House of Commons
Wednesday, May 1, 1912
Private Business
Ashborne Urban District Council (Gas) Bill,
Crédit Foncier of Mauritius Bill [ Lords ],
Tavistock Urban District Council Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
East India (Railways and Irrigation Works)
Return presented relative thereto [Address 29th April; Sir Robert Price ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 114.]
Land Law (Ireland) Act, 1887 (Eviction Notices)
Copy presented of Return of Eviction Notices filed during the quarter ended 31st March, 1912 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Irish Reproductive Fund (County Tipperary)
Return presented relative thereto [ordered 7th December, 1911; Mr. Condon ]; to lie upon the Table.
Aliens Act, 1905
Copy presented of Statement with regard to the Expulsion of Aliens (Part I.) and Sixth Annual Report of His Majesty's Inspector under the Act (Part II), in respect of the year 1911 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.
Public Petitions Committee
First Report brought up, and read; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Standing Orders
Resolutions reported from the Select Committee:—
1. "That, in the case of the Great Central Railway (Grimsby Fish Dock') [ Lords ], Petition for Bill, the Standing Orders ought not to be dispensed with."
2. "That, in the case of the Scunthorpe Urban District Water Bill, petition for Additional Provision, the Standing Orders ought to be dispensed with:—That the parties be permitted to insert the Additional Provision if the Committee on the Bill think fit."
Second Resolution agreed to.
Report to lie upon the Table.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Royal Dockyards
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, whether he was aware that on Thursday, 11th April, a notice was posted in the Devonport dockyard stating that all apprentices on leave either on Maundy Thursday or Easter Monday would forfeit their pay for the closed day, namely, Saturday; whether it has been the custom for years past in the Royal dockyards to pay the apprentices for Good Friday and the following Saturday and not to check them for the Saturday, as is done in the case of workmen other than apprentices; and will he explain why the innovation has been made, and why the notice was given after the Easter holidays and not before.
The facts are as stated by the hon. Member. The course adopted is in accordance with the existing Regulations. I am however considering the modification of the Regulation so as to provide for payment to apprentices on all closed days in the circumstances indicated in the question.
Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman's reply is retrospective so far as these apprentices are concerned?
I cannot say. I will go into it, but I cannot give an undertaking now.
asked whether, although men are being discharged from the new factory at Portsmouth, overtime is being worked and night shifts are being worked; and whether he will obviate the necessity for discharges as far as possible by prohibiting overtime?
Overtime and night shifts are being worked in the factory at Portsmouth upon certain special and urgent work. My hon. Friend may rest assured that these expedients are not resorted to except when the requirements of the service render them necessary.
Royal Navy
Pay of Midshipmen
asked whether midshipmen while attending the School of Navigation at Portsmouth for examination for promotion are deprived of their pay and messing allowance; whether they are required nevertheless to pay their mess bills and to contribute to the mess funds of the Navigation School; and whether he will take steps to remedy this state of affairs.
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. The points raised in the latter part of the question do not therefore arise.
Is the right hon. Gentleman prepared to say that these reductions were not made?
Yes in regard to pay and messing allowances. I am afraid there must be some misunderstanding somewhere.
Naval Establishments (Clerical Staff)
asked whether dissatisfaction exists amongst the clerical staffs of His Majesty's naval establishments consequent on the increments awarded by Admiralty Letter C.E., dated 22nd April, 1912, being in many cases lower than the maximum allowed by existing Regulations; and whether, in view of the smallness of this maximum increment, namely, £5 per annum, he will issue the necessary instructions for the maximum to be granted (save only in cases of grave misconduct) and cause the increment promulgated by the letter quoted to be revised?
Representations have been made on the subject of the increments awarded in one particular Department. The matter is now under consideration. I fear that I cannot undertake to adopt the course suggested by my hon. Friend in the second part of the question.
Underwriting (Approved Companies)
asked whether the sum allowed as a suitable amount for underwriting by a company on the approved list is the same in each case; and whether any sum up to such maximum may be placed with any company at the option of the contractor?
The reply to both questions is in the affirmative—on the assumption that the reference in the second part of the question is to approved companies only.
Fleet Re-Organisation
asked how many battleships are required for the new scheme of Fleet organisation; what is the total number of completed battleships now in the Navy; and how many of the latter are employed as training ships, tenders, or depot ships?
Sixty-five battleships in all will be required for the new organisation. There are now in the effective Fleet fifty-three completed battleships, and there are in addition seven battleships in the materiel reserve. Of the fifty-three, three are employed as gunnery training ships, and of the seven, one is employed as depot ship.
When does the right hon. Gentleman hope to bring the matter up to the quota he has named?
New vessels are joining the Fleet constantly. In the next twenty months we will have a considerable accession of strength and the numbers will be gradually raised.
I understand the future is rather dim and distant in regard to the complete programme?
Certainly not! Neither dim nor distant; it is both approximate and clear.
"Dreadnoughts."
asked whether the programme of 1909–10 was formulated with I the object of providing for the commission- ing of twenty ships of the "Dreadnought" type by 31st March last; what was the number of such ships in commission on that date and what is the number at present; and by what date is it now expected that the total of twenty will be reached?
The programme for 1909–10 provided for the possible completion of that programme by the 31st March, 1912, and had this forecast been realised, twenty vessels of the type named would have been completed by that date. The number in commission on the 31st March was fifteen, and the present number, sixteen. It is expected that all will be completed in September next.
Battleship "Audacious."
asked what is the contract date for the completion of the battleship "Audacious"; whether any provisional date has been fixed for the launching of the vessel; and when it is expected that she will be ready for service?
The contract date for the completion of the battleship "Audacious" is the 16th January, 1913. No provisional date has yet been fixed for the launching of the vessel, but it is expected she will be launched in July or August next. It is expected that she will be ready for service about August, 1913.
Questions
Italy and Turkey
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will make protestations to the Turkish Government with regard to the loss and damage now being incurred by British merchants who own cargoes of perishable grain through the detention at Constantinople of steamers which have already sailed from the Black Sea for this country?
We are very much concerned at the loss that is being incurred on ships and cargoes unexpectedly detained by the closing of the Straits, and the Secretary of State has made urgent representations with a view to securing some arrangement that will set free the traffic now detained. It is impossible in the case of a war to protect neutral commerce against all loss, or secure compensation in all cases for loss incurred, and I cannot say more at the moment than that we are making every effort to prevent further loss.
Would it not be possible for the Government to make some arrangement to convoy steamers through the danger zone?
As I said in answer to a question on Monday, we tried to arrange that a temporary local armistice should be agreed on which would permit of the arrangement my hon. Friend suggests.
Is it not a fact that at the present time there are no Italian warships north of Stampalia?
As the cables are cut it is very difficult to be sure of that fact.
asked whether the cables reported to be cut in the Mediterranean by the Italian Fleet are owned by British subjects; and whether representations on the cutting of cables have been addressed to the Italian Government?
I am informed that the cables belonging to the Eastern Telegraph Company between Syra and Chio, Semnos and Salonica, Semnos and Tenedos, and Tenedos and Chio, have been cut by the Italian Fleet. The interests of the company are receiving all possible consideration at the hands of His Majesty's Government. I am not in a position at present to make any further statement on this subject.
May I inquire whether the information of the Government is being delayed through the cutting of the cables?
I think the cutting of the cables delays information which would normally have come on these cables. I cannot say more than that.
Straits Settlements
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he will ascertain and supply, for the information of Members of this House, the names of the principals of the leading schools in the Straits Settlements who were in favour of the abolition of the Queen's scholarships, which have enabled many promising native students to complete their education in the Universities of this country, and of the one principal who was not in favour of the abolition of these scholarships?
No, Sir, as I cannot see that any useful object would be served thereby.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the abolition of these scholarships is so unpopular and so much resented by the people of this Colony that it would be dangerous and inexpedient to reveal the names of the responsible persons upon whose advice he abolished them?
No, Sir. I could not admit that suggestion for a moment. I do not wish to subject individuals who placed their views at the service of the Government to criticism. Action was taken on the responsibility of the Government and the Legislative Council.
Would it not have been better for the right hon. Gentleman to have taken the responsibility for this change entirely upon himself without referring to certain anonymous persons?
I have all along taken the entire responsibility for this change upon myself. I think it was in response to a question put by my hon. Friend that I stated the opinions expressed by the principals.
Will compensationg educational facilities be given in return?
Yes, Sir.
asked whether the new Regulation, whereby all British subjects who are not of pure European descent are excluded from the civil and police services of Hong Kong, the Straits Settlements, and the Federated Malay States, was made on account of the alleged objection to Chinese and Malays to the appointment of alien officials who were not of pure European descent; and, if so, on what ground does the Colonial Office consider that it was not desirable to consult non-European British subjects in the States and Colonies referred to before making the change?
As regards the first part of the question I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave to his question of the 6th March. As regards the second part, I can add nothing to the answer which I gave to his question of the 24th of April.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the two answers to which he refers are mutually contradictory?
No, Sir. I thought they were mutually supplementary.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that his first answer was that this change was made in response to a demand from the Chinese and Malays, and that the second answer he gave was that he did not think it desirable to consult Chinese and Malays. Does he not consider those answers contradictory rather than supplementary?
My hon. Friend had better re-read the answers I gave him which were very carefully considered.
Would the right hon. Gentleman prefer an opportunity for a careful consideration of sup-plementaries? I shall give notice.
asked if the right hon. Gentleman can now state how many days have been provided among the public holidays in the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States to suit the national or religious festivals of the Mahomedans, the Chinese, the Hindus, and the Christians, respectively; what proportion of the total population is constituted by the Mahomedans, the Chinese, the Hindus, and the Christians respectively, in the Straits Settlements and in the Federated Malay States; and for what reasons no provision has been made for the religious festivals of the Hindus except in the Settlement of Penang?
I am doubtful how far many of the public holidays should be classed as religious or national festivals, especially as the Christian population is of many nationalities and the Chinese population of many religions. My hon. Friend will find full details in the documents to which I have already referred him and will be able to draw his own conclusions. The second part of the question cannot be answered as it contains a cross-division, many Chinese professing Christianity, Mahomedanism, or the Hindu religion. I am unable to answer the last part of the question. The matter is one wholly for the local Governments with whose discretion, as I have already said, I am not prepared to interfere.
Can the right hon. Gentleman state whether the Indian emigrants are one of the largest sections of the population in those States, and, if so, will he state why no provision at all has been made among the Mahomedans, except in one small island, for their religious festivals?
The statistical part of the hon. Gentleman's question I am unable to answer without notice. As to the second part of the question I am quite sure that holidays will be provided for those who most clamorously demand them.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any idea what all these questions are about?
Masai Territory
asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is now in a position to make a statement as to whether the Masai are moving northwards from their present territory?
I have ascertained by telegraph from the Acting Governor that there is no ground whatever for the suspicion that the Northern Masai are moving still further northwards.
Is it not a fact that any steps taken in connection with the Masai have been taken on the recommendation of their own chiefs and not at the request of any of the white settlers?
Certainly, no action has been taken at the request of white settlers. As to the general provisions I would refer the hon. Member to the rather full statement I made late in the autumn last year.
Development Commission (Schemes of Employment)
asked whether the Development Commissioners will be given instructions to frame schemes of employment ready to be put into operation when the next period of trade depression sets in; and whether the surplus of six and a half millions on last year's accounts will be transferred to the Commissioners for the purpose of such schemes?
The Development Commissioners in approving, executing, or making advances in respect of the execution of any work under the Development and Road Improvement Funds Act, 1909, involving the employment of labour on a considerable scale, are already directed by Section 18 of that Act to have regard, so far as is reasonably practicable, to the general state and prospects of employment. With regard to the latter part of the question, I would refer the hon. Member to the statements I have already made in this House.
Irish Banks (Income Tax)
asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that, in the case of Irish banks whose head offices are in London, Income Tax on earnings of bank and on officers' salaries is paid into the London centre; whether he will state the total amount paid by these banks for the last financial year; and if Ireland gets credit for this amount of estimated revenue?
The tax paid by the banks in question on their profits and interest from investments is included in the general adjustment made for the purpose of estimating the true revenue of Ireland. The assessments upon the employés, except in the case of one bank, are made in the country where they are employed, and no necessity for adjustment therefore arises. I am not able to give the information asked for with regard to the amount of tax paid.
Board of Inland Revenue (Boy Escutcheoners)
asked whether boy escutcheoners, in the service of the Board of Inland Revenue, are dismissed at the age of twenty without any offer of permanent employment; and, if so, whether he proposes to take any steps to ensure that boys qualified for other work in connection with the Board may be permitted to remain in the service, either as junior clerks or otherwise?
The boy escutcheoners form part of the staff of boys temporarily employed in the Stamping Department of the Board of Inland Revenue. Every boy on that staff is engaged subject to the express condition that his employment will, in ordinary circumstances, last only during boyhood. But every permanent situation as stamper and teller in the Inland Revenue Department is filled by selection from this staff of boys, and only those boys have hitherto-been sent away for whom it has not been practicable to find permanent situations, or whose employment in the Department it has not been considered desirable to continue. The Board of Inland Revenue are now considering how to provide permanent situations for the boys they employ who prove qualified for such promotion.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say what proportion of the boys have been found permament situations?
I must ask my hon. Friend to give me notice of that question.
H.M. Stationery Office
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he is aware that a night watchman employed by Messrs. Perry at His Majesty's Stationery Office, Stamford Street, was employed on extra time from Saturday noon till Monday morning and bad extra duties to perform, but received no extra pay either for time or work, and that upon application for extra pay he was discharged with only one day's notice; and whether he will have inquiry made as to whether such action is a violation of the Fair-Wages Clause?
The man in question came on duty on Saturday noon, 23rd March, for the ordinary shifts. Part of his duty was to see that the electric communication was maintained on a pump, but on Monday morning, the 25th, it was found that he bad omitted to do so, with the result that water had accumulated. He was, therefore, told to work the week out, which he did, and left on Saturday, 30th March. He made no application for extra pay.
Government Contracts (Fair-Wages Clause)
asked whether the hon. Member is aware that, although other Government Departments have a practice of making known to unions interested the names of firms tendering for a particular contract, a practice which is to some extent a safeguard against infringement of the Fair-Wages Clause, the Office of Works has up till now refused to take the same action; and whether he can see his way to recommend his Department adopting the practice of other Departments, and thus secure some uniformity in the administration of the Clause in question?
The First Commissioner will be glad to supply his hon. Friend with a copy of the instructions issued by his predecessor. They are still in force, but are too long to quote in answer to a question.
King's Bench Division (Cases in Arrear)
asked the Attorney-General what was the number of cases in arrear in the King's Bench Division when two new judges were appointed last year, to what number has the list been reduced since, and how does it stand now?
On the 12th October, 1910 (the date on which the two judges appointed under "the Supreme Court of Judicature Act, 1910," commenced their duties), the total number of cases awaiting trial in the King's Bench Division was 867. This number has been reduced by more than one-half, and the total number of cases awaiting trial on the 16th April last was 412. These figures include jury and nonjury cases, but do not include appeals and other matters to be dealt with by the Divisional Courts.
Church of England Schools (Glamorgan)
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will state how many of the eighty-nine schools which have been closed or handed over to local authorities by the Church of England in Wales are situated in the county of Glamorgan?
Eleven Church of England schools in the county of Glamorgan have been closed since the 31st March, 1903, and ten have been handed over to local authorities.
Scholarships and Bursaries (Poor Parents)
asked if the right hon. Gentleman will call the attention of education authorities to the powers which the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, gives them to grant scholarships and bursaries to poor parents to enable them to keep their children at school beyond the age of twelve?
I have no reason to believe that local education authorities are unaware of the extent of their powers. I think the object the hon. Member has in view will be sufficiently met by the attention called to Section 11 of the Act referred to by his question.
asked how many education authorities have granted bursaries to poor parents under the Education (Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907, to enable them to keep their boys and girls at school beyond the age of twelve years?
During the year ending 31st March, 1910, nine authorities incurred expenditure under Section 11 of the Education {Administrative Provisions) Act, 1907. I have no complete information for any subsequent period.
Irish Provident Assurance Company
asked the President of the Board of Trade, whether certain policy holders in the Irish Provident Assurance Company, now in compulsory liquidation, were induced to transfer their policies to the London and Provincial Assurance Company chiefly by the assurance of Mr. Gordon, official liquidator, that none of the directors, managers, secretaries, inspectors, or staff of the former company, would be employed by the latter; whether, in view of the anxiety caused to those policy holders by the latter company being now run by ex-officers of the former, contrary to that assurance, he will state the names of officers so employed, with their respective positions in each company; and whether the Board has any power to deal with the matter besides this publication of the names?
I have no information as to the considerations which induced policy holders of the Irish Provident Assurance Company, Limited, to transfer their policies to the London and Provincial Assurance Company, Limited. The only officers of a company whose names are required to be stated, in the returns filed with the Registrar of Joint Stock Companies are the directors and the secretary. According to the returns, there are now eight directors of the London and Provincial Assurance Company, Limited, of whom Mr. J. Harrop, Mr. E. Robson, and Mr. W. M. Appleton were directors of the Irish Provident Assurance Company, Limited The Board of Trade have no information that the secretary was an official of the Irish Provident Assurance Company, Limited. The matter is not one in which the Board of Trade have power to-take any action.
Has not the Board of Trade power when a question of this character is raised in the House to inquire for and ascertain the information required?
I have stated the only powers of the Board of Trade, but I shall be very glad if the hon. Member will consult me about them, to see if I can do anything further.
Loss of Steamship "Oceana."
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the evidence of officers taking passage in the Peninsular and Oriental steamship "Oceana," on the occasion of her recent collision, but who have now gone to India, was taken on commission before their departure; if not, was such evidence offered and was it refused; and whether steps will be taken to obtain such evidence after the arrival of those officers in India?
No evidence from officers taking passage in the Peninsular and Oriental steamship "Oceana" who have returned to India was taken on commission before their departure, nor is it proposed to obtain their evidence on commission after their arrival in India. After careful inquiry it is believed that all material evidence which could be given by those officers can be given by witnesses from the passengers and crew who are being called as witnesses at the inquiry, which commenced yesterday. One officer about to return to India was detained. All evidence offered was carefully considered.
Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that in one of the boats lowered there were only two officers who were passengers, and that no boats went to the rescue of the boat that was lowered and in which there was considerable loss of life 1 Boats could have rescued those passengers who were lost provided there had been anybody in the boats who could have pulled them off.
The answer I gave at the time after inquiry was that it was thought the evidence obtainable at once was sufficient for the purpose, but I can assure the Noble Lord that if it is necessary to obtain further evidence there will be no question about obtaining it.
May I ask whether, under the circumstances I have named, the right hon. Gentleman will reconsider the question and send for those officers who have not given their evidence, or obtain their evidence on commission? It is an important point.
If the Noble Lord will put down a formal question or write to me, I will be very glad to consider it.
May I ask whether the question will provide for special representatives of the Lascars in this inquiry, as their character has been commented upon rather uncomplimentarily.
Perhaps the hon. Member will kindly give me notice of that question.
May I ask why this undue delay has arisen in the case of this inquiry?
Will the hon. Member kindly give me notice of that question.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if it is intended to hold an inquiry into the collision between the "Oceana" and a German barque on 16th March; if he will say whether the German inquiry took place immediately after the collision; and why a British inquiry was not held at once?
An inquiry into the collision and loss of life has been ordered by the Board of Trade, but as the collision action between the vessels is expected to "be heard to-morrow in the Admiralty Court, the inquiry which was commenced yesterday is being more particularly directed to the loss of life. Some inquiry was, I understand, held in Germany shortly after the arrival of the witnesses from the German boat in that country, but I do not understand that any witnesses from England were called. It is not customary to hold inquiries into casualties involving loss of life until after the inquests have been held.
Has not an undue period elapsed between the accident and this inquiry?
I understand that is not so. If the hon. Member wants to put any further question with regard to it I shall he glad to give an answer.
Railways Bill
asked, with reference to the statement in the official Memorandum on the Railways Bill that the undertaking given to the railway companies on the occasion of the settlement of the railway strike was that the Government will propose to Parliament legislation providing that an increase in the cost of labour due to an improvement of conditions for the staff would be a valid justification for a reasonable general increase of charges within the legal maxima if challenged under the Act of 1894, whether the Government merely promised to introduce such legislation to Parliament and to leave the House full freedom to decide the question, or whether the further promise was given that the Government would exercise pressure to carry the measure and appoint the party Whips to tell in its favour?
The undertaking quoted by my hon. Friend was the only promise made to the railway companies on the occasion in question. The Government certainly regard themselves as bound to use their best endeavours to secure the passage of the legislation proposed in pursuance of such an undertaking.
May I ask whether when the promise was given, it was anticipated that the railway profits for this year would show an increase of £1,500,000?
The undertaking was given on the merits of the question.
If the question was decided on its merits, might I ask whether the profits of the railway companies were not considered?
Loss of Dredger "T.I.C., No. 8."
asked the President of the Board of Trade if the inquiry into the loss of the dredger "T.I.C., No. 8," which went down with her crew of five men off Fraserburg on 29th October, was not held until the 27th of March; and why such inquiries are not held promptly on the occurrence of the disaster?
The delay in holding this inquiry was primarily owing to the difficulty in obtaining evidence from the witnesses on the tug "Warrior." The tug was at sea seeking for vessels to tow; her whereabouts were uncertain, and she only put into ports for very short periods. This has been an abnormal winter in respect of wreck inquiries, and a certain amount of delay was also caused by the necessity of giving priority to other wreck inquiries which involved the detention at the public expense of a large number of witnesses.
May I ask whether the report of the inquiry has been published; has it not been sent out officially to any paper?
The report of the inquiry?
Yes.
I cannot say off hand.
Manx Steamship Service (Boat Accommodation)
asked the President of the Board of Trade to state the number of passengers carried by the steamers of the Isle of Man Steam Packet Company between Liverpool and the Isle of Man and the boat accommodation of each steamer; and whether vessels registered in the Isle of Man are subject to Board of Trade regulations or to the regulations of the local legislature?
I am unable to give particulars of the number of passengers actually carried in these steamers, but I am in communication with the company, and the whole question of provision for safety on vessels of this class is at present receiving my earnest attention. As regards the last part of the question, these vessels come within the definition of the term passenger steamer in Section 267 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, and are therefore subject to the provisions of the Act as far as they relate to passenger steamers.
Government of Ireland Bill
Royal Irish Constabulary
asked the Prime Minister, whether, under the Government of Ireland Bill, if economies are effected in the expenses of the Royal Irish Constabulary during the six years succeeding the commencement of the Act, the amount added to the transferred sum at the end of the period will be correspondingly reduced?
Yes, subject to the provisions of Clause 17 (4).
Territorial Force in Ireland
asked the Prime Minister why, under the Government of Ireland Bill, the Irish Parliament is not to be allowed to raise a Territorial Force for the defence of Ireland, although a Territorial Force was allowed to be raised in Ireland under the Territorial and Reserve Forces Act of 1907?
The Act of 1907 will continue to be applicable to Ireland unless revoked or amended by the Imperial Parliament, which, by Clause 2, Section 3, of the Bill, is alone competent to make laws in respect of this matter.
Are we to understand that a Territorial Force can be raised in Ireland after the passage of the Home Rule Bill?
The Act of 1907 remains unaffected.
Can the Territorial Force be raised in Ireland under the Government of Ireland Bill?
The Government of Ireland Bill has nothing to do with it. The Act of 1907, which regulates the matter, remains unaffected by this Bill.
Dismissal of Teachers
asked the Prime Minister if Clause 3 of the Government of Ireland Bill will make it impossible for any public education authority in Ireland to appoint or dismiss a teacher on grounds connected with the giving of religious instruction?
At present teachers are dismissable by local managers who can exercise their powers on grounds connected with the giving of religious instruction. Under Clause 3 of the Bill any law giving a preference, privilege, or advantage to a teacher on account of religious belief would be void.
If the Dublin Parliament should take action in a matter of this kind how would it be possible to exercise this supreme authority of the British Parliament?
In many ways. The Bill might be vetoed, and next the question of ultra vires might be raised before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council.
Extinction of Deficit
asked what is the nature of the inducement which an Irish Parliament would have to so arrange its expenditure that the yearly gift of one and a-half millions and the £500,000 reduced to £200,000 in six years would ultimately be unnecessary?
The extinction of the deficit, which will fall on the outset on the Imperial Exchequer, will not be dependent on economies in expenditure by the Irish Parliament. It will be effected by the allocation to that purpose of the normal increases in the Irish revenue.
Questions
University of London (Site)
asked the Prime Minister whether he will state to whom the anonymous gift has been made towards the acquisition of a site and new buildings for the head-quarters of the University of London; whether a condition attached to the offer is that a particular site is to be acquired; whether the particular site in question is that of four plots on the Bedford Estate to the north of the British Museum; whether the price asked for that site is £375,000; and whether he will state the value placed on that site by the London County Council?
I am informed that various sums of money have been offered anonymously to Lord Haldane on behalf of the trustees proposed to be appointed. Some of these offers were made conditionally upon the purchase of a particular site. The answer to the third part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the fourth part, I understand that a less sum than that mentioned by the hon. Member will be accepted. I am not aware that the question of the value of the site referred to has ever come before the London County Council.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether it has been valued by the county council valuer?
I have really nothing whatever to do with the question. I am only giving such information as I get from other sources. So far as I know, no.
Great Britain and Germany
asked the Prime Minister whether he can yet communicate to the House any information as to the progress of friendly negotiations with Germany resulting from the recent visit of Lord Haldane; whether the conversations between the two countries continue; and whether the new Navy Bill of Germany has interfered with those efforts?
I must ask the hon. Member to be content at present with the answer which I gave yesterday on this subject to the Member for Coventry.
May I be allowed to say that my question-—
There is a very short time for questions and a very large number of questions to be asked. Perhaps the hon. Member will take another opportunity to make his statement.
May I ask—
The hon. Member asked a question and received a full answer. I now call upon the next hon. Member.
Established Church (Wales) Bill
asked the Prime Minister if he has received from the present representatives of the families whose fortunes were established by grants of Church lands any offer to compensate the Church for the proposed partial disendowment of the four Welsh dioceses?
The answer is in the negative.
Have the Government received from the Noble Lord the Member for Oxford University any explanation of the statement made?
asked whether, in view of the reduction in the Government majority on the introduction of the Welsh Disestablishment Bill, and the fact that a majority of English and Welsh Members, who alone are directly interested in the question, voted against it, it is the intention of the Government to proceed furher with the measure?
I do not accept the separatist argument advanced in the hon. Member's question, the answer to which is in the affirmative.
How do the Government justify proceeding with a Bill which affects only England and Wales—
That is really discussion.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, in view of the fact that a number of tithe-payers in Wales are under the impression that if the Welsh Disestablishment Bill becomes law they will no longer be compelled to pay tithe, he will state definitely that tithe-rent charge will still be payable and to whom it will be paid?
When the "Welsh Disestablishment Bill becomes law, tithe-rent charge will still be payable, but it will be so paid that the nation as a whole will henceforth become the beneficiary.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the last part of my question, to whom the tithe-rent charge will be payable.
If the hon. Gentleman will look at the Bill he will see to whom the tithe-rent charge will be paid.
Does the right hon. Gentleman refuse to say definitely? Is he aware that there is a great deal of misapprehension on the point? I want to have a definite answer.
I explained very fully that the tithe-rent charge will be paid to the Commissioners. During the life interest of the existing beneficiaries they will receive the tithe-rent charge. After the expiration of the existing interests the tithe-rent charge will be paid by the Commissioners to the different county councils, who will expend it upon schemes for the benefit of the whole people.
The Commission are only a temporary body.
We really cannot have discussion now. The hon. Member will have ample opportunity.
Lossiemouth Harbour (Provisional Order)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the draft Provisional Order relating to Lossiemouth Harbour extension reached his Department on 23rd December, and was only forwarded by the Board of Trade to the Scottish Office for their observations on 18th March; what valid cause was there for this delay; whether, seeing that such delay causes unnecessary expense to applicants and renders the benefits of the Development Act to be less available to poor communities, he will see that such delay does not occur again in his Department?
My hon. Friend is under a misapprehension as to the procedure, which does not require the Board of Trade to furnish the Scottish Office with copies of draft Provisional Orders. The copy furnished on 18th March was sent at the request of the Scottish Office, which had the proposals of the promoters under consideration, and found it impossible to deal with them without the actual terms of the draft Order. I cannot admit that there has been avoidable delay on the part of the Board of Trade with respect to this Order, which will be submitted to Parliament with other Provisional Orders in due course.
What are the functions of the Board of Trade in this matter?
I would like notice of that question.
Friendly Societies (Guarantee)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury, in view of the amount of loss and suffering inflicted upon poor industrial people by bogus insurance societies collecting money and spending it on themselves, whether the Government will introduce this Session a short Friendly Societies Act amending Bill requiring every such society to deposit a substantial sum as a condition precedent to issuing policies or collecting money?
I am afraid I cannot undertake to introduce legislation on this subject at present. Any society which becomes an approved society under the National Insurance Act will have to give such securtiy as the Insurance Commissioners may consider sufficient to provide against any misappropriation by officers of the society of any funds coming into the hands of the society under the Act.
Does the Treasury not consider the use of money, as stated in the question, is misappropriation?
I do not know what the facts are. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will put down another question.
Land Valuation
asked the approximate number of valuations under the Finance Act, 1910, completed on 6th March last; and how many of these were final and how many provisional valuations?
The number of provisional valuations which had been made up to the 31st March, 1912, was 1,799,468, representing 2,218,317 hereditaments. As has been previously stated, information as to the number of valuations which have become final in not available; such information could only be obtained by the expenditure of considerable time and labour, and would no longer be correct by the time it was summarised.
As the Attorney-General stated on 5th March that one-fifth of the valuations had been completed, will the hon. Gentleman give the House an opportunity of seeing the information upon which the Attorney-General based his statement?
I do not understand what the hon. Gentleman means. Perhaps he will give me notice.
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what he proposes to do with the staff at present engaged in land valuation at the end of the three years which he estimates will be necessary to complete the land valuation under the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910?
A large proportion of the valuation staff has been recruited on a temporary basis, and the temporary valuers fully understand that they have no claim to permanent appointment. On the other hand, the multifarious duties which the Valuation Department is called upon to discharge, apart from the valuations under Part I. of the Finance (1909–10) Act, 1910, will doubtless render it necessary to retain a proportion of the existing temporary staff on a permanent basis, but until the original valuation is approaching completion it will be impossible to say what that proportion will be.
Is it not part of the duty of the valuers to occasionally revalue the land that is undeveloped?
Yes.
asked what is the total number of Form IV. circulated in Munster up to the present, how many of those forms have been issued to county Cork persons and the number filled up and returned from county Cork?
The total number of Form IV. circulated in Munster to date is 28,000. Of these 12,010 were issued in county Cork. The number returned from county Cork wholly or partly filled is 5,290.
National Insurance Act
Insurance Cards
asked whether the Insurance Commissioners have issued or will issue any regulations making it clear whether any penal obligation under the Act attaches to an employé who fails to provide himself with an insurance card; and, even if the employé neglects to provide himself with an insurance card, if any regulations have been made to place any penal obligation upon the employer?
Under Part I. of the Act it will be the duty of the employé to produce his card for stamping when required; but the regulations will provide facilities for the employer, by the use of emergency cards, to pay the contribution even if the employé fails to produce his card, and if he so pays no penal obligation remains.
School Teachers
asked the Secretary to the Treasury why, if school teachers are exempt from the provisions of the National Insurance Act, are two copies each of explanatory leaflets, Nos. 2, 3, 5, and 6, sent to school teachers in Scotland; and whether they are expected to become unpaid official or unofficial lecturers?
With a view to imparting accurate information upon the details of the Insurance Act, explanatory leaflets have been sent as widely as possible to classes of persons who are likely to be in communication with insured persons, to be concerned with the formation or administration of societies, or from their position, to be asked for advice and information on the subject. These include school teachers, as well as clerks to local authorities, doctors, and ministers of all religions.
Questions
Postage Stamps
asked when other denominations of postage stamps besides the ½d. and 1d will be issued to the public with the portrait of His Majesty?
The issue of other denominations will probably begin in June next.
Can the hon. Gentleman explain this extraordinary delay? Is it not a fact that over a year ago the Postmaster-General said that he had a most beautiful design for the stamps of higher denomination?
Will the hon. Gentleman put down his question.
Shops Act (Memorandum)
asked whether it is part of any contract or arrangement between the Government and Messrs. Wyman and Sons, Limited, or any other private firm, that permission to reprint the Memorandum on the Law relating to Shops, issued by the Home Office in March, 1912, should not be given within any definite period of time; and, if so, when His Majesty's Stationery Office will be in a position to allow the Memorandum to be printed in full by any newspaper or journal that desires to do so?
There is no contract or arrangement of the kind suggested.
asked how many copies of the Memorandum on the Law relating to Shops, issued by the Home Office in March, 1912, and published at the price of½d. by His Majesty's Stationery Office, have been sold; and how many booksellers have hitherto stocked it?
I have no information as to the number of booksellers who have stocked the Memorandum on the Law relating to Shops. About 100,000 copies have been sold.
In view of the fact that this complicated Act comes into force to-day, will the hon. Gentleman now incite the trade papers to circulate the Memorandum?
That question ought to be addressed to my right hon. Friend the Home Secretary.
Killucan Post Office
asked the Postmaster-General at whose instance Killucan post office was reduced to the rank of a sub-office; whether memorials against the change have been received from the inhabitants of the district served, who should be the best judges of their own convenience; what supposed advantage of the change is held to outweigh the convenience of the public; and whether, after four months' experience of the change, the old arrangement will be restored?
The alteration in the status of the Killucan post office was sanctioned by me for administrative reasons. Representations against the change have reached me, but, as the facilities afforded to the public have not been altered in any way, the complaint that the change of status has affected the convenience of the public must have been made under a misapprehension. I am not prepared to revert to the former arrangement.
Telephone Service
asked the Postmaster-General whether he will consider the possibility of making arrangements that will allow of any subscriber to the telephone being placed in communication with an official specially appointed to answer the inquiry, what is the correct time?
Any Post Office subscriber can at present be informed of the time as shown by the clock at an exchange by making a call to the exchange and asking the telephonist who replies to tell him the time. Although the time thus given is not "Greenwich" time, it is thought that this arrangement meets the practical needs of most subscribers.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in other countries this convenience is given to telephone subscribers, who are given the time there corresponding to Greenwich time here?
I should like to have notice of that.
Eastern Mediterranean (Telegraphic Delay)
asked whether telegraphic, communications with the Eastern Mediterranean have been stopped, delayed, or affected by the Italian Fleet cutting the cables?
I am informed that six cables in the Eastern Mediterranean are interrupted, and that the Eastern Company's normal communication with Turkey in Europe and Turkey in Asia is in consequence stopped. Telegrams are being forwarded by other routes, those for Turkey in Asia being sent to Constantinople and thence over the land lines of the Turkish Government. A notification has been received that telegrams for Smyrna are subject to delay, and that communication with the island of Samos is entirely interrupted.
Post Office Employés
asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that, of the men whose wages for four days are to be kept in hand, over 70 per cent, are established mechanics, whose duties are fixed and not of the migratory nature which obtains with the construction staff, and that, as these mechanics are not on piecework or on time-rate, but are paid a weekly wage for a weekly attendance, the difficulty as to making up the time-sheets does not apply in their case; and whether, in view of these circumstances, he can see his way to modify the Order which comes into force on the 3rd of May?
The proportion of established mechanics to the total number of men affected by the Order referred to is very much less than 70 percent., and, to make an exception to the general rule would cause administrative difficulty. The original Order has now been modified, and instructions have been given that the period of arrear shall be three days instead of four. The change will, therefore, not now affect the construction staff in any way, whose wages were already paid in that system, whilst in the case of the maintenance staff it has been arranged to make a full advance of three days' wages, repayment of which will not be required pending further consideration of the matter.
Vagrancy Act, 1824,
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, having regard to the statement made by him on 14th December last that during the last three years only seven persons of those convicted under the Vagrancy Act, 1824, as incorrigible rogues had been ordered to be whipped, he has observed that since that date, and within the last four months, at least six sentences of flogging have been passed under such Act, some of which were for trivial offences; whether any of them have been remitted by him; and whether, in view of the increase in such sentences, he proposes to take any steps to check this recourse to the use of the lash under this old Statute?
The figures mentioned by my hon. Friend appear to show that magistrates are more disposed to use this sentence than formerly and several cases have recently come under my consideration. In one case I remitted the sentence on medical grounds, and in two cases I remitted the sentence because it seemed tome inappropriate for the offence, which was refusal of a workhouse task and doing damage in the workhouse.
How is the profession of incorrigible rogue to be stopped unless the law is enforced?
I must have notice of that question.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the last part of the question.
Yes, I have stated what steps I have taken.
Why do the magistrates, feel themselves more at liberty to permit flogging under the present Home Secretary than they did under previous Home Secretaries?
The hon. Gentleman has no right to say such a thing. I have-given him a full answer and have explained' where I thought it right to remit the sentence.
Miss Davison (Petition to Home Secretary)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he received a petition from Miss Emily Wilding Davison, a prisoner undergoing sentence in Holloway Prison, dated 7th February, to which no reply was sent till 27th February; and whether he cam give any reason for this delay?
I received petitions-from this prisoner dated 11th January, and 1st, 14th, and 29th February, but no> such delay as is suggested by the hon. Member occurred with regard to any of them, and I received no others from her.
Prison Chaplains
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that the cell card supplied to Mrs. Annie Swan, of Glasgow, in cell 2–8 E wing of Holloway Prison, set forth her religious belief as Socialism; and whether it is proposed to provide a prison chaplain of that faith for other inmates of the same persuasion?
It is the fact that this prisoner entered her religion as "Socialist." Prisoners are free to state what they please in reply to the question what their religious persuasion is, and their statement, however fantastic, is entered on the stage card, as it is a. guide to the prison officers in collecting prisoners for the several chapel services. The answer to the last paragraph is in the negative.
Why, if every other form of religious belief has a chaplain, is Socialism debarred?
Could the right hon. Gentleman say whether anyone really knows what the religion of Socialism is?
It is entirely beyond my powers to say. The hon. Member (Mr. Keir Hardie) is mistaken in supposing that every religious belief has a separate chaplain.
Loss of Steamship "Titanic."
Passenger Vessels (Boat Accommodation)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will consider the possibility of placing in the lifeboats carried by ocean-going liners the number of persons certified, according to their cubical contents, to be accommodated therein, having regard to the necessity of allowing for room to navigate the boat; and whether experiment is made to demonstrate the actual carrying capacity of such boats?
The suggestion as regards the statement of the number of persons whom a lifeboat is deemed capable of carrying on the lifeboat itself will be considered. Experiments were made last autumn especially with the object of determining the actual carrying capacity of boats carried in accordance with the Life Saving Appliances Rules, and this is one of the questions now under consideration.
May I ask whether these experiments were made under different conditions of the sea—in both calm and rough sea?
They were made with the object of ascertaining the suitability of these boats, and, at all events, the officers did their best to find out their suitability with regard to this particular matter; it is a question of the shape of the boat.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the whole question depends upon whether it is a rough or a smooth sea?
May I ask the right hon. Member whether he has seen the suggestion that the gentlemen who are responsible for certifying these boats should before they certify them try one in mid-channel on a rough day?
This is a question of experiments by the officials of the Board of Trade who are specially competent to deal with the matter. It is an actual experiment; and it is a question of getting the best type and not of passing an existing type.
Did the experiments embrace the launching of these boats and filling them with passengers, or were they simply directed to the carrying of passengers by weight?
No, it is a question of their suitability for the purpose for which they are constructed.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in framing fresh Regulations under the Merchant Shipping Act, he will consider the desirableness of requiring each passenger to be furnished with a ticket showing the number and position of the lifeboat to which he is assigned in the event of accident or emergency, and of having all lifeboats prominently numbered for the purpose of carrying out this Regulation?
I confess that this suggestion does not appear to me to be altogether practical, but it shall be noted for consideration.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that in the case of certain Japanese lines, including the Toyo Kishen Kaisha Company, these particulars are placed at the head of each berth?
I do not think that is the question. The question is whether each person should have a ticket corresponding to the number and position in the lifeboat to which he is assigned, and I confess I see some practical difficulties in the matter, but it is one worthy of consideration, and it will be considered. I do not think that is quite the same as the conditions which prevail on the Japanese boats.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries into the Japanese practice?
Certainly.
Will the right hon. Gentleman name one of the practical difficulties?
Yes. My hon. Friend desires that each person shall be assigned to a particular boat and have a number in that boat to which he or she is to go. Supposing in the case of a rough sea some of the boats are destroyed, which is highly probable, what is to happen then? Are the women to stick to the boats which are broken, or are they to be allowed as passengers in those boats which remain?
Do I understand that is the principal practical difficulty?
That is one of them.
If the suggestion were carried out, would it not be practically impossible to give priority to women?
That is my point.
asked whether collapsible canvas boats, which are provided as supplementary life-saving apparatus on ocean-going liners, are ever practically tested for a period extending over any number of hours with the full authorised complement for which they are certified?
The boats, including collapsible boats, on passenger steamers are inspected by the Board's surveyors at each survey of the vessel for passenger certificate. The boats of emigrant ships are also inspected at the survey which takes place before a vessel clears as an emigrant ship. It is the custom of the Board's officers to require, whenever practicable, a number of the boats to be lowered into the water, manned and rowed about to see that they are in proper working order; and occasionally when thought advisable with a full complement of passengers for which the boat is certified.
asked the number of lifeboats which had been allocated to the steerage passengers on board the "Titanic."
No lifeboats, so far as I am aware, were specially allocated to any class of passengers on the "Titanic." I may add, in connection with this question and others dealing with the loss of life among the third-class passengers on the "Titanic," that the special attention of the Court will be called to the respective numbers of saved and lost among each class of passenger as well as of the crew out of the total persons on board.
asked whether any rules or regulations have been or are about to be drafted for the direction of steerage passengers in case of danger arising to a vessel; and whether, if such rules are in operation, they were hanging up on the "Titanic," the nature of the directions embodied in such regulations, and what opportunity the steerage passengers had of complying with them?
There are no rules or regulations by the Board of Trade for the purpose of directing steerage passengers in case of danger arising to a vessel. The matter has been regarded as one which could best be dealt with by owners and masters of ships. The suggestion has, however, been noted with others for consideration.
Seamen's Qualifications
asked what are the qualifications of a seaman in the mercantile marine holding the rating of an A.B.; and whether he is required to have any knowledge of the handling of boats?
The qualifications for the rating of A.B. are laid down in Section 126 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, as amended by Section 58 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1906. According to these Sections, a seaman is not entitled to the A.B. rating unless he has served at sea for three years before the mast, but employment in decked fishing vessels is allowed to count up to a limit of two years as part of the service required. No other specific qualifications are required by the Act.
Does that apply to Lascars?
Will the Noble Lord give me notice of that?
Wreck Commissioner's Inquiry
asked whether the scope of the "Titanic" inquiry will be wide enough to allow the court to receive evidence bearing upon the advisability of changing the present regulations of the Board of Trade as to the safety of human life on steamers?
Undoubtedly.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the importance of the questions involved in the inquiry into the foundering of the "Titanic" and the possibility that this House may be called upon to legislate upon matters arising out of the inquiry, he can arrange to have a full report of the proceedings made available for Members of this House?
The proceedings of the Court of Inquiry will be open to the Press, and I think the hon. Member may rest assured that they will be fully reported. In addition, I propose to supply some copies of the official print of the proceedings from day to day to the Libraries of both Houses of Parliament.
Will the right hon. Gentleman do the same in the case of the "Oceana" inquiry going on at the present time?
Perhaps the Noble Lord will give me notice of that question. I do not see any objection to it myself.
Has the right hon. Gentleman received a verbatim account of the proceedings in America?
No, not yet; but we have asked for it.
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will arrange to pay counsel to appear in the "Titanic" inquiry to represent labour and the travelling public; if he will allow the Labour Members of the House to appoint, control, and, if necessary, change such counsel for labour; and will he allow one of the Grand Committees of this House to appoint, control, and, if necessary, change the counsel representing the travelling public?
The interests of the general public will be represented by the Law Officers of the Crown, who are appearing in the Inquiry. Beyond this other persons may, by leave of the judge, appear by counsel, and the Court has full powers, if it thinks fit, to provide for the costs of the Inquiry. I would refer my hon. Friend to the observations on this subject of the Attorney-General in the House on Monday, the 22nd ultimo, on the Debate on the Motion for the Adjournment. The suggestions in the latter part of my hon. Friend's question do not appear to me feasible.
Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he cannot consider the advisability of having an assessor representing the crew and labour generally?
That is for the Home Secretary. I have nothing to do with it.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, before appointing Professor Biles a member of the Committee of Inquiry on the "Titanic" disaster, he ascertained whether he was the designer of the "Titanic" or any other big ships recently constructed in the shipyards of Messrs. Harland and Wolff, at Belfast?
The President of the Board of Trade has asked me to reply to this question. Yes, Sir. Professor Biles was not the designer of the "Titanic" or of any ships constructed in Messrs. Harland and Wolff's shipyards.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that Professor Biles, who has been appointed as a member of the Committee of Inquiry on the "Titanic" disaster, has been consulting naval architect to the American Line of steamships, which is an integral part of the International Marine Company to which the White Star Line belongs, and in fact designed some of the vessels constructed by Messrs. Harland and Wolff and several of those belonging to the American Line, and now running between Southampton and New York; and whether, in view of the certainty of the design and construction of the wrecked vessel being matters for the consideration of the Committee, he will consider the desirability of substituting for Professor Biles an assessor unconnected with the above company?
The President of the Board of Trade has asked me to reply to this question. Professor Biles was formerly consulting naval architect to the American Line, but this engagement ceased about ten years ago, when the American Line became part of the International Marine Company. There is not the slightest ground for the suggestion of bias. Professor Biles would, of course, not have accepted the assessorship at the "Titanic" inquiry if he had had any connection with the company to which it belongs. On the other hand, if he had not had large practical experience in the designing of big ships, he would not have been qualified to act as an expert in naval architecture in such a case, and I could not have selected him as assessor.
Is Professor Biles still in private practice, or is he in the Government service?
He is not in the Government service; I believe he is in private practice.
Ships in Ice Field
asked the President of the Board of Trade what are the Board's Regulations for ships travelling in the reported neighbourhood of ice?
This is not a matter covered by any Regulations of the Board of Trade, and it does not appear to be within their power to make such Regulations.
Does the right hon. Gentleman think it ought to be within their power?
I cannot answer that offhand. It is one of the questions which has to be considered.
Steamship "Olympic" (Boat Accommodation)
asked the President of the Board of Trade, if any examination was made by the Board's inspectors of the collapsible lifeboats on the "Olympic"; and, if so, what report was made regarding them?
The collapsible boats on the steamship "Olympic" were inspected and passed by the Board of Trade emigration officer at Southampton. As the proceedings instituted by the White Star Line against some of the crew of the "Olympic" are still pending, I feel that I cannot properly say anything with regard to the results of the examination.
May I ask whether the inspector of these boats was a man of practical training and experience in regard to boats?
Does the hon. Member mean the Board's inspector?
Yes; the inspector of those boats.
You mean the superintendent at Southampton. I should like notice of that question.
asked the Prime Minister whether he is aware that, as the result of interference by the officials of the British Seafarers Union, certain of the crew of the R.M.S. "Olympic" refused duty and quitted the ship, and thereby prevented her sailing; and whether the Government propose to take any action against this trade union, which has caused His Majesty's mails to be delayed and has caused loss to the passengers and owners of the ship?
The question of the refusal of certain members of the crew of the steamship "Olympic" to proceed with the ship is at present sub judice, and I prefer to make no comment on the case.
Is it not the fact that the proceedings, which are sub judice, have nothing whatever to do with trade unions?
Until these proceedings are over I think it is right to say nothing whatever about it.
Is it not the fact that the men quitted this vessel for reasons entirely different from those stated in the question, without the interference of the officials of the union?
I really do not know. No doubt it will be inquired into.
Steamer Tracks (Atlantic)
asked whether there is a strict rule laid down that White Star steamers may not deviate from a laid-down fixed course to the United States whatever the reason?
The question of the route followed by White Star steamers in crossing the Atlantic and of any rules laid down by the company with regard thereto will doubtless be considered by the Court of Inquiry, and I think it is undesirable for me to make any statement on the subject at the present time.
Will the right hon. Gentleman state what the rule has been? I did not ask what it is going to be.
I think that that is really a question which will be gone into carefully by the Court. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will, therefore, kindly postpone the question.
Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he has observed that in the composition of the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee there are only three representatives of the interests of the seamen and other classes of workers employed on board ship, and that, of the four additional members appointed by his Department, three are shipowners, in spite of the fact that there were already five persons nominated to serve as representative of the shipowners' interests; whether he proposes to reconstruct the Committee; and, if so, will he take steps to secure that all the interests concerned are fairly represented?
When the time comes for reconstituting the Merchant Shipping Advisory Committee, I will consider the suggestions contained in my hon. Friend's question. I should add that, in addition to the shipowners mentioned, one of the Board of Trade nominees is the president of the United Kingdom Pilots' Association. I may mention also that, in the regrettable absence through illness of one of the representatives of the seamen—Mr. Havelock Wilson—another representative of the seamen is being temporarily added to the Advisory Committee.
Wireless Telegraphy
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he will consider the advisability of opening negotiations with other countries with the object of calling into being a Convention to consider the best means of ensuring the most effective service of wireless telegraphy for the purpose of saving life at sea?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply. A conference of representatives of the Governments which have adhered to the International Radio-telegraphic Convention will be held in London next month. This will afford an opportunity for discussing the best means of rendering more effective the service of wireless telegraphy for the purpose of saving life at sea. I am considering the best method of bringing the whole question before the conference.
Do I understand the right hon. Gentleman to say he will take advantage of the inquiry?
Yes, Sir.
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the "Carpathia" carried one or more Marconi operators; and whether there was one on duty by day and another by night?
The question of the arrangements for wireless telegraphy on the steamship "Titanic" and other vessels to which she sent or from which she received messages will be considered by the Court of Inquiry.
I am asking for two; I have heard there was only one operator serving both night and day; if there is no power to compel a second operator to be kept, will the right hon. Gentleman ask for such power?
That is one of the questions, as I have already told the House, which is under careful consideration, and to which we attach great importance—the question of wireless telegraphy.
Will the Board consider the advisability of instituting a system whereby every ship shall have wireless operators on duty by day as well as by night, by watch, as other officers are?
I am afraid my hon. Friend did not hear what I said. That is one of the questions of great importance in connection with the whole question of saving life at sea with regard to passenger vessels.
Is it correct to say that if this system of wireless operators being on duty night and day had been in existence a large number more of the passengers would have been saved on the "Titanic"?
It is clearly a question for investigation and report, and that is one of the points which is specially put to the Court, how far it is effective and how far it is ineffective.
Are the licences which the Post Office grants for wireless telegraphy on these steamers available for the inspection of Members of the House?
May I ask why, considering that wireless telegraphy has been in use on Transatlantic steamers for ten years, the Board of Trade has not yet taken steps to enforce wireless telegraphy regulations?
Wireless telegraphy has made very great strides, especially in the last two or three years. How far compulsory powers should be asked for from the House of Commons is a subject that has been under consideration. It is quite obvious, as I have already said, that it is one of the very important points which must be considered as a whole in connection with the loss of the "Titanic."
Business of the House
Has the right hon. Gentleman any statement to make about the course of business?
We have already stated that all next week will be given to the Second Beading of the Government of Ireland Bill. We hope to take the Division on Thursday night.
On Monday, the 13th, we propose to begin the Second Heading Debate on the Established Church (Wales) Bill, to be continued on Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday. We hope to have the Division on Thursday the 16th.
On Monday and Tuesday of the following week we shall take Supply. The Patronage Secretary will consult in the usual way as to what Votes shall be put down.
On Wednesday, the 22nd, the Adjournment Motion will be taken.
We shall ask the House to resume on Tuesday, 4th June, and on that and the two succeeding days Supply will be taken.
Length of Speeches
I desire to ask you, Sir, whether your attention has been called to the fact that yesterday only eight completed speeches were delivered on the Home Rule Bill, some occupying 21,20,16½, 15, 11, and nine columns of the Official Report, and whether, in view of the fact that there is a general desire to have as weighty an expression of opinion as possible on the whole Bill you can suggest any means whereby the length of speeches can be limited.
Besides the question which is forwarded to me by the hon. Member (Mr. Price), I have received letters from other hon. Members who desire to interrogate me on practically the same point. I have not verified the number of columns which have been allocated to each speaker, but speaking for myself the speeches seemed very long. I believe, speaking for the House, I may say that the House would rather hear three speeches of twenty minutes than one of sixty minutes. I am afraid I cannot provide any means by which I can compel hon. Members to compress their observations. I have sometimes tried asking Members how long they propose to speak, and on receiving the reply that they will speak some fifteen or twenty minutes I have called them, but they have found that the exigencies of the case have compelled them to prolong their remarks considerably beyond the time they informed me they intended to occupy. The House may perhaps take comfort from the fact that the first speech which will be delivered today, at all events, should be a short one.
Is it not a fact that this argument might be as readily used by the Government to give us more time, as we demand, to discuss this important question and whether on the First and Second Readings of such an important Bill there is any precedent for cutting down discussion to the ridiculous number of days which have been proposed by His Majesty's Government. The whole fault lies on their shoulders.
I understood the hon. Member was referring generally to the great length of speeches and was instancing yesterday as a particular example of it.
Would it be possible for you to alternate your calls on Members from different parties in the House according to the time they occupy. If a Member on one side takes an hour and another only takes twenty minutes, you could call another Member from the same side of the House—alternate calls according to the time taken and not according to the Members who rise.
I am afraid that would not have the effect of compressing the remarks of the first speaker.
Is it not a fact that every single speech made from both the Front Benches on the occasion of the First and Second Readings of the Bill have been shorter than the speeches made on the same occasion in 1893 and 1886.
I was not referring to the Front Benches or the back benches. I was referring generally to the length of the speeches. I believe yesterday they averaged an hour, taking them all round.
Do we understand that your reference to the general length of speeches applies to speeches from the Labour Benches?
I was only speaking quite generally with regard to all speeches in the House. I said the House generally preferred listening to shorter speeches.
Bill Presented
Small Landholders (Scotland) Act (1911) Amendment Bill
"To amend the Small Landholders (Scotland) Act, 1911." Presented by Mr. MORTON; supported by Mr. Ainsworth, Mr. Bryce, Mr. Leicester Harmsworth, Mr. Macpherson, Mr. Munro, and Mr. Cathcart Wason; to be read a second time upon Wednesday next, and to be printed. [Bill 184.]
New Member Sworn
Henry Webb, esquire, for the County of Gloucester (Forest of Dean Division).
Government of Ireland Bill
SECOND READING.—[ Second Day's Debate. ]
Order read for resuming Adjourned Debate on Amendment to Question [ 30th April ], "That the Bill be now read a second time."
Which Amendment was to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six months."—[ Mr. Walter Long. ]
Question again proposed, "That the word 'now' stand part of the Question."
I rise with some embarrassment, after the discussion which has just taken place, to resume the Debate on this Bill. When the Debate was adjourned last night I was attempting to show why it was that the position of men who were Unionists in 1886 and 1893 was entirely changed to-day. There were two main objections which actuated Conservatives and Liberal Unionists in those days. In the first place, they doubted whether the Irish people really desired Home Rule; and, secondly, they had grave fears whether the minority in Ireland would receive fair treatment from the majority. I will now deal with the first of these objections. I said last night we were told that if there was twenty years' resolute government, accompanied by measures which, would improve the social and economic conditions of the inhabitants of Ireland, it would then be perfectly clear that there was no real, strong, well-founded desire for Home Rule. Well, we have had twenty years' resolute government. We had, from 1886 to 1892, a period which commenced with coercion of the strongest and, most stringent description, and we had Conservative and Unionist rule from 1895 right up to 1905. We have had, therefore, the full period of the resolute, firm, and consistent government promised to us by Lord Salisbury. In addition to that, we have had measures which have materially improved the economic conditions of the people of the Island. Much has been done to improve the miserable conditions of the Irish people. The alien Church had gone before that. By land purchase much of the evil of absentee aristocracy has been removed, and the Conservative and Unionist party have had during all the years I have mentioned the opportunity of converting what Mr. Disraeli, as he then was, called the weakest Executive on earth into an Executive as strong as was necessary to meet the exigencies of the case. What do we see at the present time? We see a phalanx of Members returned from Ireland as complete and united as in 1886. Does anyone suggest in this House that if Home Rule were out of the way the whole of the eighty Members who follow the leadership of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. J. Redmond) would be found in the same Lobby on every occasion? The people of Ireland are so determined they will have, if they can, a measure of self-government that, in spite of all improvements, they return this phalanx of eighty Members as unbroken as in 1886. I suggest to this House that that is proof the Irish people do desire Home Rule, and if it is denied by anybody then I say he is blinding himself to the true facts of the case. I say that the twenty years which have passed have removed the doubt which was felt as to that matter.
With regard to the position of the minority in Ireland and their treatment under any majority that might exist there, I believe a study of the history of Ireland during the last hundred or hundred and fifty years will make it perfectly clear that there has never been any indication on the part of the Roman Catholic inhabitants of Ireland to in any way persecute, oppress, or treat unjustly their Protestant fellow countrymen. Indeed, I say, so far as outward indications go, any signs of persecution and oppression have been on the part of Protestants. [An HON. MEMBER: "What are they?"] I am asked, "What are they?" The Protestant ascendency in that country for 150 years up to this day. The Protestant ascendency exists to-day, and it has been a fruitful thing for the perpetuation of discontent. The Protestant ascendency is at the root of the Catholic objection to the present system of government. The Roman Catholics were only emancipated well on in last century from the restrictions which were forced upon them, and to-day do you ever read anywhere of attacks made on the Protestant Church by Roman Catholics comparable to those made on the Roman Catholic Church by Protestants? In common with many other Members of this House, I have received from the Synod of the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Ireland a protest against Home Rule. In paragraph 3 of that protest they describe this Bill as a measure which would—
Language of this description must make any sober man gravely suspicious of the bona fides of people who protest in that way. It goes on in paragraph 4 to say:— Members upon those benches above the Gangway who approve of any single one of the things stated by those declarations, but at any rate I would remind them that they went on to say this—this was in 1893:
On a point of Order. May I ask if the hon. Member is entitled to read extracts which are perfectly irrelevant?
"Will you propitiate your rulers and obtain more lenient laws by murdering your countrymen of a differ- ent creed? And will shouting 'No Popery!' help you in the least to pay the taxes under which you groan? Ah! friends, you surely can make a better use of that 'powder' which you have kept 'dry' so long than shooting your Catholic fellow-sufferers. And you Catholics—what is it to you if your Orange brethren reverence the memory of the Dutchman and the Boyne? If they are good neighbours and neither molest nor injure you, what right have you to taunt them with their likings or dislikings? Tour ancestors fought for James and their ancestors for William—the more fools both. And surely that ancient war is not hereditary. The two kings are now only worms for their subjects, and in their graves your disputes should be buried."
"What is the name of that paper?
It is "The Irishman" of the 24th of February, 1849.
For how many generations has that paper been extinct?
The point of my reading that is this: it shows that at that time the Roman Catholics were trying to live at peace with their Protestant neighbours, and that has gone on consistently ever since, and it is absolutely different in every form and shape from the attitude and words and opinions of the more intolerant of the Protestants in the North of Ireland, and, as I have said, one must look with some degree of suspicion when one finds opponents to a measure using language so absurdly exaggerated as that which I have quoted from the Presbyterian Synod. And in the same way we have come to look upon the exaggerated language with regard to Ulster fighting if Home Rule should be passed. We do not believe it for a moment. I remember the words of Sir Henry James, as he then was, the late Lord James of Hereford—I suppose a man whose name must be as revered by Unionists as that of any man—when dealing with the question of inciting Ulster men to fight, and speaking in this House on 13th May, 1896, he said:— are far too sensible to be induced to do anything so disloyal or so wickedly foolish as that, but we are told that there is a strong, stern body of men in Ulster who are determined that this Bill shall not pass, and we have described to us a procession of men, and I do not doubt for a moment the description of those men is perfectly correct, and that they would make fine soldiers and fine workmen; and that they are fine men in every possible way and in earnest I do not doubt. But fine about what? They are in earnest in trying to prevent the passing of this Bill while it is not yet passed. But that is a. very different thing from saying that they are in earnest in a determination to take up arms against the King and this Parliament if this Bill should be passed. It is one thing to be in earnest against Home Rule while it is only a Bill, but it is another thing to make up your mind that you will fight against it, that you will not loyally accept it if a majority of your countrymen determine that it ought to be passed. I daresay that you could have got men to march in England against, say, for example, the Budget of 1909 with the same grim determination as that with which they are marching to-day in Ulster. But the Ulster men will accept Home Rule as loyally as England to-day is accepting that Budget. Having tried to explain what my position is to-day as an ex-Liberal-Unionist, one has to ask oneself does this measure before the House fulfil the requirements that a measure of Home Rule ought to fulfil? I say advisedly that it does do so. To begin with, in my opinion it entirely maintains and safeguards the supremacy of the King and the Imperial Parliament. In addition, I believe it would be accepted not only by Irish leaders, but by the Irish nation as a settlement of this old quarrel, and I believe that in spite of the detailed criticisms which we have heard, it will prove to be a workable measure when it has been passed into law.
One, of course, was a little anxious with regard to certain questions before the Bill was before this House. I personally feel very strongly that a measure which did not keep in our Imperial House an Irish representation would be a measure which very probably would fail in its object. I personally was and am very strongly in favour of maintaining and retaining an Irish representation. The Irish Parliament will have its powers, but we also shall have to continue, at any rate for some considerable time, to legislate for Ireland, and, that being so, it is only right and proper that Ireland should have a representation in this House. It has been said that because this measure may not be applicable to Scotland there are in it none of the elements of a complete federal system for these islands. I deny that; I say that in itself the retention of the Irish Members here is a necessary element for the converting of this House into a central Imperial Parliament. Therefore I welcome in this Bill the retention of the reduced number of Irish Members. With regard to a Second Chamber, I confess that at one time I had some misgivings, because at first blush a nominated Second Chamber has an undemocratic sound, and I profess to be and I am, I hope, a sincere democrat. But when you come to look into the question and come to consider it, I think that every democrat must come to this conclusion, that a nominated Senate, although he may not like it, is infinitely better than a Senate elected upon a restricted or a privileged franchise. I believe that a Senate elected on a restricted or privileged franchise would have a far more evil effect than any nominated Senate could possibly have, and the fact that over a period of years a certain amount of new blood would be infused into that Senate would ensure that that Senate would be kept in touch with the real feelings and desires of the people of Ireland. We have had a considerable amount of criticism of the details of this Bill. The hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave) in his speech, I at once admit, put with great force objections that can be taken, but I should suggest that the objections that can be and probably will be taken on the Third Reading, and objections which even if they could prevent anyone from voting for the Second Reading of the Bill, still are objections that can all be met by an examination of the Bill as it stands.
The hon. and learned Member for Kingston pointed out that we may have a double Executive in Ireland. That may be so, but so long as we have the reserved services it is impossible that it could be otherwise. I think that anyone who has studied the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Kingston will come to this conclusion, that the chief part of his objections, whether it was to the second executive or whether it was to the other details that he put forward, could only be sustained on the assumption that there will not be a loyal attempt to work the Bill properly when it is passed. More than half of his objections would disappear if those who have the working of the Bill loyally try to do so to the best of their power and ability. A great deal was said about the fact that while the Irish Executive will have the spending of the taxes the collector of the taxes will be the English Executive. That is quite true. But, in the first place, I doubt whether the Irish people as a whole are quite so stupid as to imagine that because the English Executive collects the taxes, and the Irish Executive decides what is to be spent, that the English Executive would be responsible for any undue extravagance in expenditure. I would point out that so high an administrative expert as Lord MacDonnell expressed his entire approval of the financial system by which England collects the taxes which Ireland spends. Therefore I do not think I need waste more time over that point, after so high an authority has given his approval to the system. The hon. and learned Member has said that we have made a great mistake— and I took him to mean in regard to federal developments—that we have made a fatal mistake in giving the residuary powers of legislation to Ireland instead of keep-inn them in the Imperial Parliament.
The residuary powers granted to Ireland by this Bill are powers dealing with Ireland alone, and with nothing else. Ireland has the residuary powers, it is true, for dealing with matters which are purely Irish concerns. By means of Section 1, Sub-section (2), and Clause 41 of the Bill, there is retained for the Imperial Parliament ample power to legislate where legislation is necessary for the whole of the United Kingdom. One knows perfectly well that there may be matters calling for legislation which can only be properly dealt with by the Imperial Parliament when they have regard to the United Kingdom as a whole. I rather gathered that it was because of that feature in the legislation that the hon. and learned Member objected to the granting of residuary powers to the Irish Parliament. But those Clauses reserve ample powers to this Parliament to legislate where such legislation is necessary. Further than that, the Bill ensures that where legislation is necessary, to be consistent and standardised for the whole of the United Kingdom, that legislation shall be supreme in Ireland and above any measures which the Irish Parliament may pass. So far as future federal developments are concerned I believe this Bill proves to be a very good basis upon which to start on our way. I do not pretend that England, or Wales, or Scotland would have measures brought in for them in all respects the same as this. But, broadly speaking, this Bill is a very good start, in my opinion, for federal development in the United Kingdom. On its general broad lines of justice, I believe this measure will prove to be a workable one. I do not for a moment suggest that when we come to a more detailed consideration of it in Committee, we may not find some details that can be altered and improved. Nothing in this world is perfect, but dealing with this Bill and judging this Bill as it ought to be dealt with and judged on its Second Beading, I say it is a good Bill, it is a sound Bill, and it will effect those very results which such a measure should seek to achieve.
The only other remaining question is this: Will the Bill be accepted by the Irish nation? I personally think there is no doubt whatever that it will. From the very time the Union was passed I do not believe there has ever been in Ireland any substantial, any widespread feeling for separation from Great Britain. There have always been a certain number of wilder spirits who have been Irish republicans, and who wished for a Republic entirely separate from the British Crown. There have been men, driven perhaps to frenzy by a bitter sense of resentment and injustice, who have made speeches wilder than they otherwise might have made. I do not deny for one moment that there have been in Ireland advocates of separation, but, taking the general feeling of the inhabitants of that country, though they were entirely opposed to the Union, and were working and struggling against it, I do not believe that at any time there was any widespread or any really substantial desire for separation from Great Britain. In Grattan's Parliament, the then Speaker of the Irish House of Commons, being called upon to provide Supplies for the English King for our wars in France in 1797, said:— with quotations from those speeches, but I am dealing with the speeches, not of the Front Benchers, not of those whose speeches would be reported in London, but with the speeches of those who might be described, certainly at that time, as back benchers, men who were speaking in the House with a view to their constituents in Ireland, and, without exception, they expressed their entire appreciation of the fact that any separation between England and Ireland would be fatal to both. Men like Sir John Parnell, Mr. Saurin, and Sir Jonah Barrington expressly said over and over again that so far as they were concerned they had no intention of ever advocating anything in the nature of separation from Great Britain. They were determined that they would have their own separate Parliaments in Ireland, but they were to remain an integral part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. Did that feeling disappear? I take again the disturbed and turbulent period of 1848. I should think, if ever there was a time, when the minds of the people were filled with bitterness against the British Crown as well as the British Parliament, it would be that period of 1848 and 1849. I have the newspapers that were published in 1848, one was the "United Irishmen," published in 1848.
Those newspapers were taken in by my father when he was a student at Trinity College, Dublin, and no doubt he kept them by him, those published in 1848, because they gave a complete account of the trial of Smith O'Brien, Mitchell, and Martin, and in 1849, because of the complete account of the trial of Mr. Gavan Duffy, as he then was. I have gone through those papers with a view to seeing if there were any indications in the reports of the meetings which would show the feeling of the people at large, apart from the feeling of the gentleman who wrote the leading articles. What do I find? I find that at almost every meeting the chairman commenced with the toast of "The Queen of England, the Queen of Ireland," and it was received with enthusiasm. That was at the time when the whole country was protesting against what it considered to be the absolutely unfair and unjust trial to which these patriots, as they called them, were being subjected. Yet at every one of those meetings the proceedings were commenced with the toast of "The Queen of England, the Queen of Ireland." At one of them the chairman spoke a sentence, which I should like to read to the House. He said:— matter what happens, desert the loyal Protestants in their province and the other provinces? I say that shows at once, because the administration of the law lends itself to oppression and persecution if it is intended, that even on the opposite benches they do not really believe in any form of persecution after this measure becomes law. Then with regard to expansion. The hon. and learned Member said "a change which is capable of great expansion." What expansion? In what direction? To what extent? How is it to be expanded? Is it going to be an increase on this Bill so that they can say when it is done that it is something different, or it is to be a measure, as was foreshadowed by many Conservative newspapers in 1910, which will practically satisfy the Irish, and will just differ from our measure sufficiently to enable them to say, there is some difference. What is the meaning of expansion? I say that that statement of the hon. and learned Member makes it perfectly clear that everybody in this House, with the exception perhaps of a few Ulster Members, are satisfied that some change is necessary, and some change is called for. I support this measure because I believe it will effect that which we desire to effect. I believe it will indeed bring that peace and prosperity to Ireland which we all desire, and I believe it will remove from the pages of our history the stain and blot of the last hundred years.
I cannot help feeling that the speech to which we have just listened would have been more interesting if the hon. and learned Gentleman had attempted to some extent to grapple with the arguments put forward by the hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave), and to which the House listened with so much interest last night. The point that struck me most in the speech of the hon. and learned Member who last spoke was the novel reason that he gave for not taking the opinion of the electors upon this Bill. He said last night that it was no use having a Dissolution to take the opinion of the electors because Ulster declared that it would not accept the Bill, even if the electors of the United Kingdom were in favour of it. "What," he said, "was the use of having an election under such circumstances"? Has it occurred to the hon. and learned Gentleman that it might be worth while asking the electors of the United Kingdom whether they mean to force upon Ulster a measure which Ulster does not desire. The point is, I think, interesting as showing the straits which the supporters of the present Government are put to in supporting them in their anxiety to avoid taking the opinion of the country. It recalls what was said as long ago as 1886 by one of the most distinguished supporters of the Home Rule Bill of that year, Mr. Bryce—now our Ambassador in America—and it serves to illustrate how very different is the attitude of the Government now from what it was then. Mr. Bryce began his speech in support of Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill on 18th May, 1886, by saying this:—
The speech to which we listened from the First Lord of the Admiralty last night was in one way interesting to me. The tone was extremely conciliatory. I cannot help thinking that the right hon. Gentleman has greatly profited by his recent visit to Belfast, but conciliatory as the tone was, the speech had hardly anything to do with the Bill, the Second Reading of which he was moving. It was an elaborate essay in literary form presented to the House, and it might just as well have been composed with reference to any measure of Home Rule whatever its provisions might be. We were told it was necessary to look at the problem with a modern eye. As far as I could make out, the two features of the modern eye were in the first place that the right hon. Gentleman was disposed to accept, with all the undoubted confidence of youth, the assurances that this Bill would be accepted as a final settlement of the Irish question. I say that the exigencies of the situation and the nature of the Bill are such as to show that any such assurances cannot possibly be observed. The second feature of the modern eye seemed to be this, that we were assured that, after all, the question of Ireland, so far as the United Kingdom was concerned, was relatively an insignificant one. It is of no consequence whatever was the sort of tone which pervaded the speech of the right hon. Gentleman. I venture to think that the matter is one of very great consequence indeed both to Ireland and to the United Kingdom as a whole. I propose to lay before the House my reasons for having arrived at the conclusion that this Bill would be a misfortune for Ireland considered locally, that it would be disastrous for the United Kingdom, of which Ireland forms a part, and that, so far from being a step in the direction of devolution and federation, it is absolutely inconsistent with any such measure.
What has been the key-note of the movement for Home Rule? It has been Ireland a nation, and the effort has been to gratify national aspiration. The Government have persistently forgotten that in Ireland there is not one nation, but two, and what they are proposing to do is to-put one of those nations in subjection to the other. You have a large minority, a very large minority in Ireland, with well-marked characteristics. From that minority the Government have consistently averted their eyes. They are fixed entirely upon Ireland of the South and the West with its eighty votes which have been at their disposal. They forget that in the North-East of Ireland you have a compact nation of something like a million, and that scattered throughout Ireland you have groups of Irish loyalists who are in the keenest sympathy with that population in the North-East of Ireland in their resistance to Home Rule. I was at that demonstration the other day at Belfast. I am not going to repeat what has been said about it. No one who saw that demonstration will ever forget it. I said at the time, speaking in Belfast on that occasion, and I desire to repeat it here, that if one-tenth of the electors of the United Kingdom could have seen that demonstration there would be an end to Home Rule at once and for ever. What struck me most about it was this. You had an enormous gathering in the grounds, some 200,000 people, and as far as I could see there was not a policeman visible. That enormous crowd policed themselves, and it is no ordinary mass of men you have to deal with when you find so vast an assemblage animated by such intense earnestness and yet capable of keeping order and dispensing with the assistance of the police altogether on an occasion of that kind. You propose to put this second nation in Ireland in subjection to the majority. They would be in a permanent minority in your Irish Parliament.
There was one feature in the speech of the First Lord of the Admiralty which I recognised with pleasure, and it was this. He did obviously realise the extreme gravity of the question of Ulster. What he said formed a great contrast to many things that we have been condemned to listen to from the opposite side. I wish he had been able to arrive at a more satisfactory conclusion, but he is moving in fetters, inasmuch as he is supporting the Bill. What did he ask Ulster to do? What did be ask the leaders of opinion in Ulster to do? He asked them to achieve fame and honour for themselves. How? By deserting those who have trusted them and joining with the Nationalist majority in the Irish Parliament. I venture to say that nothing of the kind is possible. If they refuse what is the alternative 1 The First Lord of the Admiralty drew a veil over what would follow, and I cannot be surprised that he did not care to reveal it completely. What he did say formed a striking contrast to some observations reported to have been made lately by the Secretary for Ireland. I hope he was misreported. Speaking of Ulster, I am informed that he said—
Really, I made that observation years ago in introducing the Education Bill of 1906, when I was pleading for minorities as hard as any man ever pleaded. I have never made the remark since.
I am very pleased to hear it. It is no wonder that the right hon. Gentleman, whatever he said with regard to the Education Bill, should have abstained from saying it with regard to Ulster, because the proposal here is to create a minority in Ireland which will be in subjection to the majority—an attempt to fuse together two incongruous elements —and if you take a step of that kind, no one can say why the minority must suffer. The right hon. Gentleman did not make the observation, but I have heard it said over and over again by supporters of the Government. Minorities must give way; we have been told so over and over again. I protest against an observation of that kind being made in support of a proposal to impose an intolerable hardship in Ireland upon those who are now under the Government of the Imperial Parliament. All that these men ask for is equality. We were told by the hon. and learned Member (Mr. Shortt) that the Protestant ascendency still exists in Ireland. I think the hon. and learned Member has not brought his reading down much beyond the year 1849 from a newspaper of which date he quoted. The Protestant ascendency has long been at an end in Ireland, and properly so; but we did not abolish the Protestant ascendency in order to establish another ascendency to which the men of Ulster most strongly object. All I can say on that subject is, before you begin, count the cost. If you go on with this Bill, it means Civil War. These men of Ulster are of the same stuff that Cromwell's soldiers were made of. You have been treating this question as if it were a mere matter of Parliamentary tactics and of arranging for so many votes. You will find yourselves face to face with grim realities. You have come to the brink of the precipice. I entreat you to draw back before it is too late. Are the troops of the Crown to be called in to shoot down these men if they decline submission to the rule which this Bill proposes to thrust upon them? What they beg of you is that they should remain under their present allegiance to a constitutional Sovereign, representing the will of the whole United Kingdom. This Bill proposes to thrust them away, and to put them under a rule which they abhor and declare they will not submit to.
You say that Parliament has a legal right to do this. Parliament has a legal right to do anything. Parliament has a legal right to commit any act of folly and wickedness. But the case of Ulster will be ten times stronger than that of the American Colonies with regard to which the words I have just now quoted were first written. Eighty votes have been secured for the last two years, and the price you are going to pay is the liberty of a brave and high-spirited people. We may learn by bitter experience what such a bargain as that may cost the country. I do not believe in federalism as applied to the United Kingdom. Many, or some, of you do. Any hon. Member opposite who supports federalism must realise, if he will think the matter over, that the case for the separate treatment of Ulster is absolutely irresistible. Are you going to repeat in a very aggravated form the mistake which was made when for a time Quebec and Ontario were coupled together? The results were so impossible that they had to be separated, and the only good that came out of it was that it ultimately led to the Federation of British North America. The hon. and learned Member quoted from some manifesto issued by the Reformed Presbyterian Church of Ireland as if it represented the general Presbyterian feeling in that country.
I read it as not representing the general feeling. That was my point.
I am informed by my hon. Friends who know Ireland that the Reformed Presbyterian Church is a very small body, consisting of those who hold what are called covenanting principles, and whose principles forbid them to vote at elections, and that they do not in the slightest degree represent the Presbyterian churches of Ireland. Is it quite fair to read a manifesto of that kind which may have the effect of leaving a totally misleading impression on the people of this country? The strength of the feeling among the Presbyterians of Ireland was Justly represented at that series of enormous meetings held in Belfast only some months ago, attended by some 30,000 to 50,000 people. That feeling was shared and expressed by the Methodists of Ireland and by the Episcopal Church of Ireland. May I read one sentence from the manifesto of the Presbyterians? I put it to hon. Members opposite, are they going to remain deaf to such an appeal? They say—
You forbid for six years the Irish Parliament to make laws with regard to the Royal Irish Constabulary. Yes; but what about the administration? The Postmaster-General, when pressed on this point, said that during those six years the constabulary would be under the control of the Lord Lieutenant, who would act in a dual capacity, and that in this matter he would act as representing the Imperial Government. I venture to say that that would not hold good in practice, for this simple reason. You cannot have any Government without the control of the police. You must have the right of calling in the police. Whatever might be the theory with regard to the dual capacity of the Lord Lieutenant, in practice the police would be at the disposal of the Irish Executive, and our control during those six years would resolve itself into paying for the Irish police, which would be at the disposal of the Irish Executive, whose wishes would be carried out by the Lord Lieutenant. After the six years the power of legislation and full powers of control, nominal as well as real, pass to the Irish Parliament and the Irish Executive. Can you be surprised that the men of Ulster are not satisfied with such guarantees as these? The judges are to be appointed by the Lord Lieutenant—I presume in the second of his dual capacities, namely, as representing the Irish Government, and on the advice of the Irish Executive—and they are to be removable on Addresses from the Irish Senate and the Irish House of Commons. Do you feel certain that there will be felt in Ireland the same confidence in the judges as has been felt under the present Administration, when they are appointed by the Imperial Government, and can be removed only on an Address by both Houses of the Imperial Parliament?
5.0 P.M.
The other so-called safeguards are hardly worth referring to. There is the nominated Senate. The worth of the Senate is best estimated by the fact that its only or chief supporters are to be found amongst hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway who disbelieve in any Second Chamber, and who highly approve of the Senate because they recognise it as a mere sham. Then if by any possibility any spark of independence should show itself in the nominated Senate you have taken effectual steps to swamp it by having 164 Members of the House of Commons, who are to sit with the Members of the Senate in a joint sitting, and who, of course, would overbear any conclusion that the Senate came to. After three years this measure .gives the Irish Parliament power to alter the qualifications of the electors, the mode of election in the constituencies—I presume including the power of abolishing a ballot—and to effect a redistribution of seats, the only provision being that they shall have due regard to population in allotting the constituencies. Are you surprised that Ulster says that they-would like some better security for the proper representation of those interests that are dear to them?
The veto of the Lord Lieutenant has been proved in practice in our great self governing Colonies to be one that cannot, be safely applied with regard to them. The question has arisen in Newfoundland. I think the case was alluded to in the Debate on the First Reading; but it is obvious to everyone that if you were, by instruction of the Imperial Government, to put a veto upon a measure which had passed the Irish Parliament you would bring about a tempest that would endanger the good relations between the two countries. We come to that point which has been so much paraded: the supreme power of the Imperial Parliament is to remain unaffected over all persons, matters, and things within His Majesty's Dominion. There is a familiar ring about those words. The Prime Minister is especially fond of them. We have become really familiar with the sort of unction with which he enunciates that any Irish legislature is to be always subject to the supreme and complete supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Such a supremacy would be nominal, and1 not effective. It exists in the case of all your great Colonies. What would be said if the Imperial Parliament in a purely Canadian, Australian, or South African matter, undertook to override the conclusion arrived at by the local Legislature? It would create a storm of indignation. Accordingly you do not do it, and do not attempt to do it. You would not do it in the case of Ireland. I say more than that: I say that in this Bill you have really deprived the Imperial Parliament of all moral authority to over-ride the decision of the Irish Parliament in Irish matters. If the Imperial Parliament is to have the right to over-ride the decision of the Irish Parliament in Irish matters, there must be an adequate Irish representation in the Imperial Parliament. Ireland would be entitled in the Imperial Parliament to some seventy Members, on the basis of population and taxation taken jointly. You propose that in the Imperial Parliament Ireland should only have forty-two Members. Would not the Irish Members—I appeal to every hon. Member on the other side—say, and say with justice, "That is not fair; you have given us a national Parliament to deal with our own affairs, you have shorn us by nearly one-half of our proper representation in the Imperial Parliament, and then in the Imperial Parliament, where we are not fairly represented, you claim and exercise the right to over-rule the decision arrived at by the Irish Parliament." I venture to say that this talk about the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament is mere talk, and that it affords no security whatever to the minority in Ireland.
There is another feature in the situation in Ireland that I would call the attention of the House to. The opposition in Ulster to Home Rule, as hon. Members have heard, is more determined than ever. The feeling now is stronger even than it was in '93 or '86. The remarkable thing is that the enthusiasm for Home Rule in the South and West of Ireland has a good deal abated. It is no use appealing, as you do, to the fact that all the representatives returned from those parts of the country are in favour of Home Rule. The proceedings of the National Convention the other day, where this Bill was approved without a word of criticism, show the capacity of the Nationalists for drill and discipline in political matters. The truth is this: The real difficulty in Ireland has always been agrarian. Under the system of land purchase, which was initiated by my right hon. Friend the senior Member for the City of London, carried out under his auspices, and which will always be associated with his name, as the tenants become the owners of their farms they feel that they have something to lose; and I am very much misinformed if the enthusiasm for Home Rule does not abate just as land purchase spreads. Ireland is prospering by every test that can be applied. The hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) himself admitted that in a speech made not long ago. The Savings Banks deposits, the condition of the farmers and the labourers, in whatever direction you look you will find that Ireland is prosperous. We used to be told, "Oh, the miseries of Ireland are due to wanting Home Rule." "Home Rule is the only way to cure them." Now we are told because Ireland has prospered exceedingly under Unionist Government and is on the way, if she remains under the Parliament of the United Kingdom, to further prosperity, that you ought to set up Home Rule. It is a curious commentary upon the demand for Home Rule that "the" question of all others which is emphatically an Irish question, the question of land purchase, is to be withheld from the Irish Parliament. It is on that that the prosperity of Ireland depends; yet that is to be reserved for the Imperial Government, and for this reason, that it is the Imperial credit and Imperial advances which have enabled Ireland to enjoy the enormous benefits which the policy of land purchase has conferred upon her. It seems to be assumed in some quarters that the policy of land purchase will go on with as great strides under a system of Home Rule as it does under the present administration. One thing is wanted for the success of a policy of land purchase: that is peace and order to ensure the punctual payment of instalments. There was one admission made yesterday by the right hon. Gentleman the Irish Secretary in answer to my right hon. Friend beside me, which, to my mind, is of extreme importance. The right hon. Gentleman, if I have rightly understood him, stated that the Land Commission was to be an Irish service.
was understood to assent.
If the rents go down very much, what effect will that have on the policy of land purchase? How can you expect a man who has bought his land when the rents were at a higher figure and on that basis to go on contentedly paying his instalments when he sees his neighbour in his farm with the rent put at a much lower figure? I believe that that admission really knocks a very big hole in this Bill. The language of the Bill is most extraordinary in its vagueness on this point. One cannot help but think that language so vague and so unusual in a Bill was adopted because it was not desired that it should be too clear as to what was really meant. Would the conditions of land purchase be favourable under Home Rule? He must be a very sanguine man who thinks they would be. I put it to the House that it would be an act of supreme folly to take a step which would retard the carrying out of the process which in its results has conferred such benefits on Ireland, and which will continue to confer great benefits.
A second conclusion which the perusal of this Bill leads one to is that it would be disastrous for the United Kingdom. This is not a movement towards unity; it is a movement away from unity. Look all over the world; look at the form of the United States long ago; look at what has recently taken place in Germany; look at the Federations of Canada, Australia, or South Africa! All these great States have been moving towards unity. You propose to move away from unity. They have been moving towards unity, because unity is strength. You say, that federation has achieved admirable results: let us proceed to break up what is one United Kingdom for the purpose of adopting a federal system, the one advantage of which is that it brings together to a very great extent bodies which have been previously separated. That is the oddest inversion of reason that one can think of. In every federal system there is the possibility of friction. This measure, I venture to say, would cause friction between Ireland and England at every point. Mr. Gladstone used to say that some people seemed to think that the Irish have a double dose of original sin. This measure would set the two countries by the ears if both were inhabited by angels. There is no finality about it at all. "Provisional" is written large upon every Clause. Mr. Bright used to say that he could not conceive of any sensible man wanting two legislative bodies in the United Kingdom who did not desire the ultimate separation of the United Kingdom into different countries. Mr. Parnell put it that no man can set a limit to the march of the nation. Have not you in this measure evoked the spirit of nationality? Why is it that you call it a "Parliament," and that you speak of the "Senate" and the "House of Commons"? It is that those terms are more magnifical than the "Legislative Council" or the "Legislative Assembly" of the Bill of 1893.
When you talk of national settlement you cannot say to-day, "Thus far shalt thou go and no farther." Settle the Irish question! This Bill will be but the beginning of trouble and endless agitation, and the restraints you have attempted to impose upon the acts of the Irish Parliament and the Irish executive will be got rid of one by one, and you are giving the most effective lever that can get rid of these restraints, because you provide for the presence of Irish Members in the British House of Commons. The Prime Minister the other day made an interesting statement. He said that there would be but thirty-four Nationalist Members in the House of Commons, and, interrupting the senior Member for the City of London, he said, that either political party would yield to the temptation of eighty Nationalist votes. Of course, he spoke with more knowledge of his own party than of others. But these calculations as to the dynamics of political virtue are very useful. Eighty votes are too much for his conscience, but the Prime Minister thinks his political virtue could stand thirty-four. It would not reach the breaking point at thirty-four; I am not so sure, because in some situations thirty-four votes might be just as important as eighty. Then take the second point in which this measure would be disastrous to the United Kingdom. First, you would have no finality, but endless agitation for further concession and the danger of bad feeling.
Next, as to the danger in time of war. You would have not only an Irish Parliament but an Irish executive, and whenever that Parliament and executive were animated by feelings towards England such as has been expressed in speeches made by many prominent Members of the Irish party, the danger would be a very substantial one, even as the Bill stands. But it would be aggravated by further concessions wrung from the exigencies of a Liberal Government. The First Lord of the Admiralty said that there is really no danger at all, and as long as England maintained command of the seas it would not matter if you had in Ireland a Parliament and a Government and an executive hostile to England. I venture to say it would matter a very great deal. I hope the First Lord of the Admiralty, in his capacity as First Lord, does not act upon principles which, in attempting to defend this Bill, he professed to hold yesterday. I deprecate such gambling with Imperial interest. Let me refer to what was said by a great authority, Admiral Mahan. He said:— war. We cannot afford to have a Constitution under which Ireland would not be supposed to contribute both in men and money in the event of great national crises.
There is another point with regard to the disastrous effects to the United Kingdom to which I desire to call attention. It springs from the representation in this Parliament of Ireland by Irish representatives. I want to point out how disastrous that must be, whether you look at it from the point of view of British interests or Imperial interests. The Irish will manage their own local affairs, then they will come over here and turn many a Division upon purely English or Scottish matters. The Irish Nationalists hold views on educational matters widely different from those professed by most hon. Gentlemen opposite. They will settle their own educational matters in Ireland after their own will and pleasure, and then they will come over here and decide Divisions upon questions affecting undenominational education in this country. How would hon. Members opposite like that? Is it tolerable such a state of things should exist as that, having decided these matters for themselves at home, they should come over here and decide them for us in the Imperial Parliament. But even more serious than that is the state of things bearing on the integrity of the Empire. You propose to give forty-two Members to Ireland; that, of course, is an inadequate representation. It is not according to population combined with taxation, and you propose that Ireland should have, in discussions upon Imperial matters, a representation of only forty-two, which is a great deal less than she would be entitled to. Do you call that maintaining the integrity of the Empire? Ireland helped to build it up—Irish soldiers and sailors and Irish statesmen have taken a part in building up the Empire. You are now going to send Ireland off to be a sort of dependency with a representation of a little more than half of what, on a true basis, she would be entitled to in the Imperial Parliament. Do you call that justice? Can you suppose this measure would ever be accepted as a final settlement of the Irish question? And this injustice is to be inflicted upon the people of the North-East of Ireland. There are no more loyal people in the Empire, and now you propose to make them part of a province under the rule of a majority which they distrust and dislike, and you only give them half their representation in the Imperial Parliament upon Imperial matters. I venture to say a more fatal blow could not be struck at the integrity of the Empire than this provision.
This brings me to my last topic of objection. Not only is this not a step in the direction of federation all round, but it is absolutely inconsistent with it. The very first principle of federation is that while each State in the federation manages its own local affairs, each should have adequate representation on the central body on Imperial matters. How can you say you are proceeding in the direction of federation when the cardinal feature in your measure is that Ireland is only to have forty-two Members in the Imperial Parliament, which is admittedly a great deal fewer than she is entitled to? The Government say this is a step in the direction of federation. Will they apply that principle of forty-two Members to Scotland? I do not know how far the Government think they may trespass upon the patience of their Scottish supporters. They have been very docile hitherto, but behind the Scottish representatives there is the voice of the people of Scotland, and if you try to deal with Scotland as a country as you are with Ireland, you will find occasion to realise the truth of the motto which encircles the Thistle as a national emblem.
The second point in which this is inconsistent with federation is that it proposes to give the control of the Post Office to the Irish Executive and Legislature. Why the Post Office is one of those services which in every federation is recognised as properly appertaining to the central Imperial authority. Whether you look at Canada or Australia or South Africa, or whether you look at Germany or Switzerland, you will find the truth of that recognised. In Germany it is an Imperial service, even though Wϋrtemburg, in Bavaria, attains its separate postal service; but in all the others and in America that service is central, and the tendency is towards complete amalgamation. The experience is all the one way. They are a point in the same direction. If there ever was a service which in its nature is Imperial surely it is the service of the Post Office. It is a service which ought to be controlled by Imperial officials responsible to the Imperial Parliament. It is not local in its nature. The postal and telegraph service is not local; it is a service which affects Great Britain as well as Ireland; it is a service in which absolute confidence is essential, and that confidence can be assured only by the responsibility of Imperial control. The control of the telegraphs in time of war might be a matter of the most vital importance to the safety of the country and to her operations, and yet in defiance of all precedents and in defiance of all principles you propose to hand over this service to the Irish Government and to the Irish Parliament. Only one effort at excuse is attempted, and, as I understand it, it is this.
It is said that England wants more expensive appliances in the way of postal service than Ireland does, and that if there is one common administration for postal and telegraph services, the administration for Ireland will be more expensive than is wanted for Irish needs. If you have got one administration, surely the duty of that administration is to administer locally according to local wants. You do not want six services in some remote part of Ireland because you want six services in large English towns. You do not want higher salaries beyond what the circumstances justify. It may be said that higher salaries are paid in England than are justified in Ireland. If that is the grievance the answer is quite conclusive. Reform your service and bring it into harmony with the needs of the Irish people, but you can reform it without burning the House down. The true reason for this has not been told. It is impossible to imagine any legitimate reason for handing over the control of the Post Office to the Irish Government. The third point in which I say this measure has gone off the line of federal constitutions is in regard to finance. The Report of the Committee on Irish Finance points out that giving the complete control of taxation to the Irish Parliament was consistent with the key-note of the generally accepted policy, within its own sphere for Irish nationality. You have not ventured to do that because you could not do it without offending your supporters. Therefore you have hit upon a compromise which would be attended with the maximum of friction, which will lead to an agitation for further concessions in the direction of control over their own taxation and which will be attended with great embarrassment between the two countries. Your scheme of finance is provisional only. It is subject to reconsideration in only one event, and that is the event of an increase in the revenues of Ireland. What if, under Home Rule, Ireland goes back? You make no provision whatever for reconsideration and for a true adjustment in that case.
Your scheme will undoubtedly lead to a perpetual agitation from the Irish Members for further concessions based on the claim that Ireland is a comparatively poor country and England is a very rich country, and therefore a few more millions does not really matter to such a rich country as England.
To my mind the cardinal objection to your financial policy is this: You propose to set up a Customs barrier between the two countries. Surely the very first consideration in every scheme for union has been to have a Customs and Excise union. A Zollverein has been the first step taken in these matters, and everyone who understands what is necessary for the prosperity of both countries must recognise that to set up a Customs barrier between the two countries would be a retrograde and disastrous step. This course would involve the examination of passengers between the two countries, the examination of cargo and of parcels coming by the parcels post, lest they should contain tobacco or similar articles, and it would involve an increased Coastguard service. How in that way are you taking a step towards federation when you make the Post Office a local service, and set up a Customs barrier between the different parts of the country? You further propose to stereotype the present balance of accounts as between Great Britain and Ireland. Why should you take such a step as that as long as Ireland is part of the United Kingdom? At one time she may contribute more than her share and at another time less, but you should no more think of taking a course of that kind than you would think of taking such a course in the case of a particular group of English counties under similar circumstances. So long as the rates of taxation fall equally upon the two countries, and so long as the taxes are imposed with justice to those who inhabit the two countries, that is all you ought to consider.
There is to be no contribution to Imperial expenditure from Ireland. Do you call that federation? Every other federation in the world involves that there should be a contribution to Imperial expenditure from the federal States. The idea of federation in this Bill is that England apparently is to be very much the predominant partner, and she will have revolving around her certain dependent countries like Ireland, and, I suppose, my own country, Scotland, and Wales, which are to be humble friends inadequately represented in Imperial matters and not bearing their due share of the burden of the Empire. I have now done enumerating my objections to this measure, and I venture to say that this is a measure that will not stand criticism. I perfectly understand why it is that in the course of this Debate there has been on the part of speakers for the Government such a careful abstention from discussing the Bill itself. They talk all round the subject of Home Rule in general, but this Bill they will not touch. I think it is time that that silence was broken. Things have gone badly with Home Rule since it was first proposed in this country. In 1888 we heard a great deal about the civilised world, and a great deal about Austria, Hungary, Norway, Sweden and Iceland. Where is that goodly fellowship now? The Postmaster-General was so hard put to it for an illustration from the rest of the civilised world that he had to refer to the recent admission of Alsace into the Federation. The right hon. Gentleman seemed to think that, when living under a federal system, when you find a dependency is ripe for admission it is a proof that the tendency of the civilised world is in the direction of Home Rule. Most people would think that it proves exactly the opposite. That is how the civilised world is now represented as contrasted with the imaginary representation it had in the year 1886.
The only safeguard we should have established, as the First Lord of the Admiralty, in a very striking part of his speech admitted, is this:— under the Parliament Act the Government is endeavouring to carry this measure of Home Rule through without an appeal to the country.
You ought not to succeed, and you will not succeed, in your object. Not even the principle of Home Rule was before the electors at any recent election. In 1906 Home Rule was an academic question. In 1910 if any Unionist pointed out the danger in regard to Home Rule the electors were told that it was simply a bogey raised by the Tories. Everybody knows that this was the case. Whatever any hon. Gentleman may try to believe about Home Rule as an abstract, undefined aspiration, what can be said of this Bill? Has this Bill ever been before the country? This measure resembles no other Bill, and it resembles nothing in the way of Constitution-making that exists at the present time, or ever has existed, in this world. Has this Bill been before the country? Are you going to try to pass it behind the back of the predominant partner? The Government are trying to do that, and they are trying to do it by virtue of their alliance with the Nationalist party, with the assistance which the hon. and learned Member for Waterford and his party gave them during the passing of the Parliament Bill. How can the supporters of the Government justify to their own consciences, or to their constituents, the passing of a measure of this kind under such circumstances? Surely you must feel that you ought to give the electors of the country an opportunity of saying what they think in regard to some of the leading points in this measure. What would they say to the prospect of the coercion of Ulster?
What would they say to the proposal that the Irish people, after settling their own domestic affairs, are to send forty-two Members here to help England to settle its domestic affairs? What would they say to the Irish tribute which is to be paid under this Bill? What would they say to the exemption of Ireland from any contribution to taxation for Imperial purposes? What would they say of the proposal to set up a Customs barrier between the two countries? What would they say of the proposal to hand over the Post Office and the patronage of the Post Office, an essentially Imperial service, to the local Government in Ireland? What would they say of the absence of finality from this measure and the certainty that every concession which is made will be used merely as a stepping-stone for further agitation? No man can say that the electors should not be allowed to pronounce their views upon these points and the other points of objection I have taken to this measure. For these reasons I ask hon. Members opposite to abstain from helping the Government to force this measure through until the people of this country have been fairly consulted upon it. I do not think anyone in his heart doubts what the answer of the people would be, and I say it is a fraud upon the electors to rush this measure through without taking their views upon it.
The right hon. and learned Gentleman opposite (Sir R. Finlay) concluded a somewhat lengthy speech by accusing us of fraud. When I first came into this House a word of that kind was seldom employed, but it seems to be a commonplace now in our controversies. I trust that I shall never imitate that example, or attribute any evil motive to right hon. Gentlemen sitting on the Opposition Bench. The particular point about which the right hon. Gentleman has used such a very violent word is that we do not propose to submit the details of this Bill to the electors. What a flimsy pretext, coming from a right hon. and learned Gentleman who sat on these benches for many long years, and who during that time never once adopted the principle that they should go to the country for a general mandate and then go back to the country for a particular mandate. Whence comes this new-born zeal to set up an entirely new constitutional precedent? Did the right hon. and learned Gentleman opposite ever do it, or did the senior Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) ever do it? Not once in the whole of the experience of any one in this House has that been done. It only requires stating to show that the claim now made is one that cannot possibly be sustained by argument, and when the right hon. and learned Gentleman applies to that absurd suggestion, which he never adopted himself when in power, a suggestion of fraud, I think he will on reflection regret he ever made that accusation.
The right hon. and learned Gentleman has complained that we have not talked about the Bill, and that we have not answered the criticisms that have been made. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand (Mr. Long) end other speakers have made the same complaint. May I tell the House why? It is because if we answer their criticisms it is impossible to discuss the Bill. Hon. Gentlemen and right hon. Gentlemen opposite have set up a bogey of their own imagination. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh."] Well, I will endeavour to make my words good as well as I can. They have set up a bogey of their own imagining, and have proceeded to pummel it; but it is not in the Bill. May I endeavour very briefly—and I will try and follow your request to be brief—point out how that is, and why the matter stands as it does. The first objection raised by the Opposition is that this measure is going to lead to religious persecution and oppression. That has been the burden of nearly every speech, and I have either heard or read every one of them.
If the right hon. Gentleman refers to me personally, it was not one of my arguments.
No, it was not, but I am coming to the right hen. Gentleman, and he dealt with the other three. Where is that in the Bill? Where is there anything that could lead to religious persecution in the Bill? So far from it being in the Bill, it is expressly excluded by the Bill. I am going to talk about the Bill now. This is to lead to religious persecution. In the Bill, in Clause 3, it is laid down that—
"in the exercise of their power to make laws under this Act the Irish Parliament shall not make a law so as either directly or indirectly to establish or endow any religion, or prohibit the free exercise thereof, or give a preference, privilege, or advantage, or impose any disability or disadvantage on account of religious belief."
In the Bill religious intolerance is impossible. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] Yes, I submit to the House you have either —[An HON. MEMBER: "On paper."] Yes, on paper quite. That is the point I am making. You have either to assume the responsible leaders of Irish opinion, who will, no doubt, form the Executive under this Bill, are speaking and acting a lie, or else you must admit that religious persecution will not take place under the Bill. There is no escape from that dilemma. If the Executive obey the law, and they have assured us openly again and again that they will, there will not be religious persecution under the Bill. The next point is one on which the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand Division (Mr. Long) laid great stress, and it is one used constantly throughout the country. It is what they call the Union Jack argument. He said they did not want to serve under an Orange flag.
indicated dissent.
Yes, those are the words.
I beg the right hon. Gentleman's pardon. That was not one of the four questions I asked. I was answering the First Lord of the Admiralty, who charged us with a desire to raise the standards of Orange and Green, and it was not one of the questions I asked.
Really, I quoted the words he used, but if the right hon. Gentleman means to withdraw them I shall certainly be glad to hear it.
Certainly not.
What he did say was—
"those whom we represent claim to he allowed to remain under the Union Jack."
Is that still the objection?
I adhere to every word I said. I was not enumerating the objections to the Bill in the passage quoted by the hon. and gallant Gentleman. I was dealing with a statement made by the First Lord of the Admiralty and showing it was ill-founded. It was not one of my criticisms of the Bill, nor was it one of the four questions I asked.
But it is one of the objections of the right hon. Gentleman to the Bill, is it not? And he adheres to the statement that those whom he represents claim to remain under the Union Jack? The right hon. Gentleman must not think he is the only person to whom I have the honour of referring, for I heard all the other speeches, and the same arguments were used by others, including the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Cave), who spoke last night. He attempted to show the danger of this was that we were thrusting out the people of Ulster from under the shelter of the Union Jack.
Hear, hear.
Where is that in the Bill? Turn to Clause 1, Sub-sections (1) and (2), and to Clause 2, both Sub-sections, and where do you find it in the Bill? It is the exact opposite that is laid down there. The Bill begins:—
"There shall be in Ireland an Irish: Parliament consisting of His Majesty the King and two Houses, namely, the Irish Senate and the Irish House of Commons …. and the authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall remain unaffected and undiminished overall persons, matters, and things within His Majesty's dominions."
I presume a "flag" is a "thing." It is the emblem of the Sovereign. Does-anyone mean to suggest that under the terms of this Bill it is impossible for the-Union Jack to be withdrawn from Ireland as the emblem of the Sovereign. You must either assume, as I have said, that those who represent Nationalist Ireland are acting and speaking a lie or else you must know that the Union Jack will be more respected than before under the terms of this Bill. If hon. Members will read the Bill from beginning to end, they will find that, in addition to the Clauses I have mentioned, there are many others which make it absolutely clear that in such a matter as the flag representing the Sovereignty it is perfectly impossible for any withdrawal of the British flag to take place under this Bill. The next point made is that under this Bill grave military and naval dangers will ensue to this country and to Ireland. That was a point made by the right hon. and learned Gentleman who has just spoken, and, I think, by almost every speaker on the opposite side in this Debate. It has been the subject of an interesting argument by the Noble Lord the Member for Portsmouth (Lord Charles Beresford), it has been the subject of an article by Lord Percy, and it has been the subject of a book by General Fraser. I have read all these articles with much interest, especially the one by the Noble Lord, and I say frankly and honestly to the House the conclusion I have come to is that it would be a great advantage, assuming their premises, as to the strategic position of this country to pass this Bill if the Bill is honourably carried out.
"If."
Yes, I keep saying "if." I am not now discussing the question whether that will happen or not. I will endeavour to give reasons to show it is likely it will be carried out honestly before I sit down, but we are now discussing what will happen if it is honourably carried out, and I can perceive there will be great advantages under this Bill if and when it becomes an Act from the military and naval point of view, and for this reason. All the Noble Lord and his Friends prove is that a hostile Ireland is a very real danger.
Hear, hear.
We must all admit that. Now comes the question: Supposing the terms of this Bill are honestly carried out, will Ireland be more or less hostile? Of course, that admits of only one answer. Nobody has ever suggested that Ulster, because they disapprove of the form of government proposed, will join our country's enemies and fight against us. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, yes!"] Well, there has been no such serious suggestion by anybody to whom anyone in this House would ever pay attention. Nationalist Ireland has told us again and again they will accept this Bill as an honest settlement, and I think few people who are in this House are likely to forget the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) on the First Reading of the Bill, and those who may not remember that speech may have heard the speech from a veteran Member of this House the bon. Member for East Cavan (Mr. S. Young) last night, in which he said this Bill was going to heal the feud of centuries, and they looked forward to having one King, one Army, and one Navy, and to taking their share with us in the burden and glory of Empire. Hon. Members may say they do not believe all these things; but, supposing they are speaking the truth—and it is conceivable Members of the House of Commons may speak the truth even when they differ from the Noble Lord, and he will be the first to admit it— this will be a great advantage, for Nationalist Ireland will be less hostile, and Ulster will be the first to say no change of Government will make them join their country's enemies. There was a very interesting point made by the right hon. and learned Gentleman who has just sat down. People seem to me to have a curious confusion of thought in this matter. He said it was absolutely essential there should be an Ireland which should supply men and money to us in time of war.
I pay my countrymen below the Gangway the compliment of believing what they say, but, if the right hon. Gentleman thinks they do not mean what they say, and he has such absolute confidence in them, why does he not allow them the Territorial Army at once?
6.0 P.M.
I think this is most interesting. It only shows, when we come to discuss this in a spirit of absolute frankness, as we are doing now, that Irishmen do not disagree in these matters. The Noble Lord on behalf of his countrymen has accepted the word of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford, that "in so far as he can bind his people he will accept this Bill as a final settlement"; and he asks if that is so and they are going to be a friendly people, why not allow them the Territorial Force at once. I will certainly convey that view to the Prime Minister. I was coming, when he interrupted me, to the point raised by the right hon. and learned Gentleman who has just sat down and who said, "men and money." I do not suppose the financial provisions of this Bill will make any serious difference to us in the event of a great war, but how does he propose to get men for the Army from Ireland. Only those who have served with them in the field know how valuable Irish soldiers are. What is there to prevent us getting men from Ireland under this Bill? Will the right hon. Gentleman turn to Clause 2, Sub-section (3):—
"The Navy, the Army, the Territorial Force, or any other naval or military force"
is exempted. Is he going to get men by conscription? Has he forgotten that we enlist our Army by voluntary enlistment. If this Bill is going to be accepted as a final settlement and Irishmen are going to be more friendly, will they not in point of fact enlist in greater numbers? Had the right hon. Gentleman not used that argument, I was going to advert to it in a word or two. It is a fact which no one would deny that Irishmen, both Protestants and Catholics, make extraordinarily good soldiers, but it does happen that the Catholics are by far the more numerous in the Irish race. It is also the fact that Nationalist Ireland feels herself grievously wronged by the refusal of this country to restore to her the Parliament taken from her by fraud. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] Nobody disputes it was taken from her by fraud. I do not think it needs arguing. Every Unionist writer, Lecky among others, has used the word "fraud," but I do not wish to make a controversial point of this. It is the fact that Irishmen are discouraged, not so much openly as by general feeling of discontent, from joining the Army, which, when they do join, they serve so extraordinarily gallantly and well. Therefore, again, if we are to trust what we are told, we shall under the terms of this Bill get more Irish soldiers and, pro tanto, the safety of this Kingdom and the Empire will be increased. Again, I doubt whether the Noble Lord will dispute my reasoning. Let us now come to the last point, of any substance or seriousness, which it is alleged has not been dealt with. It is said that no proper provision is made in the Bill for the Civil Service. Several hon. and right hon. Gentlemen have complained with regard to the Civil Service and the police that insufficient provision is made to prevent hardship and injury upon them under an Irish Executive when it is set up. Again I say, that is not in the Bill. What is in the Bill? Look at Clauses 32 to 37, beginning with the judges and going on to the police, and there you find dozens of safeguards of the position and pensionable interests of Civil servants and police in Ireland. I have taken the trouble to compare the safeguards here given, and it is an important matter as all will admit, with the safeguards under the South Africa Union Act, which it was my privilege to introduce into this House. There you see, from paragraphs 141 to 146, the safeguards that are provided for the Civil servants, and I think between the two there can be no doubt that the provisions here in this Bill, that no injustice is to be done by the Irish Executive or their subordinates, are far more stringent and more favourable than are to be found in the South Africa Union Act, which the Member for St. George's, Hanover Square (Mr. Lyttelton), said was "a Constitution which we all applaud." On these four points I think I have made good my case, that, if this Bill is worked honourably, none of the dangers mentioned in this Debate can possibly arise. Far from there being nothing in the Bill to make it easy, there is everything in the Bill to make injustice difficult. Now comes the interesting question, Are these people speaking the truth? That really is the only question left if the statement I have put before the House is accepted as true, and I think no one who reads the Bill—
We have read it.
Every word and Schedule?
Yes.
Then I think the Noble Lord will admit that if the Bill were honourably carried out it would be almost impossible for any injustice to arise except by a process of administration. Administration is part of the work of the Executive, and the Executive, as may be seen from the Clauses in the Bill which refer to it, are bound to take the oath of allegiance to the Irish Privy Council. I know that some people may not think that that is a serious oath, but it is. I have got a copy of it here. Surely some of those even who sit on that bench should think it is a serious oath, because this is what it says:—
"You shall swear to be true and faithful to our Sovereign Lord the King, and his counsel to conceal and keep secret from time to time; and for the better furtherance of His Majesty's service to give your best advice and counsel, and in all things concerning His Majesty's Honour and Profit to use such diligence and circumspection as to a true Councillor shall appertain.'
That is the oath which every Member of the Irish Executive must take, and if they follow it out, and follow out their promises upon this Bill, there can be neither oppression nor wrong. It remains to be inquired, are the Members of the Irish Executive the kind of people who are likely to go and speak a lie? I say they are not for two reasons. If I may speak frankly about a thing which seems to me to be impossible, knowing and respecting the people concerned as I do, I may attempt to satisfy hon. Members by giving those reasons. As a matter of precedent I boldly quote the South African precedent, because the very same people who now doubt the sincerity of those who speak for Ireland were as much in doubt about the sincerity of those who spoke for South Africa. The very same people who, when General Botha and those who acted with him made open and candid avowals of their intentions to be loyal to the flag and the Empire, told us then that when we proposed to entrust power to them that we were embarking on "a reckless experiment." Some may remember the phrase which occurred in a violent speech by the late Leader of the Opposition against that measure, in which he brought his party into the Lobby and prevented the grant, of Home Rule to the Transvaal being what it ought to have been, a gift from a nation and not from a party. Both the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand Division (Mr. Walter Long), and the right hon. and learned Gentleman (Sir Robert Finlay) closed their speeches with an appeal—
No.
I think the right hon. Gentleman forgets part of his speech. He certainly made an appeal.
I made no appeal.
The right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down made an appeal to us, and the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand made an appeal to Ulster.
No.
Yes. I think he will find he did make an appeal, both to his own supporters and to us, but whether that is so or not I think it is true to say .that the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken made an appeal to us and that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand has repeatedly made appeals to Ulster and to the Opposition to resist this Bill. Now, I make my appeal to those who are not blinded by prejudice to remember that they made precisely the same mistake before, and to warn them not to make the same mistake again as that which they made when they voted against Home Rule for the Transvaal. The circumstances are surprisingly similar. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no."] Let us see. There you had a people, a brave and determined people, who had been having friction with us for .years, and had lost their Parliament by force, and who passionately asked that it should be given back. Here we also have a brave and gallant people who have been in friction with us for centuries past, and who bitterly resent that their Parliament was taken from them not by force so much as by fraud. There you had men who said, "Give us back our Parliament and we will not be your enemies but will be your friends, we will help you and we will be a safeguard to your Empire and not a danger to it." Here you have the leaders of the Irish nation using the same words. Then you said, "We cannot trust them, we will not have part or lot in this reckless experiment," and you were wrong. Now, again, you have a chance to make the gift a gift of a nation and not of a party only. Are you again going to be so rash as to repeat your error? I have been referring and refreshing my mind with some of the things that were said at that time. I am not going to quote the words in full which were used not only in the House but in the country by the Member for St. George's, Hanover Square, and others as to the danger of adopting the policy of trusting the responsible leaders of the Transvaal. They were many, and I have them here. These are some of the phrases: "Irrevocable blunder." "Surrendering the country to a party hand and glove with our enemies." "Betrayal of British interests." "Insane policy." "Throwing off the mask." What do the people say now who know more about it than we do here? Sir George Farrar, one of the leading Progressives, speaking of the future of South Africa on 5th February, said:—
"Ever since the Act of Union was brought into force I have been, and always will be, most confident of what lies before South Africa."
May I suggest to the right hon. Gentleman that he should not endeavour to confuse the House as between opposition in the case of Transvaal Home Rule and the South Africa Union? They are absolutely different things. He is endeavouring to confuse the arguments we used against one with the arguments we did not use against the other.
In reply to that I ask the right hon. Gentleman this question: Would the Union of South Africa have been possible if Home Rule had not been given to the Transvaal? Will anybody venture to say it would? I appeal on that point to every responsible statesman in South Africa, including General Botha himself, and I may quote what he said. He said it was impossible to conceive of Union until the Transvaal had Home Rule. But I base my argument specifically upon the point of the grant of Home Rule to the Transvaal. It was against that that they voted, and in that I think they themselves now admit they were wrong. [An HON. MEMBER: "No, no."] They still think it was a reckless experiment. Then I hope we will make many more reckless experiments which shall end as happily as this has done. Now there remains this last argument, and I do not think it is a bad one. I submit it for what it is worth. At any rate in South Africa the Dutch have kept their word, as all I think will admit, and I think it is perfectly true that nations that breed soldiers generally breed honourable men. Are the Irish race as a whole people prone to be false to their oath? I have read the oath that has to be taken, but apart from the oath so taken we all know the definite promises they have given openly by every Member who has spoken from the Nationalist Benches in this House. Is that word likely to be broken? Are the Irish prone to break their oath? If you look at their history I think you will find nothing more remarkable than the fact that during the period that England was most ruthlessly oppressing Ireland, when Ireland was used with the greatest brutality, as I think everyone is now willing to admit, at that very time Irish soldiers, bred of the same bone, relatives of the very people who were being driven out, were fighting our battles with conspicuous valour. I do not suppose anyone will deny the brutality with which the rising of 1798 was put down. It was put down with ruthless severity and sufferings to the people, but what followed after that? During the great war, I think it is true to say on high authority, more than half the soldiers who fought our battles were Irish Catholic soldiers. I say that on the authority of the Duke of Wellington. Although it has been quoted before is is so remarkable that I may quote it again, as it is only three lines. The Duke of Wellington said in the House of Lords:— over Ireland; it is a thing which seems inconceivable to us now, although it is only sixty or seventy years ago.
During the period from 1851 to 1859, a million people left Ireland or were driven out. How many died I do not know, but the sufferings of the people were intense and they attributed them, especially with regard to evictions—and with some justice, as I think all will now admit—to England, who controlled Ireland. The hatred was bitter. All that time what were the Irish soldiers doing? Just as at the time of Waterloo they had taken the oath of allegiance, and although they were the same people, bred of the same stock, and relatives of the people driven out, they took their part on countless fields —in the Sikh Wars, in the Indian Mutiny, and in the Crimea, Irish soldiers fought and won our battles. If we come down to the present day, there can be no question that Ireland has had some reason to complain of the treatment which she has had, not within recent years so much, but within comparatively recent times. In the last war in which we were engaged no one here will deny that we owed many of our victories, and perhaps our salvation, to the courage of Irish soldiers. I have yet to learn that anyone will deny that. I submit to the House that the Irish people as a whole have shown that they are the last people who will break their pledged word. I should have thought, after the history of Ireland, that it would have been impossible for anyone to accuse Ireland of being likely to break her word, least of all should it be England, who has treated her so badly and who has profited so greatly by her allegiance. For these reasons I believe that we are right in saying that the policy of trusting the responsible leaders of the great majority of the Irish race is the wise policy here, as it has been in every other part of our Empire. I believe that they will honourably work this Bill, the provisions of which in some cases I have ventured to read to the House, and that in so doing they will make Ireland what she ought to be, the greatest friend and greatest bulwark of British and Irish liberties.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Edinburgh (Sir R. Finlay), in whom I recognise one of the few surviving antagonists of twenty-five years ago, said one or two things on which I should have been sorely tempted to make sharp replies, but my Friends and myself are determined, so far as it may be made possible for us, to stick to the root principles of this great controversy, and not to be turned away by any attempt to indulge in personal retorts. I adhere to the opinion which I formed on the first night of the introduction of this Bill, namely, that it is a Bill which all sections of Irish Members can unite in supporting in its fundamental principle and even in its general structure. That must not by any means be taken as implying any slavish surrender of Ireland's right to discuss, fully and freely, the defects which have already appeared in this Bill, provided always that that discussion is undertaken in good faith and with the desire to draw the bonds of friendship still closer between the two countries. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Edinburgh commented upon the absence of finality in this Bill. I am very glad to find that Members in this House are beginning to attach very much less superstitious importance to that foolish idea, that abracadabra about finality in connection with Irish Home Rule. There is nothing final in this world, not even the world itself. It would have been very easy for us to promise for generations to come, but it would be arrant humbug for us to do so. There is no finality in the action of this House itself. I daresay hon. Gentlemen above the Gangway will admit that the next House of Commons might knock it about your ears. The First Lord of the Admiralty last night avowed, wisely as well as candidly, that many of the principal portions of the machinery of this Bill are provisional and are experimental in their character. For instance, the police and judiciary arrangements are provisional. The Irish representation in this House is provisional, and the reserved services and Customs are all more or less provisional.
It would be cant and humbug to pretend that this Bill can settle anything finally, except the reconciliation between the two countries, and that, after all, ought to be. and I believe is, the main point with every honest man in this House. To my mind it is one of the highest recommendations of this Bill that it is of an elastic and experimental character, which can be remedied in any weak point according to the practical lessons of experience, and as the system of government is extended to the other States in the federation. That is not the weakness of the Bill, but its strength. The real guarantees for the future are not words of mouth, nor words, in an Act of Parliament. They were stated powerfully last night by the First Lord of the Admiralty to be these: First, physical force, which will remain overwhelmingly and irresistibly in your hands; secondly, the material interests of Ireland and her very existence, which are now inseparably bound up in your own; and thirdly, and, perhaps, best of all, the good will of the Irish race, which would be yours all the more, the more you trust them in this matter. So far as that goes we have nothing to conceal from you. We have no arriere pensée at the back of our heads when we submit that so far as we living men are concerned at all events, it will be the aim of our life, if this Bill should ever become law, to work it for the peace and for the happiness and greatness of your country just as much as for ours. Let me say this much. References are sometimes made to the differences between Irish Nationalists themselves. In my own opinion, if all sections of Irish Nationalists can honestly promise you that much, I think that the divisions which do deeply separate Irish Nationalists upon other questions connected with this Bill and with the whole social future of Ireland instead of being an argument against this Bill, or being an argument against Home Rule, are, on the contrary, one of the very strongest arguments that can be pressed in reply to the opponents of this Bill, for you have here, unquestionably, germs that will develop into a healthy opposition in the Irish Parliament.
In the old times the greatest terror of Home Rule, in the eyes of Englishmen and the people of Ulster, was the impression that we Irish Nationalists were an unbroken and unbreakable band of secret conspirators, meeting together over a bowl of blood for some desperate enterprise against your Empire. I think that bogey has pretty well disappeared. I will not enter into the question of how the differences among Irish Nationalists have arisen. All I will say is, that while those divisions might have been fatal under the old conditions, when we were a mere handful of pariahs in this House, with our hands against every man, and every mans hand against us, these differences, so long as they are decently conducted, are a very different thing now, when in this House we have one great British party finally and avowedly converted into a Home Rule party, and when we have the other great British party both in 1904 and again in 1910—I will not say following the example, but only through our own folly coming very near following the example—at all events, we had their principal leaders and their principal newspapers discussing the question in a very different spirit, in a spirit of courtesy far removed from the ferocity and fisticuffs of the old days. More than that, although I have never for a moment hoped that the prejudices which were the growth of centuries in Ulster on both sides could be healed or remedied for possibly many generations, or disappear in a day, or possibly in a generation, there is a reflection of some importance for our Protestant fellow-countrymen—that is, that the division which separates us from the majority of our old Nationalist colleagues is a division that arose mainly from the fact that we recognise that the suspicions and hostilities of Ulster were and are undoubtedly the main obstacle, indeed I think the only obstacle, and we were willing to go half way, and more than half way, not merely by professions in this House when a Home Rule Bill is going through, but by solid guarantees in the public life of Ireland, to "try to overcome their suspicions and gain their good will, and persuade them that their future in their native land will be one of honour and of power.
That was the inspiration of the whole Land Conference policy, and those of us who have stuck to that policy through nine rather dark and discouraging years have passed through experiences of injustice and misrepresentation which, at all events, afford some proof that we are men to be relied upon. No Irish Catholic who has read history can ever forget all that our Catholic ancestors owed to the Protestants in Ireland in the old days. If the contingency should ever arise, which, of course, to us is a ridiculously, imaginary, and impossible contingency, for I believe our race is about the least bigoted race on the whole face of the earth; but if we should be wrong, and if that contingency should ever arise, there are hundreds of thousands of Catholic Nationalists who will be very proud to repay that old debt to Irish Protestants, like Grattan and others, while risking quite as much as any man who will follow the banner of the right hon. Gentleman (Sir E. Carson), in resisting the smallest approach to any tendency to wound or to disable or to depress the fortunes of that great, laborious, enterprising and straightforward body.
So far from finding fault with the safeguards which this Bill offers to the Protestant minority, my criticism would rather be that the Bill does not go far enough to give life and reality to those safeguards. The true safeguard would be to give them a firm grip upon the Irish Parliament, and to give them a position of undisputed strength. We agree with the right hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Finlay) that the Bill as it stands does not go far enough to make that position of strength, not merely a possibility, but a certainty by the law of the land. I am entirely at one with the suggestion that came from the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. T. M. Healy) that half the Senate should consist of representatives of the Protestant minority; I should hope not by nomination, for candidly I do not trust these nominations. The result might be brought about easily either by some system of cumulative voting and election by larger areas, or by some such arrangement as that the chairmen of county councils, the Lord Mayors and the Lord Lieutenants of the Irish counties should be ex officio Members of the Second Chamber. I would go further, and would gladly, by positive enactment, make it certain that they would secure at least one-fourth of the representation in the Irish House of Commons as well. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Long) last night asked what was to become of the Protestants of the South and West. I, for one, in order to obviate this supreme difficulty, would willingly favour some system of proportional representation which would enable them to obtain a very considerable additional representation in the South and in the West by their cumulative vote and by our votes as well. I quite agree that under the Schedules as they stand the Bill does not go far enough to recognise the incontestable fact that you are dealing with one-fourth of the population. As to the representation in this Imperial Parliament, for instance, I do not think the eight Protestant Members, which is the Prime Minister's estimate, would be at all satisfactory. I should most willingly see at least two additional seats given, or even four, even if the result should be to preserve in this Parliament, as indeed I am sure men of all parties Would desire to preserve, even so formidable an antagonist of Home Rule as the right hon. Gentleman (Sir E. Carson). Still more in the Irish House of Commons I do not think there would be any objection among us, in the South at all events, if Ulster feeling could be propitiated. I do not think there would be any difficulty about increasing the representation in those counties where the population is predominantly Protestant to the extent of at least twenty by doubling, if necessary, the representation in the Irish House of Commons of counties like Antrim, Down, Armagh, and Londonderry. Of course, there would be no arithmetical justification for such an arrangement, but this is not a matter of arithmetic, but a matter of trying to convince one-fourth of our countrymen that they will occupy a position in the Irish Parliament in which they need bend the knee to no man, to no party, and to no Government. It was heart-breaking, when listening to the appeal to Ulster of the First Lord of the Admiralty last night, to think that all these things, if we could only get rid of initial doubts and suspicions on both sides, could be settled by a few hours' friendly conversation, and I believe they will yet be settled.
Let me now turn to discuss what is for us a very grave question, namely, the financial side of this Bill, which has not yet been discussed in any way from these benches. I had to rub my eyes the other day when I saw in an able series of articles in the "Times" the grotesque theory started that the British taxpayer will be victimised to the extent of £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 a year by this Bill. I have studied the figures very anxiously, and time will tell that the financial grievance in this Bill is not a grievance of the British taxpayer against Ireland, but is a grievance of the Irish taxpayer against England, and that grievance is so grave and so formidable that if the Bill is to be shut out from amendment and from revision, it will, I am afraid, make the Irish Parliament a very costly luxury for Ireland. It will no doubt leave to your Executive in Ireland the means of supporting a large army of officials, but it will leave them no considerable resource for those great public works of national development, those great educational reforms, those great schemes for the housing of the poorest of the working classes in the towns and in the country which are of the very essence of the usefulness of the Irish Parliament. It will leave them no considerable margin of resource unless, indeed, by an increase of Irish taxation and increased taxation of heaven only knows what. The Chief Secretary once anticipated that the finance of this Bill would be a tight fit. So it is— a fit so tight that the Prime Minister, even in the creative ardour of incubating this Bill, was only able to produce hypothetically a surplus of £500,000 out of the revenue of a country taxed to the extent of practically £13,000,000 a year, and he was only able to produce even that meagre result, not by giving anything to Ireland except this vanishing subsidy of from £500,000 to £200,000, but simply by restoring Ireland to the financial position in which she stood six years ago. The House ought to remember that even that surplus is calculated upon years of practically unexampled agricultural prosperity. It is calculated also on the basis of a contribution of £190,000 for the Insurance Department, although the Chancellor of the Exchequer told us that that sum will be at least three times increased.
It is also a calculation which makes no provision for the pensions of, I think, two-thirds of their salaries to which a large number of Castle officials of the old school will be entitled. When provision is made for all these things as well as for the cost of staffing and starting the Irish Parliament, and, I presume, of paying 200 Members of Parliament, what becomes of your £500,000? The mere purchase price of the old Parliament House in College Green would, practically speaking, make ducks and drakes of that subsidy for the first year or two. I read with great care the letter of the Postmaster-General in the papers the day before yesterday, and I am sorry to say I finished it more convinced than before that your management is an unsafe one, and an unjust one for Ireland. The whole fabric of your finance seems to depend upon art assumption which we flatly dispute, namely, that this so-called deficit which has been manufactured by the Treasury against Ireland is a genuine one and that Ireland as it stands is a bankrupt concern. You say that this deficit is to a very large extent due to Irish expenditure. We say that Ireland is at the present moment producing a revenue that more than sufficies to run almost, I think, any of the-third-rate States in Europe, even those which have armies. Let me give the House-one illustration of the nature of the deficit. You charge against Ireland a sum of £616,000 for the Land Commission, as one of those reserved services which you are in your bounty going to take over. Out of that £616,000, there is £220,000 a year for payment of the bonus under the Land Purchase Act of 1903—a bonus which is not an Irish charge, but a strictly Imperial charge, which was solemnly agreed to by both parties in this House to be handed over as a free Imperial gift to Ireland by way of restitution for all the miseries caused to landlords and tenants alike by the feudal system. This was the bonus which the Chief Secretary the other night amid the derisive cheers of his supporters, twitted me for being responsible for. It is a responsibility that I bear with a very easy conscience.
The hon. Gentleman quite misunderstood me. I did not blame him, but I congratulated him for any part be took in that transaction.
That was not the sense in which the right hon. Gentleman's supporters understood the reference. He is not to blame if he is such an unconquerable master of wit which his followers sometimes applaud, whether he likes it or not. I wish to point out, not to the right hon. Gentleman himself, but to the Gentlemen who did laugh at what they supposed to be that condemnation that that vote was urged upon this House as the best expenditure which could be made of English money. It was urged by able men of light and leading, chief among those of his own party being Lord Morley, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, Lord Hal-dane, the present Foreign Secretary, and the present President of the Local Government Board. That bonus has been the means of accomplishing a happy revolution in connection with the English rule in Ireland. That £660,000 now comes up as a charge against Ireland. Practically speaking, Ireland might just as well be charged with the Imperial Grant to the Transvaal after the war. While you take credit to yourself for £190,000 a year for discounting Land Loans, you make no mention of the fact that Ireland is herself paying at present £160,000 a year for the same purpose out of purely Irish money—out of the Irish Development Grant. There is, therefore, under one heading £350,000 which ought to be severed from this so-called deficit which is alleged to exist. I do not think that is fair. That is only one item. I agree with Lord MacDonnell, who, as an orthodox and good Liberal, will not, I think, be suspect by hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House, that the finance of this Bill is to a very dangerous extent based on a calculation of some mysterious economies to be made by Ireland— economies which neither Lord MacDonnell nor myself consider to be practicable. If the Irish Parliament should decide to try to relieve Irish industries of the pressure of Imperial taxation, they are simply for every penny taken off in Ireland taking off another penny from what will come through the "transferred sum" from the British Treasury. It may be possible for us to make considerable reductions gradually as to the number of officials. But what a pitiable example you are setting to the Irish Government in this respect. Within the last few years you have put upon us a whole regiment of new officials connected with the Congested Districts Board, the Land Commission, the Agricultural Department, and the Insurance Department. You have created all these new and formidable vested interests, and I should like to see the Irish Executive or Minister who would venture to attack them. He would not only be a man, but a super-man. The question of economies in Irish expenditure was undoubtedly a very different matter in the time of Mr. Gladstone's first Home Rule Bill. The unquestionable certainty of being able to make vast and immediate economies in overstaffed Boards and administrative Departments was one of the principal inducements to Mr. Parnell to submit to the finance proposals in 1886, but the situation .is now radically changed. The Dublin Castle officials of those days —and there is no use disguising it from ourselves—were not men of our own household, and not a finger of protest would have been raised if Mr. Parnell had pensioned off a good many of them and had not put others in their places. It would require a different view of courage and heroism on the part of an Irish Minister now to propose to abolish Government offices, or, indeed, to propose not to create a good many new offices, because for good or ill the objection to governmental officials has vanished from the public mind, and successful place hunters who in my young days would have been hooted and execrated throughout Ireland are now seen at public banquets and have torchlight, processions. It is perfectly natural, it is human nature, it is simply the old human doctrine of the "spoils to the victors," and some of us are old-fashioned enough to view these things a little bit indulgently.
7.0 P.M.
But, at all events, there the fact stands, and the only Dublin Castle Department in my view in which any vast savings are practicable with any general consent is the cost of the Royal Irish Constabulary, which amounts to £1,300,000 or £1,400,000 a year. That cost would have been already reduced by mere natural wastage, by fully half by this time if the Purchase Act of 1903 had been allowed to operate, for that force can only be reduced after land purchase has been carried through. But the Government, I am sorry to say, deliberately refused to make any provision in this Bill for accelerating that settlement. On the contrary, they have, I am sorry to say, set up a rival policy of rent fixing which has been the curse of Ireland for the last twenty-five years. They have done this on the score of economy for the Treasury, whereas the fact is that the Royal Irish Constabulary alone costs you three times as much as would enable you to complete the purchase of the entire land of Ireland, even under the present difficulties. It is you who have largely made Dublin Castle the congested district of overpaid officials that it is at the present moment, and I say it is you who ought to take the onus of making any necessary retrenchment. I am sorry to say that the only retrenchment or economy you made in Ireland was really a paltry saving to the Treasury by killing the Purchase Act of 1903, with the brilliant result that while you have no doubt saved the Treasury £200,000 a year, you have saddled us with £616,000 for the Land Commission, and also with £1,300,000 or £1,400,000 for the Royal Irish Constabulary, and that not for settling the Irish land question, but keeping it unsettled. Now, forsooth, you come to the struggling Irish Executive and expect them to make these economies with a losing Post Office on their hands, and with a clamour for the reform from top to bottom of the whole educational system in Ireland, with half the land purchase system in Ireland unsettled and seething, with half the question of the labourers unsettled as well, and when we are faced with the cost af starting a new Parliamentary Department with its costly offices. There are many poor people in Ireland who quite naturally cannot be acquainted with the details of this complex organisation, and who have been soothed by the assurance that Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1886 which was the only Home Rule Bill Mr. Parnell assented to was— way. From the standpoint, of national dignity Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1886 was beyond comparison a greater legislative proposal. The First Lord of the Admiralty candidly confessed that last night, for he stated that this Bill in some respects falls short of Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1886, but he said also that one notable thing in which the present Bill went beyond it was that the Irish Legislative Body, as it was called in 1886, is now to be the Irish Parliament, and that the Representative Chamber of 1886 is now to be the Irish House of Commons. A very advisable change, but 7.0 p.m. certainly not one quite worth waiting twenty-five years for. Of course, we are constantly reminded of the Imperial subsidy of £3,000,000 that that Bill exacted from Ireland. But Gentlemen appear to forget that in that Bill Mr. Gladstone proposed to hand over to the Irish Parliament the entire of the aggregate collected revenue of Ireland, while this present Bill is based upon the newly invented Treasury fiction of the true revenue under which the Treasury reserves for itself £4,897,000 out of £12,600,000 collected. The Postmaster-General informed the General Council of County Councils, who proposed that the same plan should be adopted in the present Bill, that it was financially impossible. My answer is that Mr. Gladstone did not think it financially impossible, and as a financial authority he is quite good enough for me.
Of course, it is quite true that Mr. Gladstone was a hard taskmaster in reference to that Imperial subsidy. It was my privilege to be in close and daily communication with Mr. Parnell during the course of those negotiations with Mr. Gladstone which went within a hair's-breadth of rupture the night before the introduction of the Bill, and Mr. Parnell used to say that Mr. Gladstone's coming over to us was the greatest event since the Union and was worth any money to us, but he used to add, with a twinkle, that the Grand Old Man was the hardest English master that Ireland has ever met. Any student of the history of the Income Tax and the Spirit Duties during the 'fifties will understand that observation. I have no doubt whatever that the stern old financier would be an equally hard taskmaster for the present Chancellor of the Exchequer if he could revisit Downing Street and realise the appalling magnitude of the expenditure there. But Mr. Parnell calculated upon getting that subsidy down to £2,000,000 at the very utmost if the Bill reached Committee. He had also, let me remind the House, secured that the subsidy should not be increased for a period of thirty years, no matter how enormously the armaments of England were increased, as they have been since then by tens of millions; and he had also the certainty of large and immediate savings in the Government Departments in Ireland. In these circumstances, considering that what is called the local civil expenditure was at that time only a little over £4,000,000, while the collected revenue which the Irish Parliament was to get to pay them was £8,500,000, I do not very well see where the bankruptcy of the Irish Parliament was to come in; and I do not see where are the superior advantages of the present Bill, under which the local civil expenditure has gone up from £4,000,000 to £9,000,000, while the Irish Parliament only gets back £6,352,000 out of an aggregate collected revenue of £12,600,000. I think, even if we were to throw in the full £3,000,000 of Imperial subsidy that Mr. Parnell had made rather a better bargain for Ireland in 1886 than has been made now, if we regard it, as I hope we are not to regard the present bargain, as an un-amendable or irrevocable bargain.
The right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand Division (Mr. Long) made a remark which struck me very much. He said that while he was a strong opponent of Home Rule, yet, if Home Rule there was to be, he and his party would favour the most liberal financial arrangement possible between the two countries," and I am glad to see that an important Ministerial newspaper, the "Daily Chronicle," yesterday endorsed that sentiment and heartily re-echoed Lord MacDonnell's plea against parsimony in dealing with this matter. Your present finance is in direct antagonism with the recommendations of the Committee which you appointed and with the recommendations of the General Council of County Councils, and in direct conflict with the Report of the Royal Commission of 1896, which reported that even then the overtaxation of Ireland was something approaching £3,000,000 a year, and which had the courage to record its belief in the axiom that freedom was a greater good than Free Trade. I do not believe that your present scheme of finance can stand unless upon the one simple condition that you take the bull by the horns and follow the example of the much-abused Irish Councils Bill, which, by the way, was to secure to Ireland more than £100,000 a year of a larger and fully guaranteed surplus, and declare boldly that the present financial scheme of the Bill is only a temporary one, which should run for some period, like five years, and will be open to revision as soon as you have collected full practical information as to how the thing works between the two countries. Again, let me say, though I dare say I have said some things that are unpleasant, a little frankness and freedom of opinion and provision for the future at this moment is of more value to you as well as to this Bill and to Ireland than any amount of unquestioning or machine made acceptation of your proposals, because, no matter what hon. Gentleman above the Gangway may say, you need not have the shadow of apprehension upon your mind that you will be dealing for the future with a nation of friends, and staunch and faithful friends, if this Bill in its general spirit and structure should receive the assent of the English people.
I am afraid that I must plead guilty to not observing the hint which you, Sir gave at the beginning of our proceedings as to the length of speeches, but I will plead as an excuse that this is a matter of such tremendous importance to both countries that it is a pity that there should be any narrow time limit to this discussion. There are one or two facts about this subject which I am as convinced as I am of my own existence lie at the root of any permanent and happy settlement in Ireland. I deplore the decision of the Government in not accompanying this Bill for the establishment of an Irish Parliament by some provisions for the complete and universal settlement of the agrarian difficulty. We are not asking the Government to overload their Bill, as Mr. Gladstone was forced to do in 1886, by any hasty measure involving any vast or immediate expenditure, but we did expect, and after the speech of the First Lord of the Admiralty in Belfast the Irish people had a right to expect, that the Government would in this Bill make some provisions for putting an end to the deadlock in land purchase, and that they would not leave the infant Irish Parliament with 190,000 unpurchased tenants knocking at their doors and 100,000 landless men and labourers clamouring for a solution which the Irish Parliament will find it perfectly impossible to give them, so that perhaps in their despair they might enter on some revolutionary campaign which might end in paralysis for the infant legislature. I think there is only one line in the whole Bill dealing with this question of land purchase; but neither this Bill nor the speech of the right hon. Gentleman the First Lord of the Admiralty last night, which was undoubtedly one of great eloquence and the broadest statesmanship, is a satisfactory fulfilment of the spirit of the pledge which the First Lord made to the farmers of Ulster that the Government would make the completion of land purchase their own business. This is a most difficult and delicate subject for Irish representatives to speak on in this House, and my friends and myself propose to take counsel with our supporters before deciding how far it may be necessary to press this matter on the attention of the Government. To my mind the very least that the Irish people have a right to expect in the interests of the Bill, in the interests of Ireland and in the interests of England, is that the Government will, before this Debate closes, undertake what Mr. Gladstone undertook in 1803, namely, to complete a settlement of this question say within three years in this Imperial Parliament, and that they will do it substantially—I do not say actually without some reasonable compromise, but substantially—upon the same terms as those which for the first time in all your history have satisfied both landlords and tenants in Ireland.
There are certain principles by which, in my belief, this Bill must be penetrated and permeated if it is to accomplish a permanent and happy settlement. The first is that the Irish Parliament should be started under such circumstances as will not necessitate increasing taxation immediately. The next is that the agrarian settlement should be concurrently and universally completed; and the third is that the Protestant minority in Ireland should be placed in such a position of strength, I would even say of favour, in the Irish Parliament, that it will take away the last excuse from any reasonable men for refusing to co-operate with their fellow countrymen in their business of their common land. One thing I can say with some certainty—that it is as sure as anything human can be, that any Bill, any measure, which fulfils the three conditions that I have named with a full and generous hand, will accomplish the permanent pacification and reconciliation of Ireland, and will sooner or later be bound to prevail against all obstacles.
All sections of the House, with the exception of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) and his followers, are very grateful to the hon. Member who has just spoken for the candour with which he has addressed the House, and for the straightforward and valuable admissions which he has made. He has announced what we on this side of the House always apprehended and predicted, that there is no intention whatever on the part of those with whom he acts to accept this Bill in any sense as final. Although the hon. Member did not say so in so many words, what was passing through his mind the whole time he was speaking must have been evident to every Member of the House, that this Bill, when it is passed, is merely the stepping-stone for further aggression, and that in a short time the hopes of the hon. Member that found expression in days gone by will be realised —"Ireland a nation with its own independent Parliament."
I stated in the most distinct manner that, while as to all the subsidiary arrangements of this Bill they were not final, and did not purport to be final, upon the main point, the reconciliation of Ireland, this Bill in its main terms will, beyond all doubt, in my opinion, and in the opinion, practically speaking, of every Nationalist all over the globe, be a settlement, a final settlement.
I had no intention of endeavouring in the slightest degree to misrepresent the hon. Member, but I have sat in this House with him for many years, and I remember well what he has advocated from those benches. I cannot help feeling that, in spite of himself, if he has the opportunity he would have a Parliament in Ireland independent of Great Britain. While the right hon. and gallant Gentleman (Colonel Seely) was speaking with so much optimism, did it occur to him that if the hopes expressed by his new Friends, on whose behalf he was speaking, had been realised in regard to the defeat of British arms during the Boer war, he might possibly not have had an opportunity of addressing the House from that bench? Does the right hon. and gallant Gentleman, to use his own words, believe that they were speaking or acting a lie when they made those speeches, when he asks the House to trust the word of those men in regard to any future occasion when England might be in difficulty—that is to say, that the men who did not hesitate, when Members of the united British Parliament, to pray that the enemies of England might win against the Army of England, are to be trusted within a Parliament of their own, when England is in difficulty, not to thwart the English Government? By what process of logic the right hon. and gallant Gentleman arrives at that conclusion I cannot understand. We have all seen cases in the Press in which some credulous servant girl has crossed the palm of some gipsy in order that her fortune might be told. To my mind, the credulity of the right hon. and gallant Gentleman far exceeds that of the servant girl. I wish particularly to follow the example of the hon. Member who has just sat down, and to avoid, if possible, introducing the religious question into this Debate. I know it is difficult to keep it out altogether; but, personally, I am most desirous of doing so, for, in the first place, I have a great respect for the Roman Catholic Church, though I sometimes differ from its methods.
I should be the last man to wound the feelings of any hon. Member below the Gangway. Though I detest their politics, I am happy to call some of them my personal friends. I would also desire that, as far as possible, in this Debate ail religious controversy should be eliminated. I had the honour of speaking against and voting against the first Home Rule Bill in the year 1886, and I thought that, under those circumstances, the House would perhaps allow me to give my views of the present position in Ireland as affecting the introduction of this Bill. Hon. Members must recollect that when Mr. Gladstone brought forward his Home Rule Bill in 1886, Mr. Parnell had succeeded in persuading the Irish people, and especially the Irish farmer and labourers, that, under no circumstances, would they ever get possession of their holdings except by a measure of Home Rule in an Irish Parliament. That circumstance, when the measure was brought forward, gave it an enormous impetus, because it had behind it the great force of public opinion in Ireland. When the Bill was subsequently introduced in 1893 there was still, in a limited sense, that same force behind it, and it could truly be said that the Irish people were entirely for Home Rule mainly for the purpose of becoming owners of the farms which they occupied. But a very great change has come across us since then. It was referred to by the right hon. Member for the University of Edinburgh (Sir R. Finlay). By the Land Purchase Act and its beneficial influences, a very large number of farmers have achieved the idea of their lives, and the idea of those who preceded them, in becoming owners in fee of the farms which they occupy. That measure would have been still further increased, as has been pointed out by the hon. Member who has just sat down, had it not been—I do not think I use too strong a word—for the corrupt agreement between the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary (Mr. Birrell) and the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) to suspend the operation of that scheme in order that the people of Ireland might still have some complaint against the British Government.
Had it not been for that, the feeling in Ireland at the present moment would have been less strongly in favour of Home Rule than it is at present. If hon. Members for Scotland and hon. Members for England will take the trouble to go to Ireland and look a little bit below the surface of things, and inquire for themselves the real bent of the minds of the Irish farmers and the Irish peasants, they will find that the feeling in favour of Home Rule is year by year steadily decreasing, and the greatest proof of that is, as hon. Members below the Gangway are bound to admit, that when they endeavoured a year and a quarter ago to collect money for Ireland from the farmers and peasantry to prosecute their campaign, they received a less sum than had ever been known to result from a similar application on their part, and the result was that they had to go to the United States in order to replenish the somewhat empty exchequer, as it was at that time. But hon. Members will say, "How is it, if that is the case, that at the General Election the hon. Member for Waterford and his followers succeeded in returning some eighty Members to the House of Commons?" I do not think hon. Members of this House are sufficiently aware of that almost complete perfection of the system of secret societies which is now in existence over a great part of Ireland which literally prevents men from expressing their own individual opinion and from acting as citizens of the United Kingdom should be able to do. It is that which is exercising this deterrent effect on the free expression of opinion by the Irish tenantry and the Irish peasantry. In addition there is the great religious question. In a sense, of course, it is a religious question.
You cannot deny that while a very considerable majority of the bishops of the Roman Catholic Church and the priests of the Roman Catholic Church are voting in favour of Home Rule, all the Protestants are voting against Home Rule. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."] Well, except an insignificant number, really not worth mentioning. You cannot under those circumstances say altogether, that it is not a question in which religion, at all events, plays a great part. But it is very sad that it should be so. I want the House to think really whether in their heart of hearts the great majority of the Irish priests are in favour of Home Rule. The Irish priests, we all know, are an educated body, some of them highly educated. They know what is going on in the world. The first duty of a Roman Catholic priest is. no doubt, to look after the welfare of the Church to which he belongs, to the prosperity of the flock to whom he administers. Those Gentlemen know perfectly well that, in accordance with the prosperity of their flock their Church benefits, and incidentally they personally benefit too. They know that, if Home Rule is passed, when you have ceased taxing the north-east corner of Ulster, the only source of taxation that remains is the land. The one object of these reverend gentlemen is always to have as little taxation as possible imposed upon the land, because they know it is out of the land that the tenant farmers and peasantry live, and that it is out of the contribution of the tenant farmers and the peasants that their Church and they themselves exist. From what I know of the Roman Catholic priests in Ireland, and from what I have heard in the last two years, I do not believe that the majority of Roman Catholic priests are in favour of Home Rule, but so long as the conspiracy exists as it does there now, so long as it makes its influence felt over the population of Ireland, so long will it make itself felt among the Roman Catholic priesthood.
It is well-known that it is part of the policy, the natural policy, of the Roman Catholic Church in Ireland that the priesthood should identify themselves as much as possible with the aspirations of the people. They know perfectly well that if they once lose hold over the material wants of their flocks they may at the same time lose that spiritual hold which is so essential to the welfare and maintenance of their Church. They know that at the present time once they were to lose their spiritual hold over their flocks that they would get under the control of that set of godless conspirators who are now on the other side of the Atlantic, and who, the moment Home Rule became law, would flock across to Ireland and in a very short time have complete control over Irish affairs. It may be said, "What do you propose, admitting there are grievances in Ireland, as a remedy in place of this Home Rule Bill, a Bill for the better government of Ireland?" It appears to me that in that matter the Leaders of both parties have been greatly to blame in the past. Why not abolish after all the foundation on which this ridiculous measure has been introduced, namely, the Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland. The Lord Lieutenancy of Ireland should have been abolished long ago. by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London when he had the power. I will tell you why it should be abolished. I had the opportunity of being with the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, my late father, in the year 1866 as assistant private secretary, being at the same time an Irish Member. Hon. Members will understand that, being attached to my father, who was Lord Lieutenant, and being a Member of Parliament, one naturally took very great interest in the administration of public affairs. At that time the Lord Lieutenant was the actual and living centre of the social and of the political life of Ireland. Members of Parliament of all parties flocked to his Court. I remember the day after he arrived in Dublin, in July or August, 1866, we were. received with open arms by the Corporation of Dublin, who welcomed my father as the representative of Queen Victoria. I well remember that amongst those who welcomed us was a great conspirator, the late Mr. Alderman Dillon, whose mantle has fallen on the shoulders of his son, the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. J. Dillon)—[An Hon. Member: "He is no relation."] I am sorry if I have made a mistake; but I always understood that the Member for East Mayo was the son of Alderman Dillon, late of the Dublin Corporation. [An HON. MEMBER: "No," and another HON. MEMBER made some observations which were inaudible.] Then he is the son, and I was right.
At that period in the history of the Lord Lieutenancy the Gentleman holding that office administered the affairs of Ireland, and had great power, and he did so to the benefit of Ireland generally. We went back in the year 1874 until 1876. I then accompanied my father in my private capacity, and at that time I was an English Member of the House of Commons, and I again watched with great interest the course of public affairs and administration under the Castle system. A vast change had taken place in those two periods. The Reform Act of 1867 had come into operation, and power was gradually going out of the hands of the Lord Lieutenant into the hands of the Chief Secretary, who was responsible for the affairs of Ireland in the House of Commons. I noticed even then that the Lord Lieutenant was becoming more ornamental than useful. What has taken place since then? By the Act of 1885 household suffrage was established in Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom. From that moment the Lord Lieutenant ceased to have any power whatever. All the power nominally possessed by the Lord Lieutenant is really vested in the hands of the Chief Secretary, who is responsible to the House of Commons. What is the use of the Lord Lieutenant as he exists at present? To my mind, the only power he has is the power of driving about in a carriage with outriders and entertaining a large number of people to dinner, for whom he does not care one button, and for making, if he thinks fit, some useless and sometimes foolish speeches. How is Ireland governed at the present time? The Lord Lieutenant, the Chief Secretary, and the Under-Secretary are the three officials who govern Ireland. The present Lord Lieutenant is, I think, one of the most undecided men I ever came across in my life. What is the Chief Secretary? A distinguished literary scribbler—
What are you?
And the Under-Secretary is a professor from a college. That is an extraordinary trio to manage the affairs of a country which consists of a most excitable people and a country permeated by revolutionary societies. I think it is enormously to the credit of the Irish people that they consent to be governed fey such a trio as this. What are we to do to remedy the state of affairs? Abolish the Lord Lieutenancy; reduce the representation of Ireland to its proper quota, either by num- bers or by wealth; have a Secretary of State for Ireland responsible to the Crown and to this House. How far is the-centre of government in Ireland from London? Dublin is nine hours from London. Ireland on the east coast is only two and" a half hours from Scotland. Edinburgh, the seat of government in Scotland, is only eight and a half hours from London, and there is only half an hour's difference between Edinburgh and Dublin, yet in Scotland the Scottish people are perfectly content and satisfied to be governed through their Secretary for Scotland, while in Ireland you have all this ridiculous paraphernalia. There is a much greater reason and a much more important reason, to my mind, why the Lord Lieutenancy should be abolished. I am bound to admit, and I do so freely, that so long as Great Britain chooses to treat Ireland as a Colony, as she does treat her in assigning a Governor to her, so long have Members sitting below the Gangway the right to ask for a Parliament of their own. How can you say for one moment that Ireland is an integral part of the United Kingdom so long as you treat her as a Colony by having a Lord Lieutenant, who is, in fact, a Governor like that of any other Colony. Abolish the Lord Lieutenancy, substitute a Secretary of State, and then I say you would have perfect equality between England Ireland, and Scotland, and one of the reasons for the misgovernment of Ireland will cease to exist.
We have heard a great deal about the attitude of Ulster in respect of this Bill and in respect of any Home Rule Bill. I hope hon. Members do not think that what has been said on that point is in the slightest degree exaggerated, or is mere boastfulness, and does not accurately portray what are the feelings of the people there and what they are prepared to do if any attempt is made to force Home Rule upon them. But I should like to point out in addition to the people of Ulster, there is a very large population who have been. born and bred in Ulster, or are connected by ties of blood with Ulster people, and who reside in portions of the United Kingdom other than Ireland. Do you suppose for one moment that those men are going to lie still when their brethren in Ulster are in peril, in peril of losing their civil and religious rights, their birthright in the Constitution of the United Kingdom? The hon. and learned Member for Newcastle (Mr. Shortt), who commenced this Debate to-day, spoke as though everything was all right in Ireland, and that you had merely to pass this Home Rule Bill to confer favour upon Scotland and England and Ireland, and that everybody would continue to live there in perfect peace, and that there was no such thing as religious intimidation. I said I purposely wanted to keep religion out of this Debate, but I must mention this incident to the House, as it bears very closely on this question. At the last General Election in Ireland, in the town of Strabane, a night or two rights before the poll took place, the right hon. Gentleman who represents that Constituency (Mr. T. W. Russell) was sitting at a meeting alongside of the Rector, the Roman Catholic priest of Strabane. That priest, in an impassioned speech, asked the voters to do all they could to vote for the right hon. Gentleman, and he ended his speech by saying:—
The Noble Lord is not reporting accurately, or with anything resembling accuracy, what was said.
I have got the paper.
If a speech such as that was delivered the remedy was quite plain, and those aggieved could go to court.
I will give the right hon. Gentleman to-morrow the report from the newspaper in which it appeared. It was the common talk of the whole county on the next day. Do not let hon. Gentlemen think, as I said just now, that the relatives of those who are in Ulster will leave them alone if any attempt is made to press this Bill upon the loyalists of Ireland. We know perfectly well if any attempt is made to press this Bill it will seriously imperil our civil and religious liberty, and surely any man born with the birthright of civil and religious liberty is entitled to resist by force any attempt to deprive him of it. That is all we say, and we intend to do what we say. I am a member of a family brought up in Ulster, but no longer resident there. I have three brothers, all of whom have had the honour of being Members of this House. Do you suppose that we will allow our brethren in Ulster to have this measure forced upon them? No. We shall go over and take our stand by their side. I say more. I had the honour of being a Member for Liverpool for eight years. I have merely to go to the quay of Liverpool and ask for volunteers, and they will come to me not in hundreds, but in thousands, to go to the succour of their brethren in Ulster. Let there be no mistake about this. I am not in the habit of boasting. I hate it. But in a matter of this sort, when an attempt is being made to deprive us of our liberties, we shall have to have recourse if necessary to force to resist that attempt. You may talk as much as yon like in this House, you may make any promises you like from the Front Bench opposite, but I can assure the House that the loyalists of Ireland will never submit to Home Rule.
I am afraid that the speech just made by the Noble Lord will neither facilitate the discussion of this question nor further the calm consideration of a very important matter. The Noble Lord, in the course of his speech, succeeded in making a number of very valuable admissions, as far as we are concerned. I think his most valuable admission was that in his opinion the Catholic priests in Ireland were opposed to Home Rule. Considering that it has been the stock argument of Unionists that Home Rule means Rome Rule, it is certainly a valuable admission to have obtained from the Noble Lord, who says his family came from Ulster, that Home Rule means nothing of the kind. Obviously, if Home Rule meant Rome Rule, the Catholic priests of Ireland would be in favour of Home Rule, and not, as the Noble Lord says they are, opposed to it. The Noble Lord made an extraordinary attack on the representative of His Majesty the King in Ireland in the person of the Lord Lieutenant. He also attacked the Minister who represents Ireland in this House. He did not state what were his qualifications for speaking with such extraordinary superior scorn of Gentlemen who, at any rate, have shown considerable ability in the service of the Empire, as the Lord Lieutenant has done, or considerable ability in this House, like the Chief Secretary for Ireland. If a Member goes out of his way to use terms of abuse such as those that the Noble Lord has used, he might reflect that it adds very little either to the dignity of the House or to the force of his arguments. Another extraordinary admission on the part of the Noble Lord was that Ireland to-day is being treated as a Colony and not as an integral part of the United Kingdom. With that he swept away all the arguments of the Unionist party that we are tearing up the Union and driving Ireland out of it. He said that Ireland would not have a Lord Lieutenant unless it was a Colony, and that it ought not to have. The Lord Lieutenant has not been abolished, and, therefore, he says Ireland is a Colony. Hence all the arguments that we have heard ad nauseam for the last twenty-five years or so about the repeal of the Union and about Ireland being an integral part of the United Kingdom have been destroyed by the Noble Lord himself. His solution of the Irish difficulty appears to be to do away with the Lord Lieutenant. That seems to be the beginning and the end of his reform of Irish Government.
The Noble Lord may be convinced that Home Rule is no longer as popular in Ireland as it was. We are very apt in this world to believe what we want to believe. I always find that those who live in a country are very apt to take their opinions from the people they meet holding the views they wish to hear. We cannot get over the fact, nor can the fact be disputed, that ever since there has been an Act of Union there has been a movement by Ireland to reobtain her Parliamentary system of Government. That movement is not a new one. It is not a spasmodic one. It is not a temporary one. It is not confined to the Irish in Ireland. It is a movement which has spread to Irishmen all over the world, wherever they happen to be. To anyone who has resided in the United States or Canada it is almost a revelation to find the passionate interest which Irishmen and the descendents of Irishmen who left the country a generation or so ago take in this Home Rule question. It is more than a purely local question of Ireland. It is almost an international question. [A laugh]. An hon. Member seems to think that that is a remark calling for ridicule. I do not think so, and I will tell him why. This country has attached, and I think with a great deal of reason, very considerable importance to our securing friendly relations with the United States of America. Anyone who has followed the politics of that country knows perfectly well that one of the great difficulties in the way of friendly relations with the United States has been the undying hatred of the Irish-Americans against Great Britain owing to what they consider an injustice to their country. I am not arguing whether they are right or wrong, but there is a fact which we cannot get away from. For the sake of the future relations of this country with almost one-half of the English-speaking races of the world, with a country whose political influence is bound to increase in the next generation much more than people in Europe imagine, from that point of view alone it is worth while considering whether the old catchwords of which we heard something from the Noble Lord just now, and of which we have heard so many in this House, against granting the Irish people's demand to have a Legislature of their own, should not give place to a much bigger and wider point of view than has been taken in the past.
The Noble Lord ended his speech on an impassioned note about the position of Ulster. He feels strongly and deeply on the question, and he spoke strongly and deeply. He has informed us that Ulster will never submit to lose her civil rights or her religious liberties. I would ask him who is endeavouring to take away either the one or the other'? What is one of the real difficulties of the Ulster question? If there were such a place as the Ulster of which we hear, if there were a province of Ireland populated entirely by Protestants and anti-Nationalists, obviously Ulster might be dealt with in a number of alternative ways, such as by a separate Parliament, or by detaching it from the rest of Ireland, or by other methods which have been suggested. But such an Ulster exists only in the imagination of hon. Members opposite. It has no existence in fact. Let me remind the House what is the position of Ulster to-day. Ulster returns to this House, out of thirty-three Members, sixteen Home Rulers and seventeen Unionists. That is to say, in this province which will never submit to a Home Rule Bill passed by both Houses of Parliament and sanctioned by the Sovereign, the Unionists are in a majority of one. They have not always had a majority of even one, because at the election of 1906 Ulster actually returned to this House a Home Rule majority. How extraordinary it is that Members come and say that this province, which at one time returned to this House, and may do so again at the next election for all we can tell, a majority for Home Rule, is determined never to accept something which its Parliamentary representatives want. Hon. Members opposite from that province ought really to say that they represent the Protestants of Ulster—or some of them. They do not represent even all the Protestants. That is to say, they represent a small minority of Ulster, and they ask us to accept the proposition that that small minority—less than one-sixth of the population of Ireland—is to come to this House and say—
In Ulster to-day the Protestant majority is 196,000 people.
I have not been able to bring the total anything like as high as that.
That is the census of last year.
Does the hon. Member challenge my statement that the Protestant population of Ulster represents about one-sixth of the total population of Ireland?
The Protestant population of Ireland is about one-fourth of the whole.
I said the Protestant population of Ulster. But take it at one-fourth. The proposition is, then, that one-fourth of the population of the country is to dictate the policy of the other three-fourths. And all that one-fourth is not Unionist. What meaning are you to attach to the statement that we have continually heard that there are 300,000 or 400,000 in Ulster who will not have Home Rule, and that if Home Rule is passed something terrible will happen? That is to say, we are threatened with civil war. I will put a parallel case. I am sorry the Leader of the Opposition has left the House. There are many hundreds of thousands of people in this country who will not have Tariff Reform. If I got up and declared there were 400,000 people who said they would not have Tariff Reform, and that they would take up guns and shoot anyone who tried to introduce Tariff Reform, would hon. Members opposite be prepared to give up Tariff Reform? If not, why not? It seems to me that on this basis all government comes absolutely to an end. There is no longer any basis left to government. Hon. Members opposite say that if their religious liberties are attacked they will defend them. I shall be very pleased to help them to defend them when they are attacked. But they begin by the hypothesis that a Bill which safeguards their religious liberties as far as it is possible to safeguard them will have a result it is not intended to have by means of which we disapprove, and they argue that because of their hypothesis—it, after all, is only a mere hypothesis—we are never to give to the Irish people what three-fourths or more of them have asked for for many years, and will continue to ask for. I think you cannot ask people who believe in representative government to adopt a line of argument of that character. If hon. Members opposite said they wanted more safeguards, and indicated in what direction those safeguards should go, I am sure they would not find Members on this side at all unwilling to listen to them. But we will not be bullied or coerced into not giving the Irish people what we consider they are entitled to have.
8.0 P.M.
These threats of revolution and of leading armed forces against the forces of the Crown must leave us unmoved or even make us hostile to the pleas of hon. Members from Ulster, if they attempt to coerce the House by what we can only call unfair means. It is unfair to come here and say, "We will stir up civil war." Suppose hon. Members below the Gangway—and, after all, they are far more numerous—said, "If you do not give us Home Rule we will take up guns and begin to shoot," what would the Noble Lord say? What did hon. Members above the Gangway opposite say, at the time the Irish people were a great deal more active in prosecuting their grievances than they are today? Would they say, "This is quite right; this is the line citizens ought to take"? They would be convinced that there was rebellion from one end of the country to the other. Coercion Acts would be demanded; troops would be called out; telegrams would be sent, "Do not hesitate to shoot." Would they hesitate under those circumstances? Why, then are we now supposed entirely to reverse our policy? Why should 8.0 p.m. one fraction of the country lay down the laws and dominate the whole of the country? It is not a question of birthright that any man living in Ireland should maintain the Union. That birthright is a mere phrase. The Union only exists by Act of Parliament. What Parliament has united Parliament can equally sever! There is no kind of divine or human right which suggests that the Act of Union is to remain for ever, and that we should never have a right to sever it. The only questions we have to consider is: is it possible, is it likely, that Ireland will be better administered under an Irish Parliament than it is at the present time. Our experience of Ireland in the past, my experience in this House, and the short experience I have had of Irish matters makes it appear to me that it is incredible that under almost any form of government in Ireland she would not administer her own affairs better than we can do it. We know nothing about Ireland. Whenever there is a Debate on Irish land we see a small number of Irish representatives and the Minister responsible spending their time here in discussing matters of which we are profoundly ignorant. They might just as well, and profitably, discuss these matters in Dublin. Not for the sake merely of Ireland do we wish for a settlement: for the sake of England, Scotland and Wales we must have some system of devolution. Now the word "devolution" was rather a blessed word not so very long ago in the Tory Press. The party some two years ago was in hot cry after finding some form of dealing with this question.
No, no.
I could give the House for more hours than it would perhaps care for quotations from Tory papers of all kinds, imploring the Conservative party not absolutely to shut its ears to the plea of devolution. They like that kind of disguise which hides Home Rule. In reality, there is not much difference between the two. The "Times" published a brilliant series of articles by an unknown writer of much influence. The "Observer" shrieked itself hoarse week after week on Sundays. I should just like to read one quotation from the "Observer" of 16th October, 1910:— I recommend these words to hon. Gentlemen opposite:—
The Conservative party in this matter has a long history of conspiracies and secret bargains, and of abuse of the Irish Members when the bargains did not come off. We desire to try once and for all to settle this question, which, after all, affects not only this country but the whole of the British Empire. The striking consensus of opinion from responsible statesmen of the British Empire, from Ministers of our great Commonwealth, from responsible politicians and business men, can surely not go quite unheeded by a party which prides itself above all things on being Imperial. Is the Empire only to be dragged in when you want to tax corn? Are you going to bolt and bar the door to the unanimous opinion of responsible representatives of the Colonies? The demand, the prayer, has been made on more than one occasion by the Commonwealth of Australia, and, I believe, the Dominion House of Canada, to grant Ireland Home Rule. You cannot for ever close the door to this demand. By delaying this Bill or defeating it, you are not helping to solve the problem. Would it not be more statesmanlike and reasonable, more in the interests of the Unionist party itself, to join in endeavouring to make this Bill the best Constitution that Ireland could have? Can we not endeavour to bury the religious hatchet, which I do not believe exists in the hearts of the people, but is merely used for political purposes? Go to Canada and you will find in the province of Quebec a situation not dissimilar to that which exists in Ireland so far as Protestant and Catholic is concerned. There was a time when the feeling there was very bitter. The Protestants of Quebec had the same sort of feeling which the Protestants of Ulster have towards their Catholic brethren. That feeling has died down. There is no talk of persecution. Public opinion is too strong, not only in Ireland, but in the United Kingdom and in the entire world to allow any religious sect to oppress another. It is incredible, it is impossible, to believe that, even if they wanted to do so, Catholic Irishmen would, within a comparatively short distance of the shores of this country, oppress any section of Protestants.
Self-interest and common sense would make any such position so unreasonable that they would never attempt it even if they wanted to. The protection of public opinion is greater than any protection of any Clause in this Bill. You can put many words into the Bill as safeguards. I would sooner rely on the fair play of my countrymen, and the great force of public opinion in this country. This Bill still leaves a large Irish representation in this House. This Bill still leaves the voice of Ulster Members to complain here in case Ulster Protestants are maltreated or persecuted. Such a case would not take long to explain, and such a note of protest would be sent to the Irish Parliament by the unanimous opinion, I think, of all sit- ting here, that it could not be disregarded. If you can only replace suspicion by confidence and the people of Ireland work together in North, East, West and South to make the best of their country—and they alone can make the best of their country—if they will allow us to attend to our labours so that we all can make the best of our country, then I think we shall see the beginning of a very much bigger scheme. Hon. Members opposite will find that they have done a good day's work; that there has been done a great day's work in increasing the prosperity, not merely of one of the partners, but of all the partners in the United Kingdom. We shall then have been helped to build up that great Imperial Parliament which we all hope to see, in which not only the four constituent parts of the United Kingdom, but the great Commonwealth across the sea might be well represented, to look after not only the interests of localities, but the interests of a world-wide Empire.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Debate be now adjourned."— [ Mr. James Hope. ]
Question put, and agreed to.
Debate to be resumed to-morrow (Thursday).
Public Offices (Sites)-[Expenses]
Considered in Committee.
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of the Consolidated Fund and out of Moneys provided by Parliament, of any Charges and Expenses which may become payable under any Act of the present Session to make provision for the acquisition of a Site for Public Offices in Westminster, for the acquisition of land for the further extension of the Patent Office and for purposes in connection with the Record Office, to amend the Public Offices Sites (Extension) Act, 1908, and to make provision for certain other public purposes."—[ Mr. Gulland. ]
Question put, and agreed to.
Resolution to be reported to-morrow (Thursday).
National Insurance Act, 1911 (Medical Benefits)
I beg to move, "That this House is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken by the Government to ensure the co-operation of the medical profession in the administration of the National Insurance Act, and that, until such co-operation is ensured, the Act will fail efficiently to provide medical benefit."
In venturing to submit this Motion I admit at once the main object I have in view is to elicit information from the Government as to their relation with the medical profession in connection with the National Insurance Act. We are now within a few weeks of the coming into operation of the Act. The Government have told us that it is to come into operation on the 15th of July. We know that the Chancellor of the Exchequer told us last year that he had spent some three years in thinking over the provisions of the Bill which he introduced, and since the passing of the Act no doubt a great deal of attention has been paid to it from one end of the country to another. Speakers have discussed it on many platforms, officials have been appointed, and a great deal of time and money has been spent with regard to it. But here we are to-day, after all that has been done, without any adequate knowledge as to the medical benefits which are to be received under this Act. One of the main foundations of a National Insurance Act must be cordial co-operation of the medical profession, and that main foundation is undoubtedly still incomplete. Not only is it incomplete, but the plans of the architect of this measure have not so for been accepted. What is the reason of this deadlock which the Government and the country find itself in at the present moment. The Government tell us it is the fault of the medical profession. The doctors blame the Government. I personally, from the study I have made of this question, must say I have come to the conclusion that the fault does not lie with the doctors, but lies most assuredly with Government. Be that as it may. it is not my business to advocate the claims of the medical profession.
I hold no brief for the medical profession, but I do hold a brief in common with other Members of this House for the general public and the general public is to be taxed in a few short weeks for medical benefits at a minimum amount of something like £15,000,000 a year. That is a great deal of money, and there is no doubt the country will expect full medical benefits from the money which is thus going to be expended. What is the public going to get under this Act? We know the insured persons will get a weekly allowance when sick. But much and how little, so far as medical benefits and free doctoring go, we are at the eleventh hour left practically in the dark. The representatives. of the Government have from one end of the country to the other promised free doctoring, but it has not got free doctoring to give, and if it has, I hope the Government will give us some idea as to what free doctoring really means. Does the medical treatment include operations under chloroform, and certain diseases which I believe were excluded from the financial portions of this Bill, and which I believe any private scheme of this nature does not give. These are perhaps to a certain extent matters of detail, but they are very important matters which affect the medical profession and the public. There is one thing quite certain that the public will be expecting that all the ills that flesh is heir to will be covered by free doctoring, and although I have no actual knowledge of the medical profession, I do not think the medical profession will be ready to include operations and the diseases to which I have referred.
The main facts of the case are, that if to-day the Act came into operation, the Government have no medical benefits to offer to the public. The public of this country have constantly been told that they are to get 9d. for 4d. I am one of those who think that under no circumstances can that statement be made good, but how utterly delusive is that statement when we realise that the medical benefits are not so far assured; until they are we cannot be certain this free doctoring is going to be given. I do not think it is too much to say that it is not the act of honest men to go about the country bragging about benefits that are going to be given before they know they have these benefits in their power to give, not only with certainty, but beyond a shadow of a shade of doubt. Certain classes of our countrymen since the Budget of 1909 have felt the power of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and no one denies that the Chancellor of the Exchequer can hit any class of the community that he likes; perhaps referring to the present holder of that office I should say any class of the community he dislikes. It is an operation which the right hon. Gentleman has described as robbing hen-roosts. We do not deny he can rob hen-roosts, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer cannot rob the doctors of their brains and experience, and he cannot carry out this Act without the brains and experience of the medical profession. I am certain not even the present Chancellor of the Exchequer can dragoon a learned profession. He may do so with maid-servants, but those who know the medical profession know it consists of the best educated class of the community.
The nation owes a great debt of gratitude to the medical profession, and that profession must be considered, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer is treating them just as he would treat maid-servants in the community. That is a position which I think the Chancellor will find he cannot maintain. Such a situation is unfortunate and especially unfortunate for the Government. It is also unfortunate for the public who expect an Insurance Bill. However, sometimes good comes out of evil, and if this situation teaches the Government that the feelings of minorities must sometimes be respected, the situation will not be without advantage to the country. I hope that any right hon. Gentleman speaking from the Government Bench who takes part in this Debate, will not make any more offensive criticisms of the medical profession. The Government cannot hope for the cordial co-operation of the medical profession if they continue that abuse of the doctors which has unfortunately formed part of the discussions in connection with the Act. The doctors are only defending their own position. I have read speeches by Members of the Government in which they have tried to make out that they believe this Bill would be a benefit to the doctors. If that is so surely the doctors know what is good for them, and they are quite capable of giving a sound judgment upon that point. Surely the doctors are capable of appreciating the Act.
There are 28,000 doctors in the country at the present time, and I have made it my business to find out how many of them have signed the document declaring that they will not work under this Act as it stands at present. I find that no less than 26,250 doctors out of 28,000 have signed that document declaring that they will have nothing to do with this Act as it stands at present. It is idle for hon. Gentlemen opposite to say they are giving a benefit to the doctors under this Bill when these highly educated men connected with the medical profession assure the public that they cannot come in under the Act as it stands at present. It is sufficiently amazing to think that an astute politician like the Chancellor of the Exchequer should have taken three years thinking over this Act and never, so far as we have known, taken the trouble to consult medical authority before he brought this Act into operation. The right hon. Gentleman ought to have made certain that he was carrying with him the medical profession. That was sufficiently amazing, but the way in which the Chancellor of the Exchequer has treated the medical profession since the Act was passed is still more amazing. It really looks as if the Chancellor of the Exchequer has done everything he could in his treatment of the medical profession to make the Insurance Act a failure instead of a success. The past is irretrievable, but I do think it is the duty of the Government in any further negotiations which may take place, in the public interest, to treat the medical profession not with abuse, but with courtesy and understanding, and if they do that there is still some chance that this Act will not be a failure and the ludicrous absurdity it will be under present conditions, and then there will be some chance of this Act carrying out the desires which the Government hope for. I also hope that this evening we shall not be put off by the Government saying it will be all right, and that we must wait and see. I think this House ought to know what the Government is going to do, and how they are going to meet the position taken up by the medical profession.
There are six points on which the medical profession take their stand and which they demand should be met by an amendment of the Act. I am not going to weary the House by an examination of these points, and I do not even know whether I agree with them in their entirety. I would, however, remind the Government that they exist, and until they are met I do not think this Act can fulfil what is hoped from it. What interests us as the representatives of the public is to know that the public are to get adequate benefits for what they pay. Adequate benefits and adequate treatment, I think, have a great relation to adequate remuneration. Most things come down to money, and, with every respect, I say to the medical profession that the words "adequate remuneration" contained in those six points which they put forward are probably the root of the difficulty with the Government at the present time. We are given to understand that under the Act a doctor will get 6s. a year, inclusive of medicine, for the cases which he has to attend. The question is, can the public get the adequate treatment which has been promised them for 6s., inclusive of medicine? The doctor will only get 4s. 6d., because we are given to understand that Is. 6d. is for medicine. Can we get adequate treatment for that sum? Is it right and just that we should expect to get it?
We have certain data to go upon to enable us to arrive at some conclusion on that matter. The Government in certain Departments deal with the question of insurance in the case of some of their servants, and this gives us some data to go upon. The postmen are insured. Firemen, policemen, coastguardsmen, are insured by the Government. I will take the case of the postmen. I understand that they are insured at 8s. 6d. a year, inclusive of medicine, and the Government are offering 6s. a year for the general public. Either the Government are wasting public money in giving 8s. 6d. for postmen or they are paying too little by offering 6s. for the public. We must recollect that the postman is a picked life. He follows a healthy occupation, and we must also remember that when his health fails he is superannuated and pensioned. I suppose he does not come under the national insurance scheme. We have to consider in the case of the public that they follow various occupations; they include good, bad, and indifferent lives; and there is this very distinct point, that the public includes women, who are much more liable to disease than men are. Therefore, I think we are right, without being experts on the subject, to question whether 6s. is enough for the general public when the Government themselves from experience find they have to pay 8s. 6d. for postmen.
There is another point I wish to refer to, and it is that under the Bill as it stands it is questionable whether the public will get the best men in the medical profession to come in under the Act. I do not think they will. The national insurance doctor, when all is said and done, will lose a great deal of his freedom. He will no longer be a free man, but he will be a State servant, and, rightly or wrongly, the medical profession consider that under certain conditions there will be a loss of prestige coming in as an insurance doctor. There is also the fear of being bossed by the local authorities. These feelings exist, and I think I am right in reminding the Government that they will not allay those feelings by abusing these men. Another point is, will the Act as it stands attract the same class of men into the medical profession as have gone into it in the past? That is one of the most important points this House could possibly have to deal with, because it affects the whole future health of our nation, and it will be a most deplorable thing if this House takes any action which would not attract the clever young man into the medical profession. I assure the House that there is this very grave doubt that under the Act as it stands the clever young man of the future will not be attracted into the medical profesison. We all know that bad doctoring is worse than no doctoring at all. We want the best men we can get under the Act, and it ought to be made attractive to the cleverest young men in the country.
I have tried to discover what the Act actually means in the way of monetary advantage to members of the medical profession who may come into it. One cannot say with absolute accuracy what it means to the members of the medical profession, but, nevertheless, we have a good deal of data to go upon. Investigations have been made in connection with friendly societies, and we have that information to go upon. There are 28,000 doctors, but a great many would not under any circumstances come into the Insurance scheme. A great many are retired, and a great many others have official positions at the present time. The information I have been able to gather on this point would rather point to the view that there will not be many more than 15,000 who will come in under this scheme. We are told there are some 15,000,000 people, and that means 1,000 problematical patients for each doctor. if a doctor has 1,000 patients on his problematical list and he gets 4s. 6d. for each patient, the salary he will earn will come to £225 a year. It is difficult to arrive exactly at the number of visits he will have to pay for that, but I think we may take the statistics of the friendly societies with a certain amount of assurance, and we find it works out at about eleven visits for each patient. That will be something like 11,000 visits a year, and that will only mean 3d. or 4d. a visit for the doctor. It does not appear to me therefore that £225 a year is a very large sum to offer a doctor for looking after the health of 1,000 people. I certainly would be the last to under-rate the services of Members of this House, but I think one cannot help questioning whether the ordinary humble back-bencher like myself is worth £400 a year when the medical practitioner who has to look after the life and health of 1,000 of his fellow citizens only has £225 a year. I suggest the House is not under this Bill dealing with undue liberality with the members of the medical profession. The medical profession at any rate say they cannot work at this price and under these conditions; and, what is much more to the point, they virtually refuse to work the Act under these conditions.
I think we can put aside the threat of the Chancellor of the Exchequer that he can do without the medical profession and that he can work his sanatorium benefits without the aid of the medical profession. If this Act is to be effectively carried out, it rests entirely on the good will of the medical profession. You cannot do without them, and, if the situation is as I believe it is, that the Act is unworkable at the present moment the Government is faced with this proposition: What is to be done? There are, I suppose, two alternatives: to drop the Act or to amend it to meet the difficulties which face the Government at the present time. If the Act is amended in accordance with what we may call the demands of the doctor, it will undoubtedly mean a great deal more money. I understand the medical profession to say they will require 10s., inclusive of medicine, per head per year. That means a great addition to the cost of the scheme. It means an addition of 4s. per man. There are 15,000,000 people, and that means £3,000,000 a year addition to the taxation. If we capitalise that amount, it means another £100,000,000 added to the responsibilities of this country. If we add that to the £1,000,000,000 or so of responsibilities or really National Debt which the legislation of the Chancellor of the Exchequer has brought about, it is a very serious situation indeed. It is not for me, however, to advise the Government. They do not want my advice, but in the situation in which they find themselves it must be a matter of earnest consideration to them whether they will not face this question and deal with it by finding the money.
May I ask the hon. Gentleman what he proposes for the medical profession under these conditions?
The right hon. Gentleman is very fond of asking questions. I am here to ask them, and I think he is here to answer them. This Bill is not mine, and I must beg to be excused therefore from putting forward any suggestion.
Hear, hear.
The right hon. Gentleman must get what satisfaction he can from my reply. I venture to say when in a difficulty he is far too fond of asking questions instead of answering them.
I never get an answer.
The right hon. Gentleman will get plenty of answers when he is on this side of the House.
I did not when I was there.
The right hon. Gentleman whom I have the privilege of following on this side of the House (Mr. Bonar Law), in an interruption during the Debate earlier in tie Session, gave it as his opinion that if he was in power at the present time he would repeal the Act and put another and better Act in its place. I entirely agree that it would be the better course at the present time, to repeal this Act and put another better Act in its place, but we can lardly expect the right hon. Gentleman to do that. The reputation of the Government is far too threadbare for them to throw open and to expose their shame. This Act, if it is carried out in its present form, is condemned at its birth It cannot possibly be a success. I say it would be far better for the Government to ask for the money—it has gone too far to go back—and ensure the success of their scheme, and give the public a real medical and insurance benefit. If they do not, we shall be led into fruitless worries and struggles which will re-act to the detriment of the people whom we all seek to benefit.
I beg to second the Resolution, and I can do so in comparatively few words, because the matter has been put so lucidly before the House by my hon. Friend. Perhaps I should say I stand in somewhat the same position as he does, because I do not pretend to speak in any sense as a representative of the doctors in this House. Everybody knows that they have their own qualified representatives who speak for them. My position is that of one who is a member of the public and a Member of Parliament, one who contributes in a small way some of the money to carry the Act out, and who is very anxious that these huge sums of money which are going to be raised from employer, employed, and the State should really be usefully spent and should not be wasted, as it will be if one of the principal objects of the Act is not carried out. As an individual, I have a very deep interest in the prospects of the medical profession, but I do not think that their future has been sufficiently considered by the Government. They have not shown that consideration to the doctors, either in this Act or in the country, which that great profession deserves. We are very near to the coming into operation of the Act, and I have here a leaflet (No. 6) which, talking about the benefits, says:—
"Medical benefit, that is doctor, medicine, or in special circumstances, a money payment instead."
I think that under these circumstances, being so near to the fatal day, so near to the precipice, we are entitled to ask why, when we are so near that fatal day, the Government, after so many months' lucubrations, have not got these benefits, and have produced a result which means that the leaflets must be withdrawn.
Why should they be withdrawn?
They will have to be withdrawn if it is not carried out.
It will be carried out.
That is the first time I have heard it.
If there is no medical benefit, there is the special payment.
The right hon. Gentleman does not mean surely to lay the whole stress of the case upon special circumstances as an excuse for the medical benefit not being given, which have been promised on so many platforms and in so many pamphlets and leaflets. I am one of those who in a humble way admire the dramatic talent of the right hon. Gentleman, but I was really astonished. I could not believe it when I was told that he had not properly consulted with the medical profession before introducing this Bill in order to ascertain from them, they being the whole pivot of the matter, whether or not they would agree to accept the terms offered in the Bill. Instead of that he used disagreeable phrases about them. In one passage he spoke about "No quarreling in the sickroom." He said that about men who more than any other class in the country have done the most splendid and disinterested work for the benefit of the poor. At the Opera House he laid his lance in rest against the Royal College of Surgeons and Physicians, and accused them of refusing an invitation from a Government Department. I should have thought that would not have been a very great crime, but he said it was an example "of rude ineptitude which is utterly without parallel fortunately in the history of the country," and "behaviour so extraordinary on the part of great societies as to absolutely unfit them for the position they assume." I would not say they assume a position. They are the proper representatives of the medical faculty. Possibly the ineptitude is without parallel in the history of the country, but it lies with those who wanted that Act to be worked by that great profession, and who set out by insulting them in anticipation of it. Then he goes on to say, "They have overlooked our suspensory powers, and we have provided for a contingency of that kind by handing the money to friendly societies for their members." Not only does he insult them in the gravest manner, but he suggests that he suspected them beforehand and he laid a trap for them and got the suspensory powers by which he could do without them.
My first suggestion is this, that he should apologise to the medical profession for the insults that he has levelled at them. As men as great as he is have done before, he should go to his medical Canossa and stand all night outside the College of Surgeons in his shirt regretting the expressions he has used. I do not know whether the hon. Member sitting beside him shared in his sin, but if so he might take one of the watches and relieve his chief in that sense. In considering this question the Government should forget for the moment that there are only about 30,000 doctors who have about 30,000 votes. Quite apart from whether friendly societies have more votes, and doctors few votes, let them look at the equity of the case. Perhaps I may remind them of what they know only too well, that although there are only 30,000 doctors they have a good deal of influence, much more than the 30,000 votes which they represent themselves. In dealing with this case some Members opposite—especially one whom I do not see in his place—have tried to frighten those who are interested in the medical case by saying that they are running counter to the friendly societies, and that anything done by the doctors is really an attack upon the friendly societies. I believe that to be an absolute mistake The case is now entirely different Before this Act there was a struggle, in some cases, between the friendly societies and the doctors as to the amount of remuneration they should have Then it was friendly societies who were spending their money upon members of friendly societies, but in this case the money which is being spent is the money of the taxpayer and of the Government, as well as of the members of the friendly societies, and therefore in dealing with this matter we have the right to use our overlooking position to see that the question is fairly dealt with. Up to now there have been 4,500,000 only members of friendly societies. Now there are going to be 15,000,000 of men and women who are going to be persuaded to go either into the old friendly societies or new societies or sections of industrial societies.
I think the position of the doctors ought to have more consideration than it has had hitherto at the hands of the Government. The doctors have not been well treated in the Act itself. In that Act the benefits are clearly set out—so much for sickness, maternity, and invalidity benefits—but there is no mention in the Act of what the doctors are going to receive. They are in the position of residuary legatees of an old gentleman who has given so much to other legatees that he has left nothing to divide up among those residuary legatees. During the course of the discussions on the Bill—I do not complain of it—concessions were made to different classes of persons, women and others, which very largely diminished the margin which was allowed by the actuaries, and as a result the money left for the doctors was a very small matter when it came to be divided between the doctors and the chemists. It is the State which is protected all through the Act. It was laid down that beyond seventy the sickness benefit should not be paid, but that the medical benefit should continue. Persons over seventy are still to enjoy medical attendance, and everybody who has studied the statistics knows how greatly the rate of sickness increases when you get over the age of seventy, and how a much greater burden is thrown upon doctors by persons over that age. In the case of misconduct there may be a suspension of the sickness benefit, but not of the medical benefit. It is always the doctor who has to go on doing his work, however much the State may be protected, and however much other benefits may be taken away. A great deal of criticism has been brought to bear upon the doctors because it is said they are not going to accept more than they get under the old contract practice. I submit that there is very little comparison to be made between the old contract practice and the new system. First of all, undoubtedly a small sum was paid under the contract system. The contract practice was taken very often by young men trying to get into practice in the district, or taken largely as a measure of philanthropy by doctors who were more distinguished.
Nonsense.
Who says that is nonsense?
I do.
I am sorry for that.
Such practice was; keenly fought for, anyhow.
9.0 p.m.
I am sorry that the hon. Member says that it is nonsense, because I am not saying this without consultation with the doctors who have large practice in the country. It is not an observation of my own. In the case of the older clubs, the result of certain classes of misconduct, such as drunkenness, was that the cases were not treated, but although under the Act sickness benefit is not paid in those, cases, medical benefit is still given. There was, in the case of these old clubs, a sort of unwritten law that minor illnesses were not treated, whereas under the present system, when everybody feels that as the State has contributed the doctor is in some sense a medical officer, a person will no doubt claim to the full the advantages lie thinks he has obtained under the Act, Therefore there is no comparison between the present system and the old system. Not only that, but the work of the doctors and their area of activity as private practitioners has been largely diminished in recent years. It has been suggested that by getting this practice they will be able to deal with the dependents of those who are insured, but, as hon. Members know, wives are insured under the Act, and will come in as employed persons or as voluntary contributors. School clinics have interfered a great deal with their operations, and under the Infectious Diseases Acts, when a child has been notified as having any disease, it is at once taken off to the hospital. Therefore the area of the doctor's activity has very largely diminished in regard to private practice. As regards remuneration, my hon. Friend has shown how very small the remuneration must be, and how ridiculous the remuneration per visit must be under the At. You have also the loss of capital value of these private practices. A practice could be sold for a year and a half's value before the Act came into force. If a doctor, in consequence of the Insurance Act, loses part of his practice, the practice will be largely absorbed by the other doctors, and the value of that practice will not be a considerable value. The right hon. Gentleman talks of the very large sum that is set aside under the Act for the remuneration of doctors. He talks as if there was something like £5,000,000 going to remunerate doctors and chemists, and yet he says these doctors talk as if they were not going to get a single penny for their own pockets. I never quite like the situation when the right hon. Gentleman is talking about millions. We were told that the Land Taxes were going to produce millions.
When?
The right hon. Gentleman said the Land Taxes were going to produce millions.
When did I say so?
I thought it was common knowledge.
Will the hon. Gentleman mind quoting?
Does the right hon. Gentleman deny that he said that?
Certainly.
Then they will not produce millions. Take the question of the £5,000,000. That is not a net sum at all. You have first to wipe out the large sums that doctors were getting from their practice from all persons earning £100 to £150 a year. You have to deduct that from the £5,000,000 which is going to be distributed amongst the doctors, and you have to deduct the Is. 6d. out of the 6s. which is going to the remuneration of chemists. You have also to consider that you must do all that you can to secure the co-operation of doctors in the work of voluntary hospitals. The voluntary hospital system is really at stake in this Act. A great deal of voluntary work has been done in the past by doctors in these hospitals, and the question arises, will they be willing to do the same amount of work, without remuneration, when they are receiving these patients who are insured under the Act. It is most important, from the point of view of the public and also of the insured persons, that nothing should be done to lower the position of the medical profession. It would be a most dangerous and deadly thing if the result should happen, as it has in Germany, that the doctors should be divided into two compartments, a sort of upper compartment and lower compartment, those who do the contract work, and the more skilled specialised doctors, who have time to study and leisure for following out the latest results of science. I trust that this evening we shall not be met with any threat that we are not going to have any medical benefit under the Act. Medical benefit under the Act has been pledged, and it ought to be given I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not tell us that he is going to have recourse to any system of merely handing over the 4s. 6d., or whatever the exact sum is, to the friendly societies, and that the friendly societies will hand that over to the individual members, and must make what terms they can with those members who are insured. The right hon. Gentleman challenged my hon. Friend as to any suggestions with regard to changes that should be made. Of course it is not my duty to make suggestions as to what should be done. The responsibility for change in dealing with this matter must rest wholly with His Majesty's Government. It may be that more money will be required for adequate medical remuneration. Suggestions have been made that the period of paying back the Sinking Fund and reserve value should be lengthened so as to realise more money. I do not know whether that would be considered by the right hon. Gentleman a wise proceeding. Anyhow, I am afraid a definite deadlock has been reached. The doctors still refuse to put the Act into operation, and the Act must come into operation in about three months.
No, not the medical benefit.
The Act comes into operation in three months, and before people begin to pay their money they ought to know for certain what they will get. I am afraid if they do not know quite clearly what they are going to get, and if it is still in doubt whether they get proper and adequate medical benefit for their four-pences and threepences, there will be a very great deal of disturbance when the deductions are first made. The responsibility for dealing with the question rests entirely upon the Government. I believe they put off this matter much too long in the hope that something might turn up. They have delayed dealing with the doctors; they have delayed meeting the doctors fairly. This matter ought to have been dealt with at least a year ago when this great scheme was being launched, and now they are face to face with a great difficulty. I sincerely trust, not only for the benefit of the medical profession—and, of course, the question of the medical profession is entirely bound up with the success of the Act—but also for the millions of people who are going to be insured under the Act, that the Government will be able to tell us this evening that they either have solved, or are in the way of solving, this difficulty, so that the professions and the promises which they made in the Act, and which they have made on a thousand platforms, may be fulfilled by securing adequate medical benefit for all these 15,000,000 of people who are insured under the Act.
I am sure the medical profession will be gratified at the enthusiasm which their cause evoked from the two hon. Members who have addressed the House, but I wish, in some respects, that the enthusiasm had been manifested a little earlier. I notice that the hon. Member who moved the Resolution expressed his anxiety to make the Act attractive, and it occurs to me to wonder why he thinks it is likely to facilitate the successful working of the Act to bring forward this Motion a few days before the Advisory Committee meets, which is expressly set up to consider and decide upon the details which have been brought before the House this evening. It seems to me it might possibly prejudice their deliberations to a considerable extent, but I altogether fail to see how it is going to help them. One of the complaints of the Mover was that if the Act came into operation to-day the Government would not be able to give medical benefit. There is nothing very surprising about that. The Act never said it would. According to the Act the earliest day at which the medical benefit could come into operation was 15th January, 1913, so surely it is no complaint against the Act that it does not bring the medical benefit into operation nine months before the date on which it should begin.
I said it ought to be known whether it will be given before the people pay their contributions.
I am referring to the observation of the Mover, who made that specific complaint. I recognise, of course, that the hon. Member (Ir. Peel) is desirous of knowing how the Government is going to deal with various specific questions. But these specific questions which he has raised were expressly reserved for the Advisory Committee which is set up under the Insurance Act. That Advisory Committee is to meet next week, and it is surely a little out of place to ask the Chancellor of the Exchequer, before the Committee gives its decision, to announce what the Government proposes to do.
You cannot make bricks without straw.
At all events you do not judge your straw until you have got it, and in this particular case these matters are expressly reserved for the Committee which meets next week. There is a very good reason why it has not met before next week.
What are the particular matters which the Advisory Committee will determine?
One point which the hon. Member (Mr. Peel) referred to was with respect to medical benefit in connection with diseases due to misconduct. That is a point which will, certainly, necessarily have to be considered by a Committee of experts, men who are accustomed to deal with these questions, and they will make suggestions in respect to them, as I understand. What is the hon. Member's objection? Does he object to a person who contracts a disease, let us say due to misconduct, having medical treatment?
I was pointing out how very large an area of work the doctors had under the Act compared with what they did under the old practice of friendly societies and therefore their remuneration ought to be larger.
That is no complaint against the Insurance Act. It is to the credit of the Insurance Act that it treats a man because he is ill without regard to the conditions which led to his illness. It is to the interest of the community that the man should be helped to get better.
At the expense of the doctor?
No, not at all. The doctor must be properly paid, certainly, but it is nothing against the Insurance Act that he is to treat him under those conditions; in fact, it is altogether to its credit. I could only interpret another criticism as a complaint that aged persons were entitled to medical benefit. That is all to the credit of the Insurance Act. The doctors will have to be properly paid for treating them, but at the very time of life they most need medical benefit they are going to get it under the Insurance Act. It is better than it was before. It is no complaint against the Insurance Act, and no complaint against the Government. As a matter of fact, so far as I can see, it has nothing to do with the Resolution before the House. Another complaint of the Mover was that, as far as he knew, the Government had no knowledge of what the medical profession required. I do not know whether he consulted those who have been negotiating off and on with the Chancellor of the Exchequer and others for very many months; but I think, at all events since the introduction of the Insurance Act, it is quite true to say that as many representations have been made from the medical profession as from any other body of interested persons, and I am quite sure that they have used their best endeavours to acquaint the Government with their requirements. They have also very effectually instructed the Members of the House of Commons, and even the general public outside, and it is rather late in the day therefore to come along to complain that the Government has no knowledge of what the medical profession requires when their requirements have been dinned into their ears every week for six months. The hon. Member's words were, "The Government have no knowledge of what the medical profession requires."
That is before the Act was introduced.
I am sorry if I misunderstood the hon. Gentleman. I thought it was part of his argument that the Government was not in a position to deal with the requirements of the medical profession. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no."] If I misunderstood him I will say no more. However, here is a statement which I am quite sure on reflection he will think requires modification. The hon. Member said that 26,000 doctors had signed a statement that they would have nothing to do with the Act. I can hardly believe that he really meant that, for they did not sign anything of the kind. If he has a copy of the statement by him, he will see that they did not. What they did was to state that the required services under the Insurance Act should be in accordance with certain conditions. That is quite a different thing. They said they would only work the Act under certain circumstances, which is quite different from saying that they would have nothing to do with the Act.
The hon. Gentleman is misrepresenting what the hon. Member said. What he said was that unless their conditions were fulfilled the doctors would have nothing to do with it.
The hon. Member for West Cumberland (Mr. Grant) is quite capable of looking after himself in this matter. I am not misrepresenting him. He was speaking of the subject which was made so much of in the Press in the month of February. The medical men with remarkable unanimity agreed on certain conditions on which their services would be given, and they also said with remarkable unanimity that the conditions required were in the main essentials. This Resolution to-night does not touch any one of them. Neither have we had a single suggestion as to how any one of them could be met. I wish to point out that if you consider what were the requirements of the medical profession last year and compare them with, what is given under the Insurance Act, you will be bound to admit that they have got a very large amount of what they asked for—I should think a much larger percentage of their original demands than any other section of the community. In the Resolution brought before us to-night the Government is in effect asked whether it is in a position to make a statement of its views with regard to benefits. I sincerely hope that when he replies the Chancellor of the Exchequer will say that he has deliberately brought into being a Committee to advise on these questions, and that he is not going to prejudice their decisions. I am sure the members of the medical profession would not wish the decisions of the Committee to be prejudiced. Let us look at the matter from the point of view of the hon. Member opposite. He wants to benefit the medical profession.
The whole community.
In this particular matter he wishes to benefit the whole community, but that is wrapt up in the interests of the medical profession.
Very largely.
The British Medical Association has deliberately appointed twelve representatives to serve on the Committee. Does the hon. Member think it is going to help those twelve members if the Chancellor of the Exchequer takes the decisions out of their hands? Is it going to further the interests of the members of the British Medical Association if the representatives go to the deliberations of the Committee with their hands tied. I confess if his is the way the hon. Members think the medical profession is likely to be helped I would say that a good many of them would say before long, "Save me from my friends." There are one or two other points which I think are very material in connection with this Resolution. It says:—
"That this House is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken by the Government to ensure the co-operation of the medical profession in the administration of the National Insurance Act. …"
One of the first things to be done after the passing of the Act was to take steps to set up an Advisory Committee, and that was done early in the year. Certainly through no fault of the Government the Advisory Committee was not constituted until after the British Medical Association had met in February. The members of the medical profession said they would not appoint their representatives until after their association had made their decision. I think that was a very reasonable request. The appointment of the Advisory Committee was therefore deferred until after the meeting. The British Medical Association finally appointed the representatives who have been put on the Advisory Committee. I think if the mem- bers of the British Medical Association were here—I have no information to lead me to suppose that they were desirous of this Resolution coming before the House to-night—they would agree that no time has been lost in the appointment of the Advisory Committee, and that, so far as this particular matter is concerned there is really no complaint. This Committee will have to advise on various questions with respect to the duties of doctors under the Act. No doubt one of the first things they will have to advise upon is the question: What do you mean by "medical benefit"? In dealing with that question they will have to decide on matters relating to attendance, operations, and various other things which were mentioned by hon. Members opposite, such as the conditions under which they would be given remuneration, the special conditions attaching to certain work, and so on. The complaint made is that the Government have made no effort to meet the demands of the medical profession. One of the original demands was in regard to the £2 limit of income of insured persons. I hope the hon. Gentleman on the Front Bench will make the position clear in respect of this matter, for attempts are being made to convince the medical profession that "Codlin is your friend and not Short." The medical profession think they are perfectly well able to look after themselves, and they are quite willing to have the services of Codlin or Short in respect of the limit. The Government have not met the medical profession on this point. [An HON. MEMBER: "I hope they will not."] I do not expect they will. When this suggestion was originally brought forward what was the condition? It was that any man could become an insured person whether he was the Governor of the Bank of England or the Chancellor of the Exchequer. After that, the Act was limited to those with an income of not more than £160 a year.
indicated dissent.
The hon. Member for London University shakes his head Will he deny that?
The £160 limit was originally in the Act.
Not at all. The hon. Member for the Brentford Division (Mr. Joynson-Hicks) moved the Amendment, and it was accepted in this House. This is the kind of fact we have trotted out to benefit the medical profession.
I am speaking of persons compulsorily insured under the Act, and not of voluntary insurance.
No; it was introduced into the Act by the hon. Member for Brentford, and when this proposal for the £2 limit was originally brought forward this was not in the Act. The reason there was no limit here was the main reason why the proposal was brought forward. [HON. MEMBERS: "No,"] The records of the House of Commons will show that the statement I have made is correct.
Surely the hon. Member does not wish to misrepresent. That Amendment merely related to voluntary insurance.
Certainly. That is the whole point. The point was that medical men complained, and I think quite rightly, that they might have people with a £500 income becoming insured persons and getting a medical benefit at the same rate as the bricklayer. They said that was not fair, and I do not think it was, and because of that complaint the suggestion of an income limit was made. An Amendment of the hon. Member for Brentford excluded voluntary contributors above the £160 limit, and that went a long way to meet the objections in respect of the income limit, and to balance the men with the incomes between £100 a year and £160.
It was the whole point raised in my Amendment.
Yes, but that was months after the proposal brought forward by the British Medical Association in the early days of the Insurance Act, long before the hon. Member moved his Amendment about the £2 limit.
The hon. Member really must not misrepresent me. Does he still maintain that at the present moment the British Medical Association do not insist upon the £2 limit?
I never said anything about what the British Medical Association insist upon at the present moment. I am discussing the genesis of this £2 limit Amendment. The genesis of it was that a voluntary contributor, with a large income, could become an insured person and get the medical benefit. That was the real reason it was cut down to £160 a year. After the Amendment of the hon. Member for Brentford had been incorporated in the Act, the demand was still pressed, and is still pressed, on account of those insured persons who will have an income of between £2 a week and £160 a year. It is still pressed, and I have no desire whatever to deny it; but it was not originally brought forward. It was discussed in this House, and it was not divided on, I think for a perfectly right and proper reason, and one that was well known to the many Members whom I have consulted about this matter. I was always opposed to the statutory £2 limit. I thought it would be most deleterious to the medical profession to put it in, and I think so now, but that Amendment received no support from the House of Commons which warranted a Division. [HON. MEMBERS: "No."] Why then did not they press it to a Division?
The hon. Member knows perfectly well.
Yes. The reason was because the Amendment would certainly have received such meagre support.
No, it was not.
I shall not retreat from that position at all. I know that was the reason. This Amendment could not stand Debate then, and it could not stand Debate to-night. There is no getting away from the fact that the introduction of this statutory limit under the Insurance Act will not stand examination, and there has never been any advocate of it whom I have ever heard speak or read of who could produce any valid argument to show that you could work it even if you got it in.
The whole of the medical profession at the present time is against you.
I repeat the statement that I have never heard any man describe, or have read a description by any man to show, how it could be worked, if you once got it into an Act of Parliament, and it was not described in Debate last year. You could not work it in any mining constituency in the country. You could not work it in any. industrial district where men's wages vary up and down from week to week and from year to year. You could not separate the labouring classes into sheep and goats, with some above £2 a week and some below. The thing is entirely unworkable. We have been, goodness knows bow many years, trying to arrive at who shall pay Income Tax, and a large number of people escape the net now, and it would take about as long to determine who has £2 a week. What the medical men desire is to have proper payment for their services upon simple, self-respecting conditions, but they do not want to act the private detective to find out the incomes of their patients. What is it to them? I have never been shown, either in this House or outside it, how it could be worked, and not only from this side of the House, but from the other side of the House, the proposal has never received any support. Is it the policy of the Amending Act League to put a £2 limit into this Act? Will the hon. Member for Colchester (Mr. Worthington-Evans), who I believe has to do with this league, tell us? We get no answer from him to that.
Will the right hon. Gentleman (Sir R. Finlay), who sits on the Front Opposition Bench, tell us is it the policy of the Conservative party if they come into office to put a £2 limit into the Insurance Act? The right hon. Gentleman does not reply. I am quite sure that if the Conservative party came into power to-morrow they would not put a £2 limit into the Insurance Act. The right hon. Gentleman on the Front Opposition Bench does not give any indication that they would. The reason they would not put it in is because they could not work it if they did get it in. It would not help the doctor. Take the case of an insured person who is suffering from pneumonia. The State says to the doctor, "We want you to attend this insured person who has pneumonia and to do your best for him." The doctor attends him, and goes once or twice or three times in the day, or sits up half the night with him, and does his best for the patient. He deserves to be properly paid. He deserves to work under simple and honourable conditions. But what is it to him whether the man earns 49s. or 29s. a week? His business is with the State. The State says, "Treat this man for me." That man is at once treated and the State is bound to see that the doctor is paid properly for doing so. But it is nothing to the doctor what the man's wages are. If you were to divide the whole insured population into those who had £2 a week and those who had not, there would be people on one side of the line one week and on the other side next week. There is no good in hon. Members shaking their heads. It is a fact. How would it be this year with the coal strike 1 You have colliers earning more than £2 a week last year. This year they will earn less if you take the average of weeks. They are over the limit one year and under it the next. Would you have one kind of limit one year and another the next? The thing would not work.
Neither a Conservative Government nor any other House of Commons will introduce it into the Insurance Act; I am quite certain of it. I do not believe that it would be in the interests of the medical profession that it should be introduced. How is a doctor to know whether a man has £2 a week? Is he to inquire? Is that going to be in the interests of the medical profession? That is not going to help them; it is not going to make them popular with the working classes. Who is going to do it? The Insurance Committee? If so, how? How are they going to find it out? No answer has been given to these questions, but, if you have a statutory limit in the Act, it has got to be done; it is the law of the land. I sincerely hope the Government will meet, as I believe they will, the legitimate and proper demand of the medical profession, which is that they should be properly paid, that there should be suitable conditions for the work they do, and that there should not be an inquisition about the wages of their patients as one of their duties. Here is another very important matter. There is a contention—it will be well within the recollection of the House—that medical benefit should not be under friendly society control. How Is the Government to deal with this matter? We have had a good many complaints by those who, I think, have not really considered the Act in all its bearings since it was passed, with respect to the position in which the State stands. The demand of the medical profession that it should be left to the Insurance Committee was the subject of a Division in this House. I know that there have been complaints as to the constitution of the Insurance Committee, but nothing else in the Insurance Act, from the public health point of view was possible unless you introduced such an Amendment into the Act. It was absolutely crucial.
If we are to have a national service on proper lines, then medical benefit should be administered by the Insurance Committee. I remember moving the Amendment myself, and the hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of London told with me in the Division. That Amendment cut at the very root of the whole future of the public health service in this country. It was vital to the whole issue. The Amendment is in the interest of the members of the society just as much as in the interests of the members of the medical profession, and the two are synonymous for this purpose. A member of the society wants the best medical attendance he can get, and if he gets the man of his choice so much the better. The hon. Member for West Cumberland (Mr. J. A. Grant) and the hon. Member for Taunton (Mr. W. Peel) are now in the House, and, in regard to this Amendment I have here a Division on the proposal that the control of the medical benefit should be in the hands of the Insurance Committee. I hope the hon. Member for Taunton will give me his attention for one moment. I say that no £2 limit, no capitation fee, no representation on the Insurance Committee was worth the paper it was written on unless you had medical benefit administered by the Insurance Committee. The whole future of the medical service of this country depended upon it. But I do not see the name of the hon. Member for Taunton nor do I see the name of the hon. Member for West Cumberland, who moved this Resolution in the Division List. [An HON. MEMBER: "What date?"] The 1st of August, 1911. Here was an Amendment that was absolutely vital to the whole issue; it was the corner stone of the whole fabric. I want to know how it is the hon. Member for West Cumberland, who moved this Resolution as the champion of the medical profession, did not appear in that Division. I think at least the medical men in his constituency have a right to know why he was not here on the 1st August, or, if he was, why he did not support that Amendment. [An HON. MEMBER: "It was your own Amendment."] I know it was, and it was supported by a majority of Members on the other side of the House as well as on this. I know it was my own Amendment, and I said so and it was recognised as being so vital to the whole issue that only fifteen Members voted against it. I hope the medical men in the constituencies of the two hon. Members will want to know why it was that they did not take part in the Division as a test of their views, when now, seven months after the Act has been passed, they raise this question and yet took no part in the Division.
The friends of the medical profession were those who then stood in the gap, those who worked both in this House and outside it. It is not now, but it was then, that we wanted support. There is another point, that of the free choice of doctors. If there is one thing the Insurance Act has done it is that. Free choice of doctors, as far as it can be given in any Act of Parliament, is given in the Insurance Act. The hon. Member who moved this Resolution, complained of the conditions now as compared with what they were. There is no comparison at all. After this Act comes, into operation, assuming that it does come into operation, the contract system with its monopoly, as we have hitherto known it, will be dead as Queen Anne, and the Insurance Act will be the thing that will have killed it. Such a thing as contract practice as hitherto known cannot exist within the four corners of the Insurance Act.
A medical man came to this House some time ago and said he had been sent for by a club patient in the middle of the night, and, because he refused, said he would report him to the club. The medical man said, "Fancy this being extended to all medical men of the country under the Insurance Act." I pointed out to him that that was the very thing which could not happen to any medical man under the Insurance Act. He could not be dismissed from the club under the Insurance Act because he had declined in the middle of the night to attend a patient, perhaps some drunk and disorderly; but I do not believe that any medical man, if he knew the patient, would refuse to go to a club patient or any other patient in the middle of the night. The medical man who came to me thought the result of it would be that he would lose his club. But under the Insurance Act the worse thing that could happen to him would be that he would lose the patient. That is all that could happen to him under the Insurance Act. Under the Act the complaint would be investigated by the Insurance Committee, who would not have power to put him off the panel. That has to be done on appeal to the Insurance Commissioners. A man's security of tenure under the Insurance Act is infinitely better than it was under the club. He could be given the sack from the club if he happened to be disagreeable to some members of it. The monopoly attaching to the contract practice is gone also and cannot exist within the four corners of the Insurance Act. I am not saying it meets all the demands of the medical profession, but it is a bit late in the day to come along and say what the Mover of the Resolution said. It is not a fair statement of the case. The Act will abolish club contract practice from one end of the country to the other.
The Advisory Committee meets next week. One of the questions they will have to consider will be that of remuneration. The hon. Member said that the Government has done little or nothing to meet the demands of the doctors. I have dealt with the question of income limit and why it was not met. I do not think this or any other Government will meet them on that point, and I am prepared to show that it is not in the interests of the medical profession that we should have these artificial barriers within the limits of the Insurance Act. What they ought to have, and have the right to have, is proper payment under suitable conditions. The Government has met them on the question of free choice of doctors, and the control of the medical benefits has been transferred to the Insurance Committees and taken out of the bands of the societies. That is good both for the societies and the doctors. They have gone a long way to meet them. There is the outstanding question of remuneration. What is remuneration? The hon. Members complain that the Government did not settle the question before the Act came into operation. I wonder if they have taken the trouble to go to a number of medical men and ask them how they would stand under the Insurance Act, not I mean speaking generally, but from actual Examination of the facts, because there are many misapprehensions on this point. In the first place, there is still a large number who believe that well-to-do patients can get medical benefit under the Insurance Act at cheap rates. Then a number do not realise the facts, and I do not think the hon. Member who moved and who spoke of the medical man having a thousand persons on his list does. They would not be all ill the whole time. He calculated a fearful and wonderful sum. He said those thousand persons on the man's list would require eleven visits per year, or that everybody would be ill. You would want a great many more medical men than you have got in this country if the people were to be ill at that rate. Really I do not think he is advancing the cause of the medical profession by putting up that kind of argument. Of course there is a very small percentage. According to the Report of the British Medical Association, the number is, I think, an average of 4.3 visits per annum in contract practice, or, say 4½. Some of them would be visits and consultations at the surgery, and some in the patient's house, and 4½ is rather more than the average in contract practice. Thus it is not eleven, and as a matter of fact what I think the hon. Member is thinking of is the average days of sickness.
In respect of remuneration the Committee I have no doubt quite properly will go into all these matters. Have the Mover and Seconder of the Resolution gone into the question, because if they have I think they will have found out the same as a good many more who spent a great many hours going into it that the accounts you get from one district are quite different from the accounts you get from another district. They entirely depend upon the state and type of practice, the class of population, the distance persons live from the doctor, and so on. The conditions are so diverse in different parts of the country that so far as I can see there is nothing more difficult to generalise upon than this question of remuneration. There is no question requires more careful examination of the facts. This Committee, I am sure, will make it their business, as I believe the British Medical Association is doing, to ascertain the facts. When they have ascertained the facts there will be something to go upon, and then they have a case, and I hope it will be met whatever it is, but I do not think the facts when they are ascertained will be anything like those represented by the Mover of this Resolution. They will be very, very difficult. In his speech at the London Opera House the Chancellor of the Exchequer said:— make the Act practical if, before this Committee have a chance of sitting and inquiring into the case we ask the Government to tie their hands and say what they are prepared to do. I certainly hope the Government will do nothing of the kind, and I believe if they were to be tempted into doing anything of that kind by this Resolution it would not serve the interests of the medical profession, and, according to the proposition of the hon. Member, and with which I cordially concur, it would not serve the interests of the general public.
We have listened I am sure with interest to the speech of the hon. Member, but I must say that it occurred to me that there was no justification whatever for the sort of attack he made upon my hon. Friends who moved and seconded the Resolution. The hon. Gentleman said he wanted to know who were the friends of the medical profession, and he seemed to imply that the Mover and Seconder of this Resolution were not.
No, no.
I do not know what a great part of the observations of the hon. Gentleman meant if they did not mean that.
I said that to pass this Resolution and to get the Government to make a declaration was not in the interests of the medical profession.
The hon. Member said a great deal more than that. He went into the question of a certain Division and suggested as names did not appear on that Division that the bearers of the names could not have been friends of the medical profession. I am quite sure the hon. Member is a friend of the medical profession, but I think he is also a very loyal supporter of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and I confess that during a great part of his speech I was at a loss to know which sentiment of friendship predominated, friendship for the medical profession, or friendship for the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Both.
The Chancellor of the Exchequer thinks that both may predominate. He has come in suddenly in the middle of the Debate, and there is a certain amount of confusion in the interruption which he has interjected. I listened with some astonishment to the observations of the hon. Member with regard to the £2 a week Amendment. The hon. Member is a member of the medical profession, and surely he understands what the object of that Amendment was. He knows perfectly well that there are a vast number of medical practices where a very large proportion—indeed, in many cases, nine-tenths—of the receipts are from patients whose income is £2 a week or over.
I undertake to say that the right hon. Gentleman could not produce a single medical practice in this country where nine-tenths of the receipts were from patients with between £2 and £3 a week who were themselves ill.
I will not quarrel about the precise percentage. Surely the hon. Member does not dispute that there are a large number of paying medical practices where a very considerable proportion of the patients are of the class to which he has referred. There can be no dispute whatever about it. The statement is one of the commonplaces of this discussion. These men have been perfectly satisfied to go on the principle of employing the doctors they chose and paying the doctors, by visits in the ordinary way—not a large payment, but still a payment which was; honourable to him who made it and honourable to the doctor who received it, preserving the self-respect of the patient and ensuring adequate care on the part of the doctor. That system worked with perfect satisfaction. Then came this Act with its cast-iron regulations, throwing all that class of patients into what may be described as a vicious contract system. I agree that it is not identical in all points with the contract system as it existed with the friendly societies. But that is not the point at all. That it is a contract system, there is no doubt whatever. What cause was there for disturbing the medical arrangement that existed between patients of the class to which I am referring and their medical men? It worked admirably; both parties were perfectly satisfied with it. Then you have this legislation, which has the effect of throwing all under the contract system.
No.
Indeed it does.
Not at all.
10.0 p.m.
Subject to certain exceptions, which ought to be amplified and would have been if the £2 limit had been adopted. The hon. Member asked, "How are you to ascertain what the income is?" It is proposed in the Act as it stands that there should be local regulations fixing the amount. How are you going to ascertain it there? I remember perfectly well the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech when this Amendment was proposed. He ignored especially the fact that it was proposed that beyond the £2 limit the contract system should not preavil, a discretionary power being left to the local bodies to fix a lower sum if local circumstances made it desirable. I confess I listened with great surprise to the observations of the hon. Member upon this particular matter. The facts are in the recollection of the House. The contract system is a "bad one, both for the doctor and for the patient. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] It is indeed. I do not say that in the case of the poorest patients the contract system under proper regulations may not be necessary; but it is only in the case of those patients, for whom something of the kind is absolutely necessary, that it should be adopted. No case whatever has been made out for disturbing the satisfactory relations which existed between the better class of workmen, with, say, £2 a week and upwards, and their doctors. The contract system does not get the best results.
I listened with more satisfaction to that part of the speech of the hon. Member in which he pressed the Government to be more liberal to the doctors in the matter of remuneration. I hope we shall hear from the Chancellor of the Exchequer before the Debate ends what he has in contemplation upon this point. We have got into a very serious tangle, but it is entirely due to the manner in which this Act was rushed through the House of Commons. In the Debate on the Second Reading, I ventured to quote the weighty caution uttered by Lorl Bacon with regard to what he called deceptive dispatch, which he said "is one of the most dangerous things in business that can be." As we are discussing medical relief, I may quote the medical simile which Lord Bacon employs—that it is like what doctors call pre-digestion or hasty digestion, which is sure to fill the body full of crudities and secret seeds of disease. The Chancellor of the Exchequer did not pay much attention either to Lord Bacon or to myself at the time. I hope he will begin to realise that there is some sense in what. Lord Bacon said about deceptive dispatch. Never was a measure hurried through the House of Commons as this measure was. [Several Members: "Oh, oh."] It is no use saying "Oh, oh." Surely it is a matter of common agreement. If ever a measure deserved careful consideration this measure was of that nature. We had it carried through in a manner which I need not recall to the recollection of hon. Members, but which I venture to say was such as to prevent adequate discussion of many points that most certainly wanted such discussion. I have always thought that the difficulties in which the Government find themselves in regard to this Act were due to the fact that they mistook the true object to which the Act should have been directed. Medical relief was a matter which was very well cared for by the friendly societies, so far as the patients did not make their arrangements with the doctors. I am not for a moment saying that there was not many things in the relations between friendly societies and the doctors which wanted to be put right. The doctors are thoroughly united, thanks to the Chancellor of the Exchequer.
Hear, hear.
It is one good thing the Chancellor of the Exchequer has done, and I think it only right to acknowledge it. But it is the only one. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] The whole of this revolution has been carried into effect by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. We have had set up this entirely new system, providing for the application to medical benefits of sums to be raised under this legislation which could have been much better provided by the ordinary engagement of medical men by those who were able to pay them, or by societies whose members were patients. The true object to which this measure ought in the main to have been directed was the provision of invalidity pensions by way of supplementing old age pensions. That is passed praying for. The Chancellor of the Exchequer took his own way, and insisted on devoting the measure to medical relief in regard to part, leaving not enough for the adequate provision of any invalidity pension. Having decided upon that, he committed the second blunder. As the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has said we are waiting for information. I respectfully think that the Chancellor of the Exchequer ought to have got his information before he introduced the Bill. It is perfectly obvious that this Bill was launched as regards medical relief without any consultation, most certainly without adequate consultation, with the members of the medical profession. It was a sort of revelation to the Chancellor of the Exchequer to find that the medical profession were not prepared to accept that measure which he had evolved without inquiry of those who were competent to inform him, and which he was desirous of imposing upon them.
What we want to know from the Government is: How are they going to get us to get the public to get the medical profession out of the difficulty in which we find it? The Act will come into force in the course of some ten weeks; that is to say, payments will begin. We are all aware that medical benefits will not begin for months after that. But surely by the time the Act comes into force, and people are compelled to make their payments, we ought to know whether adequate provision is to be made for medical benefits. You cannot have that provision until you have made terms with the medical profession. That profession, I am sure, want nothing that is unfair, but you cannot have a profession ruined by hundreds, as the Act as it at present stands would ruin them. You cannot have such an effect as that produced without reacting injuriously upon the public. We want this Act, such as it is, administered in such a way as to give those who are compelled to make these payments some adequate return. Until you have made terms with the medical profession you are not in a position to ensure those persons that they will have them. We want the Chancellor of the Exchequer to inform the House and the country, and particularly the medical profession, what he is doing; what is he prepared to do, to ensure that the medical benefits shall be adequate.
When I saw the Motion on the Paper standing in the name of the hon. Gentleman who moved it, and looked at the terms, I thought that on the whole they were unobjectionable. I thought that this Debate was initiated with a view to clearing up the position and assisting us to come to a conclusion upon a very complex and tangled problem. I listened to the speeches, and I confess that I have been very considerably disappointed. What did we get? Instead of getting a rational discussion of a problem of great importance to the medical profession, to the working classes, and to the public at large, we get mouldy party chaff, without a grain of practical suggestion, and we get, too, rather petty jesting, unrelieved by a glimmer of wit. I will give an illustration of the sort of way in which the problem is approached. The hon. Gentleman who moved this Motion says that the medical profession demands 10s. to cover drugs and medical attendance. He said—and said truly—that that means an addition of £3,000,000 to the charges under the Bill. Then I asked him—and I thought it was a very fair thing—what he proposed. Did he suggest to the Government that that £3,000,000 should be found, either by Id. from the working man, 1d. from the employer, or 1d. on the Income Tax payer? I assumed that in consultation with his Friends the hon. Gentleman who moved this Motion had thought out this problem. I wanted to know, and I asked him was he really prepared to recommend that. He replied: "Oh, well, it is none of my business to recommend anything." His business was to ask questions! [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] That obviously is the view taken by the hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway. As a Member of Parliament representing thousands of workmen, anxious to give the best medical attendance to them, representing also hundreds of medical practitioners, it was none of his business to suggest anything! Does the hon. Gentleman really imagine that this is a problem which has been created by either the Liberal Government or any other Government? What is his view? Is it his view that the Government ought not to have had any medical attendance at all in the Bill? If he thinks they ought to have had medical attendance, then is it his view that they ought by the Bill to have more, because surely he cannot think that the medical profession would attend the working classes for less than 10s. when a Tory Government suggested it? That is in the problem. That is in the very essence of the business. The House of Commons, when it considers a problem of this character, really ought not to confine itself merely to making the health of the community the sport of party. What is the position of the right hon. and learned Gentleman who has just sat down? He has been good enough to suggest that we introduced this measure without any consultation with the medical profession. Who told him that?
I said without "adequate" discussion.
Well, who told you that?
It is perfectly plain and obvious.
The first thing said was "without any consultation at all," by the Mover or the Seconder. The right hon. and learned Gentleman belonging to a profession, experience in which has taught him a little caution in the matter of making statements of that kind, just introduced the word "adequate." He has no information on the subject. He does not know whom we saw. He does not know what conferences were held. Does he know that we saw the British Medical Association, not once, or twice, before the Bill was introduced.
My objection was that the right hon. Gentleman's information was inadequate as to the feeling of the members of the medical profession.
That is a reflection not upon me, but upon the deputations that have been to see me. I am not casting any reflection upon them. They came to see me; I gave them as much time as they asked. When they asked to see me a second time I saw them, and when they asked to see me privately, afterwards, I saw them. The right hon. and learned Gentleman says they did not give me adequate information. I do not agree with him. I think they gave me all the information in their power. The difficulty arises for this reason: there are conflicting interests to take into account, and very powerful conflicting interests. The right hon. and learned Gentleman might have been warned by the interruptions of speakers to-day that even now there are two views with regard to contract practice. The friendly societies have totally different views from the medical profession, and my difficulty was, not that I had not adequate information from both, but I had great difficulty in adjusting both. And if the right hon. and learned Gentleman was in my position he would realise what an enormous difficulty it was to do so. Another thing is this. The medical profession never formulated their six points of demand until after the Bill was introduced. They never formulated them in a specific demand until after the Bill.
Does the right hon. Gentleman mean after the Bill was passed?
No, it was not a Bill then; it was an Act when it was. passed. I have followed this very closely. The fact of the matter is this. The medical profession were undoubtedly discontented with the friendly society contract practice. They had been feeling their way for years upon the subject. They had had great discussions amongst themselves. They had a most elaborate inquiry into the whole matter, I think it was in 1904; I do not bind myself by the actual date, but it was not many years ago. They sent out inquiries to all the members in the medical profession, and they got hundreds and thousands of replies, which they formulated in the shape of a report which they were considering, and even then these gentlemen could not come to a clear, definite and final conclusion as to what they proposed as an alternative to contract practice. The right hon. and learned Gentleman was good enough to say that I had done great service to the medical profession by making them a formidable trade union.
I did not say that. I said by making them thoroughly united.
It is the same thing. I agree it is a great service to the medical profession. As anyone knows who has had to deal with a profession or any other combination when there is a dispute as to terms or conditions of labour, it is infinitely better you should deal with the united body than a number of sporadic interests and conflicting interests. Of course in the medical profession there are conflicting interests. The right hon. and learned Gentleman does not remember that. He seems to think, and that is his view, that the whole of the medical profession have denounced contract practice. Let him go to Durham or to South Wales, where it is now rigorously practised, and let him ask them to give it up, and see what reception he will get there. I would probably be as warm as the reception I would get from the Manchester doctors if I went there. The doctors are by no means united upon the subject, and they were not in a condition to formulate any demands. When the Bill was introduced they came together for the first time and formulated something in the nature of a united specific demand.
When the Bill was introduced and we had discussions the medical profession were undoubtedly very alarmed. They were alarmed because they were under the same delusion as the right hon. and learned Gentleman, that when this Bill became an Act it was going to enforce contract practice upon the whole country. If you get a distinguished lawyer like the right hon. and learned Gentleman opposite who, clearly without ever having read the Act, comes to the conclusion that it is going to enforce contract practice, how can you blame the medical profession for coming to that conclusion? There is not a word from beginning to end about contract practice in the Bill. There is not a word in the Bill that will enforce contract practice. I now come to the consultations after the Bill was introduced. I met the medical profession not once or twice, or even twenty times, but I had endless consultations with them. I met them as a body through the British Medical Association. I met their representatives constantly and incessantly, and I had to negotiate some sort of arrangement between them and the societies. That was the difficulty throughout. On the one hand I had an organisation representing 20,000 or 30,000 doctors, and on the other hand I had the representatives of 4,000,000 or 5,000,000 of their patients. I considered both, and I had to try and do my best to adjust the different views of the various parties.
Even to-day I received a letter from the British Medical Association asking the Insurance Commissioners whether, if the Council passed a Resolution inviting a conference before the Advisory Committee met, would they be prepared to meet them. The Insurance Commissioners answered instantly that they would be delighted to meet them. Of course they would be delighted to meet them, and they have always been ready to meet them. The only quarrel we have had with any body of medical men is that they declined absolutely to meet the Commissioners when invited to do so. That does not apply to the British Medical Association, as my hon. Friend reminds me. What did the medical profession do after the Bill was introduced? They formulated a series of demands. I think I am right in saying that 75 per cent, of those demands were embodied in the Bill in so far as it is possible to embody demands of that character in a Bill at all.
You cannot embody in an Act of Parliament—we have taken up that position as a Government not merely in relation to the medical profession but with other bodies who put the same demand before us—a schedule of prices. That was not a position we took up merely with the medical profession. We took up the same position, for better or for worse, with the miners some little time ago. I do not think on that occasion we got much help from hon. Gentlemen opposite, or at least the miners did not get much help, but there was an attempt made to embody their schedule in an Act of Parliament. The Opposition and their friends took the Government view that when you have got demands which must vary according to the conditions of various districts and neighbourhoods it is impossible without careful examination to embody them in an Act of Parliament, and that the best you can do is to set up machinery for the purpose of settling them. We have set up that machinery. Let me invite the attention of the right hon. and learned Gentleman to this point, because I am answering criticisms made by him. We set up machinery in exactly the same way when there was a similar demand for the miners. We set up machinery to fix the minimum demand, and we could not fix the maximum. This is a point I want the right hon. and learned Gentleman and the medical profession to remember. We put into the Bill the very machinery that the British Medical Association themselves asked for. That has never been acknowledged.
What did we do. They asked for an appeal from the Insurance Commissioners upon every contract that was entered into. They asked for representation upon the local Insurance Committees, and they have got it. They asked that we should recognise a local organisation of doctors in each district and that the local Insurance Committee should be compelled to consult that body before the contract was entered into. We agreed to that. There was not, so far as I can recollect, a single demand made by the doctors with regard to the character of the machinery which was to fix terms that we did not agree to. Surely that ought to be recognised when you come to critcise the attitude of the Government towards the doctors. As my hon. Friend reminds me, they asked that the remuneration rate should not be fixed in the Bill, and perfectly right. It would not have worked well from their point of view. If you fixed the schedule of prices in the Bill, and the prices went down, you would require an Amending Act of Parliament for the purpose. It varies according to the character of the district, and it is a business proposition and far better that it should be fixed from time to time by negotiation between the parties. The doctors recognised that, and we acceded to their demands. We put a Clause in the Act of Parliament enabling these Committees to fix an income limit. An income limit was proposed, but it went no further. At that time there was no guillotine, and it could easily have been carried to a Division. I had not even moved the closure on a single Amendment at that date. It is all very well for the right hon. and learned Gentleman to talk about rushing the Bill through, but up to the point of the doctors' demands being discussed, I had not moved the closure on either an Amendment or a Clause from the beginning to the end of the Bill. We discussed it with the most ample opportunity for everybody to put an Amendment and his case before the Committee.
An Amendment was moved.
I agree, but it was never carried to a Division, and a very good reason why. Everybody recognises that an income limit could not be enforced throughout the Kingdom. Supposing you tried to enforce your income limit in the mining districts, where most of the practice is contract practice, not because the miners want it merely, but because the doctors prefer it, what would happen? One of the doctors, in the reply which he made to the British Medical Association, said that unless it were contract practice he would not get in his bills. That is the way he put it. His time would be taken up in collecting his bills, a great many of which he would never get; whereas now he is assured of his bill by contract methods. Does anyone suggest you could enforce an income limit of £2 in those districts? It is utterly impossible. There are steel and iron works where men who are earning as much as £6 a week, and some of them even more, have a contract with their works doctor, and are given the same terms exactly as the men earning 35s. per week. Is there anyone here who would suggest you should put a Clause in an Act of Parliament which would make an income limit of £2 and deprive those people of the terms they get now? The very doctors themselves in those districts would have objected to it. The income limit is a matter to be discussed in the localities themselves. And you must have regard to the wages of the district and the conditions under which medical practice has been carried on in the past. I agree with the right hon. and learned Gentleman that there has been a good deal of discontent with contract practice—a great deal. I am not going to say it is not justified in many cases. I do say it is justified in many cases. I have no hesitation in saying that the payment in some districts is a perfect scandal. It is not merely a pecuniary objection; it is a professional one, when a doctor feels that he cannot under these conditions do justice to his profession. It is quite impossible he should do so, and he is enabled to do it because he has got other practice which he depends upon for an income. Therefore I would not for a moment attempt to defend certain forms of contract practice, and I would not pretend that the price given to doctors in a great many districts is any return for the most valuable services which one man can render to another. I cannot defend the system of contract practice as a general rule. All I say is this, and I feel I can really challenge contradiction, there is no man in this House who will say you can put an end to contract practice by an Act of Parliament. You cannot. The hon. Member agrees. There are large districts in this country where it is rooted in the very habits of the people, and where the doctors prefer it. Another thing I say is that there are other districts where contract practice would be absolutely unsuitable. The people are not accustomed to it, the doctors are not accustomed to it, and they would take to it very reluctantly, and I do not think it would be a good plan. What I want to invite the attention of the House and the doctors to is this, and I do it, I repeat it, because I think it is so important, and because there has been so much misapprehension about it. There is nothing in this Act that enforces contract practice anywhere. This Act does not prescribe contract practice anywhere. It simply says there shall be provision for medical attendance. I will come in a moment to the provision that can be made in those districts where you have not got contract practice now and where it might be useful in future. I have no desire to extend contract practice, and I never introduced this Act of Parliament with the intention of extending contract practice. Hon. Gentlemen may ask me what are the courses which are open for the medical profession? First of all, where you have got contract practice at the present moment in conditions under which the medical profession are prepared to go on with it, it should be put on a fair and equitable basis. If the pay is inadequate, see that the pay is sufficient in those cases. That is the first case. In some cases it is obviously insufficient, and in the negotiations which take place between the Insurance Commissioners and the Insurance Committees and the profession they ought to ensure that the medical profession get a fair return for their great services in these districts. That is the first condition. I come to the other case where the medical profession will not agree to contract practice, and where, for reasons I need not enter into now, contract practice is unsuitable. I know there are parts of Lancashire where under no condition would the medical profession agree to contract work, and where, so far as I can see, there is no desire on the part of the working classes to compel contract work; where they prefer to go on as they do now, employing the medical men of their choice and paying them for the services rendered. There are two methods by which the Act meets a case of that kind, and they are both—one at least—at work and in operation now very successfully in various parts of Germany. It is that that all the money which is available under the Insurance Act in that particular district for medical work should be put into a pool, very largely under the control of the medical profession, and that at the end of the year, or at the end of six months, according to the convenience of the profession, all the bills for medical attendance upon insured persons should be sent in to that fund, and the money should be divided between the profession in proportion to the bills which are sent in. If the medical profession form their own committee they will constitute a check upon each other, which is very important in order to work a system of that sort fairly, otherwise one medical man might send in a much larger bill than he would have sent in if he was sending it to the patient himself, merely in order to get his proportion from the pool, and get by that means the whole of his payment from the common fund. If there is a deficiency, that deficiency is made up by the patient himself. The third method is that the sum of money which is set aside for medical attendance should be returned to the individual. Some hon. Gentlemen have suggested that unless you make terms by which you provide medical attendance for each insured person and pay the whole of the bill, then these insured persons get nothing. Surely that is not the case. Let us take 6s. as the basis for the moment. How is that 6s. paid? So far as male members are concerned, 2s. 8d. is paid by the insured person, and 3s. 4d. will be paid by the State and the employer between them, so that out of every 6s. that is given to the individual to provide medical attendance for himself 3s. 4d. is contributed by somebody else. Surely that is an enormous improvement upon the present situation, where the whole cost of medical attendance falls upon the person himself. With regard to females the proportion is higher, because the contributions of female members are lower; 2s. 3d. will be paid by the contributor, and 3s. 9d. by the State and the employer. So that in both cases the major part of the contribution towards paying medical attendance, failing agreement or arrangement, will come from other sources than from the contributor himself or herself.
Do I rightly understand that the course which has just been described is that each insured person should have allocated to him 6s. to provide himself with medical attendance during the year?
That is only failing agreement with the medical profession. Supposing that we fail to come to an arrangement with regard to contract terms, or with regard to the pool, the third course will be the course I am indicating, of giving this to the individual himself, as a contribution towards paying his medical expenses for the year.
Will it be paid to the individual or the society?
I am coming to that. The next course is that we should pay that contribution to the society itself. [An HON. MEMBER: "It is not in the Act."] Certainly it is. At any rate, that is the advice that is at the disposal of the Government, and I can assure the House it is advice worth paying some little heed to. We then pay the 6s. to the society. The society pools the amount and makes its own arrangements. Some friendly societies make the arrangement with their medical attendants; other societies make arrangements with local dispensaries in the district and pay over the whole of the sum which is at their disposal for medical attendance to these local dispensaries which employ whole time doctors. That is a system which is working at present. It is a system under which hundreds of thousands of working men are at present being attended to. I agree, from figures which have been put before me by the British Medical Association, that in some of these cases the doctors are very inadequately paid. I have come to that conclusion after hearing both sides. There are others of the doctors fairly well paid. But the Act does this. The average paid by the friendly societies and by these dispensaries at present is 4s. per member, including drugs. This Act enables us to raise that sum by 50 per cent., to improve the quality of the drugs, and even provide more medical aid than is provided at present. There are four courses which are open to the Commissioners and the medical profession.
The hon. Member (Mr. Peel) said there was a certain kind of disease which, under the Act, would have to be attended to by the medical profession, although the friendly societies do not at present throw the responsibility of attending to that disease upon their medical attendants. But he forgets there is another kind of disease which constitutes a much heavier burden upon both friendly societies and the medical profession which is outside the limit of the 6s. I do not know whether he has read the very remarkable Report which has been prepared by the Committee on Tuberculosis. The House and the community owe a deep debt of obligation to the hon. Member (Mr. Astor) for the enormous labour which he has spent upon the preparation of this Report and for the great ability, skill, and patience which he has displayed in the preparation of it, and to the very able colleagues who were associated with him on that occasion. The average friendly society now, in respect of its tubercular patients, pays an average of fifty-eight weeks' sick pay. It is a five-year life, as a rule. The House will see for itself what a burden that imposes upon the medical attendants of that particular society. For fifty-eight weeks a friendly society doctor has to visit that patient, he has to give drugs and medicines, and, as those patients are very numerous, unfortunately—something like 25 per cent, of the whole of the sick pay of these societies is in respect of tubercular patients—
Tuberculosis of the lungs?
I am dealing principally with the lungs. The Report means that the whole burden and expense of curing tuberculosis is put outside the ordinary contract practice of the ordinary normal arrangements between the society and its doctors.
All the cases?
Yes, all the cases. That is the recommendation of the Committee. That makes an enormous difference to a doctor. That is an extra, and I think the medical profession will bear that in mind. What I want to put to the House is this. I do not wish to dogmatise as to the best method of settling this question. All I wish to say is that I hope the House will not interpose any obstacles in the way of a practical settlement which will be satisfactory to all parties. It is the sincere desire of the Government to meet the legitimate wishes of the medical profession. We are in negotiation with them. We have set up, as we promised, during the time the Bill was under consideration an Advisory Committee, consisting of employers and employés, representatives of friendly societies, and representatives of the medical profession. A considerable number of the medical profession have been added on to these. There are thirty-three members of the medical profession on that Advisory Committee out of sixty-one. That is a very considerable proportion, because we have to put on representatives of employers' associations and employés' associations, and we have also had to add others who had a general knowledge of questions of this kind. I think on the whole everybody will consider that a very liberal allowance has been given to the medical profession on that body. But that is not all. This body can appoint sub-committees to deal with these matters, and on these the medical representation would naturally be very considerable. Then these problems are to be considered by a body of experts who will be perfectly impartial. We have not chosen the representatives. We have added on some it is true, but the bulk have been chosen by the associations themselves, and I think all the employers' associations have chosen their own representatives. You have got a body quite impartial to the medical profession, and we must wait their report before we pronounce any opinion on the best methods. I do not think it is an unreasonable demand to make, and I appeal not only to the House of Commons, but to the individual Members of the House during the course of the next few weeks to assist in bringing those negotiations to a successful conclusion rather than to put obstacles in the way, and I am perfectly certain there will be a patriotic response to that appeal. After all, it is a matter of very great consequence not only to this great profession, but to the 15,000,000 insured persons and their families that the best medical attendance should be given. I would like to say nothing with regard to the demands of the doctors except this: I think everyone will agree that an addition of £3,000,000 to the provision of £4,500,000, and in addition to £1,000,000 for tuberculosis, making £5,500,000 for medical attendance, and also 30s. for each case of maternity benefit which amounts to about £1,500,000 —to ask in addition to that that we should begin by adding £3,000,000, and to put a penny a week on workers, a penny a week on employers, or a penny on the Income Tax payer is, I think, a demand which even the friends of the medical profession will regard as excessive. I am not complaining that they should put forward their highest demands. It is a subject for negotiations.
We shall enter into these negotiations without any prejudice at all. We shall enter into them with a view to seeing that the profession is adequately remunerated for the very great, onerous and responsible work that is cast upon it. But I want the House and all those engaged in this controversy to remember that we must take into account not merely the interests of the profession, which are great, but also the interests of these millions of people who are insured persons. And I cannot help feeling that if you have got on both sides a negotiating temper this can be done. I have had the pleasure and privilege of meeting representatives of the medical profession when we were discussing the question of machinery, and whatever controversy might have been outside, as far as those negotiations were concerned they were always conducted in the most friendly and practical and businesslike spirit, and I am sure that the same thing will happen again. I do not say that it will be possible to get through an arrangement with the medical profession without inviting the House of Commons to make some additional provision for medical attendance. I do not express any opinion on that subject. That is a matter which will be made clearer when we have embarked on these negotiations. There is only one observation to make in reference to those who claim that insurance as a whole is necessarily dependent upon medical attendance. One of the greatest insurance societies in this country is the Hearts of Oak. They conducted their business, for I forget how many years, without any medical attendance at all and they have got hundreds of thousands of members. The trade unions have benefits, but they have no medical attendance. Both the Hearts of Oak and the trade unions allow medical attendance to be arranged for outside. In Ireland, where I am very pleased to say the proceedings in reference to the Act are progressing satisfactorily according to all the reports which I hear—there by the request of the Irish members as a body there was no provision for medical attendance at all, and still the arrangements for insurance are proceeding. After all the very considerable provisions in this Act have nothing whatever to do with medical attendance. There is the provision for sick pay during twenty-six weeks of sickness. There is the provision for invalidity of 5s. a week as long as it lasts. The right hon. Gentleman in his concluding observations said that the mistake we made was to provide medical attendance at all. He said that the people were satisfied with the friendly society arrangements in that respect. All I can say is that the medical profession were not satisfied.
I said that the arrangements required modification, but medical relief was much better administered by voluntary aid.
Of course, but what the right hon. Gentleman forgets is that in this Act we have made provision for improving the pay given by friendly societies for medical attendance. There is provision for an increased pay of 50 per cent, in the arrangements made by friendly societies. They must bear in mind that there is a very considerable pressure brought to bear upon them now by friendly societies representing millions of members, to have the money for medical attendance handed over to them, and to leave it to them to deal with the doctors in their own discretion. I confess that here I am not quite in agreement with my hon. Friends. I think it is far better that these arrangements should be made, if possible, by the machinery which is provided by the Act, because it is machinery that provides elaborate precautions for the purpose of protecting the doctors against any unfair bargains being imposed by competition amongst themselves. If the terms of the friendly societies are low, if there are any terms paid by the friendly societies that sweat the doctors at the present moment in any district, the doctors themselves are very largely to blame. There are districts where doctors have undertaken to do the work for half-a-crown a patient. It is not merely the friendly societies; it is the competition among the doctors themselves. I think hon. Members will admit that.
No; it was done in charity, and there were no other means of helping these people.
I would be the last man in the world to depreciate the charity of the doctors. I know the enormous sacrifices they make. They attend patients who, they know perfectly well, can never pay them. I know of doctors who have gone to patients with large bills on their books, and who have attended them although they knew that they would not get either the old or the new. As I have said before, I would be the very last man in the world to depreciate the charity of the doctors. What I do say is that in many of these cases it has been due entirely to competition. One word in conclusion in regard to this Motion. I have no objection to it. All it says is, "That this House is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken by the Government to ensure the co-operation of the medical profession in the administration of the National Insurance Act"—we are taking those steps. We are meeting the Advisory Committee next week. We have this very day offered to meet the British Medical Association, and we have received a letter from them on that subject. Therefore so far as that part is concerned there is no objection—"that until such co-operation is ensured, the Act will fail efficiently to provide medical benefit." Personally, therefore, I have absolutely no objection as far as that portion is concerned with the terms of the Motion. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I do not know whether that was a cheer of gratification or a cheer of disappointment. If I may express my opinion I will tell hon. Members what it is. They thought to have a first class party rag—[HON. MEMBERS: "No"]—without the slightest regard to the great issues that were involved. I decline to take any part in that. I know the gravity and responsibility that rests upon those who have got to administer medical benefit, and it is in that spirit I made the observations which I made.
rose in his place, and claimed to move "That the Question be now put."
Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.
Question put accordingly, and agreed to.
Resolved, That this House is of opinion that immediate steps should be taken by the Government to ensure the co-operation of the medical profession in the administration of the National Insurance Act, and that, until such co-operation is ensured, the Act will fail efficiently to provide medical benefit.
Adjourned at Two minutes after Eleven o'clock.