from licensed premises. I admit you cannot have a hard and fast rule. Many of the friendly societies have their own halls and meeting places elsewhere; but although you cannot have absolute and immediate prohibition, at all events new branches should be prohibited from meeting on licensed premises, and those branches of which women are members should also be prohibited from meeting on licensed premises
Can the hon. Member tell me where there are females now meeting on licensed premises, and, if so, how many?
I cannot absolutely say how many, but can the hon. Member give me an assurance that there are none.
I know of none.
I would like to be quite clear as to what the proposal is. What particular regulation does the hon. Gentleman ask the Insurance Commissioners to make so as to prevent the friendly societies meeting on licensed premises?
I want the Insurance Commissioners to make regulations under Section 27 of the Act preventing any new branch of a friendly society meeting on licensed premises. I wish also that societies having female members should also be prohibited from meeting on licensed premises. My hon. Friend the Member for Pontefract says that there are none doing so. In that case there cannot be any objection to it being made a definite regulation, because there are at least four million women who will come into the friendly societies. Further, I should like some such provision, as is already in some Acts, and, in fact, in the Unionist Act of 1902, laying down that after a given date, perhaps five years, it should be a prohibition on friendly societies meeting on licensed premises where there are any other buildings available for meeting places. I would remind the hon. Member that Lord Peel recommended that friendly societies should be prohibited from meeting on licensed premises without any time limit and straight away. There is a real feeling of anxiety and apprehension on the part of the women's organisations which are interested in temperance and the well-being of women as to what may occur. I think it would be a most deplorable result of an otherwise very valuable and noble Act if it resulted in forcing into very undesirable association with licensed premises this great mass of new members who are coming into the friendly societies. It would really amount almost to a scandal if it came about. I would press with all earnestness on the Insurance Commissioners to make proper regulations at the earliest possible moment.
The hon. Gentleman who has just spoken in his interesting speech made a statement about the licensed premises on which friendly societies meet. I believe I am correct in saying that there are 27,000 societies and branches at the present moment, and about 20,000 of those meet to-day on licensed premises.
The number is 12,500.
I do not know where the hon. Member gets his information.
It comes from the Report of the Registrar of Friendly Societies for 1909.
Does that figure include branches?
Yes.
If there were 12,500 meeting on licensed premises, then the reduction during the last few years has been very extraordinary. I should have thought it would be much better to have allowed friendly societies to meet on premises suitable for them, and probably the reduction would have gone on in the years to come. A short time ago the Local Government Board issued an order asking local authorities to lend their buildings to friendly societies for the purpose of meetings. Practically the only result has been that the local authorities have offered the friendly societies infant schoolrooms for the members to sit in, where you only get infant forms, and where the members are not even allowed to light their pipes. Hon. Members on this side of the House have practically covered the whole of the ground, and I have only one point to make. I do feel that the administration of this Act with regard to the lecturers, not of the Liberal Insurance Committee, but of the Insurance Commissioners, who are going about the country, is very unsatisfactory indeed. The hon. Member who introduced this Motion touched upon the fact that those meetings are private. I have here the conditions which are laid down for the attendance of persons who go to those meetings. No reporters are allowed to go to the meetings, and no reports of the meetings are allowed to be sent to the Press. The exact words of the conditions are:—
"The lectures are private and not public, and no reporters will be allowed to be present in their professional capacity, and no reports may be supplied to the Press"
Why this has been provided I do not in the least understand.
I think the hon. Member is not aware that in reply to questions as to these meetings I gave the answer that if those who held the meetings desired the presence of the Press the Insurance Commissioners would make no objection to their presence.
I have information from Leeds in which I am told that it was desired in connection with a series of lectures in Leeds that reports should be sent to the Press, and that the application was refused. Anyhow, I do not quite see why any Government Department should issue an order like this. It really seems as if they were afraid that the answers to the questions would get into the Press. If they are good surely there is no object in suppressing them, and if they are bad and inaccurate that is all the more reason to give them to the Press, and to give everybody the opportunity of contradicting and correcting them. I have got an answer here given by an official lecturer at the Sala Institute in Leeds the other day. It was an answer given to a very prominent member of the Foresters. The question was:— being paid into a farce. When public money is being spent on them surely it ought to be spent properly, and the people ought to get value for the money they are paying. Anyway, I am not at all surprised that the Insurance Commissioners are anxious that the answers of those lecturers should not get into the Press. The ignorance of some of those lecturers is quite astonishing, and I should like to give a couple of instances to the House. I will not give the names unless the hon. Gentleman wishes me to do so, but I have all the names of the lecturers and dates and places of meetings. At the same set of lectures in Leeds the lecturer was asked
There are just two other aspects which I should like to put before the hon. Gentleman. The first is, the apparent lack of information which the Commissioners have placed at the disposal of the lecturers. After all, it is enormously important that these people should have full information. They are going about the country explaining this Act, which will have to be brought into operation by people all over the country and in the cities and in the towns. I should have thought they ought to be thoroughly coached instead of being sent to those various districts half-coached. The second aspect is the extremely loose .statements which the lecturers are making to their audiences, and practically, as far as one can see, on no authority whatever. I should like to take the first aspect. The printed paper which is being circulated containing the conditions upon which the public attend these lectures says that the lectures are delivered merely for the information of persons likely to be concerned on behalf of their societies in putting the Act into operation. It seems to me therefore that the lecturers who are appointed ought to be persons who can give the information when they are asked for it. Either the lecturers who go down do not know what they ought to know or they have not really the information at their disposal from the Commissioners. At the same set of lectures in Leeds a lecturer was asked how and when the cards, books, etc., were to be obtained by the secretary, and whether remuneration was to be given. That was a very important question. The lecturer replied:— what authority there is behind it. The lecturer at Leeds was asked:—
Where is there a word about twelve months in the text of the Act? I am quite sure the Financial Secretary will not be able to find it. It will be just as difficult to find as the guarantee that full benefits are going to be paid. There is not a syllable in the Act about twelve months. It is merely a concoction of the lecturer's own brain. He has merely drawn upon his imagination. The lecturer was also asked whether the employer of the first day had to pay 3d. and deduct 4d., even if the man was not employed again that week; and the reply was:— Amendment was introduced by the Chancellor of the Exchequer striking out the words "unfit to provide their own maintenance," and substituting the words "incapable of work." By doing that he practically knocked £7,000,000 off the benefits of the Act. If the lecturer is right and the Commissioners are going to interpret this to the effect that a man may earn 2s. or 3s. a week and be allowed to draw disablement benefit, it is quite probable that the whole actuarial estimate will be thrown out of gear. It seems to me that the whole of the administration is in a state of chaos. I have here a letter written by the Parliamentary representative of the Foresters, who has been in communication with the various bodies dealing with the Insurance Act. He says:—
I propose to deal shortly with that portion of the Motion which asks for the postponement of the operation of the Act. I ask for it not for the reason that I should like the Act to be brought into operation at a later date, so much as on the principle of the more haste the less speed. I think if the Government had borne that principle a little more in mind when they were framing their Bill we should have been able to put the Act into operation much earlier than we shall be able to do, and we should not have been confronted with half the difficulties which now stand in its way. Before the Act can be put into operation there is one thing as to which the Government must satisfy themselves and this House, namely, that they are able to give the benefits which they have promised at the time for which they are promised. If this Act came into force on 15th July, the only benefit obtainable during the first six months is the sanatorium benefit. We had a practical admission by the Secretary to the Treasury a few days ago that the Commissioners are not yet in a position to give the sanatorium benefit. What right have you to take a single 4d. during the first six months if you are not in a position to give the only available benefit to which, during those six months, the insured persons are entitled under the provisions of the Act? It would be just the same if you were to take money at the office of a theatre when you knew perfectly well that the performers could not appear. You have no right, moral or legal, to take under this Act a single 4d. from any insured person until you are in a position to give the sanatorium benefit. The Commissioners ought certainly under no circumstances to put the Act into operation until they are able to give the only benefit available during that period.
Then take medical benefit. I agree that that comes into operation only after six months, but will the Commissioners be able to give medical benefit after six months? Are their relations with the doctors such that they know they will be able to carry out what they have promised under the Act? Let me remind the House how they put it themselves. This is from an official leaflet issued by the National Health Insurance Commission (England). It is headed " Contributions and Benefits—Working Men." The first is:— must compulsorily be inserted in the rules of the society—provides that when sickness pay is given there must be a medical certificate every week. What steps have the Commissioners taken to satisfy themselves that the societies will be able to carry out that requisition? From what source are the funds for these weekly medical certificates to be provided? In addition to that, I am not sure that the Government themselves realise how much time it will take them to get their special orders and regulations settled. Under the Act in order to make a special order you have first of all to publish it for twenty-one days. During those twenty-one days anyone may take objection to it and ask for an amendment. If you accept the amendment, the amended order has to be published for another twenty-one days when other objections may be raised. If you do not accept the amendment, you have to hold a public inquiry at which witnesses can be examined, and the whole procedure gone through. All this is to be done during the very short period at your disposal.
Three months.
The hon. Member says three months. But what is the position at present. The Advisory Committee has only just been appointed. The first thing to be done is to frame the orders or regulations. The next is, they have to come before this body of 161 persons, who will require some time to consider them. Then all the procedure to which I have referred has to be gone through. Another point of considerable importance is in connection with the outworkers. Reference has been made to by-elections. This subject is of considerable importance at the by-election now pending. What is the position of the outworkers, apart from the question of special orders? As the Act stands, this is the extraordinary position. A married woman who is not dependent for her livelihood upon the work is excluded from the Act. Therefore she has not to pay and the employer has not to pay for her. But under other circumstances, if the outworker is dependent upon the work for her livelihood she has to pay and the employer has to pay. So that you have these two classes, and the tendency will naturally be to induce the employer not to take the person who is dependent upon the work for her livelihood, but to take the person in whose case the 3d. has not to be paid. But in view of this very point the Act contains a provision that a special order may be made by the Commission. There is a subcommittee sitting now considering the question of these outworkers. It is a problem of extreme difficulty. The Financial Secretary need only go to Nottingham to find out how difficult a problem it is, and how difficult it is to settle the basis on which payments are to be made by these outworkers. I put it to him that it will take him a very long time indeed to settle it, and it will take that sub-committee a long time before they will be able to frame the special order which is for these outworkers. If you hurry it you will again make the mistake of raising the same kind of difficulty that you have done through hurrying this elaborate legislation. It is a matter which requires careful and proper consideration. If you give it that it will be some considerable time before the subcommittee will be able to make the proper special order dealing with the question as to how the payments are to be made in the case of these people, and for these regulations to be considered by the Advisory Committee and then for the process of having them published to be gone through. If you are able to do anything like that before 15th July, I shall be surprised.
Take the position of these outworkers. Until you have made this special order they do not know what their position will be. They understand that they will have to be insured, and they have to make up their minds whether they are or whether they are not going to join a society. I submit they are entitled to have some reasonable time before the Act comes into operation to know whether they come under the Act or not. That is the very least they can ask. Unless they make these preparations they may find themselves at once in the position of Post Office contributors. I say these people to whom this Act is more important, as it affects their lives more than anyone else, are entitled to have fair time within which to know what their position is. If you deal with this matter properly, well and good. If you slur it over or hurry it you will make a great mistake. If you deal with it properly you will not be able to tell them what their position is within a reasonable time before the Act comes into force—that is if you mean to bring it into operation by the 15th July.
That is three months.
I can assure the hon. Member that if he knew the difficulties and complications of these questions, he would realise that it will be an extremely difficult matter to carry all this out within the time, and get all the long notices which have to be given put through. These people too should also have a fair time in which to consider and to know what to do in regard to their position. I certainly believe these regulations and orders will form a far more bulky volume than even the Act itself, and if you have been under the necessity to send a set of lecturers all over the country to explain the Act, you will have to send another set of lecturers into the country in order to explain the orders and regulations. Until people know what these orders and regulations are they have not got a fair chance of deciding what best to do for themselves under the Act. They may find themselves in the position of Post Office contributors simply because you have not chosen to take the proper steps to deal adequately with the matter and give them a fair opportunity of considering their position.
Let me deal with the Post Office contributors. As the Act stands, everyone who is not a member of an approved society on 15th July, unless a regulation is made before that date prescribing a special time, will become automatically a Post Office contributor. I presume that it is intended to make a regulation which will prescribe a time within which they are allowed to come in. What that time is to be we do not know. It cannot be more than six months. I think the right hon. Gentleman has told us so. It is, therefore, of vital importance to societies to be able to make their arrangements and get their rules and arrangements into working order at an early date, so as to give people a reasonable opportunity of considering what is the best friendly society for them to join. Let me deal with one other matter—the position of the Insurance Commissioners. I myself personally during the discussions of the Bill—it may be my own fault or my own obtuseness—certainly absolutely misunderstood what was going to be the relation of the Treasury to these Commissioners. I thought they were going to be people who had some independence of action, that they were going to be a body like the Road Board or the Development Commission. That was what we were given to understand at every stage of this Bill—what we were asked to place confidence in. The position as it is now disclosed is entirely different from that. On any important step they are bound to consult the Treasury. They have no initiative whatever. There is nothing about that in the Act, not one word.
Read the Act.
The best proof that what I am saying is correct is that just now when it was suggested to the Financial Secretary that he had said that, he got up and indignantly denied it until his answer was pointed out to him. So that at all events he thinks that it is in the Act.
What I mean is in the Act is the Treasury domination. Clearly if the Treasury make these appointments and payment they must be in control; that is in the Act.
If the hon. Member tells me that the Treasury have appointments under the Act, I quite agree.
Yes.
But what the Chancellor of the Exchequer made clear to us was that the moment the appointments were made the Commissioners would be free. Perhaps, as the hon. Gentleman has referred to it, I may quote the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He said this on 29th November of last year:—
"The House invited me to give the names of the Commissioners before passing the Bill. Whatever there may be to say about the Commissioners, this would not be the proper occasion to discuss their merits, but at any rate I do not think that anyone can suggest that there is political jobbery in the appointments. What will happen? Officials in the future will be appointed, not by the Government, but by the Commissioners and on their responsibility. They will be their officials, and, as far as we are concerned, we have no further patronage in the matter. I want the House to realise that. The right hon. and learned Gentleman says he has received many letters in regard to these appointments. I really could not count the letters which I have had. I should like to inform the House, or whoever it may concern, that neither the Government nor Members of Parliament have anything to do with these appointments that are to be made under the Insurance Bill. Everything is to go through Mr. Braithwaite and Sir Robert Morant, and we shall be just in the same position as anyone else in the matter of these appointments. Even in the case of a clerk the responsibility will be with the Commissioners themselves."—[OFFICIAL REPORT, Vol. XXXII., 29th November, 1911, col. 488]
Just so.
The position, as disclosed the other day in an answer, was that the Commissioners have no initiative whatever on any important matter. I am quite confident that no hon. Member of the House realised that when the Bill was going through the House. Let me point out to the hon. Gentleman that I think the most important aspect is this: that for the first time you are making the Treasury a great spending Department. For the first time you are putting in the hands of the Treasury the administration of this Act under which millions to begin with are to be spent, growing to more hereafter. Why the Treasury specially should be connected with the subject of health I do not know. Hitherto the subject in which the Treasury has had most interest is death, principally the death of millionaires. I do not quite see how the subject of health has particularly to do with the Treasury. In the administration of this Act everything is to be controlled by the Treasury; on every important occasion the Treasury must be consulted. No initiative on any important point is allowed at all to the Commissioners. Moreover, in order to keep all the control over these offices, the Treasury have gone so far with regard to the Joint Committee as this: There was a provision in the Act that the Joint Committee were to be selected from among the several bodies of Commissioners, while the Treasury, in addition, had the power of appointing the Chairman and not more than two other persons. What have they done? They have not only taken the Chairman and the two other persons, but they have taken the right under these regulations to appoint every member one of the Joint Committee. Not only that, but they make the Financial Secretary to the Treasury Chairman of the Joint Committee, and they make the Chancellor of the Exchequer Chairman of the Advisory Committee.
I submit, if the Treasury has to undertake this vast and gigantic work, that it will divert the best minds at the Treasury from what is their proper business—that is, looking after the finances of the country. It was shown by the Debate only yesterday that there was no time when the finances of the country required more looking after than now. What did the Chancellor of the Exchequer say yesterday? "Who is there," he said, "to exercise any check at all—only the Treasury!" Well now, the Treasury are to be the people who are to be the spending Department under the administration of this Act. Who is to check them? Quis custodiet ipsos custodes? In conclusion, I would like to associate myself with what fell from the hon. Gentleman the Member for Salisbury. I have not the least objection to lecturers. I think explanations of the Act are required. But what I object to is the way in which you have sent irresponsible people, who have perhaps spent a few hours or a few days getting a smattering of information about this Act, to large audiences and setting them up as professing to have knowledge of this Act. If you are going to pay out public money for lecturers you ought to have sent out lectureres competent to do the business. I should recommend the right hon. Gentleman, instead of sending out lecturers, in future to send round gramophone records, in which the Chancellor or the hon. Gentleman himself (Mr. Masterman) have spoken.
His master's voice.
It would be found less expensive to send these to remote places like Orkney and Shetland. I think it is a costly thing to send these people, having no real knowledge of the thing, no real understanding of it, having to say as their first word that nothing which they said binds anybody or matters. I think it is making a farce of the whole thing. If you had sent proper lecturers who were your own permanent officials, there might have been something to say for that. If these lecturers had dealt with points which the people really wanted to know about, I could have understood it. But when one got to points which the audience really wanted to know something about, then the lecturers had to confess their ignorance. I think that this administration of the Act is a thing which is ridiculous, ludicrous, and lamentable. Perhaps the most important part of this Resolution is as to the question of bringing the Act into operation. The Government should consider very clearly whether the machinery is really ready; whether they are not over-hurrying the thing in bringing it into operation, and whether there would not be more danger than good in the long run. I should like to see people get their benefits as early as possible. If you over-hurry it, you may commit a mistake; you may have initial errors which you may never be able to rectify. You have no right to take 4d. from a single man until you definitely know that you are in a position to give him those benefits which the Act says he shall have.
The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down made some allusion to a by-election now in progress. I wish I could believe that in that by-election the Act and its administration was being discussed with the same moderation and fairness and helpfulness with which it has been discussed in this House this after- noon, because, although the hon. Gentleman used rather violent words, I think he did not really mean them. Most of our critics have raised points to which I am only too glad to attempt to supply an answer. They raised questions which I think may be helpful, not only in this House, but in the country outside, and with which I have not been able fully to deal in question and answer across the floor of the House. Let me say one or two words as to the last contention of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. He is specially anxious that the Act should be postponed, for reasons which "were not raised in the earlier course of the Debates, or rather he is anxious that it should be postponed for two special reasons. One is because he says he is given to understand that no sanatorium benefit can be given if this Act begins on the 15th July.
It is not only one benefit, but the lot.
And the other was a question with which I will deal more fully: that is medical benefit. The conditions as regards sanatorium benefit and the reason why we ask they should be given six months before the ordinary benefit were very fully set out by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer in the course of his speeches on the subject in Debates in the House. So far as we know we cannot get full sanatorium benefit such as will be obtained when the Act is running, but that is no reason why people, between the 15th July and the 15th January, should have any benefits we may be able to give put off. Sanatorium benefit as defined by the Act—and its interpretation is amplified by that most important Committee now sitting on the subject, of which the chairman is the hon. Member for Plymouth—is much wider, and deals with a more varying course of treatment, than the mere sending of patients to sanatoria, and so far from despairing of the Commissions being able to provide a very considerable amount of help in these cases, the hon. Member will find that before the 15th July we shall be able to lay before him a system largely outlined by the Committee in its reports, which will grow, and will give immediate and practical relief to some of the most unfortunate of the insured persons, of which they might be for ever deprived if the Act was put off. That is all we promised to give, and that we shall be able to give. The second point was in connection with the time taken with regard to special orders and regulations. Regulations will not take very much time. Regulations come into force when laid upon the Table of the House, and there is no special inquiry wanted outside, though, of course, they can be challenged. Special orders are a very different matter, and if there was a very large amount of special orders under consideration that had to be made before the 15th July, I agree the protest of the hon. Gentleman would have considerable force, but we do not anticipate that any very large number of special orders will be required before the 15th July.
Will you deal with the outworkers?
I am coming in a moment to that question. As everyone in this House realises, although I am not sure everyone outside does not realise, judging by some instances I have heard, beside sanatorium benefit the only immediate questions that have to be settled are questions dealing with contributions. These will have to be settled before January, but not necessarily before July. The most important of the special orders that will have to be settled at once is that in connection with outworkers. The hon. Gentleman said the Committee had been appointed almost the first week the Insurance Commissioners entered upon their work, and that it would be some time before that Committee decided what kind of special order would be required. I hope the Report of the Committee will be very shortly published. The Committee, as far as I can understand their work, have taken a large amount of evidence. They find very great common opinion as to how the question can be dealt with both from the masters and the men, and they believe, that they may find a solution of what the hon. Gentleman rightly says is far the most difficult problem in connection with the Act altogether. Immediately that Committee reports, we hope to have the opinion of all concerned, and that regulations may embody the recommendations of that Report, carrying out what I understand has a large measure of agreement. If these regulations were issued in the form of a special order, I do not think there would be very much objection to it. The labours of the Committee are nearly completed, and I am able to look forward with some equanimity' to that order being caried out before the 15th July.
Another point that I am glad to have an opportunity of explaining is this—I did not realise how completely it is misunderstood —it is in regard to the Insurance Commissioners and to the Lords of the Treasury, and the division, if there is a division of responsibility between them. I do not know how the hon. Member, either from the Act or from the course of the Debates during the passing of the Act—and I was present at practically all of them—could ever have imagined that it was possible, or even conceivable, that this House should ever divest itself of the responsibility for expenditure amounting to something like £20,000,000. One, two, three and later five, of these millions will be directly voted by this House. How could the responsibilty of spending that money be given up and handed over to a body not in the least degree responsible to the House—
That was not my point. I quite understood that the Treasury would be responsible for checking the expenditure, but I did not realise that they would be responsible for the expenditure of the money.
Perhaps, in that case, I may find a greater measure of agreement from the hon. Member with our policy than I thought possible. Of course, the action of the Insurance Commissioners must be challenged through, and defended by, some responsible Member of the House of Commons, and it is impossible for myself or my right hon. Friend, or anyone standing in our place, during any Debate such as this, or in the course of questions and answers, merely to be the mouthpiece and gramophone of Commissioners over whose decisions we had been divested altogether of any kind of control. I can assure hon. Gentlemen that every one of the specific promises given by the Chancellor of the Exchequer has been carried out. The idea that the Commissioners have no initiative is ridiculous to anyone who has studied the proceedings of the Commissioners. All the initiative is in the Commissioners in Scotland as the Noble Lord the Member for Perth knows.
A great deal of it.
All the normal organisation is with the Commissioners. All the preparation of the regulations is with them. The only condition laid down, and it is an essential condition, is that the decision of the Commissioners must be of such a character as can be defended by responsible Ministers in the House of Commons. That is the ordinary condition laid down in Government Departments. I have before me the Treasury Minutes in which the functions were definitely put upon paper at the formation of the Commissions, and I shall be very pleased to circulate that Minute to Members of the House, because I want the House to be quite clear upon the point. The Minute definitely decided, first, that so far as the judicial functions of the Commission were concerned, the Lords of the Treasury have no control over them at all. "The direction or control of the Board of Treasury was deliberately excluded from the Statute." But as to the Executive power and so far as the decisions of the Commissioners are concerned, they "must necessarily be subject to review by Parliament, and will have to be defended by their Lordships in the House of Commons"; and in respect to them "their Lordships must have a deciding voice. It is, therefore, essential that in all matters involving important questions of administrative policy the Commissioners should be kept in close touch with the Ministers, who will be responsible to Parliament for the action taken," and when such questions arise they will be referred to my right hon. Friend or myself, who will advise them. That means so long as the Insurance Commissioners, with the help of the Advisory Committee, are doing work which can be defended in Parliament, full initiative and independent control is given. In addition to that, a promise was made by my right hon. Friend in response to an appeal from the benches opposite, and with the general agreement of the House, to make a still further distinction in connection with the Insurance Commissioners and that was to separate them from ordinary Government Departments in the work of patronage. The promise was that so far as appointments which the Insurance Commissioners made, the Insurance Commissioners should themselves be entirely free to act and that their decision should not be subject to review by my right hon. Friend and myself. That has been carried out to the "uttermost clerk," as the hon. Gentleman opposite suggested, and that promise the whole House approved of when made. The Noble Lord opposite mentioned the Development Commissioners, and he had a considerable amount to do with a Committee on which I myself was serving in placing the Development Commission in its present form. That Commission is very different from the Insurance Commissions. It has no other functions but advisory functions. It cannot spend a farthing of money, it has no administrative staff, and its sole function is to consider whether schemes come under its terms of reference, and it advises the Treasury and the Government whether money should be given for them.
More than that; it has an absolute veto.
Yes, if a scheme is presented to it, and it does not want to have it, it can decide that that scheme must not go forward. But I think the Noble Lord will agree that its position entirely differs from a gigantic executive body with powers affecting the spending of over £20,000,000. I hope I have made the position quite clear to the House. The second point put to me was the question of lectures and lecturers. I am very glad to see that the tone and temper of the criticisms on the lecturers was very different from what I first had to face in connection with that matter. I like to believe that was the case, because the majority of Members of this House recognise, as some of the critics recognised this afternoon, that the Insurance Commissioners in making special provision for giving information concerning the Act did what was their obvious duty to do, and what the public required them to do; and the only criticism advanced this afternoon was not about the lectures, but concerning certain statements lecturers are said to have made, and concerning the method by which information is given through the lecturers to the public.
And excluding the Press.
That is what I mean. As for the lecturers themselves, I do not think the remarks of the hon. Member for Salisbury were justified as far as they relate to the accusation that they are unlearned and ignorant men unfit for their job. That is not our experience, nor is it the nature of the tribute paid to their work by members of approved societies and other institutions who desire to obtain information. It is perfectly true that in regard to several stiff questions which have been put the lecturers have refused to answer, and I am not sure that I should like to answer some of the questions myself, and I am not sure the hon. Member who raised the point would like to answer them, with all his knowledge of the Act. I think the lecturers are perfectly right in not answering questions unless they are certain of what they are saying—in fact, it is part of their instructions in complicated questions that arise not to answer, and I am glad to see that they are carrying out those instructions. I shall be glad to offer again the-challenge I have offered before, which has never been taken up.
Hon. Gentlemen have kept on telling me that some lecturer is unsatisfactory or that some of the statements are unsatisfactory, and in every case I have asked the hon. Members concerned to communicate with me and I will have inquiries made, and in no solitary case have I received any such communication. One or two cases were brought up without notice by the hon. Member for Colchester, and I was able to prove that the lecturer was correct, and I shall be only too glad to go into any other case. If this friendly challenge is taken up, then instructions will be given to the lecturer who is misinterpreting the Act. I have no hesitation in saying that on the whole the system has been a very conspicuous success, and although in Sligo the lecturer seems to have tempered his instruction with humour, the societies are still asking for these lecturers, and they have been receiving them, and after they have received them they have asked for more, and the demand for them is still greater than the supply. They tell us that they get a large amount of most useful information from the lecturers. An hon. Member complained of the exclusion of the Press from the lectures, and I thought I had explained that matter at question time. The request that some of the meetings should be private came from the friendly societies and trade unions themselves, and it was not a request laid down by the Insurance Commissioners, as one hon. Member stated, in order that they might say things in secret which they were afraid to say in public.
Does that apply to the permission to send a report to the Press after the meeting?
I do not know. I am giving an account of what actually happened. The Insurance Commissioners in England have no kind of wish to exclude the Press from the meetings of any of the Insurance lecturers, and they are quite prepared to take the risk of criticism in that way; and where a lecturer has made a mistake, they would appeal to the common sense of those who criticise to realise the natural difficulties of the situation. In those regions of the United Kingdom where friendly societies were not largely established from the very beginning, the method has been by open public meetings rather than by conferences with friendly societies. The great desire of friendly societies in asking for the meetings to be private was, on the one hand, to prevent the stirring up of undue competition— which is still considered to be a danger— between various societies to get their members or the neutral members outside. The great object of holding private meetings was to enable them to discuss their internal affairs and obtain advice and help regarding them which they did not want reported in the local newspapers. If the hon. Member who raised this point, or any of his Friends, has any kind of organisation and desires our lecturers to attend public meetings, we shall be only too glad to respond to the request. I agree with the hon. Member for Stowmarket, who appealed to me in a most moderate speech, that we have not yet fully covered the ground as far as the rural districts are concerned, but we are now making special efforts to deal with them, and I shall be glad to pass on to the Insurance Commissioners any kind of suggestion hon. Members may make to ensure bringing home more completely to the agricultural labourers full information about the Act.
Will he circulate my pamphlet?
I am not sure that the hon. Member's pamphlet would be correctly interpreted as a non-political pamphlet. I am glad to say the Commissioners have insisted that no kind of political allusion shall be made, and I am quite sure if there had been any such allusion the hon. Member for Colchester, with his keen lynx-eye, would have brought it before the attention of the House. I think we had better keep out of the official pamphlets allusions to either the Unionist or the Liberal party.
Will the hon. Member take up my challenge that some of my answers are incorrect?
I do not say that but some of his answers, at any rate, are widely speculative. For instance, the hon. Member says that in the case of the deposit contributor the medical benefit is 8s. 6d., and I say that is speculative, and there is nothing in the Act or in the official pamphlets which warrants that statement. The actuarial calculation of the cost of medical benefit accompanying the Act was 6s. a year or its equivalent, and under the Act when it is administered, if the special circumstances alluded to by the hon. Gentleman opposite arise, and a suspension of medical benefits replaces the various other alternatives offered, it is the same—that is, 6s. a year—which would be given to the insured person. That is the position as it is at the present moment, therefore I could not make myself responsible for a. statement like that.
Will you deal with the statements of the Sligo lecturer?
One of the statements made by the Sligo lecturer, as far as I can judge, seems to have been a perfectly plain statement of the facts. So long as a man is unable to work he receives benefits until he reaches the age of seventy, and then he gets an old age pension.
I say it was incorrect to say it was the same as an. old age pension.
The lecturer said it was the same in quantity, and that at the age of seventy it might be replaced by an old age pension. Now I come to the question of the leaflets, and here I can realise that the majority of hon. Members: who have seen those leaflets are satisfied that those leaflets do not take an unfair advantage of the political situation. The hon. Member for Eastbourne read out a leaflet in which question and answer seemed to be put in a rather humorous fashion, but he must understand that these leaflets are not prepared for Members of Parliament, but they are prepared in the main for the officials of those who are likely to become approved societies, and they are prepared as far as possible for the information of the ordinary man in the street. I have had nothing to do with the preparation of those leaflets, but as at different times I have had the obligation laid upon me of writing upon this; subject, I am in a position to say that those responsible for the leaflets, in my opinion, have done extraordinarily well. They have had to avoid prejudging questions which are not yet settled, and they have had to avoid scrupulously anything that might appear to be a political allusion, and I am glad to see that the only suggestion made in regard to all this series of leaflets is whether two-ninths of the benefit is an equivalent—
I mention the case of the deposit contributors.
We have, I think, a leaflet dealing with insured persons who join approved societies, and the whole of that leaflet is directed to showing how much better it will be for the insured person to join an approved society than to fall into the ranks of the deposit contributors. I will inquire whether it is desirable to prepare a leaflet showing exactly what the deposit contributor's position is for the first three years of his existence, and what advantages he will get. I was asked by the hon. Member for Stowmarket a question with regard to casual labour, a question which the hon. Member seemed to think we did not wish to tackle in a leaflet. May I point out that leaflets have been prepared dealing with the casual labourer, and the reason they have not been issued is because the Commission have still to come to some important decisions which will take the form of regulations in dealing with casual labourers. These regulations will have to go before the Advisory Committee, but speaking in the name of the Commissioners I may say that if any hon. Members of this House can tell us where there are weak points which ought to be met by leaflets—I do not mean political leaflets —in the administration of the Act by a great neutral department, we shall only be too glad to receive them. That is a challenge offered to all men of goodwill for this Act on either side of the House.
8.0 P.M.
Another criticism made is that concerning the delay in the construction of the Advisory Committee. The statement was made by the hon. Member for Colchester that the Commission had taken upon themselves to make decisions and to do work which ought to have been placed before the Advisory Committee. I do not think that is the case. The delay in the formation of the Advisory Committee has been entirely due to one fact. The Commissioners made preparation for forming the Advisory Committee almost in the first week of their appointment, but the Advisory Committee does not consist of persons appointed by the Commissioners, but it consists of the representatives of various classes of persons, although a few are appointed by the Commissioners. The reason this delay has occurred has been entirely owing to the delay in regard to the appointments made by the various bodies who are entitled to appoint representatives. Immediately all those representatives were nominated and selected the names of the Advisory Committee were published. With regard to this question of delay, let me make one further remark, which I do not make in any hostile sense, but in reply to the criticisms made by the Seconder of this Motion. I do not want now to deal with the medical benefit. In the first place, I have not got the time to do that, and, in the second place, I understand there is going to be a Debate on this question upon a Motion to be made shortly. I understand that there is a private Member's Motion down dealing with medical benefit. Perhaps it will be better to defer it till then. I would like to make this challenge to the hon. Member for the University of London (Sir P. Magnus). He complains there has been delay in the negotiations with the medical profession concerning the medical benefit. Are the Insurance Commissioners responsible for that delay? The first act of the Commissioners when they came into power was to invite representatives from every class that would be affected by this Act to confer with them to see what sort of regulations could be made and to see how their special difficulties could be met. Every class affected by this Act responded to that invitation, employers and employed alike, except one, and that was the official representatives of the medical profession of this country. Fortunately, I think—because I still very strongly want to see peace in this matter —as far as one of the main bodies was concerned, the British Medical Association, the wiser counsels of moderate opinion prevailed against some opposition. We were only asked to postpone a conference with them, and they decided to nominate, and have now nominated, members on the Advisory Committee. As far as the great statutory body which represents the medical profession is concerned, they in their wisdom considered it best to meet the invitation of the Insurance Commissioners with the statement that under no circumstances would they discuss anything in connection with the Act with them. After that, and after the attempt was made, the Insurance Commissioners, if you please, are blamed because there has been delay in the negotiations. [An HON. MEMBER: "No; we blame the Government."] Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will explain that somewhat incomprehensible ejaculation afterwards. The administration of the Insurance Act is in the hands of the Insurance Commissioners, and if the great statutory body of the medical profession think their demands could not have been granted by the Commissioners, there is no reason why they should not have come to a conference to see why they could not be granted. Of course, there bas been delay, and there must of necessity be delay in dealing with the subject. We hope now the Advisory Committee has been set up, containing a very full representation of the various classes and varieties of medical practice in this country, there may be able to be some rational conversation and some rational understanding. I will, with the permission of the House, defer any further remarks I can make upon medical benefit till next Wednesday week's Debate.
The hon. Member for Colchester (Mr. Worthington-Evans) suggested that the Insurance Commissioners had taken upon themselves a large amount of work that ought to have been referred to the Advisory Committee. The duty of the Commissioners is to obtain advice and assistance from the Advisory Committee in connection with the making and alteration of regulations under this part of the Act. A large number of regulations are now in preparation, and will be submitted in a very few days to the Advisory Committee, most of them dealing with proceedings that will be necessary not so much in July as in January. There have been only two regulations made without the advice of the Advisory Committee, and those two had of necessity to be made before the Advisory Committee could be got together, because there was urgency. They were regulations which laid down the nature of the constitution for unregistered societies and the nature of the constitution for sections of societies. No unregistered society could even begin to consider its rules to put itself in order until those regulations had been laid down, and I am sure the House will therefore agree it was the duty of the Commissioners to proceed to lay them down. The hon. Gentleman says the model rules have been drawn with certain lacunas which ought to be filled up. Take, for example, the regulation as to behaviour in sickness. The nature of the rules as to behaviour in sickness has to be laid down by regulation. It is a very important subject, and one on which we greatly desire the advice and the consideration of the sixty members of trade unions, friendly societies, and others who will be in charge of the actual working of this Act. That is therefore reserved, and rightly reserved, for the consideration of the Advisory Committee, but that is a subject which will not affect anyone till next January.
I was asked about the question of licensed premises by my hon. Friend (Mr. Charles Roberts). I judged by a sort of intuition that when he generally blessed the Bill he would have some special question to ask, and that it would probably be connected with public-houses. It is a very difficult question, as I think the hon. Gentleman saw from ejaculations and criticisms from the other side of the House. A regulation ought certainly not to be made on that matter without the advice of the leaders of friendly societies and trade unions, and without some more information and investigation as to their present practice. That will be one of the subjects that will be laid before the Advisory Committee, and, though I can offer my hon. Friend no kind of hope of any general prohibition of meetings of approved societies in public-houses, I do agree there may be a special case in connection with women and new societies, and that special case, I think, is fully recognised by the Insurance Commissioners, and I am sure will be recognised by the Advisory Committee. I hope I have now dealt with the bulk of the criticisms which have been laid before us this afternoon.
What about Section 13?
I will convey the suggestion to the Insurance Commissioners. I do not think they have had any representations made to them at the present time from the societies. I agree it is a point worthy of consideration, and, if it is a real grievance and can be met, it shall be met under Clause 78. With regard to the general question of delay I do not think hon. Gentlemen opposite are very whole-hearted in the Resolution they are proposing. I think it was quite legitimate to propose such a motion in order to make the criticisms and suggestions that have been made, but the hon. Gentleman for Colchester does not really think it would be to the advantage of the friendly societies and those who are to be insured persons to delay the operation of the Act for six months. He may think it desirable the Act should be amended—indeed, I think he represents a new organisation—and he and his Friends may even say it had better be torn up altogether, but if the Act is to come into operation then without a shadow of a doubt, despite quite legitimate observations such as those of the hon. Gentleman the Member for West St. Pancras (Mr. Cassel) as to some of the difficulties, the desirability of bringing it into operation on 15th July enormously outweighs all the advantages that might ensue from delay. Even if it had to be brought into operation without complete smoothness at the beginning it would be still worth while doing it. The hon. Gentleman mentioned the Manchester Unity resolution that the Act should be postponed. That was not discussed at the meeting. It was swept up in an omnibus resolution at the end, without any discussion at all. They have sent in model rules, and I hope we shall be able to announce in a very short time that they have been approved. I do not think the responsible leaders of the Manchester Unity would welcome the carrying of this Motion to-night. When a similar motion was proposed and discussed by the Foresters it was rejected by a large majority.
The fact is that whatever criticisms may be made as to the swiftness of the passing of the Act, when the Act is law, it is to the interest of all to make the time between the passing of it and its coming into operation as short as possible. Until it comes into operation the whole world represented by the friendly societies is in confusion. They do not know the position in which they may be and their members do not know the position in which they may be. There is a great fear of illegitimate and undesirable competition which may in part cease by the Act coming into operation. All those kinds of things would be intensified if the knowledge went forth that the Act was not to begin till next January. I agree if we had to start benefits in July we should be in difficulty. Fortunately, there will be six valuable months or more in which the machinery for benefits may be fully devised. We do not want delay. We believe there will be no real difficulty in launching the Act on the day it was promised to the people of this country. We realise, and I confess it honestly, that in such a gigantic scheme, as this there may be initial difficulties just as there were initial difficulties in the launching of the Old Age Pensions Act, which now works perfectly smoothly. Hon. Gentlemen opposite and their Friends can help us to remove those difficulties as much as hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House. Those initial difficulties will not be demolished by delay; they will arise whenever this change takes place. I do not know that it is any use asking the hon. Member if he could not see his way to withdraw his Motion, but, if not, I would very strongly press upon the House to recognise there is no reason to censure the Insurance Commissioners, and that no gain could in any way come which would outweigh the inevitable loss that would be entailed by the acceptance of this Motion.
The Debate so far has been conducted more upon the actual working of the Act in this country than upon any specific details in other parts. I personally wish to deal with the Act so far as it affects Scotland. I do not wish in the least to complain about official lecturers having been sent to explain the Act. I recognise, and I think every hon. Member on this side of the House recognises, that the Act was not explained to the people at the General Election, and was never fully discussed in this House. It is therefore obviously necessary there should be official lecturers for it. There are a great many questions which the people do wish to discuss, and points about which they do want to learn something. I must say, from a purely political point of view, I welcome the presence of the Radical lecturers in my Constituency, for the very good reason that though there was confusion before the confusion now in the minds of the people is doubly confounded. The result is they hear so much from the official and Radical lecturers that they do not know where they are at the present time. The official lecturers are not allowed to answer questions, and the Radical lecturers either answer them wrongly or give different answers.
And, it being a Quarter past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further proceeding was postponed without Question put.
LONDON COUNTY COUNCIL (TRAMWAYS AND IMPROVEMENTS) BILL.—[By Order.]
Read a second time.
I rise to move, "That it be an Instruction to the Committee on the Bill to omit from the Bill all words which negative or suspend the provisions of Section 23 of the London County Tramways (Electrical Power) Act, 1900."
I do this in no spirit of hostility to the London County Council. Still less do I wish to prevent the extension of tramways within the Metropolitan area. I believe there are eight separate schemes for lengths of tramways dealt with under this Bill, but I am moving this Instruction mainly in regard to one particular scheme. Nobody admits more fully than I do the immense benefit the tramway system has been to the poorer parts of London. You have had cheap and even luxurious means of communication provided thereby. But what I want to do is to maintain the sound rule of this House, that in a private Bill dealing with the municipal arrangements of London alterations shall not be introduced to the disadvantage of the poorer parts of London. I am aware that in private Bills amendments have been made which have effected large reforms, but, in this case, the House is asked to interfere with a bargain deliberately arrived at between the central authority for the whole of London and the local authorities for the different Metropolitan boroughs. The arrangement in question provided that the Act should not authorise the council to erect poles or wires in or over any streets unless the vestry or other authority, by resolution, consented to the adoption of such scheme of traction, and that the power should be subject to certain limitation.
I rise to a point of Order. The Instruction moved by my hon. Friend is to omit from the Bill all words which negative or suspend the provision of Section 23 of the London County Tramways (Electrical Power) Act, 1900. I submit that there is no question of including or omitting that Section, inasmuch as the Bill now under discussion only incorporates certain portions of the Act of 1900, and it has no general application. It is only incorporated as occasion may arise.
On a point of Order. May I submit that at the present time, in connection with the tramway scheme of the London County Council, it is sought to cancel the obligation of obtaining the consent of the local authorities? It is proposed to "consult" the local authority, but that is a meaningless phrase.
I submit that the Section of the Act of 1900 was limited in its operation to that Session. We are incorporating in the present Act certain Sections, but there is no question of omitting or including the Section.
It is quite impossible for me to give a ruling on what is substantially a legal point without having the Sections before me. I do not think it is a function of the Chair to give what practically amounts to a ruling on a legal point. In the case of the Instruction it seems to me to be in order.
The schemes which are sought to be promoted under this Bill touch nearly all the boroughs of London, and it is curious that, almost without exception, they have joined in petitioning against this particular provision. They are practically unanimous. There is no question of hostility to the county council. It is simply that they stand by their rights in the interests of the ratepayers whom they represent. It is very hard that this attempt to depart from existing arrangements should press so much upon the poorer borough. We seem to be singled out for these experiments. Our amenities are not very great, but such as they are, we want to preserve them. In regard particularly to one scheme, which relates to the borough of Stepney, and which proposes a change in the method of traction between Castle Road and West India Dock Road, it happens to touch the road where the traffic is particularly heavy, because of the huge business transacted at the docks and wharves in the neighbourhood. This route cuts through two of the most important trade communications of the Metropolis—Commercial Road and Mile End Road—and it does so at a point very inconvenient and disadvantageous to the transit of goods. I submit that, although in places these are broad thoroughfares, they are not one wit too broad for the traffic they have to accommodate. Under the circumstances why should the little that we have of the picturesque be interfered with by the erection of standards and poles, and why should the traffic be delayed by narrowing the existing thoroughfares, for that is what it amounts to?
It is possible my Noble Friend may say that the short fag end of the tramway route comes out into the borough of Stepney where you already have overhead traction. I can speak with knowledge of what took place in regard to that at the time. The local authorities only consented to it because the place of change —the junction—was but a few yards beyond the limits of the borough of Poplar in the borough of Stepney, and on that account they did not object to the overhead wires being taken for that short space. They did, however, prevent them being erected along the whole of the main routes of East London. The London County Council therefore was forced to adopt the underground conduit system, and it is essential that that system should be continued in the present case. It is alleged by the county council that the reason for adopting it is that there is no profit from the horse tramways for which it is proposed to substitute electric power. I am not surprised at the absence of profit. It has been my misfortune to travel over the system, and a more wretched and inefficient service than that I cannot imagine. It is not one that is likely to attract or receive public support. But it does not follow that because there is no profit at present there will not be any under a better system. My point is that it is sought to interfere with a principle laid down by this House after inquiry and examination into these particular schemes, and to do so to the disadvantage of the poorer parts of London. As to consultation with the borough councils, I do hot think my Noble Friend will say that the county council is likely to give way after consultation. It is a mere form, and a not very courteous form, as some of the borough councils have reason to know it in regard to the use of certain powers by the central body. It is put in merely to satisfy the scruples of this House.
There is no reason why the present underground conduit system should not be continued to the profit of the ratepayers on this particular route. The local authorities feel very strongly not only that their dignity has not been studied, but that their representative character has been ignored. They speak for the people who will travel along this route. They are aware that the tramway system of London rests upon a very sound basis. Thanks to the work done by my right hon. Friend the Member for Fulham (Mr. Hayes Fisher), and other hon. Members on the Finance Committee of the London County Council, the tramway system is now thoroughly sound in principle. Of course, it has been carried over a great many miles of London roads. There is a large reserve put aside for repairs, and even after that there is some surplus transferred for the benefit of the ratepayers. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."] I understood there was still a small surplus. It is conducted on thoroughly sound business principles, just as rigid as would be served in the case of a profit-making company. With that knowledge the House need not be afraid of asking the London County Council to continue what is the best system that we know of in regard to further extensions. Might I ask the House to observe that they say, in one of their own pamphlets, that in busy London thoroughfares the use of overhead traction would be productive of enormous inconvenience, especially in the case of such centres of traffic as the "Elephant and Castle" where it would be practically impossible. One of these roads goes by a building almost as famous as the "Elephant and Castle" itself, the "Edinburgh Castle," where the Chancellor of the Exchequer made his famous Limehouse speeches. What the county council said in their own pamphlet should govern them, and apply also to their own tramway extensions. It is because I wish to see the tramway system continued as a sound system of public convenience and of public profit that I ask the House to agree to this Instruction, which will not stop an extension of the tramways. It will only, to use a phrase of the First Lord of the Admiralty, ginger up the county council in doing their duty by the people of London; it would be an advatnage to them, and it will not do away with the attractions and amenities which remain in the poorer parts of London.
I beg to second the Motion.
There are two great objections to the Bill as it is at present drafted. First of all, it gets rid of what hitherto has been recognised as the general right of veto on overhead tramways, vested in every borough of London; and, secondly, it imposes a cheaper and second-rate system on a very poor district of London. The veto may be right or it may be wrong, but there ought to be equality of treatment; and I think that to single out the poor East End district in order to get this veto removed is open to the greatest objection. Overhead wires are not desired by anybody. The policy of the county council has been handicapped hitherto by their being subject to getting the consent of each borough council. The present Bill proposes to get rid of that consent, and simply imposes an obligation of consultation, which is no obligation at all. As to the point that this Bill imposes a cheaper system on a poor district of London, I think that when the Debate proceeds it will be realised that cheapness is really the issue. Everybody would have an underground system, even if it costs more than an overhead system. In the East End of London we suffer many disabilities. We should like equality of rates, and we feel gravely that we are being badly used in not having equality of rates. We have always considered up to now that so far as tramways are concerned we have had equality of rates, and we naturally anticipated, if a tramway were to come into our district, that we should not have to suffer any inferiority, and that we should get the best system that the London County Council provides. It is true that the East End and these poorer districts have to suffer in regard to the poor rate and the various services the borough councils have to institute. They really pay a much higher proportion of expenditure than is due from them, and it becomes extra hard, when we get a service which comes out of the common purse, that we should be asked, because of the expense of the thing, to take something which does not cost so much.
This line traverses in two places very important routes of traffic. At the junction of the East India Road and the West India Road with the Commercial Road, there is probably as much traffic as in any quarter of London. I do not envy the Engineer of the London County Council when he has to construct an overhead system through this quarter. The tramway also crosses the Bow Road. Difficulties there are not so great, but they will be very great. It is not pretended that, so far as the conduit system is concerned, there is any difficulty in construction. There is simply a saving in expense. I think, considering that we are an Imperial City, and probably the greatest asset of the Empire—because to possess the biggest city in the whole universe is a larger asset than the London County Council or this House sometimes imagines—I think, taking this into consideration, with the facts I have already instanced, that the London County Council are very ill-advised under this Bill, first of all, to impose upon the poor East-End district, which has to pay more than its share, a cheaper tramway rather than a first-class tramway; and, secondly, to attempt to subject the borough councils to the deprivation of a veto, which all the other boroughs in London have hitherto possessed, and which can only be removed by a special Clause in the Bill, which the promoters bring forward to-night. For these two reasons it is with the greatest pleasure that I support the Instructions moved by my hon. Friend opposite.
I rise to support this Motion. I think there will be very little difficulty in showing that those who do support it have an irresistible case. The Instruction deals with Section 23 of the Act of 1900, which prohibited any overhead system being constructed in a. district, against the wishes of the inhabitants of that district as expressed by the local authority. In this Bill an attempt is being made to depart from the principle of regarding the wishes of the locality through which a tramway goes. I think it is important to notice why it is that the London County Council—many of whom, at any rate the present majority, have always insisted upon the rights of the locality in matters of this sort—why it is that in this particular instance they themselves should ask that the wishes of those in the district should be ignored. It is in order that they may enforce upon this district an overhead system instead of a conduit system. We do not want the overhead system. Stepney wants the conduit system, and it is the promoters of this Bill who have taught us to want it. It is the London County Council themselves who have all along advocated the advantages of the conduit system over the overhead system. The London County Council issued at the inauguration of the tramways running over Westminster and Blackfriars a document, in which they said that in deciding upon an underground rather than an overhead system of tramways the council was mainly influenced by such considerations as those included in the Report made by Professor Kennedy, and that it was the best suited to busy London thoroughfares. I suppose it is going to be said that the route through which this tramway goes is not a busy London thoroughfare. It is in fact a main load to the docks, and crosses two important East-End arteries of London. Some years ago the hon. Member for East Finsbury (Mr. J. A. Baker), who was at the time a member of the London County Council, and I think either chairman or deputy-chairman of the Highways Committee, was asked to make a report on the whole question of traction to the London County Council. How does he wind up that Report:—
"Provincial cities with their wider and less busy streets and comparatively small populations may find it to their interest to adopt the cheaper overhead construction, and tramway companies will naturally always prefer the cheaper form where they can obtain municipal sanction to instal it. But London, with its endless population, its unprecedentedly busy streets and congested traffic, need not hesitate to adopt the system that will give the greatest satisfaction to the public and the local authorities through whose districts the lines may pass; and of all the systems now before us for consideration, the one in my judgment best suited to the requirements of London is the electric conduit."
Then the London County Council called a conference of local authorities in London some years ago to deal with this very question. How did they deal with it there? Sir John Benn, then chairman of the county council, said:—
"We were desirous of setting up in the north of London that tramway policy which has obtained in the south, that is to say, that the central portion of London should have the benefit of the conduit system, and that certain outlying districts and thoroughfares where big difficulties existed might be adapted to the trolley system. That has been the policy of the council as set out from time to time in our reports."
That means that if the overhead system is to be adopted on this route it is because it is an outlying district—I hardly see how you can call a route within three miles of the General Post Office an outlying district—or there must be big difficulties in the way which necessitate the overhead system. Mo one has suggested that you have any difficulties at all on this route which needs the adoption of the conduit system. But Sir John Benn went on to say something else:—
"I may say with no hesitation that we do desire if possible to have the conduit system, because we do "believe that given the necessary opportunity that system is a good and workable system."
And that is what we believe in Stepney. Then the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. McKinnon Wood), who was then a member of the county council, attended this conference, and discussing this very matter, he said:—
"As a matter of fact. I think it is well known that we of the council—you, Sir, and the chairman of the council—have all started with a very strong predilection in favour of the conduit system, and that we are anxious to put down the conduit system wherever we can make it work."
That was the policy of the London County Council then. Wherever they could make the conduit system work it was their policy to put it down. They have shown that they can make it work on the route on which they are now trying to force the overhead system. Mr. Water-low, who was a former chairman of the Highways Committee, and at this very time vice-chairman of the Highways Committee, says:—
"As far as we can consult our own inclinations, we would obviously prefer to have the conduit system throughout London. That is perfectly clear, I think, and everyone admits that the conduit system is infinitely preferable."
I do not know that I need read any more to justify the wish of Stepney to have the best system, the conduit system, because the only reason why we are not to have it is that it is more expensive. Then why have we been called upon to pay for a more expensive system in the other parts of London?
You have not paid.
The answer to that is that if the trolley system is cheaper we made less profit by having the conduit system.
You cannot pay if there is a deficit.
Surely it cannot he suggested that by Stepney, who are partners in this concern, agreeing to allow a more expensive system to be laid down in some districts they have not suffered in consequence. If the various districts in London have refused to have the overhead system, they have the conduit system at the expense of the people of London, and Stepney comes in that category. The hon. Member (Mr. Hall) is one of the backers of the Bill. He was chairman of the Highways Committee last year, and he led a deputation to the Postmaster-General on behalf of the borough councils. I was one who had the honour of following his lead at that deputation. What did the deputation go to the Postmaster for? To implore him not to put up any more overhead wires in London, but to have his wires underground. I know it seemed a little inconsistent for the hon. Member to go to the Postmaster-General and ask him to put his Post Office wires underground while he was chairman of a committee which was trying to force overhead wires upon Stepney. It was pointed out at the time, and he tried to differentiate, but the only difference I noticed was that he said there would be more wires in connection with telephones and telegraphs than in connection with overhead tramways. But it is obviously only a question of degree, and I cannot quite explain how the then chairman of the Highways Committee could have been so ardent an advocate of the Post Office being compelled to put its wires underground and at the same time attempt to force upon a poor district in London a system of overhead wires in connection with trams. Stepney does not want cheap and unsightly posts and wires. We do not want a dangerous system. The East End of London has been made the trial ground of more than one dangerous system. The Stepney Borough Council objected to your putting the overhead system in the Mile End Road. You did not consult them, but you decided upon some new system which you had not tried in London, and, obviously, you did not know whether it would succeed or not. It is true that Stepney people were simply anxious not to have the overhead system, and were quite prepared to have any conduit or underground system which was workable so long as it was not overhead.
The borough council consented to the trial service. They shared the responsibility.
If that is so, it shows how reasonable they were in trying to meet the county council, and it rather shows that we have a strong case now when we ask that the county council should put in the conduit system. We have had enough of your making our district a trial ground in this way, and what you are now doing is to take a poor district like Stepney as an experiment to see if you cannot deprive the borough councils of any kind of veto in connection with the system which they are to have in their districts. One thousand eight hundred and ninety-four people living on the route or in its immediate vicinity have petitioned against the Bill. So much for the object which the promoters of the Bill have in departing from what they otherwise regard as a sound principle. The object is to force a cheap system on a district which does not want it, and which thinks it is quite unsuitable. The principle that you are departing from is the principle of the local veto by local authorities over tramway systems in London, and Parliament has shown what it thinks on this subject, because Standing Order 22 provides that in any new system you cannot lay down a tramway if the local authority vetoes the Bill. Your Bill provides for eight pieces of tramway. Three of them have been vetoed under the powers of that Standing Order. They were necessary, otherwise the London County Council would not have proposed them. Where did they go? The borough councils of St. Pancras, Islington, and Hackney vetoed their pieces. Then the county council wanted a new tramway down Farringdon Eoad to Lud-gate Circus. Are they attempting to override the veto of the city, Islington or St. Pancras? No, they try it on with Stepney. I want to point out this. If the county council were constructing the tramway afresh over this route we would have been in exactly the same position as the other authorities, because we would have had an absolute veto. Why have we not an absolute veto? It is because we have a horse-drawn tramway, and it is reasoned that because we do not object to horses we are not to object to the overhead trolley system. That is the position. What has been the attitude of hon. Members who have their names on the back of the Bill on the question of the veto? In 1902 the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Chaplin) proposed to remove the absolute veto by amendment of Standing Orders. This House would not allow that Amendment to be passed. It was a Moderate party of the county council which sought to bring in that Amendment. At that time there were private companies desirous of running tramways in various places, and this borough council veto was not convenient for them.
I would remind the hon. Member that the Progressives were in power in 1902.
Yes, but it was the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wimbledon who sought to amend the Standing Order, and he had the backing of the Members of his party. The right hon. Gentleman who is now President of the Local Government Board (Mr. Burns) took some part in that discussion. I want to ask hon. Members who are trying now to deprive Stepney of its veto—[An HON. MEMBER: "No."] I hope the promoters of the Bill are with me in this matter, and if they give me an indication that they are I shall resume my seat this moment. I wish to say that the promoters of the Bill either believe in the veto of the local authority or they do not. In 1904 they had a report on the question of the veto, and it wound up with a recommendation that Parliamentary powers should be sought in the Session of 1905 to relieve the county council of the obligation laid upon it by Section 23 of the Act, which requires the obtaining of the consent of the several roads authorities concerned to use the overhead system of electrical traction. In 1904 a committee of the county council recommended that the council should ask Parliament to deprive the borough councils of their power to say whether they will have overhead wires or not. Was that recommendation accepted? No, the report was accepted, but the recommendation was withdrawn. If the promoters of this Bill find, as no doubt they have found, that the veto of the borough councils is awkward, I wish to know why they did not accept the recommendation of the committee, and ask Parliament to remove the power of Borough Councils to say whether they will have the overhead system or not. No, that would not do. What they are now trying to do is to object to the vetoes one at a time, and they start with the weakest district first—the East End of London. In August last year a member of the London County Council brought in a Motion to the same effect exactly as the recommendation which the council would not have in 1904—namely, that there should be an instruction to the Parliamentary Committee to submit a recommendation that Parliament should be asked to remove the borough council veto on tramway proposals. Why did not the promoters of the Bill accept that Motion? That would have got them out of the difficulty. They would have had no veto either from the aristocratic part of the county or any other part. They would, therefore, have been masters of the situation. But they did not do that. The hon. Member for Dulwich (Mr. Fred Hall), chairman of the Highways Committee, not only says that he is in favour of putting up the overhead wires but also that he is in favour of the veto.
The hon. Member is quite wrong. I stated I was in favour of the veto being upheld.
That is what I said. I am glad that the hon. Member, who is a great authority on tramways and chairman of the Highways Committee, now says that he is in favour of the veto. I cannot understand how his name is on this Bill, which proposes to deprive Stepney of the right of saying what kind of system it is to have. I do hope this House will take cognisance of the fact that a large number of borough councils have petitioned in support of the Instruction which has been moved. I would like to ask hon. Members whose names are on the back of the Bill what they would say if their districts were affected in this way. If it was found that the people in their districts did not want the overhead system, how would they like the county council to be given power to force it upon them I It may be said—I hope it will not—that this system is to be forced upon Stepney because there is a provision in the Bill,, which I can only describe as an inept joke —a provision that they are to be entitled to put the overhead system in Stepney only after consultation with Stepney Borough Council. The county council has been consulting with the Stepney Borough Council for years, and the result is that it has been decided that Stepney is to have the cheaper, ineffective, and more unsightly system. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."] That is our opinion, and we are entitled to it. Some say that the overhead system is not dangerous, but it is certainly more dangerous than the conduit system. The result of the consultations of all these years is that the county council intend to force the overhead system on Stepney, and the Stepney Borough Council are determined that you shall not; and you put in your Bill that the power of veto which they had up to now they shall not have in future. You are determined to put in an overhead system, but you will consult them before you do it. We have a certain sense of humour in the East End of London, and perhaps we should appreciate this joke if we were not the victims of it. I ask the House to say, if the London County Council find the veto of these local authorities awkward, let them come here and deal with the whole of the local authorities. Let them place them all on the one footing. If they are not prepared to do that, they have no right to take a poor district like Stepney and force us to to have a system which we do not want and which is cheaper, while other authorities, who are more fortunate, or perhaps it may be more influentially represented, have had their wishes accepted. This Bill shows that two miles of your five miles have gone because of the veto which has been exercised by other authorities. Why have not you brought in a Bill to give you the power over all authorities that you seek over Stepney? I trust that the House will certainly pass this Instruction.
I am surprised at the remarks which have fallen from the hon. Member for Stepney (Mr. Glyn-Jones). If he is so much in favour of the veto of the borough councils being done away with—
I did not say that.
The hon. Member particularly asked us to come here and ask for those powers, so I suppose that he will assist us in getting them.
I say, if you find the veto a difficulty, that it is your business to come here and deal with the whole veto, and not with one case. I never expressed any opinion as to whether the veto was wise or not.
9.0 P.M.
My hon. Friend knows that there is no disguising the fact that the whole of the Progressive party in the London County Council are desirous of doing away with the veto of the borough councils. So far as I am concerned, I am desirous of maintaining it, because I am one of those who think it perfectly reasonable that the members of the local borough council living in the immediate vicinity should be expected to know more of the requirements of the place than the central body. But surely in all circumstances there is a limit. Stepney has consistently taken up one attitude, and one attitude alone—that it would not have the overhead system. My predecessors in the county council of the Progressive party have been to Stepney time and again asking for its assistance to enable them to construct the line from Aldgate to Bow Bridge on the overhead system. Surely my hon. Friend must know full well that in consequence of the Whitechapel and Bow Railway and the Underground at Aldgate, and the station coming so near the surface, there were great engineering difficulties to be overcome in laying the conduit system down on that road. What was the attitude of Stepney? The same attitude always: "We will not have anything but the conduit system." It would seem to be our policy, from the speeches which have been made, to put upon Stepney what we would not put upon the better-off Divisions, and that we are trying to force it on the poorest and the weakest borough council. That is not the policy which the London County Council have been desirous of carrying out. I suppose that my hon. Friend will be surprised to learn that out of 140 miles of tramway, we have twenty-three miles of overhead traction.
With the consent of the people of the district.
Anybody who knows anything about it knows full well that we have to obtain the consent of the borough council. Still there is a limit, and if it proved, as it can be conclusively proved in this House, that Stepney, differing from other borough councils, has been desirous of extorting from the other ratepayers some advantage which it is not entitled to, I think that this House should consider in a satisfactory manner the wishes of the promoters of this Bill. I would like to inform the House that we have the overhead system from Streatham to Norbury, from Brixton Road to Herne Hill—that happens to be in the Dulwich Road—from Loughborough Junction to Norwood, from Putney to Hammersmith, from Hammersmith to Harlesden, along Harrow Road, from Woolwich to Woolwich Ferry, from Woolwich to Eltham, and at Wood Lane as well, giving a total length of twenty-three miles.
Give us the dates when these overhead lines were constructed.
I am afraid that it is impossible to give the whole of these dates, but if my hon. Friend thinks that it is a question of party he will find that this Bill is backed by my hon. Friend the Member for Bow and Bromley (Mr. Lans-bury) and the hon. Member for the Crick-lade Division of Wiltshire (Mr. R. C. Lambert). I believe that this went through the county council without any division being challenged at all, but I am speaking guardedly as to that. It is not a question of party; it is a question of those who have given to the tramways undertaking of London their careful consideration having come to the conclusion, and it is the right conclusion and the only conclusion that any body of business men could come to, that if they find it impossible in any circumstances whatever to lay down tramways that would be reasonably expected to return something for all the outlay upon them, you cannot afford to undertake a system which admittedly would never pay. I happen to have seen a deputation from the borough of Stepney with reference to this very matter, and I drew their attention to the fact that the difference between the cost would be a matter of £30,000. The reconstruction and equipment excluding cars, car sheds, and a sub-station on the conduit system would amount to £98,840. On the overhead system, excluding the same items, it would be a question of £69,770. The chances are that the House will say that those figures do not prove anything. Granting that, we proved to the Stepney Borough Council's representatives that the loss on the conduit system, after taking into consideration the extra amount, that we hoped to obtain in consequence of running through and taking all connections— because we always have to consider any question of traffic that will be by that means brought about—would be something like £3,910 during the year. What was the question in regard to the overhead system as compared with the conduit system? It meant that there would be a considerable loss in the first year if the overhead system were not adopted. The representatives of Stepney would, under no circumstances whatever, take into consideration the conditions which were necessary to the line being made to pay; and all we ask at the present time is, not that we should do away with the veto of the Stepney Borough Council, but that this Bill should receive a Second Reading in order that it may be sent to a Committee upstairs for discussion of its various details. Up to the present time the London County Council, time after time, have come to only one conclusion, and I think I may say the only dissentient from that conclusion was a member who is also a member of the Stepney Borough Council. With that exception, the whole of the London County Council have endorsed the decision which has been arrived at.
From the year 1902 until 1908 the London County Council were continually asking Stepney to assist them in constructing a line from Aldgate to Bow. Poplar acted in conjunction with Stepney, and the former authority, after hearing the whole of the facts, recognised the engineering and other difficulties which we had to meet, and under the circumstances they gave way. Stepney would not give way. We laid down and completed in July, 1908, a tramway on the stud system, and I will say that if the same information were brought before me as a member of the Highways Committee as I had then, I should, as far as I am concerned, endeavour to get the London County Council to find some means of reducing the cost of underground construction. In connection with the conduit system it meant a cost per mile of £17,000. Poplar was quite prepared to assist, but Stepney continued to adopt the same attitude. The London County Council have carefully considered this matter time after time, and they could only come to one conclusion, namely, that they could not, under the circumstances, reconstruct the tramway on the conduit system. It is a question of two miles and three-quarters. The difference between the cost of construction is this: On the conduit system the cost is £17,000 per mile; £10,500 for the "G.B." system, and £9,500 per mile for the overhead system. If only for the purpose of economy, which my hon. Friend has referred to, I think we are justified in looking after the interests of the ratepayers. In running these tramways we desire as far as possible to give the public the travelling facilities which they desire for the money which we spend. [An HON. MEMBER: "And you threw away £50,000."] As to that question of £50,000, it only shows that those who make such statements know very little of the finances of the tramway system. After we had practically scrapped one system and reconstructed on the conduit system from Aldgate to Cambridge Road, and from Cambridge Road to Bow Bridge on the overhead system, there was not half the loss to which the hon. Member has referred.
In the county council we are in the habit of hearing exaggerated statements made on financial questions, and hon. Members do not seem to have the faintest idea of what the figures mean which they use, and, under the circumstances, the ratepayers are given a false impression in regard to the tramway system. It may not be out of place to briefly refer to the financial position of the tramway system. I am pleased to say that we have succeeded in keeping our heads above water. How have we done that? We have done it by the exercise of care and regard for the interests of the ratepayers. We have not laid down the lines on the conduit system because we did not think there was any reasonable probability eventually of a return on the outlay. I do not say that in every case we should look immediately for a satisfactory return, because, where there is a big business, we should take the whole and not merely a part in arriving at a decision. Nevertheless, there must be some limit, and when, on consideration of the whole matter, we find that on a particular portion of an undertaking there will never be any return on the money expended, then I think that the attitude we have taken is perfectly simple and perfectly reasonable. It is clear that we should not enter upon an undertaking which is never destined to pay. There is the question of a difference of £30,000, but the hon. Member for Stepney does not seem to regard that.
I never mentioned a single figure.
I may mention that the difference is over £30,000. We are carrying 1,450,000 passengers per annum, and we are carrying them on such a very high percentage that the total profit is about £50,000 per annum. [An HON. MEMBER: "Ordinary profit?"] I happen to know something about the finances of tramways, and I am not in the habit of talking about profit before allowing proper sums for depreciation and debts. The surplus is £52,000 on the mileage run, and that represents a farthing per mile. I think, therefore, hon. Members will agree with me that we have cut our coat pretty near. It is not our business to have results with a large surplus when we find we are getting better results otherwise. I would like to vindicate my friends on the London County Council. I should not like any Member to think that we are desirous of giving a system which we have not given to any other borough council, and I think I have conclusively proved that by the instances of the various routes I have given. I headed a deputation to the Postmaster-General in reference to putting telegraph lines underground. I said perfectly plainly that where you get an enormous number of those telegraph and telephone wires with a dead-weight of snow in the winter that they are dangerous, and I drew the attention of the Postmaster-General to the fact that it was a perfectly different matter in regard to them and in regard to the overhead wires of a tramway system. I drew his notice to those matters, and also that, with the exception of the line in the special case at Greenwich, where we have a positive and negative, in the ordinary case there is one line for each. Therefore, I think I have thoroughly vindicated with regard to that. We ask the House now to allow this Bill to pass in order that it may go upstairs, where the various questions with regard to this issue can be dealt with later on. As far as my friends in Stepney are concerned, it is not the case that we bear any ill-will whatever to them, and we hope that we shall succeed in getting them over these various difficulties the same as we have in regard to all the other borough councils. We had those difficulties time and time again and what has been the result? In the ordinary course of events they asked for considerably more than they could get. We proved that it was impossible to give that to them, and we got them to come into line. I would throw out the suggestion to the hon. Member for Stepney that we may get his assistance. We are not desirous of acting in any way against the borough of Stepney. If, on the other hand, they will assist us he may rest assured, as far as the county council is concerned, that they will set forth as quickly as possible in order that the line may be reconstructed for the benefit of the people of Stepney.
Do I understand that that is an offer on the part of the promoters of some other system than the overhead system, as that is the point?
No, I cannot under any circumstances whatever hold out any hopes from the financial results I have given that they will be able to alter their decision. I hope my hon. Friend will give the county council his assistance in order that Stepney will come into line with the other borough councils and in order that the overhead system may be constructed.
The House, when an Instruction is moved, takes upon itself the responsibility of deciding whether the principle contained in a Private Bill should be carried by the House as a whole or whether an Instruction should be added to the proposal. I think the small number of Members who are present at this discussion rather goes to prove that on all these difficult and complicated questions the House itself on Second Reading or on an Instruction is not the proper place to discuss all the merits and all the technicalities and all the questions which must be raised in a Debate of this kind on a Private Bill. It is only upstairs where evidence can be brought before the Committee, and where all the parties can be heard and represented by counsel, and where a Committee of the House can fully consider all the difficulties connected with problems of this nature, and where the real merits can be discovered that Members can give an intelligent vote on them. With regard to the London Tramways I was a member, as I daresay many hon. Members know, of the London County Council for many years before the members who are now in charge of the affairs of the London County Council had the responsibility they have now. I was always in favour of the conduit system. It appealed to me as one of the reasons why the tramway system should be in the hands of a municipality was because it should have some regard to the amenities of the City, whereas a private tramway company, being responsible to its shareholders, would first of all see that it made its undertaking pay. With the municipality which was spending money on parks and open spaces and other improvements the first duty should be to see that when it was constructing its tramway system that it should not disfigure the city in any way by an overhead system when it could have a conduit system. Therefore I was always in favour of the conduit system. But since those days circumstances have forced the London County Council, whatever party may have been in power at the moment, to adopt twenty-three miles of overhead system. Therefore, much as I was in favour of the conduit system in preference to the overhead system I am bound to-day to recognise that the London County Council has adopted the overhead system to the extent of twenty-three miles.
Now comes a case where the constituency I represent in this House is concerned with regard to a tramway, and where the London County Council propose to introduce the overhead system. It is quite natural that I, with my prejudice in favour of the conduit system, should at the outset be in favour of that system for my own Constituents, and the borough council of Bethnal Green are in favour of the conduit system. I went into the matter very carefully when they drew attention to the Bill coming before Parliament this Session. When I examined it I found that there was a tramway two and three-quarter miles long from the West India Docks to the boundaries of the county of London— horse traction, very irregular, very unsatisfactory, and very unprofitable. I was glad to hear that the county council proposed to substitute electric traction. I asked myself, why should not the county council do what Stepney and Bethnal Green want and give the conduit system? I inquired into the question, and found that the county council had had a report from their responsible advisers. In this matter there is no question of party, because whatever party may be in power at the county council, whether Progressive or Moderate, it must be governed by the reports of its responsible officers. You cannot disregard the reports of the responsible officers in a matter of business such as that of running tramways. In that report I found that the London County Council were advised that if the line were reconstructed on the conduit system, the loss, including debt charges, would amount to about £8,910 for the first year.
Rats!
My hon. Friend the Member for Woolwich says "Rats," but that is no use. In these business matters you must not allow sentiment to overrun discretion. If my hon. Friend and I were sitting on the Highways Committee, as we used to sit together on various committees of the London County Council, he knows very well that we should have to consider these reports of the responsible officers. This is the report of the responsible officer with regard to a tramway running through my Constituency. I am prejudiced, if anything, against the proposal of the county council, because I want the conduit system if I can get it. But I am trying to look facts in the face, and to see whether I can get the conduit system, or whether, by striking out for that, I am going to lose everything and get nothing. Therefore it is no use for my hon Friend to say "Rats" when I am explaining what influences me with regard to this important question. The responsible officer reports that, with the conduit system, the loss, including debt charges, would amount to about £3,910 for the first year, while if the overhead system were used the loss would be about £l,730. The estimated cost of reconstruction and equipment of the line on the conduit system, exclusive of the cost of cars, car sheds, sub-stations, or sites thereof, is £98,840, while the estimated cost of reconstruction and equipment on the overhead system is £69,000, or about £30,000 less than on the conduit system. The amount of probable traffic on the tramway did not warrant the Committee in recommending the council to incur the heavier loss, and as the thoroughfares through which the tramway passes did not appear unsuitable for overhead traction, the committee recommended and the council adopted the present scheme. I am bound to confess that, as a Progressive member of the county council for many years, if I had been sitting on the Highways Committee when this report came before me with regard to these two and three-quarter miles, seeing that we had already adopted the overhead system for twenty-three miles in London, I should have been compelled to have supported the recommendation which the council passed and the Bill now before the House.
If that is the case, what right have I, because I happen not to be a member of the county council, to refuse to allow this matter to go fairly and squarely before a Committee upstairs, where the whole question can be threshed out? If we pass the Instruction this particular tram line will remain horse traction. [An HON. MEMBER: "Wait until next year."] But we have no control over next year. My hon. Friend on the Front Bench says that we have. What control have we got? We cannot promote a Bill next year. [An HON. MEMBER: "The county council election."] That will be too late for next year. I am not so keen on leaving the people of Bethnal Green with a horse tramway for an indefinite period, whether it is two, three, or four years. I want the tramways to be electrified as quickly as possible, and to have an electric tramway from the West India Docks to the county boundary, extending to Forest Gate and Leyton, as it will in conjunction with other tramways which are on the overhead system, so that the people in my Constituency may have the advantages of modern up to date transit, as they ought to have, but of which the present horse traction system seems to me to be a totally inadequate form. There are merits and demerits in regard to this question. What I ask the House is not to prejudge them down here. I do not say that there are not many points which Stepney and Bethnal Green, who have petitioned against the Bill, can bring before the Committee. The Committee upstairs will weigh the whole case, not in the ex-parte fashion, in which it always has to be considered on the floor of the House, but with the technical pros and cons before them. If they then consider that the London County Council have not made out their case, this particular tramway can be thrown out upstairs.
What I submit is that this is not the time when, on the floor of the House, on such a sparsely attended occasion, we ought to prevent a responsible body like the London County Council sending its Bill upstairs for full and complete consideration. My view has always been that the London County Council represents the people of London. I never limited it by suggesting that the county council represented the people of London only when the majority happened to agree with my particular views. I have so much faith and belief in the county council that I say it represents the people of London for the time being, whatever views it holds. There are no greater enemies of the county council than those who say that it represents London only when it happens to be Progressive, and not when it happens to be Conservative or Moderate. When it promotes a Bill in this House, having had the valuable expert advice of its well-paid and well-qualified officials, I submit that the London County Council are entitled, unless a very grave matter is concerned, to have its Bill sent to a Private Bill Committee, where it can be considered in all its bearings and the reports and figures analysed. An hon. Member asked how we knew that there would be a loss of £3,910 for the first year if the conduit system were adopted, while the loss would be only £l,730 with the overhead system. That can only be ascertained upstairs before the Committee.
I must remind the hon. Member that the Bill has been read a second time, and he must confine his remarks to the proposed Instruction.
If the Instruction is passed this Bill will be subject to the veto of the Stepney and other borough councils, and they will exercise their veto, and the Committee upstairs will have no opportunity whatever of considering the merits or the demerits of the proposals now before us. I do not want to detain the House at this stage. I only rose because my own borough council asked me to oppose this Bill. But my experience on the London County Council, my experience of this House, and my experience of Private Bills, led me to the conclusion that it is far better not to propose an Instruction of this character which defeats a Bill. It is far better, in the interests of those concerned, that the Bill should go to a Committee upstairs, and there be threshed out, rather than we should consider it in a thin Chamber like this, where I defy any Member to say, however eloquent his speech may be, the merits or the demerits of a Private Bill can be considered. It is the principle only that can be considered here. I would warn my hon. Friends who are perhaps going to vote for this Instruction that they will very likely find themselves in the Lobby with Unionist Members for London who are not on the county council, and against Unionists Members who happen to have been on the county council but have not of recent years been in close contact with the work of the Highways Committee.
On the whole, I am perfectly satisfied that it is not advisable in the interests of the London or the tramways system of London, nor is it an advisable policy on the part of the Progressive party, when we have the existing tramways in London, that we should oppose this Instruction, while it is advisable, in my judgment, that we should let this Bill untrammelled go upstairs; let all parties fight it out—and let the development of the tramways in London be considered quietly and calmly, and with all the weight of evidence that it brought on one side and on the other. We should do this rather than that we should allow ourselves to be carried away here tonight merely because there is a proposal to take away the veto of a local authority and allow this tramway to go on. I would remind my hon. Friend that while I was on the county council I was always in favour of it being the althority for dealing with the tramways throughout London, irrespective of the local authority. It seems idle to me that merely because my hon. Friend the Member for Stepney says that the veto is to be taken away from Stepney and from Bethnal Green, my own borough, that I am to throw over the whole of my principles.
All I am objecting to is this, that you are taking the veto from Stepney and Bethnal Green, and in the same Clause leaving the veto to the other borough councils.
I know; that is what I say. I am in favour of the London County Council being the tramway authority of the whole of London. I think it is injurious to the county of London that the borough councils should have the power of veto. Therefore it seems to me much more sensible, if I may venture to use that remark, that I should here tonight vote for the veto being taken away from my own borough council, because I am in favour of the London County Council being the authority, rather than to get up in this House and say that I am in favour of the veto being taken away, but because it is proposed to take it away from the authority I represent, I will vote against this veto being taken away at all. I think the London County Council, whatever party may be in power for the time being, should have a free run upstairs to put its case and to develop its local government. For that reason I hope the Instruction will not be carried.
Listening to my hon. Friend who has just spoken, I could have wished that he could have kept in as-close contact with the London County Council as in those days in which he took so honourable a part in the work. There is one question I desire to ask my hon. Friend and the Member for Camberwell who preceded him. I think that both of these hon. Gentlemen made the statement that there were twenty-three miles of overhead system within the county of London. The question I wish to ask him is whether a considerable portion of that did not consist of lines that the county council was obliged to purchase or take over from the outside authorities like the London United and other companies, when they fell in.
My answer to that is, in no case whatever.
The hon. Member for Camberwell referred to the profits made by the London County Council. The question I want to ask him is whether the sum of about £600,000 out of profit is not set aside annually for the repayment of debt charges, and whether there is not a very large sum set aside for reconstruction and also for reserve, in addition to £55.000 balance.
We are getting somewhat outside the Instruction.
I am taking the figures of the hon. Gentleman, whose argument was in favour of the overhead system as compared with the conduit system. He referred to these figures. It seems to me to be pertinent that I should mention that a very large sum, very near £1,000,000, is actually earned practically on the conduit system of London, and set aside in various ways. Over 500,000,000 passengers are carried on this system of tramways. I believe the conduit system, which was adopted for London many years ago, is now considered and thought by those who visit London from all parts of the world the most up to date, the most perfect, the most satisfactory, sightly, and safest system of tramways in the entire world. I would have liked if my hon. Friend the Member for Bethnal Green could have paid a visit again to the city of Paris. I had the pleasure and honour of visiting that city with him on one occasion. We saw there a great deal in the way of various systems of tramways traction.
The hon. Member is going outside the Instruction. As I understand it, the discussion of this Instruction raises the question as to whether the conduit system or the overhead system applies directly to Stepney or not. I really do not think that we can range over the whole question of the conduit system as applied to Paris and the general financial position of the London County Council.
I am using this simply as an illustration of what was then and now the case in Paris. There they tried almost every system of tramway traction. It is only a short time since that the corporation of Paris paid a visit to London with the special view of studying the tramway system existing in London streets. My hon. Friend the Member for Stepney was good enough to refer to a report I was asked to make in the early days on the system of traction for London. I paid a visit to Paris. I saw the conduit and other systems there. We decided to lay down for London the system that practically prevails in nearly all parts of London—that is the conduit system. And from the investigations made of the various systems of that kind we find that whereas the cost of first construction was cheaper in the overhead system, that in the case of the conduit system, though more costly on the first construction, it was much less costly in its upkeep, it did not require the frequent renewals and repairs, with a construction waggon going round and causing great inconvenience in the street, and that the actual cost of the working of that system was less. Therefore I think the Stepney Borough Council would find it to their profit to adopt the conduit system, and that they are within their rights, both from a business and legal point of view, in asking to have the best system adopted in their streets. We know that in the case of Stepney the surrounding lines are worked upon the conduit system, and the overhead system proposed here would cross the lines of the conduit system.
It is undoubtedly a very great convenience in any great city not to establish in different parts of it systems different, from those existing, and that there should be uniform cars and a uniform system. That was practically proved in figures when the conduit system was decided upon for London, and I hope there will be a continuity of that system. It was only last evening, when returning from this. House to my home on the outskirts of the city, where unhappily we have no conduit system, that I found myself held up for three-quarters of an hour by an accident, that would have been impossible to have occurred with the conduit system. The trolley wheel got itself entangled in some wires over the live wires. In many cases it is necessary in connection with the trolley system to have bearing wires over the live wires to catch telephone wires when they fall. Last night, in the case which I mention, the trolley wheel came off and the trolley got entangled with the bearing wires above them, and it took a long time before it was possible to disentangle them. That can only be done with considerable risk. The car was a covered car and it was impossible to get out on the roof, and they had to wait until another car came up, and then a man got up among the wires to disentangle the trolley from them. There is always a certain element of danger in the overhead system, but beside that, as all the surrounding lines in this connection are on the conduit system, I hope this Instruction will be carried and that the inhabitants of Stepney will be enabled to have an up-to-date and businesslike system in their district.
That this is not a party question is illustrated by the fact that I find myself in opposition to my hon. Friend, the Member for Bethnal Green, on the one hand, and my hon. Friend the Member for Dulwich, on the-other, and it is in regard to the speeches made by these two hon. Gentlemen that I wish to make a remark or two. I have listened to the hon. Member for Dulwich with all the deference due to his experience and knowledge of this tramway question, but I do not think he made good his claim to be a strong champion of the right of veto belonging to the borough councils in this matter. What does this Bill do? I would remind the House that the whole relations in these tramway matters between the London County Council and the borough councils was settled in the Act of 1900, and this Bill is simply an attempt to rescind an arrangement and an Act of Parliament which settled the relations between the county council and the borough councils by a side issue and with regard to a particular case and instance. That is my answer to the hon. Member for Bethnal Green. He made a great deal of the stereotyped argument in regard to private Bills: that a private Bill ought to go upstairs, that we ought not to prejudge the question, and that when it goes upstairs it can be heard with all the advantage of technical knowledge and with all the parties represented. My objection to this Bill is that it places the question on a much higher plane, that it is really rescinding by a side issue an Act of Parliament under which London has lived now for twelve years. The only other remark I have to make is upon the merits of the case.
I am sorry my right hon. Friend the President of the Local Government Board is not here, because I should like to have beard his opinion on this question of going back to the old worn-out system of overhead tramways. If I remember aright, he was the very man that played a great part an the enormous boons which were conferred upon London by the conduit system. It is a system which gets rid of the unsightliness and inconvenience, and very often danger, which attaches to the overhead system. The conduit system has produced a state of things for which undoubtedly all foreigners envy London, and from which the people of London derive great benefits. To my mind, as the London County Council has really challenged the opinion of the House of Commons on this point, the House of Commons, situated in the capital of the British Empire, has a right to express an opinion upon a large question like this, I think it should be the general sense of the House that it would be a very great pity to go back to the old system of overhead wires. But when I come to the actual case before us and the locality in which the overhead wires are to be imposed, I think then the case does make an appeal to the generosity of the House. I saw a moment ago my hon. Friend the Member for North St. Pancras sitting on the back benches on the other side of the House. I suppose North St. Pancras would be one of those constituencies described by hon. Members opposite as an influentially represented constituency. What has happened in North St. Pancras? There is a case in which you had horse trams and where these trams did not intercept any great crowded thoroughfare. The London County Council replaced that horse tramway by the conduit system, and not by the overhead system. Why should we impose this proposal upon an East End district where undoubtedly the traffic is great and crowded; where there are great thoroughfares like Commercial Road and Mile End Road intersected by tramways, and where on the question of expense by a proper linking up of the tramways and a unification of the whole system a great deal of inconvenience and expense would be got rid of. It is all very well for the London County Council to say they have got the overhead system at Streatham, Norbury, Herne Hill, and Eltham, but they are not like the districts involved in this Bill. Anybody who knows the district concerned in this measure knows that during many days of the week all the thoroughfares are tremendously crowded, and every objection that could be urged against the overhead system derives double force from the fact of the congestion of the traffic, and the fact that the inhabitants of that district deserve as generous treatment as any other.
The question of this Instruction is evidently one upon which there is great division of opinion in every part of the House. I observe that there are hon. Members for and against it on this side as well as on the opposite side of the House, and I understand that there is a similar division of opinion amongst hon. Members below the Gangway. This measure is not one upon which the Board of Trade can offer a specific objection on any grounds of engineering difficulty or of public danger, and no such grounds appear to them to exist. On the other hand there is no doubt that a very strong case has been made out for the case which underlies the Instruction. That case has been very strongly put and not the least strongly by the hon. Member who has just sat down. I think the very fact that the case is so strong might be given as a reason for allowing this matter to be settled by the Private Bills Committee. Objections so ably urged are considerations which would weigh very strongly with the Private Bill Committee.
I may point out that this Instruction has been supported all along, if not by every speaker, at least by most of them, not merely on the ground of principle or on the ground that the county council should not be allowed by a Clause in this Bill to override the power of veto given in another Bill, but hon. Members have supported this Instruction and argued in its favour on its relative merits such as the cost, sightliness, and appropriateness. These matters of detail are what the Committee could deal with. The discussion upon these points might go on indefinitely in this House, whereas in the Committee upstairs these issues can be fully handled and properly adjudged upon by the Committee. By this Instruction to the Committee upstairs you practically take away their power of judgment. I do not say the ease for this Instruction is not a strong one, but because it is strong I think it can with perfect safety be left to the Committee. The Committee can go fully into every question of detail, and also into the question of principle, and it is quite as competent to judge on those matters as the House, and the House will still have the Bill in its hands when it is returned from the Committee. For these reasons I appeal to my hon. Friends to let the Bill go through. The case has been fully put by the speeches in support of the Instruction, and I appeal to my hon. Friends to let this question go to the Private Bill Committee where all these issues can be best discussed, and this will allow the House to return to its other business.
I beg to move, "That the Debate be now adjourned."
I observe that a number of other hon. Members desire to take part in this discussion, and as there is other business before the House, which has been interrupted for almost two hours, I would suggest that the Debate on this Bill should not be immediately brought to a conclusion unless by consent. Therefore I suggest that its consideration be adjourned until 8.15 on Monday next, and this will enable other hon. Members to state their views.
Question put, and agreed to.
Debate to be resumed upon Monday next, 22nd April at a Quarter past Eight of the clock.
Supply
Civil Services and Revenue Departments. Estimates, 1912–13
Postponed proceeding on Amendment to Question, "That Mr. Speaker do now leave the Chair."
Which Amendment was to leave out from the word "That," to the end of the Question, in order to add instead thereof the words "this House is of opinion that the methods adopted and the steps taken to bring into operation Part I. of the National Insurance Act, 1911, are unsatisfactory, and that owing to the delay in establishing the Advisory Committee and framing regulations, and in establishing the Insurance Committees and District Committees, and in making arrangements for providing medical benefits, and in settling schemes for disposal of the present funds of friendly societies under Section 72 of the Act, and in ascertaining and making known the alternative benefits under Section 13 of the Act, the date of commencement of Part I. of the Act ought to be deferred so as to enable societies to organise their future business on a proper footing, and so as to give insured persons a reasonable time within which to make their arrangements."—[ Mr. Rupert Gwynne. ]
Question again proposed, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question." Debate resumed.
I wish to thank the Chairman for moving the Adjournment of the Debate on the last Bill before the House, because it has given us an opportunity of going on with the discussion of the Insurance Act. The chief thing I gathered from the speech of the Financial Secretary to the Treasury was that the Chancellor of the Exchequer was responsible only for the appointment of the Commissioners, and that all other minor appointments are made by the Commissioners. I want to speak of the method of appointments under the Insurance Act in Scotland. I admit the political flavour of these appointments, because any party when it is in power naturally favours its own party. But as these appointments cannot be made annually in great numbers it does not materially alter the political balance in that department. I have nothing to say against that, but I do think it is lamentable that when a new public Department is being created that practically every single appointment in it that is worth having should be held by the members of one particular party. There are several objections to that. One is that I think it makes the people have a great distrust of that particular Department, and of the measure that that Department is supposed to look after. The result of this is that in Scotland the people are looking upon the Insurance Bill, not as a great national measure, which I think it is, but merely as a political one. I have never pretended to be a lover of this Bill, but once it is in force I am going to do all I can to support its working and to see that the people get the fullest benefit from it. In the ordinary Departments if you have not enough Civil servants available it does not make very much difference, because there are only one or two of those appointments in the whole year, and when another Government comes in they restore the balance, and that does not give a political flavour to that particular Department.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer had a glorious opportunity of setting up a Department for Scotland which would have been an absolute model of what Liberals preach in the country, and which would have been absolutely above suspicion. The appointments could have been made by very open competition. Where they could not have been given to Civil servants, the lower appointments could have been given after examination, and the higher appointments would naturally have gone to those best suited for them, but I do not think they should have all gone to one particular party. I do not wish to attack the Chancellor of the Exchequer personally in the least, because I feel he has been rather the victim of circumstances. He does not know Scotland as well as some of us, and naturally he has had to take advice, but I do think it a pity he should obviously have got his advice all from one side. I cannot forget he distinctly warned hon. Gentlemen opposite against having a separate Department for Scotland for very obvious reasons, partly financial and the unnecessary waste of money, and partly because of the difficulty of control. The result is about as good an argument against Home Rule as we have ever had, because it shows that the minority in a country where the political complexion is nearly all on one side not only must but will suffer. I thought it might be possible that a lot of these appointments might be made from a political point of view, and I therefore asked a question about a perfectly different appointment, under another Department in order to give a hint that the eyes of Scottish Unionists were not entirely closed and that we were watching events, as we knew a great many appointments were coming on. That appointment, which had nothing to do with the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was given to a gentleman, an estimable man who had done twenty-five years' faithful service for his party in Midlothian. He was suddenly promoted over the heads of some Civil servants, and appointed secretary of the Lunacy Board. I do not say it was an inapt position for him in view of his past services, but it was unfair to two Civil servants, both of whom had full experience of the work and were quite good enough for the post. We thought, if that were shown up, ft would be a good hint, but we find a strong Liberal having any post worth having under the Insurance Act.
I am not making any attack on the individuals appointed. So far as I know, they fulfil the duties quite well, but I do think Civil servants have been grossly treated in the matter. They have always been given to understand that, other things being equal, they would have a good chance of promotion, and I do think they should have had first choice. Extremely few of them, however, have been appointed. The hon. Member for North-West Lanark (Mr. Pringle) the other day stated he would be perfectly satisfied if the appointments were made according and in proportion to the political complexion of the country. He spoke knowing only 17 per cent. of the Scottish Members are Unionists, but that is only the fortune of war, and I ask for nothing better than that the appointments should be made in proportion to the electors voting Liberal or Conservative, in which case we should have 44 per cent. We will take the appointments seriatim. There is, first of all, the Commissioners. They are Radical to a man, and I might say to a woman. I do not think the hon. Member will deny that.
May I suggest that the woman is a Government servant.
That does not make her a Unionist.
I did not say she was a Unionist. You said she was a Radical.
Is it an insult for anybody to be a Radical? I do not think the hon. Member will deny that the Chairman is a prominent Radical. I do not say he is any the worse for that, but all these appointments ought not to have been given to Radicals. I quite admit there are a great many clever Radicals in Scotland, but there are a few Tories fit for the job, and they might at least have had a chance. I have nothing to say against the Chairman. He is certainly just the sort of man everybody likes to see get on. He started life as a postman and worked his way up, and everybody likes to see a man who helps himself rise. He has already done good work in a municipal department, but I say he is not such a transcendent genius that you need give him £300 more than anyone of his rank in the Civil Service in Scotland, or £300 a year more than either the Commissioners in Wales or Ireland. After all, it was only the third choice of the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He did not think he was the best man in Scotland. The right hon. Gentleman knows the position was offered first of all to a well-known municipal servant in Scotland, the town clerk of Edinburgh, who refused it, I think perhaps wisely. Then I believe it was also offered to the head of the Scotch Education Department.
Does the Noble Lord suggest the town clerk of Edinburgh is a Radical?
No, that is the exact point I am coming to in a few moments. It is a very simple way to offer appointments to people who you know will not and cannot accept them. It was offered to a distinguished Civil servant. He was offered £300 a year in order to tempt him away from his office, but he did not accept it. I do not think there is any particular reason why the chairman of the Scotch Commissioners should get £300 a year more than anyone else. I think the Chancellor of the Exchequer would probably bear me out that, if he would not accept £1,500, there are lots equally capable in Scotland who would have accepted it. Then we come to the Accountant-General. I do not think the Chancellor of the Exchequer could have made a better appointment in Scotland. He is a Liberal, but a very mild politician, and I might say a common-sense gentleman. The next is the actuary. I do not know if Lord Haldane's late Radical Election agent is a Unionist Assistant Secretary. I was told he had not been to a political meeting for years, but it will not be denied that he was at the head of the Liberal party when he was at the university. That does not make him a Tory. But, at all events, there is nothing against these Gentlemen except on the point of politics. As far as the head clerk is concerned, I made a mistake. The appointment was not offered to this Gentleman, who I said was a Radical. I apologise frankly to him for having suggested he "was a Radical when I understand he was not. But I do say that, as far as I can gather, 100 per cent, of the appointments are held by Radicals at the present moment. [Mr. LLOYD GEORGE: "No."] Well, in view of the appointment of head clerk, I will reduce it to 99 per cent., and I think that that is not a bad proportion for one party in the State. I cannot quite follow an answer I got the other day. I asked how many permanent posts there are under the provisions of the National Insurance Act with salaries under £200, between £200 and £300, and over £300, and how many have been filled by gentlemen actually in the Civil Service. The hon. Gentleman told me there were six persons appointed to posts with salaries over £300, and three of these were Civil servants at the time of appointment. I think the hon. Gentleman has made a mistake, for I have already mentioned about ten—and I believe there are about sixteen. I include the Commissioners: they are appointments under the Act.
The appointments I referred to were appointments made by the Commissioners, and that is the sense in which I understood the question. There were six appointments, three going to Civil servants.
My question was clear, and it was how many permanent posts were filled by Civil servants under the provisions of the National Insurance Act. I see from the return that among those appointed to posts under £200 eleven were in the Civil Service at the time of appointment. These are the lower-paid appointments, and the percentage gets less and less until you come to the big appointments, when there are none, excepting in the case of the lady appointed, and I did not know she was in the Civil Service. To all intents and purposes, very few of the best paid positions have gone to the Civil Services. I will take the next group—CD. 6096, for Scotland. The names of twenty persons are given, and I have gone very carefully into their politics. Certainly two Unionist appointments have been made out of the twenty; fourteen have gone to the Liberals, and four to the Socialist and Labour group. I do not know if the Labour party think that is a bad proportion in view of the number of Labour Members for Scotland. Personally I think it is quite a good proportion: it is part, no doubt, of the happy working arrangement which the Patronage Secretary has stated he has with the Labour party both inside and outside this House. Two is certainly too small a percentage considering that the Unionists have 44 per cent, of the votes in Scotland. There are several other small points, but I will pass them over. I do not wish to make a personal attack upon a man, but at the same time, if day after day during the last few months I have had letters of complaint, as a Member of Parliament I think it is only right that I should make a statement to the House. I shall be only too glad if what I say is wrong in fact in any way, but I do not think it is fair to the individual who is charged, or to the country, for me to hold my tongue. I think hon. Members will see that I have no ulterior motives. The Chairman of the Commissioners, at the time of appointment, had a successful typewriting agency and school, and he was very successful in it. I am not going, as I have been asked to do, into his past history; I do not think that is fair, as I am only dealing with the political part of the question. Formerly his nephew and his manager were in business with him. They also assisted him to instruct at various continuation schools with a certain type of typewriter. He has now, quite rightly, given up active interest in the business. A man has got to invest his money somewhere, and the best place of all is the business he has built up, but he ought to be very careful when he is the head of a great Department and probably has heaps of enemies who are ready to dive in. Very often things are misunderstood, therefore I think he ought to be very, very careful in his actions, and he ought to be particular to see that his Department does not deal with a business if he has still a dormant interest in that business. I think I have seen in the "Gazette" that he is no longer taking an active interest in it. I have not seen that he has no dormant interest of any kind. It has certainly caused public comment in Scotland that whereas he was appointed, on the 20th December, and the partnership notice was published on the 12th January, that about the first week of January, eight of a particular kind of typewriter were purchased for his Department, a typewriter which was not in use in any single Government Department in Scotland, with one exception, that of one in the Lunacy Commission got some years ago. This particular typewriter was, I think, supplied to him in the temporal offices, during the first week in which he held the office, in the Palace Hotel. It was suggested by the Financial Secretary that they came direct from the company. The distributing centre of this company is Glasgow. A certain firm to which the Chairman belonged were the Edinburgh agents for this particular firm.
Will the Noble Lord give us the name of the typewriter?
If the hon. Member wants me to, I am perfectly willing to give it, but I will tell him why I do not want to give it. If I give it I should have to go into all sorts of transactions, into which I do not want to go, and I should have to mention the names of other typewriters with which he was connected, and which were always at the head of the market.
Would the Noble Lord say it is a well-known, recognised typewriter?
I say it was not recognised in any Government Department in Scotland. I wish to ask whether the hon. Gentleman (Mr. Masterman) will find out whether these typewriters were got direct by the Chairman himself before approaching the Stationery Office, and was any protest at all made by the representatives of the Stationery Office in Edinburgh against this rather extraordinary idea of a gentleman who had been an agent for a particular brand of typewriter ordering these typewriters, and, if not, why not? Something ought to have been said about it. Did it pass absolutely without comment in the Stationery Office?
Has the Noble Lord given anyone any notice whatever of this personal attack?
For some weeks back I have been putting questions on the subject. I have been accused of asking too many questions. The hon. Member has had an opportunity of pulling me up for several weeks if he had been here. I am not making a personal attack. Hon. Members have asked me to do it, and they cannot-now blame me for bringing out all the facts of the case. Here is an advertisement: "Underwood visible typewriter is the latest and best. James Leishman, 44, George Street." It may be said that was before he ever had anything to do with the Insurance Committee. Very well. We will take after the Insurance Committee. I have to explain that after the Chairman of the Insurance Commissioners had declared that he had nothing further to do with the business the advertisement of the company appeared thus: "The Underwood writing is in sight all the time. Leishman and Hughes." [HON. MEMBERS: "Why not?"] There is no reason why not, but it is rather indiscreet of the Chairman to order nothing but this particular typewriter for his Department when they have not in public use in Scotland and when the Stationery Office have not got them, and to get the kind for which his nephew was sole agent in Edinburgh. But I have a far more serious question than that. Recently six appointments for typists were offered for the Scottish Insurance Commissioners under the usual Civil Service conditions. I have nothing to say against the Civil Service Commissioners or the candidates who got in. They were probably very good ones. But such examinations ought to be held very openly. There ought to be a fair number of nominations given out, possibly in proportion to the number of schools, and there ought to be no idea that there is the slightest favouritism in one school or another. There is no reason why that college with which that gentleman was connected should not send candidates, but it ought to have had the same number of nominations as the others. Probably the same people would have got in. They are probably the four best. I have nothing to say against their capabilities, but I think the system under which this was carried out is not good. My information, so far as I can get it from the various typewriting and business schools whose representatives have been writing to me, is to the effect that most of them have only been offered one nomination, and that it is exceedingly difficult to get news as regards, the nominations. They state that most of the nominations went to one school, run by Mr. Leishman. I have received a number of letters on the subject. First of all, I would point out in regard to the school to which I am referring, that it got in four out of six candidates. There has. been published an announcement stating, that at the February examination for typists four out of six candidates who were successful were trained at the Central Business School for Typists in Government Offices, and that the first and second places were taken by students of that school. It states also that the fact that hundreds of places had been obtained through its "influence" is evidence of its work. I think it is most unfortunate and indiscreet that such a circular should be issued by that school in the circumstances. I do not want to make any unjust attack. I will not give the names of the writers of the letters I have received, but if the right hon. Gentleman wishes to see the letters I shall show them to him. I will read part of one of the letters. [Laughter.] The hon. Member for East Perthshire laughs. May I ask him if he thinks that is the way in which appointments should be made?
The suggestion made by the Noble Lord was that he had correspondence on the subject.
That is exactly the reason why I said I would read part of the letter. The writer states that one nomination for the vacancies of typists was given to each business college in Edinburgh. Seven schools were asked to nominate candidates. Six were allowed to nominate one each, and the remaining school run by Mr. Leishman must have had nine nominations, for there were fifteen nominations.
Perhaps it may save time if I state that Leishman's late school received no nomination at all.
Them how was it they got in four? Is the advertisement untrue?
I explained yesterday, I think very fully, in reply to a question, that the nominations were given to various schools except the one with which Leishman was connected in Edinburgh, to various offices, and to others who inquired for nominations. I cannot see any ground for a charge of corruption in that.
If fifteen sat for the examination, and there were no nominations from Leishman's school, why does he issue an advertisement and say that he got four of them? The hon. Gentleman, in answer to my first question, said:—
"The typists employed by the Scottish Commission have been appointed in accordance with the ordinary Treasury regulations. Nominations were invited from the seven principal training schools for typists in Edinburgh. Eighteen applicants sent in their names, of whom three were disqualified for age. The remaining fifteen were examined on 9th February by the Civil Service Commissioners."
Then I put a second question of almost the same sort, to give the hon. Member a chance of correcting it. I did not want to make a charge until I was perfectly certain. I may say that with regard to the letter I read, I wrote back to say:—
"I do not accept letters like that. You must give me a signed certificate."
This is what I got: "I hereby certify that" —a certain college: I will give the name privately—"in Edinburgh received one nomination for the vacancies for shorthand typists employed under the Scottish Insurance Commissioners." I think that that is a school which is bigger than the other one. It has got 170 commercial pupils in it. Then the hon. Gentleman gave me the other answer. He said:—
"Applications were requested from seven schools and some business offices in Edinburgh, one, two or more nominations being requested in each case. In addition to such applications, papers were given to applicants who applied for nomination, and were not asked what school they attended, and the six highest candidates were appointed."
I do not say that the wrong candidates were appointed, but if the hon. Member will work it out he will see that we know that four went to one school because they are advertised. I know two schools each with one nomination—that is six. Then he said that there were four others had two or more. Taking it on the lowest basis, that makes eight, and there is a total of fourteen. There were eighteen sat. Three we know were not eligible from age. We will give that to the outside businesses, and one I know in another school, which the chairman visited. That makes the total eighteen. I want to know which school could possibly have had more than the one that got the four winning candidates? It does not work out. I regret making what seems to be an attack on a public official. At the same time, it was fairer to him. I originally asked my question in the innocence of my heart, and I did not think that there was anything particular in it, and I put it in as a sort of irritating question. I would rather have done anything than gone into this, but once having made it public I had to follow it up. In justice to the individual and in justice to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, I do not wish to impute any base motive, but only indiscreetness, and I think that they ought to be more careful in giving so many nominations to schools which are connected with the Chairman of the Commission.
I think that the House having heard that speech from the Noble Lord will be at a loss first of all to understand what this charge is which he brings either against Mr. Leishman or against the Government. He started with a general charge that so far as the Scottish Insurance Commission was concerned it was packed in the interests of one political party. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]— I hear that is approved by some hon. Members below the Gangway opposite— and that the Commission afterwards proceeded to pack those offices with men and women of the same political persuasion. He has made the charge that the Chairman of that Commission has been using the Commission for the purpose of selling his own machines and advertising some typewriting school with which he was associated.
I pointed out that it was very indiscreet for a public servant, for a man in the Civil Service, and he ought to have known that.
I must say that I do not understand the point of the Noble Lord. I will take the charges seriatim in the short time at my disposal. The first is that the Government have packed the Commission in the interests of one particular party. The statement of the Noble Lord was that the four Commissioners were Radicals, and subsequently he admitted that he had no information as to the politics of the woman Commissioner.
I have.
If the Noble Lord has, certainly it is more than the Government has, and more than anybody else has. She was an inspector in the Home Office who had been there for years, and she was a very able inspector. I am not aware at the present moment that she is a Liberal, and I do not think that the Noble Lord can vouch for the fact that she is a Liberal. Does the Noble Lord know the politics of Mr. McNicol, a Commissioner. I certainly do not. All I know is that he was the general secretary of friendly societies in this country, and he took no part in politics, because the friendly society movement is a non-political one, and if he took part in politics it might give offence to those associated with the movement. Why does the Noble Lord say that Mr. McNicol was a Liberal. Does he know where he came from? He simply took it for granted, because it was offensive to a political party to which he .does not belong.
I took good care to verify the statements before I made them.
Unless the Noble Lord means to say that Mr. McNicol is a Radical politician, and took part in politics, I fail to understand what on earth his charge was. Let us come to the third charge. The third charge is as to Dr. M'Vail, who is a municipal officer. He took no part in politics. I say here, on my conscience, I do not at this moment know what his politics are.
He is a Liberal.
He was the medical officer of health, and does the Noble Lord say that he took any part in politics in Scotland on either side. [HON. MEMBERS: " He is a Liberal."] The Noble Lord is quite able to answer for himself.
I did not say he did. I do not wish to be interrupting the right hon. Gentleman, but my argument simply is this, that by a coincidence—they are most excellent appointments, and I have nothing to say to them— but by a coincidence every single person on the Commission nearly, and I read out the long list, happens to be a Liberal. It would have been better if the coincidence had been a little more general.
I thought the Noble Lord was interrupting me to answer the question I put. Does he really say that Dr. M'Vail took any part in politics on either side? I say he did not. [HON. MEMBERS: " He is a Liberal."] First of all one of the Commissioners is a Civil Servant and could not, by the terms of her appointment, take any part in politics. She was not a politician as far as I have ever been able to discover. Mr. McNicol took no part in politics, and Dr. M'Vail took no part in politics. They are excellent appointments according to the Noble Lord. I come now to the Chairman, and what is the charge there? We first sought the services of the town clerk of Edinburgh. That is what the Noble Lord says, and it is true. The town clerk of Edinburgh is certainly not a Liberal. So the first offer of the Government, which was packing the Commission in the interests of the Radical party, of the appointment of Chairman of the Commission, which was the most important appointment, was to Sir Thomas Hunter, who is a Conservative. Then the Noble Lord says we knew he would not take it. What an extraordinary charge. Why does he make a charge of that kind?
I think he was a very wise man.
In not taking it —that is not what the Noble Lord said. What he said was that when the Prime Minister made that offer he knew Sir Thomas Hunter would not accept it. He has no right to make a charge of that kind. He is making it without knowledge of whether it is true or not, and it is a serious charge to make. May I also say that Sir Thomas Hunter took some time to consider and very nearly took it. We were in communication with him, and it was a surprise to us he refused. I come to the second to whom we offered this appointment when this Conservative town clerk refused it—the town clerk whom we knew would refuse it—and whom did we seek as the second?
May I ask how much was offered to him?
If Sir Thomas Hunter had said it was purely a question of cash we should certainly have given it to him, and even more because we regarded his services as so important, and we made no point about cash. It did not go off on a question of cash. I come to the second, to whom we offered the appointment. He happened to be the successor of the hon. Gentleman who sits behind the Noble Lord, Sir John Struthers, the Secretary to the Education Department of Scotland.
Taking up the right hon. Gentleman's own argument, he could have had no politics as he was a Civil servant.
As far as I can recollect he was the appointment of a Unionist Administration. First of all we offer it to a Conservative, and next we seek out a Civil servant who was appointed to his present position by a Unionist Administration. That is the Noble Lord's idea of packing the Commission. Those are the four, and, having failed in our first two, one a Conservative, and the second the appointment of a Unionist Administration, we come to Mr. Leishman. Who was he at that time? He was the City Treasurer of the capital of Scotland. Surely that is a recognition of the confidence which the Scottish capital, at any rate, had in Mr. Leishman. The Scottish capital is the place he had lived in, the place in which his business had been created. The people who knew him were not men to think he would deal with typewriters in his own interest in the way suggested. They had a higher opinion of him, and it was necessary to go to Perthshire to get a man to attack him. There is a Unionist Member for his own city. He does not attack him. Mr. Leishman has taken a very active part in the municipal affairs of Scotland. I believe he has exposed a good many things in the City Corporation of Edinburgh. That is the kind of man who makes enemies. I think the Noble Lord can find a far better field for his talents than to make himself the tool of people who have been exposed by Mr. Leishman. A more petty and more malevolent personal attack I never heard on one who is held in such high honour. He is a man who has risen from the ranks. He was a working man. [An HON. MEMBER: "That is the trouble."] I believe he began his career as a postmen. [MAEQUESS OF TULLIBARDIXE: " None the worse for that!"] He worked his way up until at last he was chosen by his own fellow citizens to be a member of the City Corporation, and by his colleagues in the corporation to hold the high office of City Treasurer, a position involving a great question of trust. Before a man is attacked upon such miserable grounds as these, I think the Noble Lord ought to make a more careful investigation of his charges.
rose to speak.
I have only a few minutes left. [An HON. MEMBER: "They have had enough of it."] What are the. Charges? There were six appoint- ments, I am told. Out of the six persons appointed three were members of the Civil Service, and against them no charge can be brought. What about the other three? The Noble Lord now admits that out of the three one was a Unionist.
I do not know what he was.
Yes; the Noble Lord does know. He told me that he did. Even on his own proposition, if the Unionists get one out of three in Scotland he regards that as perfectly fair. With regard to the second, as far as I have been able to make out, he was, according to the Noble Lord, a "mild Liberal"—so mild that really we were never able to discover his Radical colour at all. From what we have been able to discover by the inquiries we have made, the only political meetings he attended were those of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour). The third is a chartered accountant, obtained honours in his C.A. examination, and was for some time employed by the auditor of the Edinburgh Corporation. The Commissioners were assisted in their selection by the vice-Chairman of the Local Government Board for Scotland, and by the Presidents of the Edinburgh and Glasgow Societies of Accountants. That is how he was chosen. I have been pressed to explain some other points. First of all, with regard to the typewriter. The Noble Lord said that it was a machine that was only used in the Lunacy Department—
In Scotland?
In Scotland.
In a Government Department?
All I know is that it is used in every Department in London, and within the last twelve months orders have been given for it by the Stationery Office for itself, for the India Office, the Office of Works, the Royal Commission on the Civil Service, and the Irish National Commissioners. Exactly the standard price was paid with the same discount, but because the typewriting machines which were bought by the Stationery Office for every Department in London happened to be bought by the Scottish Insurance Commissioners, this innuendo of corruption is put forth against one who was an honoured municipal servant, and is now an honoured civil servant. Now, with regard to his having chosen typists from his own firm—
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if any of these typewriters were used in the Scottish Departments before?
All I can say is that the Stationery Office have ordered them for practically every Department in London, and within the last twelve months. Let me come to the last charge. "What is it? It is that four typists who had been trained in Mr. Leishman's own school were chosen. He never gave a nomination to anybody in that school. It is true that typists who had been trained in his school and who were employed in firms in Edinburgh competed. Who were the body that conducted the competition— Mr. Leishman and the Scottish Commissioners? No, the Civil Service Commissioners! A more spiteful, empty, disgraceful attack upon an honoured public servant has never been made.
I know no one who enjoys a good case more than the right hon. Gentleman, and no one who is more capable of doing justice to it. But he could have dispelled all suggestions that were contained in my hon. Friend's speech with reference to the typewriters, every atom of suggestion or suspicion, if he had said that these machines were ordered in the ordinary course of business by the Scottish Civil Service. He has not told us that. He leaves unanswered so far as I am concerned the point which my hon. Friend has made. I want to say one word with reference to the motion of my hon. Friend. The Secretary to the Treasury made an interesting speech; one that to my mind justified wholly and conclusively the Motion made by my hon. Friend.
And, it being Eleven of the Clock, the Debate stood adjourned.
Debate to be resumed upon Monday next.
Loss of Steamship "Titanic."
Boat Accommodation
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Gulland. ]
On this Motion, Mr. Speaker, I beg to ask the indulgence of the House for a few moments to refer to a subject which occupied some little time at question hour this afternoon, the importance and urgency of which is my excuse for trespassing upon the House now. I refer to the subject of the lack of provision made by the Board of Trade for the safety of passengers upon ocean-going liners, especially in view of a certain recent event. In ordinary circumstances I should have liked to have dealt with this matter somewhat more fully, but, having regard to the time and circumstances, I propose only to put one or two plain questions to the President of the Board of Trade. In no way, directly or indirectly, do I desire, nor would it be consonant with the general circumstances of the situation, to utter a discourteous word against the right hon. Gentleman. There is no Minister of the Crown, I say respectfully, more industrious or conscientious in the discharge of his duty than the right hon. Gentleman, and no one appreciates more than I do the tremendous strain with which he had to contend in the last twelve months. But there are one or two things connected with this matter which I desire to impress upon the House. The first thing I say is that the sole responsibility—and this is a question which does not seem to be fully appreciated by the public—for the safety of passengers upon those ocean liners rests upon the Board of Trade. Under the Merchant Shipping Act the whole of the Regulations as to lifeboat accommodation, and so on, have to be dealt with by rules made by the Board of Trade. I call attention to this extraordinary fact, that according to the answer given by the President of the Board of Trade to-day, assuming his premises to be accurate, which, with great respect, I say they were not, the utmost requirement of the present rules of the Board of Trade for the life-saving accommodation of vessels like the "Titanic" to maintain, is accommodation for 960 people and 960 people only. Against the fact that she was authorised to carry 3,500 on this particular voyage, she actually carried 2,200.
The right hon. Gentleman mentioned that her total life-saving accommodation, lifeboats, and so on, was only for 1,178. I submit, with great respect, that the Board of Trade is really to be censured seriously for allowing obsolete rules to remain in force which legalised such inadequate accommodation as that. I would point out that in the case of cargo boats there is more than double that protection. Under the same Rules of the Board of Trade the smallest cargo vessel has to have lifeboat accommodation equal to the entire number on board on each side of the boat; and the same applies to men-of-war, troopships, and apparently to every other vessel except these great ocean leviathans. The President was good enough to tell me that there had been an inquiry by the Advisory Shipping Committee of the Board of Trade into these matters. May I remind the House that in November, 1910, I called the attention of the President of the Board of Trade to what I conceived to be the inadequate lifeboat accommodation of the sister vessel to the "Titanic," namely, the "Olympic," and the answer that was given to me was of the same official character as that which I got to-day. It ignored the fact that when the Regulations of the Board of Trade were made in 1890, and revised in 1894, the largest tonnage was something under 14,000 tons, and there has been no serious revision since. Shortly after that question was put it appears that the Board of Trade did ask their Advisory Committee to look into the matter.
What I desire to put to the President of the Board of Trade is, if that Committee did report in July last year in regard to these matters, why it is that until now nothing has been done in reference to that Report. It was apparently pigeon-holed in the usual way. The President of the Board of Trade said a few days ago it was referred back for further inquiry. I want to know whether that was before or after this catastrophe. According to that Report—I have had the advantage of seeing a copy of it—it does indicate the same stupendous failure to comprehend the new condition of things, and this is exemplified by the existing rules of the Board of Trade. It assumes that vessels with watertight compartments are utterly unsinkable and it goes further and says that all such vessels should be exempted from any additional life-saving appliances beyond the authorised schedule. It goes further and says there is no possibility of increasing what are called the davits for this lifeboat accommodation. I have in my hand a plan officially issued of the boat-deck of the "Titanic." I do want the President of the Board of Trade to give his serious attention to this important fact, that there is room on the boat deck, even with the system of single boats, for at least twelve more lifeboats; and, not only that, but when I come to read a sort of prospectus by the White Star Line of this particular vessel, they point out that the entrance to the boat deck is for the convenience of those who desire to promenade in the central part of the ship at this high level, and the notable feature of that is that the lifeboats are so disposed that for over 200 feet of the promenade there is an uninterrupted view. When you have the owners telling you that for the purpose of giving a promenade at this high level with an uninterrupted view of 200 feet they have left out the utilisation of space sufficient to provide at least twelve further lifeboats, I say it is a very serious thing indeed. I do submit these rules in regard to lifeboats, framed when the extreme tonnage was 12,000, are altogether out of date, and I do hope the President of the Board of Trade, in the inquiry he is about to institute, will have full regard to the new conditions. Either for the purpose of breaking records or saving fuel or time or for some other reason there is a tendency on the part of these ocean liners utterly to ignore the recognised dangers of the seasons of the year, either from ice fields or icebergs. The President of the Board of Trade says that he has no information on that subject. I put it to him that it should be a condition of the passenger certificates of everyone of these liners that at certain seasons of the year they should not be permitted to go within the recognised zone of these icebergs and ice fields. If the President has any doubt as to the foundation of that statement, let me remind him that since I put that question down on the Paper it has been officially announced that these companies have met and have cabled out to all their agents to ignore the northerly route all through winter time in future, thus recognising the justice and soundness of the suggestion put forward.
The suggestions I venture to throw out are: first, that the President of the Board of Trade should have these rules and regulations brought up to date, not upon the scale proposed in the Report which is to be circulated with the Votes to-morrow, and which is as obsolete as the rules themselves, but in accordance with the new condition of things; secondly, that he should make it a condition of the passenger certificates of these liners that in given seasons they shall not go beyond a given latitude. I make no apology to the House for having intervened at this stage, haying regard to the grave importance of this matter. In view of the enormity of the calamity which has overtaken us, I think the very least Parliament can do is to endeavour to frame regulations which will be more in conformity with the modern condition of things than the obsolete scale settled in the year 1890. I hope I am not supersensitive, but I do say this quite sincerely that, as a Member of this Parliament, who feels that he is partly responsible for this regulation, personally, I shudder at the thought of what must have been the reflections of the victims of this disaster when they looked wistfully and hopelessly for the lifeboats which were not there, and of what they thought of the British Legislature, which is responsible for their safety. Something we said a day or two ago by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Worcester (Mr. Austen Chamberlain) as to whether the Members of this House were shareholders or directors of the British Empire. My own view is that we are all directors of the British Empire, and that the Ministry are simply the managing directors; and I do venture to say, if they do not take this matter seriously in hand, we in this House should take action.
I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman, in view of the absence of information from the " Car-pathia," whether he can see his way to take steps so as to relieve the long drawn out agony suffered by the relatives and friends of those on board the ship. So far not a single name has come over, and it is felt there must be some hitch. I would beg the right hon. Gentleman to telegraph to-night to the Consul-General at New York instructing him to remit at once a complete list of the crew saved. I feel that this is the only right thing to do.
I desire to support the hon. Member for South Hackney in impressing on the Board of Trade the necessity for taking some immediate action for the protection of the liners that are at present crossing the Atlantic. I understand there is an important question which it is desired to ask to-night, and I will therefore be excessively brief. But I would remind the House that the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade this afternoon in reply to a question suggested that it might very well be left to the discretion of the shipping companies themselves to deal with this matter. I venture to say to him that, on that principle, it would be infinitely better for this country if he would leave the boating accommodation also to the shipping companies, because in the case of the "Titanic" there are actually davits and deck space for far more boats than the Board of Trade regulations insist upon, thus showing that in this matter the shipowners are more progressive than the Board of Trade itself. There is one other matter on which the President of the Board of Trade must seriously consider how far he can properly show an inclination to take immediate action. We are led to understand through the Press, which I admit is by no means free from mistakes in their cables, but which in this matter I think may be trusted, that the American Senate and Congress have already dealt in rather a. strong manner with the question. It is said that they are even considering the necessity for abrogating certain treaties between the United States and this country in order to enable them to remain free to make their own regulations concerning the boats of nationalities that touch their ports. They can only do that because they regard the competency of the Board of Trade as insufficient to meet what they think is necessary for their own people who are travelling on those boats. I urge the President of the Board of Trade to seriously consider whether he should not at once issue regulations compelling the steamers to take a safer course without delay.
In regard to the remarks of the hon. Gentleman who last spoke, what I said at question time was that it appeared to me that without further information at my disposal, or without further inquiry, and without expert advice in regard to this matter, it would be idle for me to lay down propositions such as those the hon. Member asked me to lay down. It is clear—apart from the great-disaster which has befallen the country— that this is a matter in which it would not be an advantage to the shipping community, or to the community in general, if I were to suddenly step in without due knowledge. As to the points raised by the hon. Member who first spoke, I take full responsibility as President of the Board of Trade for what that Board may have done or left undone in past years, but I venture to say that the long answer I read earlier in the evening showed that, at all events, we have of late been alive to the necessity for taking further action in regard to this very matter. We have been for some time past making most careful inquiries into it with the assistance of the Advisory Committee who had the best knowledge at their disposal, and after considering their recommendations to our expert officers, we have come to the conclusion—apart from this calamity—that we should suggest more stringent conditions than even the Advisory Committee itself has recommended. The hon. Gentleman for South Hackney (Mr. Bottomley) seems to suggest that there has been delay between the date of the Report of the Advisory Committee last July and the present time. That is not so. The delay has been from this cause, that our expert advisers throughout the country have been having experiments made in regard to lifeboats, the carrying capacity of ships, and other matters of that sort of the most practical character. They have had this done on the sea with boats and so on. That has all taken time. In this matter we were anxious in moving to move with certainty, to move with knowledge, and to move in the right direction. My hon. Friend insinuates that this matter was referred back to the Advisory Committee because of the sinking of the " Titanic." There is no truth in that. These matters have been considered, and we have been in consultation with the Advisory Committee and the experts to see how soon, in what direction, and how far we should move. I venture also to say that I think we must in this matter also wait—not wait in the sense of not doing anything—but I think we also require to have before us such evidence as we can obtain in reference to the calamity itself. I pointed this out to the House to-day, and I think they assented that while, I admit, we were going to propose greater boat accommodation for these larger ships, I will undertake to say that not a single expert throughout the country, nobody who has given this matter any consideration at all, would have for a moment said that the fact of a large ship of this sort being built in water-tight compartments was not a factor in its safety, and therefore that such a ship as that would really require, in proportion to its size, a smaller proportion of boats than those without water-tight bulkheads. Unfortunately this calamity has shown that these water-tight bulkheads cannot be relied upon. Therefore, the question has become a new one, but it is not the desire of the Board of Trade to shirk either their responsibility or the care that they intend to give to it. I hope the House will be satisfied with that assurance on behalf of the Board of Trade. My hon. Friend (Colonel Ivor Philipps) asked me what further news we had in reference to the "Titanic." I have been in communication more than once to-day with the White Star Company here and in Liverpool. They desire to assure me that, so far as they are concerned, every item of information they have received has been published. There has been some idea in the minds of some that they have been keeping back information. That is not so. Apparently the atmospheric conditions have been very bad and wireless telegraphy has not been working properly. Just now they telephoned to me that they have received the following telegram from New York:—
"White Star 'Carpathia' will not be docked until tomorrow morning. Officials explain that heavy weather will perhaps prevent captain bringing 'Carpathia' up to dock in the dark. List of names is being prepared, but atmospheric conditions have been very bad."
That is the latest information I have.
Will the right hon. Gentleman telegraph to the Consul-General in New York, and ask him to telegraph direct to the Mayor of Southampton the names of survivors?
I will certainly do so if the list of names is not available tomorrow, as I understand it is now coming in. I will certainly do so to-morrow. There will be nothing gained at the moment.
I entirely agree with the general view which has been expressed by the President of the Board of Trade. We all feel at a time like this the extent of such a calamity, but I think it would really be in every way undesirable that in a panic we should set to work making arrangements which would simply disturb trade without giving any security, and I would suggest to Members of the House who feel as we all do how serious this is— for undoubtedly a new factor has arisen, because everyone was under the impression that the water-tight compartments made the ship unsinkable—that it would be much more useful that we should direct attention to this matter two or three months hence, when people have begun to cease to think about it, and make sure then that precautions are taken to prevent such a thing happening again.
Bombardment of Dardanelles
May I ask whether the Government has any information with regard to the alleged bombardment of the Dardanelles by Italian warships?
A telegram has been received from His Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople stating that he has been informed by the Turkish Minister for Foreign Affairs that an Italian squadron had attacked the outer forts at the Dardanelles. The Minister states that the action was still continuing.
Adjourned at Twenty-seven minutes after Eleven o'clock.