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Commons Chamber

Volume 37: debated on Thursday 2 May 1912

House of Commons

Thursday, May 2, 1912

Private Business

Provisional Order Bills (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with)—Mr. Speaker laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—

Gas and Water Provisional Qrders Bill.

Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.

Birmingham Corporation Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Wirrall Railway (Extension of Time) Bill [ Lords ],

Read the third time, and passed, without Amendment.

National Electric Construction Company Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday next.

Metropolitan Railway Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Midland Railway Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Fylde Water Board Bill,

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Dublin and South Eastern Railway Bill and Dublin and South Eastern Railway (New Works) Bill, consolidated into "Dublin and South Eastern Railway Bill."

Reported with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Tendring Hundred Water and Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Sidmouth Urban District Council Bill [ Lords ],

Great Eastern Railway Bill.

Reported with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, " An Act for incorporating the North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Company; and for other purposes." [North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Bill [ Lords. ]

Ancient Monuments Consolidation and Amendment Bill [ Lords ], Ancient Monuments Protection Bill [ Lords ], and Ancient Monuments Protection (No. 2) Bill [ lords ], —That they communicate that they have come to the following Resolution, viz.: That it is desirable that the Ancient Monuments Consolidation and Amendment Bill [ Lords ], the Ancient Monuments Protection Bill [ Lords ], and the Ancient Monuments Protection (No. 2) Bill [ lords ] be referred to a Joint Committee of both Houses of Parliament.

North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Bill [ Lords ],

Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

National Health Insurance (Joint Committee)

Copy presented of Table of Reserve Values for Male Insured Persons [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Table showing Voluntary Rate for Male Insured Persons entering into Insurance before the 15th January, 19(13 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Table showing Voluntary Rate for Male Insured Persons entering into Insurance on or after the 15th January, 1913 [by Command]; to he upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copy presented of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, No. 4856 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Miscellaneous Series)

Copy presented of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Miscellaneous Series, No. 681 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Ecclesiastical Commission (Grants) (Wales and Monmouthshire)

Return presented relative thereto [Address 11th March; Mr. Hoare ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No 117.]

British Museum

Petition of the Trustees of the British Museum, for Grant-in-Aid [presented 22nd February]; referred to the Committee of Supply.

United Kingdom (Trade, Commerce, and Condition of People)

Return ordered, "for the United Kingdom for each of the years 1831, 1841, 1851, 1861, 1871, 1881, 1891, 1901, 1906, 1907, 1908, 1909, 1910, and 1911, showing the following particulars so far as available: (1) Population (millions); (2) Death Rate per Thousand; (3) Birth Rate per Thousand; (4) Paupers, total average number, Indoor and Outdoor; (5) Number of Paupers per 10,000 of the Population; (6) Total Cost of Poor Relief; (7) Net Passenger Movement outwards to Places out of Europe; (8) Average Gazette Price per Quarter of Wheat, Barley, and Oats; (9) Average Price of Beef at the Metropolitan Cattle Market; (10) Total Value of the Imports of Grain, Corn, and Flour; (11) Total Value of the Imports of Meat, Alive and Dead; (12) Total Value of the Imports of Food and Drink (exclusive of Tobacco); (13) Total Value of the Imports of Food and Drink (exclusive of Tobacco) from British Colonies and Possessions; (14) Total Value of the Imports of Food and Drink (exclusive of Tobacco) per Head of Population; (15) Total Quantity of Homegrown and Imported Wheat and Wheat-flour retained for Home Consumption; (16) Consumption of Wheat and Wheat-flour per Head of Population; (17) Value of Fish of British Taking landed on the Coasts of the United Kingdom; (18) Net Imports of Merchandise (deducting Re-exports), Total Value and Value per Head of Population; (19) Exports of the Produce and Manufactures of the United Kingdom, Total Value and Value per Head of Population; (20) Imports of Bullion and Specie; (21) Exports of Bullion and Specie; (22) Income Tax, Yield of each Penny; (23) Gross Income brought under Income Tax; (24) Amount standing to Credit of Depositors in Post Office and Trustee Savings Banks; (25) Consumption of Pig Iron per Head of Population; (26) Total Registered Tonnage of British Shipping; (27) Tonnage of British Shipping entered and cleared in the Foreign Trade at Ports in the United Kingdom; (28) Tonnage of Foreign Shipping entered and cleared in the Foreign Trade at Ports in the United Kingdom; and (29) Total Clearings at the London Bankers' Clearing House (in continuation of Parliamentary Paper, No. 133, of Session 1911).—[ Mr. Essex. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Cape Guardafui (Lighthouse Accommodation)

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether his attention has been drawn to the desirability of establishing a lighthouse on Cape Guardafui, the easternmost point of Africa, in view of the dangerous character of the adjoining coast and the fact that such a light would be made by all the ships coming from the East and from the East Coast of Africa, and would render their navigation safer; whether any negotiations have taken place with the Italian Government for the establishment of such a lighthouse; and, if so, what is the present position of such negotiations?

The question of erecting a lighthouse on Cape Guardafui has been under consideration at intervals for many years, and in 1901 proposals were made by the Italian Government for placing a light on the upper part of the Cape. His Majesty's Government accepted in principle the scheme of the Italian Government on condition that it was also accepted by the Governments of other countries interested and that satisfactory arrangements could be made as to the amount of dues to be charged and the method of collection. The difficulties as to the collection of dues at particular ports not in Italian territory were found to be insuperable, and the negotiations with the Italian Ambassador were discontinued in 1908, but His Majesty's Government are still not without hope that a scheme may be devised which will be satisfactory to this and the other maritime countries interested.

National Institute of Life Assurance (Italy)

asked with reference to the proposal of the Italian Government to establish a national institute of life assurance in Italy without due regard to the existing and well-established rights and interests of the numerous insurance companies of various nationalities which have existed in that country for many years, if the right hon. Gentleman can state what are the latest developments of this question, more especially with regard to the representations made to the Italian Government by His Majesty's Ambassador at Rome and by other Powers; and if he can say whether any proposal has been made to the Italian Government by any Power to submit the question of these rights to The Hague Tribunal, and, if not, whether he would consider the advisability of joint action in this direction with the other Powers interested?

His Majesty's Ambassador at Rome will be instructed to inquire when a reply may be expected to the representations addressed to the Italian Government on this subject. I have not heard that any Power has proposed to the Italian Government to submit the questions at issue to The Hague Tribunal, but the point will be borne in mind by His Majesty's Government.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Consultative Committee of France, a committee composed of most eminent men, corresponding in authority and importance to the committee of our Privy Council, has examined the question, and unanimously reported that it is a subject fit for reference to The Hague Tribunal?

I was not aware of that. Of course I gather from what my hon. Friend has said that that does not mean that the French Government have necessarily put forward that proposition.

Chinese Government Loans

asked if the right hon. Gentleman has sanctioned the further loans which are being made to the Chinese Government by the groups of bankers representing certain great Powers; and, if this is the fact, if he has sanctioned the terms which are being obtained from the Chinese Government for these loans, and if the independence of China is being safeguarded in the matter?

Certain advances are being made by a British financial group, in association with American, French, German, Japanese, and Russian financial groups, to the Chinese Government to meet their immediate requirements, on conditions which appear to provide the necessary security. We have expressed approval of this proceeding which, of course, entails no pecuniary liability upon His Majesty's Government. Negotiations are now proceeding with the other Governments interested in regard to a organisation loan to China which will cover these advances and the conditions of which will provide for adequate guarantees for the proper and useful expenditure of the proceeds and satisfactory security for the payment of principal and interest. Pending the issue of these negotiations I am not in a position to give any further information on the subject.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say anything in regard to the independence of China being safeguarded in these negotiations?

Nobody wishes to infringe the independence of China in any way. If China wants to borrow money, of course it is for the groups of bankers proposing to lend the money and the Governments concerned to stipulate the conditions on which proper security shall be afforded. There is not necessarily in that anything to infringe the independence of China, but, of course, until the conditions are arranged I cannot say what they are.

Steamships "Menzaleh" and "Tantah" (Seizure by Italians)

asked if the right hon. Gentleman will state under what authority the steamship "Menzaleh," a vessel on passage from Suez to Aden, and belonging to the Khedivial Mail Steamship and Graving Dock Company, Limited, an English company, and flying the British flag, was stopped by the Italian warship "Calabria" on the 21st December, 1911, outside Jeddah, and the mails, containing £919 shipped by the Ottoman Post Office at Constantinople to the Post Office at Hodeidah, seized by that vessel, seeing that by the conditions of The Hague Conference of 1907 mails are absolutely inviolable?

The right of visit and search of neutral vessels by the public ships of belligerents is well recognised and cannot be contested. His Majesty's Government have already addressed a representation to the Italian Government on the impropriety of interfering with mails carried by neutral vessels, but inasmuch as The Hague Convention No. 11 of 1907 has not been ratified by Italy His Majesty's Government are not entitled to insist on the strict observance of its terms, and their remonstrance has accordingly been based on general well-recognised principles. With regard to the specie seized on board the " Menzaleh," which at the time of the seizure was on her way to Jeddah, a Turkish port, His Majesty's Government consider that the question whether the seizure was justifiable or otherwise is primarily one for the consideration of the Prize Court of the captor, and His Majesty's Government have accordingly strongly urged that the matter should be brought before that tribunal for adjudication.

asked if the right hon. Gentleman will state on what authority the steamship "Tantah," a vessel belonging to the Khedevial Mail Steamship and Graving Dock Company, Limited, an English company, and flying the British flag, was boarded at Massowah by the local Italian authorities on the 15th November, 1911, and a first-class passenger named Mehmet Faik Bey, who is an Ottoman Customs inspector and not a belligerent, was taken ashore and imprisoned and still remains a prisoner; and whether the legality of such seizure and detention is to be submitted to a Prize "Court, and when the decision of that Prize court is likely to be known?

The right of arrest of a suspected person on board a merchant ship in the territorial waters of a foreign State by the authorities of that State is one that is well recognised in International Law, and consequently His Majesty's Government have no ground for taking exception to the proceedings on that score, nor is it a matter for a Prize Court.

Land Purchase (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if the sale of the county Kilkenny estates of Viscount Mountgarret are yet completed; if so, if the portions of 130 Irish acres in Ballyconra and 90 in Lisdowney, respectively held by a man named Fitzgerald, of Waterford, are included in the sale; is he aware that these were lands from which tenants were evicted within the statutory limit; is he aware that Mr. Fitzgerald holds over 1,000 acres of such lands for most of which he did not pay a penny compensation to anybody; and will steps be taken to secure that these lands are not included, but will be reserved for distribution amongst those who may be entitled to portions thereof?

The reply to the first paragraph of the question is in the negative and to the second paragraph in the affirmative. The lands referred to are tenanted lands and are not therefore available for distribution as untenanted land. The Estates Commissioners have received an application from a person who states his father held portion of these lands at one time. They are not prepared to take any action in regard to such application, and they have no information as regards the other matters referred to in the question.

asked when the Land Commission Report for the last financial year will be published; whether seven millions of property are sold every year; whether the cost of the Land Commission is a million a year to carry out these sales; what was the money value of the agreements for sale lodged the last financial year; how many Sub-Commissions are there now for fixing fair rent; what is the money value of the fair rents fixed during the last financial year; and is there any way by which sales can be carried out before eight years have elapsed after the agreements are lodged?

The annual Reports of the Irish Land Commission and the Estates Commissioners are at present in course of preparation and will, it is anticipated, be presented to Parliament at an early date, when the hon. Member will be able to obtain from them all the information now asked for respecting the proceedings of the Land Commission and the Estates Commissioners. As regards the amount of property sold, it may be stated that in the year ended the 31st March last, advances were made to the total amount of no less than £7,965,068, which was greater than the amount advanced in any previous financial year. The hon. Member is under a misapprehension as to the cost of the Irish Land Commission. It will be seen from the Estimates for 1912ȓ13, that the net cost is £618,147, and that this sum includes provision for dividend and sinking fund upon stock required for the Land Purchase Aid Fund, Excess Stock, and Improvement of Estates.

Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the sales he refers to are under the 1902 Act?

asked whether the Congested Districts Board made an inspection of the Monatique Farm, Athenry, the property of Mr. M'Donagh, Galway; has the farm been purchased by the Board; and, if so, when does the Board expect to be able to deal with this farm?

This estate has been inspected, and the Congested Districts Board hope to be in a position to consider the question of making an offer for purchase of the property at an early date.

Could the right hon. Gentleman give me any idea when the people may expect this estate to be dealt with?

I have been asking this question for two or three years? Will the right hon. Gentleman bring it to the notice of the Commission?

I will communicate with the Board, but they are simply smothered with cases.

National School Teachers (Ireland)

asked whether the twenty-nine teachers who completed their two years' training in 1900 and were appointed to schools with an average attendance of between thirty and fifty had the same classification; can he state why the payment of the ordinary salary (£56) would work inequitably in the case of two of them when, in the judgment of the Commissioners, it worked equitably in the case of the remaining twenty-seven; and whether he will explain why the Commissioners, when they gave special consideration to two of their number, did not give the same consideration to all?

The Commissioners of National Education inform me that the teachers referred to were all second-class teachers. The Commissioners considered the circumstances of all these teachers, and in regard to twenty-seven of them they could find no adequate reason for awarding exceptional incomes under the new Regulations. In two cases the Commissioners were of opinion that the strict application of the new scale of remuneration would have operated inequitably.

Local Government Elections (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary whether his attention has been called to the fact that it is impossible under the present procedure for a returning officer at local government elections to have his costs and witnesses' expenses refunded to him, unless the accused are returned for trial, owing to the refusal of the Crown to issue the certificate and order on the county treasurer which are usual in these cases; and whether he will move the Crown authorities to issue the necessary certificate in cases where it is applied for, as otherwise there is no authority to the county treasurer to pay sums incurred as costs?

The refusal of the Crown to issue the certificates referred to is explained by the terms of the 24th Section of the Ballot Act, which, as interpreted by the Law Officers, is confined to cases which have been brought to trial, and does not extend to cases in which informations are refused at Petty Sessions.

Might I ask whether the Crown would have any objection to issuing the certificate in this case?

Can the right hon. Gentleman suggest any means by which the returning officer can get his costs and the; witnesses' expenses refunded to him when the Crown refuse to issue the certificate.

Outrages (Ireland)

asked when the Return, standing in the name of the hon. Member for East Down, of firing, etc., outrages will be issued?

The Return is approaching completion, and it is hoped that it will be presented in a few days.

Will it be presented before the close of the Debate on the Second Reading of the Government of Ireland Bill?

Would the right hon. Gentleman, in view of the importance of this subject, see that is done?

Tobacco Growing Industry (Ireland)

asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) when he will be in a position to state what are the arrangements made with the Development Commissioners for the further encouragement and conduct of the tobacco-growing industry in Ireland?

The Department have not yet been apprised of the decision of the Development Commissioners on their application.

Would the right hon. Gentleman indicate when this matter is likely to be dealt with?

The hon. Gentleman knows the Department has made an application for a grant for this purpose. We made the application some time ago, and presented a scheme for carrying it out; but the negotiations are not complete.

Kilmore Harbour

asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland), if he is aware that the dredger was not sent to Kilmore according to promise and that dissatisfaction exists there amongst fishermen and others who use the harbour; and can he say when dredging will commence at Kilmore?

Kilmore is the first on the list of places to which the Department's hopper dredging plant will be sent. It will be towed there as soon as it is ready and weather permits.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that he promised one of the North of Ireland harbours should be first on the list?

British East Africa Protectorate

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies what steps have been taken in the last twelve months to improve the financial position of officials in the British East Africa Protectorate?

I am glad to say that it has been found possible to effect a substantial improvement in the scales of pay of certain Departments, including the Administrative staff, on the Estimates for the current financial year. I regret that I am not yet in a position to give the details, as some minor questions connected with the change are still outstanding.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will consider making these new Regulations retrospective for five years, so as to benefit those officials who have already served for many years in the British East Africa Protectorate?

I am afraid I could not treat the question retrospectively unless the Treasury approved.

Somaliland

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can give the House any information as to the state of affairs in Somaliland and the positions held by the Mullah and his followers?

I am awaiting a Memorandum from the Commissioner on the general situation in the Protectorate, and I am unable to make any statement until I have received and considered it. It is difficult to obtain reliable information regarding the movements of the Mullah and his followers, and I have nothing that I can usefully communicate with regard to "their present positions.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say when this Mullah ceased to be called the "Mad Mullah"?

I think my hon. Friend is confusing him with another gentleman of the same name.

Wireless Telegraphy (Trinidad Station)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, with reference to his statement that the Poulsen Company had been invited to tender for a wireless station in Trinidad and had declined, he is aware that the time given (ten days) was too short to give them any opportunity of tendering; and whether, in future, in calling for tenders for wireless installations, ample time may be given to the companies concerned?

In the case of the Trinidad tenders the Governor had reported that the matter was exceedingly urgent. In ordinary cases a longer time than ten days would be allowed.

South Africa (Native Labour)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the dissatisfaction and unrest among the white population on the Rand, owing to certain outrages recently committed by certain members of the native population; whether proposals have been or are about to be made in the Union Parliament to confine the native population in compounds; and whether, in view of the opinion expressed by Members of the Government of this country as to the evils and degradation inflicted on Chinese indentured labour under the compound system, it is his intention to make any representation to the Union Legislature should any such proposals be in fact made the subject of legislation?

I have no information beyond what appears in the Press, and I do not, as at present advised, propose to make representations to the Union Government.

Workmen's Compensation Act (Scheduled Diseases)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if the inquiry into diseases which should be scheduled under the Workmen's Compensation Act will include carbon-monoxide poisoning; and, if not, whether he will consider the desirability of extending the scope of the inquiry to admit of this being done?

The inquiry does not include carbon-monoxide poisoning. The previous Committee which inquired into the subject of the application of the Compensation Act to industrial diseases reported that the evidence was to the effect that poisoning by carbon-monoxide gas was almost invariably sudden, and therefore as an accident entitled the injured person to compensation. They held that they had no sufficient evidence of slow poisoning by carbon-monoxide to show that it could be regarded as a trade disease. Attention was called by my hon. Friend in 1909 to a case which appeared to be one of gradual poisoning by the gas, and the matter has been carefully watched since. No further cases, however, have come to light, nor has any fresh evidence on the subject been obtained; and in the circumstances, it does not seem that anything would be gained by reopening the question.

Released Prisoners

asked if, and in what circumstances, persons released from prison have periodically to report themselves to the police?

Convicts under sentence of penal servitude are allowed to serve part of their sentence on licence, and during the time they are in this way at large on licence, they are required by the Penal Servitude Acts to report to the police, unless this requirement is specially remitted by the Secretary of State, as is frequently done in suitable cases. Further, criminals of bad antecedents coming within Section 8 of the Prevention of Crimes Act, 1871, may by special order of the Court convicting them, be placed under police supervision for a term of years—not exceeding seven—after the expiration of their sentence of imprisonment or penal servitude, and are then required by the Statute to report to the police in the same manner as convicts at large on licence.

Quarry (Fencing) Act, 1887

asked the Home Secretary if his attention has been directed to the drowning of two children in a pit at some disused brickworks on the Gorringe Park estate, near Mitcham; and whether, having regard to the number of such accidents due to the unprotected state in which disused clay and other pits are left, he will consider the advisability of introducing legislation to amend the Quarry (Fencing) Act, 1887, so as to require that dangerous pits at all accessible to the public shall be properly fenced?

My attention has been called to this case, and I have made inquiry of the Coroner as to the circumstances. It appeared from the evidence given at the inquest that the pit in question, though close to the highway, was separated from it by a secure and sufficient fence, and was only accessible from the railway or by trespassing for a considerable distance over vacant building land. The question whether it is desirable to strengthen the provisions of the Quarry Fencing Act with a view to securing greater safety for the public is now before the Royal Commission on Metalliferous Mines and Quarries, and will come up for consideration, with other proposals, for the amendment of the law relating to quarries, when the Commission's Report is received.

Youthful Offenders (Wandsworth)

asked the Home "Secretary whether he has made the inquiry promised to the hon. Member for North Salford into the case of two boys imprisoned at Wandsworth in default of a fine of 2s. 6d.; and, if so, with what result?

I have made inquiry. Four youths, all above the age of sixteen, were charged with gaming in the street and pleaded guilty and were fined 2s. 6d. each. One paid the fine, one asked for and was given time to pay; the other two chose to go to prison at once. They belonged to a gang about whom many complaints had been received, and one of the two had been previously convicted and bound over. Street gaming is both a public nuisance and a source of demoralisation; and unless it is to be allowed to go on unchecked, it is absolutely necessary that offenders should be punished. The penalty imposed was a very lenient one, and as the law stands, it seems to me no other course was open to the magistrate.

Does that mean that if they do not have 2s. 6d. in their pockets they must go to prison?

Oh, no, they would be given time in which to pay if they asked for it. One was given time.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say whether "gaming in the streets" means marbles or pitch and toss?

May I ask whether in any future case he will apply to me for the 2s. 6d.?

Life-Saving Appliances

asked the Home Secretary whether, seeing the time that must elapse before a permanent museum can be opened and also the interest taken in the matter at the present, he will arrange a temporary exhibition of live-saving appliances, particularly for use in mines, in fires, and at sea, for an early date?

So far as regards life-saving appliances for use in mines and at fires, I am afraid my Department cannot undertake to organise a temporary exhibition as suggested. Several temporary exhibitions of rescue and other safety appliances for use in mines have been held in recent years. A large exhibition of fire appliances was held in London in 1903, and the British Fire Prevention Committee have a small permanent exhibition which, I understand, includes some life-saving appliances, and can be visited by the public. I am not aware that any special demand or need exists at the present moment for another temporary exhibition. The question of life-saving appliances for use at sea does not come within the jurisdiction of my Department.

Historical Manuscripts Commission

asked the Home Secretary what are the duties imposed on the Historical Manuscripts Commission; what is the cost of the Commission annually; what number of copies of its publications were issued; and what number were sold to the public last year?

The duties of the Commissioners are to examine collections of papers belonging to institutions and private persons, a knowledge of which would be of utility in the illustration of history, constitutional law, science, and general literature, and to publish reports on such papers as are of general public interest. The annual cost of the Commission is about £1,800 to £l,900, apart from about £500 for stationery and printing. Six thousand one hundred and forty-eight copies of the Commission's various publications were issued last year, of which 2,141 were sold to the public. The net receipts from the sale of these copies were £165.

Arising out of that answer, is the matter of the spoliation of Ecclesiastical estates in past times within the scope of this Commission?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether he thinks his Department get value for their money so invested?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether these volumes are not available in the public libraries throughout the country?

Yes; that is one source through which the information is communicated to the public.

asked the Home Secretary whether it is within his power to direct the operations of the Historical Manuscripts Commission so that special attention may be from time to time given to elucidation of questions of general public interest; and, if he has this power, whether he will call for a volume showing the documentary evidence bearing on the spoliation of ancient ecclesiastical endowments and the appropriation of religious or ecclesiastical properties by private persons?

The Commissioners act in accordance with the instructions contained in the warrant of appointment, and I have no power to ask them to enter the interesting field of investigation suggested by my hon. Friend.

If the right hon. Gentleman has not the power to command, has he the power to suggest to them?

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that all these particulars are published in the current State Papers?

Metropolitan Police (Ex-Inspector Syme)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state how many London Liberal and Radical associations and clubs have appealed to him to grant a public inquiry into the reasons leading up to the discharge of Inspector Syme, late an officer in the Metropolitan Police; and whether he intends taking any steps to secure such an inquiry?

I have received representations of this kind from four political associations within the London area. I see no reason to doubt the decision of my two predecessors in this case, to which they gave patient and exhaustive consideration.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us the difference between a Liberal and a Radical?

It is difficult to define, but privately I will communicate it to the hon. Gentleman.

Alleged Outrage at Bicester

asked the Home Secretary whether his attention has been called to an occurrence at a Bicester hotel on 11th April, when four gentlemen broke into the bedrooms of Miss Sheepshanks, the daughter of the Bishop of Norwich, and Miss Philippa Faucett, at 10.45 at night, and proceeded to rag their rooms and clothes, on the ground, apparently, that they were suffragettes; whether he is aware that no proceedings could be taken because, being wealthy gentlemen, there could be no presumption of a desire to steal connected with the breaking in; and whether he proposes to take any steps to prevent such incidents in future?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers the question, may I ask whether the hon. Member is correct in describing one of the ladies as a daughter of the Bishop of Norwich?

I have no information on the subject. My attention has not previously been called to this affair, but I am making inquiry.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will make special inquiry as to whether two of these gentlemen are not gentlemen who hold His Majesty's commission?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether, in directing this inquiry he will consult the Law Officers of the Crown as to whether there are no means of dealing under the existing criminal law with disgusting offences of this kind?

Will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to find out the names of the four gentlemen?

I do not know anything about the circumstances of the case, but I will inquire.

Will independent investigation be made or only through the police on the spot?

Is the right hon. Gentleman not aware that the police on the spot have this matter already before them, and that if he only inquires through them into the circumstances he is not getting independent investigation?

Surely the police will give independent testimony as to what took place. I cannot say what further evidence will be necessary. I will inquire further. I cannot say more.

If the hon. Member has any further question to ask he had better put it down.

Milk Bill

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has received a request from the National Union of Dairy Employés to receive a deputation on the question of inserting in the forthcoming Milk Bill provisions regarding the conditions of labour of dairy employés; and whether he is prepared to accede to the request?

I have received the request referred to, and am willing to receive a deputation; but, as I intimated on 12th March, I do not think the matters they complain of could properly be dealt with in the Milk Bill.

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether it is still his intention to reintroduce the Milk and Dairies Bill this Session; and, if so, whether he can state when he proposes to do so?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, but I cannot yet fix a day for the introduction of the Bill.

Mountain Ash Waterworks

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that the magistrates at Cefn, on Thursday, 25tb April, made an order for the abatement of overcrowding consequent upon the lack of accommodation for navvies employed upon the new waterworks for the Mountain Ash Council, and that in the case in question thirteen persons were sleeping in a two-room cottage; what steps were taken to comply with Standing Order 184A when the local authority obtained powers from Parliament to construct the waterworks; and whether the Local Government Board will take immediate action to assist in abating the overcrowding in connection with this undertaking?

I am informed that there have been two prosecutions for overcrowding at Hirwain, where some of the navvies on the works in question have been accommodated, but I have received no details of the cases. The Standing Order referred to was not made when the local authority obtained their powers. I have had these works visited by one of my inspectors on more than one occasion, and am doing what I can to secure the abatement of overcrowding.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Breconshire County Council tried to get a Clause to prevent these occurrences inserted when the Bill was in Committee, and will he in view of the fact that there are similarly important public works now before a Committee of this House draw special attention to the Standing Order relating to this subject?

I am informed of the fact that a Parliamentary Committee was asked by the county council referred to to insert such a Clause, and refused. I am pleased to say that all the Committees of the House are seized of the importance of this matter, and I think we can trust them to do their duty in this matter.

Underfed Children (Meals)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he is aware that the North Kensington Care Committee has written to the Hammersmith Board of Guardians declining to give dinners to a lad named Charles Roberts on the grounds that as the child is in receipt of outdoor relief such relief should be adequate for its needs; and whether he will take steps to compel the Hammersmith Board of Guardians to adequately relieve this and similar cases, or induce the education authority to provide meals in accordance with the provisions of the Education (Provision of Meals) Act?

My attention had not been called to this case. I am in communication with the guardians on the subject.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will also communicate with his colleague, the President of the Board of Education, on the matter, so that the care committees or boards of guardians can see that the children are not underfed?

Old Age Pensions

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has received any resolutions from boards of guardians asking for an amendment of the Old Age Pensions Act to permit boards of guardians to recover the cost of maintenance of old age pensioners who have become chargeable to the common fund by making it obligatory on pension officers to issue orders for the payment of pensions falling due to such pensioners during the period of chargeability direct to the guardians; and whether he proposes to introduce legislation to this effect?

I have received from some fifty boards of guardians in England and Wales resolutions to the effect stated in the question. Whether any such action should be taken as is suggested is a matter for the consideration of the Treasury rather than the Local Government Board, and I am forwarding to the Treasury a statement of the effect of the representations received from the guardians.

Co-partnership Tenants, Limited

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he has received a communication from the Ealing and Hampstead Associations of Tenant Co-partners, alleging that the Co-partnership Tenants, Limited, are violating Clause 17 (2) of the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, 1893, in refusing to allow members to inspect the books of the societies named in the manner prescribed by the said Act; and, if so, whether he is able to make any statement thereon?

I am informed that the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies, who is responsible for the administration of the Industrial and Provident Societies Act, has received no communication from the Ealing and Hampstead Associations on this subject.

Railways Bill

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is receiving remonstrances from the trading and commercial classes against the proposals of the Railways Bill; and whether he proposes to go on with it?

I have received a number of representations with regard to some of the provisions of the Bill. Most of these representations appear to me to be based on misapprehension of the intention and effect of the Bill. This is owing, no doubt, in part to the highly technical character of the subject matter. I shall at all times be glad to do what I can to remove any of these misunderstandings, and to meet reasonable criticisms. Perhaps my hon. Friend may care to discuss the matter with me. There is every intention of proceeding with the Bill.

Motor Auxiliary Vessels (Signals)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state how long motor auxiliary vessels have been common on the high seas, and when it is proposed to establish such signals for a motor auxiliary vessel as will show when she is using her engine to avoid a collision at sea?

It is only during the last few years that sea-going vessels fitted with auxiliary motors have become at all numerous. As the hon. Member is doubtless aware, practically all the maritime countries of the world are parties to the collision regulations, and steps are now being taken to obtain international consent to an alteration specifying a distinctive signal for vessels proceeding under sail and mechanical power simultaneously.

Will the right hon. Gentleman do his best to expedite these proceedings, as the season when these vessels are largely used is coming on?

Enclosure Acts (Common Lands)

asked the Prime Minister whether his attention has been called to the large acreage of land, formerly common lands accessible to the people, subsequently enclosed under various Enclosure Acts and turned into estates attached to bishoprics and other ecclesiastical bodies; whether these lands are now held by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners in trust for the Church; and whether he will cause an inquiry to be made into the extent and present character of these lands, or, alternatively, introduce legislation for the complete restoration of them to national purposes, and in so doing making them especially available for small agricultural holders?

The Prime Minister has asked me to reply to this question. I am informed that the lands allotted to Bishops, Deans, and Chapters, or other Ecclesiastical Corporations (other than the Incumbents of Benefices) upon enclosures made under the provisions of special Acts are in the main, and with the exception of such parts as have been sold or otherwise disposed of, now in the possession of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners; but I am unable to make any statement as to the extent of such lands. I am further informed that Ecclesiastical Corporations became entitled to allotments upon enclosures precisely in the same way and upon the same grounds as the Crown and private persons, that is to say, in exchange for antecedent rights. It would not be possible now to repeal the Enclosure Acts, and to replace the holders in the original position of their predecessors in title.

Housing of Working Classes Bill

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the fact that the Committee stage of the Housing of the Working Classes Bill will be taken shortly, he is prepared to propose in Committee of the Whole House a financial Resolution to give effect to Clauses 11 and 12 of the Bill, by which it is proposed to make an annual Grant for housing purposes and to pay the salaries and expenses of the Housing Commissioners?

No, Sir, I am not prepared to introduce such a Resolution, for the reasons indicated in the speech of my right hon. Friend the President of the Local Government Board on the Second Reading Debate on 15th March.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that this Bill was given its Second Reading willingly on the advice of the President of the Local Government Board, and, further, that the Chancellor of the Exchequer has £6,500,000 up his sleeve, which he can use?

Baghdad Railway

asked the Prime Minister if he can state, as an example of a better understanding with Germany, what progress has been made with Germany, Turkey, and Great Britain in the negotiations for the building of the Baghdad Railway?

His Majesty's Government are carrying on negotiations respecting British participation in the proposed railway from Baghdad to Bussorah with the Turkish Government who, in return for compensations elsewhere, have bought out the Baghdad Railway Company from this section subject to a certain condition as to German participation.

Speeches in Ulster

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the matters of public and personal importance to hon. Members in this House and Members of the Upper House contained in the Motion which stood in the names of the hon. Members for West Ham, East Leeds, and Bow and Bromley, he will give facilities on an early day for the discussion of that Motion, which owing to a count-out on Wednesday, 24th April, could not be reached?

Before the right hon. Gentleman answers this question, may I— as my name was mentioned in the notice upon the Notice Paper for last Wednesday by the hon. Member who has put this question—ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it would not be fair, when these kinds of charges are put on the Records of the House of Commons, that some opportunity of disposing of them should be provided?

Certainly. I am quite as anxious as the hon. and learned Gentleman that there should be such an opportunity, but I regret I do not see my way at this moment to give Government time for the purpose.

Is there any truth in the statement made in the notice of Motion that the Government make a selection between rich people and poor people as regards the institution of prosecutions?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that lying in His Majesty's prison at the present moment is a man suffering a sentence of six months' imprisonment for only writing—

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that one man is in gaol at the present moment for preaching sedition, and the right hon. and learned Gentleman (Sir E. Carson) who preached sedition—

The hon. Member is not entitled to speak when I am standing. The only time the hon. Member is entitled to speak is when I am sitting. The question which he desires to ask does not arise out of the question on the Paper. If he will put down a question he will be entitled to an answer.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that I was prosecuted for using language less strong than that used by the right hon. and learned Gentleman?

That does not arise out of the question, which is as to whether and when facilities will be given. We cannot now discuss the matter.

I have already given the reply. I am afraid, though I quite recognise the importance of the matter, I do not see my way to give Government time for the discussion?

I want to bow to your ruling, Sir, but my question did arise out of the question of the right hon. Gentleman (Sir E. Carson). He asked the Prime Minister whether there was any truth in the statement in the Resolution that we wished to move last week that the Government were discriminating between rich and poor people?

The hon. Member will see it is perfectly impossible to conduct a Debate in that sort of manner. Hon. Members must await a proper opportunity.

Government of Ireland Bill

National Flag

asked whether, under the Government of Ireland Bill, the Parliament proposed to be established in Dublin will have power to design and to prescribe a national flag and prohibit any one flying the Union Jack in Ireland?

I am advised that this is a matter of Royal Prerogative, and, as such, it would fall within the terms of Clause 2 of the Bill.

Fixing or Fair Bests (Imperial Control)

asked whether, in view of the fact that the fixing of fair rents and the duties of the Irish Land Commission generally will, under the terms of the Government of Ireland Bill, constitute an Irish service, he will say what control or security, if any, will be reserved to the Imperial Exchequer in respect of moneys already advanced or to be advanced for the completion of land purchase and for the collection of annuities due in repayment of such loans; and (2) whether, in the event of the Government of Ireland Bill becoming law, it is intended that the Departments charged with the fixing of fair rents and with the administration of the Land Purchase Acts, 1903 and 1909, shall continue as heretofore to be under the direction of officials described in the official directory as holding the appointment of Land Commissioner and Estate Commissioner, with joint offices and an interchangeable staff of inspectors and sub-commissioners; and whether any Tote for their salaries will be borne on the Irish Estimates only?

The administration of the Land Law Acts, including the fixing of fair rents, will be an Irish Service, and the administration of the Land Purchase Acts will be a reserved service. The Imperial Exchequer will retain control over the collection of the annuities due in repayment of the advances for land purchase. The necessary Departmental changes will be made in the first instance by Order in Council under the transitory provisions of the Bill, and the cost of the Irish and reserved services will fall on the Irish and United Kingdom Votes respectively.

Would the Congested Districts Board constitute an Irish service or a reserved service?

So far as the Congested Districts Board is concerned with land purchase and annuities under the Land Purchase Acts it will be a reserved service, but so far as it carries on the other work of the Board it will be on Irish service.

Certainly. They will retain, as they do now, all the money necessary to purchase estates through the Land Commissioners.

What provision will be made to safeguard the cases where purchases which are made consequent upon the fair rents being fixed by the Commissioners appointed under the Irish Executive and to secure that they will be fixed in such a way as will not cause unnecessary trouble and unrest throughout the rest of Ireland where purchases have already been carried out, perhaps at a higher price?

The whole of that objection, so far as it is an objection, exists at the present moment.

Committee on Irish Finance

asked whether, in view of the statement contained in the Report of the Committee on Irish Finance that local Irish expenditure has increased 91 per cent, during the last fifteen years, compared with an increase of only 28 per cent, in revenue, it is proposed to take any and, if so, what steps, under the scheme of Irish self-government, to ensure that Ireland shall within a reasonable period bear the whole of Irish local expenditure and a proper proportion of Imperial expenditure; and what period will be fixed for the purpose?

I would refer the hon. Member to the arrangements made by Clause 26 of the Bill.

Deputation of Scottish Members

asked the Prime Minister whether he has received a resolution passed by Scottish Liberal Members welcoming his statement made on introducing the Government of Ireland Bill that the measure was introduced as an instalment of devolution applicable to other component parts of the United Kingdom; whether there exists any precedent for the local assembly of a component part of any federal system being designated a Parliament, or where no financial contribution is required from any one component part to the central authority of such federal system; whether it is his intention to introduce a Government of Scotland Bill in the next Session of Parliament; and whether he has received any deputation on the subject?

The answer to the first paragraph of the question is in the affirmative. In regard to the second paragraph, the materials for an answer are as accessible to the hon. Member as to myself, and can be more satisfactorily dealt with in debate. To the third paragraph, the answer is that it would be premature at this stage to make any statement as to the business of next Session; to the fourth paragraph the answer is in the negative.

Is it a fact that three years ago, so far as Ireland is concerned, the policy of devolution was described as "dead and damned"?

With reference to the latter part of the question as to whether the right hon. Gentleman will receive a deputation from Scotland, will he receive the deputation with as little delay as possible, in view of the fact that some Members are basing their attitude on Home Rule for Ireland entirely upon the answer that will be given to the deputation?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that, owing to the limited time given to the discussion of the Home Rule Bill, dozens of hon. Members on this side of the House have no chance whatever of asking him anything?

An indication was given yesterday as to how that might be achieved—by the abbreviation of speeches

In view of the fact that many people in Scotland have interpreted the right hon. Gentleman's past statements that Devolution or Home Rule for Scotland will be the immediate result of the passing of the Irish Bill, may I ask if they are right in their surmise, and, if so, when and how this measure is to be carried out?

Am I to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that there is no idea of carrying it out?

No, the Noble Lord must take the answer which I have already given.

Having regard to the limited opportunities allowed in this Debate, will the right hon. Gentleman give a day specially for the discussion of the-whole federal system?

Questions

Appointment of Justices (Buteshire)

asked the Prime Minister whether the Lord Chancellor has set up an advisory committee for the appointment of justices of the peace for the county of Bute; if so, will he give the names of the men so appointed; and, if not, will he say whether it is the intention of the Lord Chancellor to institute such a committee in that county, and when?

The advisory committee has already been set up. I understand that the names of the gentlemen appointed are being furnished to the hon. Member by the Lord Chancellor.

London Tramways

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the temporary expedient of carrying an excess of passengers on the London County Council trams is still in operation; and whether he can state definitely when it is to be discontinued and the usual service of trams restored?

The by-law made on 8th March, permitting the carrying of ai certain number of excess passengers inside the tramcars, was rescinded by a by law made on 30th April, which came into force yesterday.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that when permission to overstock the cars was given the council put a notice in each car, and that no notice has been placed in the cars with regard to the withdrawal, leaving the conductors to fight the matter out with the passengers? Will the right hon. Gentleman make some representations?

Was not the temporary regulation in consequence of the inability of the county council to deal otherwise with the difficulty caused by the coal strike?

That is the reason why the Board of Trade under its statutory powers allowed them for the time being to have an excess number of passengers. The particular emergency having disappeared, that particular by-law is now rescinded.

Church Schools (Wales)

asked the President of the Board of Education if he will say how many of the eighty-nine schools formerly managed by Church of England managers in Wales but now closed or handed over to local authorities are situated in the county of Carmarthen?

Two Church of England schools in the county of Carmarthen have been closed since the 31st March, 1903. None have been handed over to local authorities.

Universities and Colleges (Exchequer Grants)

asked what percentage the Grants from the Exchequer bore to the total income of the universities and colleges in England and Wales, respectively, in the years 1910–11 and 1911–12?

The Returns from the universities and university colleges for 1910–11 have not yet been finally revised, but I anticipate that the percentages in question will be about the same as for last year— namely, about 28 per cent, for England and 54 per cent, for Wales. The Returns for 1911–12 have not yet been received, but in the case of England there will be a substantial increase in the percentage.

asked the President of the Board of Education whether he will say what were the total numbers of students in the universities and colleges of England and Wales, respectively, in the year 1910–11, separating full-time and part-time students?

The Returns from universities and university colleges participating in the Exchequer Grant for 1910–11 have not yet been finally revised, but the number of full-time students in England was about 7,900; the apparent decrease of about 250, as compared with 1909–10 is more than accounted for by more accurate classification. The number in Wales was about the same as last year, namely, 1,363. The number of part-time students was somewhat less than in 1909–10, when the numbers were 13,725 in England, and 335 in Wales. The effects of the application of stricter criteria may have to be taken into account in comparing the two years. The Returns referred to above will, I hope, be available next month.

Sheriffs and Sheriffs Substitute (Scotland)

asked the Secretary for Scotland how many sheriffs principal there are in Scotland; how many sheriffs substitute; and whether he proposes to take any action in the way of uniting any of these offices in the cases where there is not sufficint work to occupy the whole time of the occupant?

There are fifteen sheriffs (excluding the sheriff of Chancery) and forty-nine sheriffs substitute. The possibility of reducing the number of sheriffs substitute by amalgamating sheriff court districts where such amalgamation is consistent with public convenience and the due administration of justice will be kept in view as vacancies occur.

Scottish Land Court

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he can say when the forms and rules to be issued by the Scottish Land Court will be approved and available, and why there should be any delay?

The forms and rules to which my hon. Friend refers are in the hands of the printer, and will be issued as soon as possible. The forms are necessarily numerous, and the preparation of them, as well as of the rules, has required time; but there has been no unnecessary delay. In some urgent cases special forms have been used provisionally.

Can the right hon. Gentleman state whether these forms will be got at the offices at Dover House, or at the offices in Edinburgh?

National Insurance Act

Seamen's Committee

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether it has yet been arranged for the certificated captains and officers of the mercantile marine to be represented on the National Insurance Seamen's Committee through their organisation, the Imperial Merchant Service Guild?

The Committee of Management of the Seamen's National Insurance Society, provided for by Section 48 (5) of the National Insurance Act, 1911, is not yet appointed. I understand that the Board of Trade propose, in framing the scheme for the constitution of the committee to provide for one representative of masters and mates in the mercantile marine, and that they hope that the Imperial Merchant Service Guild and the Mercantile Marine Service Association will be able to agree to nominate a joint representative. The Board of Trade find that the number of masters and mates who will be insured persons does not justify the appointment of more than one representative of this class. Under the Act, only one-third of the members of the Committee can be chosen to represent the members of the Seamen's National Insurance Society. They think, therefore, it would be impossible to increase the representation of the masters and mates without either rendering the Committee unwieldy in size or depriving some other section of its legitimate representation.

Sick Pay

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether a person in receipt of a salary of –60 per annum, who can receive six months' sick leave with full pay and six months' sick leave with half-pay, will require to become an assured person under the provisions of the National Insurance Act?

A person employed on the terms mentioned would require to Toe insured under the Act, unless he comes under one of the specially excepted classes or is entitled to a personal exemption. Special provision is made in paragraphs ( b ) and ( e ) of Part II. of the First Schedule to except Government and municipal employés, and railway clerks and salaried officials with rights in statutory superannuation funds, if the provision made for them in sickness and disablement is certified by the Commissioners as on the whole not less favourable than the corresponding benefits of the Act. Provision is also made under certain conditions by Section 47 of the Act for making an equivalent reduction in contributions in cases where wages are guaranteed for six weeks of illness. If my hon. Friend will give me particulars of any class of persons he has in mind, I will see whether I can inform him of their position under the Act.

Public Departments, Dublin (Office Accommodation)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been drawn to the fact that complaints have been made by the heads of public Departments in Dublin as to the want of sufficient office accommodation, the overcrowding that exists in such Departments, and the danger to the health of the officials employed in such Departments in consequence of such overcrowding; and, if so, whether he will take steps to increase the accommodation complained of?

I have received no complaints from the heads of Departments in Dublin that the health of officials is suffering from want of sufficient office accommodation. But, as I have already stated, the whole question of extending the accommodation for public Departments in Dublin is under consideration.

National Stationery Contracts (Fair-Wages Clause)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the firms supplying the national stationery contracts are on the list of the trade unions as conforming to fair conditions of wages, hours, and general terms of employment?

All such contracts embody the Fair-Wages Resolution passed by this House on the 10th March, 1909.

Customs and Excise Service (Waterguard Officers and Watchers)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the Report of the Committee which has been inquiring for the past six months into the conditions of employment of waterguard officers and watchers of the Customs and Excise service has been received by the Lords of the Treasury; and whether, in view of the anxiety of the officials concerned, he will state when it is contemplated that the Report of the Committee will be publicly issued?

Cork Post Office

asked the Postmaster-General if he will explain the cause of the delay in proceeding with the enlargement of the Post Office buildings in the city of Cork, having regard to the fact that the plans of the proposed improvements were lodged with the city engineer in 1911; and whether he can now state when the "works will be commenced?

It has been necessary to reconsider the original proposals for improving the accommodation at the Cork Post Office. A revised scheme which does not involve the purchase of additional property has now been authorised, and provision has been made for commencing the work during the current financial year.

Telephonists (Wages)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that, in connection with the taking over of the National Telsphone system by the Government, lady operators of ten years' service earning 19s. per week, and those of two years' service earning 11s. per week are both immediately classed at 19s. per week maximum; and whether, under the circumstances that the more experienced operators will naturally be able to do better work, he will revise their scale of pay?

The Post Office scales of pay for telephonists provide for the payment of certain wages at twenty-one years of age to qualified officers of at least two years' full service. This amount, at post offices in Classes I., II., and III. is the same as the maximum of the scale of pay under the company for provincial telephonists, namely, 19s., and it has consequently happened that through the increases given by the Post Office a number of officers with unequal service under the company now receive the same pay. I do not think that any just grievance exists because certain officers receiving low wages have been brought up to the same level as others who receive better pay. In every case the Post Office scale for operators rises to a considerably higher maximum than that under the company.

Loss of Steamship "Titanic."

Certificated Officers

asked the President of the Board of Trade (1) if, in the interest of public safety, he will compel home-trade vessels of every class to carry at least two certificated officers, will he see that vessels of large size whose registered tonnage is small are not exempted, as would be the. case if the Merchant Shipping (Certificates) Bill were passed in its present form; and (2) if, in the interests of public safety, he will take steps to see that in the Merchant Shipping (Certificates) Bill home trade cargo ships as well as passenger ships of 100 tons net register tonnage and upwards will be obliged to carry at least two certificated officers?

Both the points raised appear to be matters on which Amendments could be proposed to the Merchant Shipping (Certificates) Bill now before the House, and it seems to me that it is more convenient to consider them during the Committee stage of the Bill Chan by means of question and answer.

Wreck Commissioner's Inquiry

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, in view of the speed of the "Titanic" at the time of her loss, the Court of Inquiry will have full power to inquire into all matters connected with passenger traffic, especially with reference to the accommodation provided for sailors, firemen, and stewards, time allowed for meals, and the hours for rest allowed for stewards?

The scope of the Inquiry will be sufficiently wide to enable the Court to inquire into all matters which it deems relevant to the loss of the "Titanic" and the loss of life that ensued.

asked the Prime Minister (1) if he will propose a resolution to appoint a Committee of this House to investigate the circumstances connected with the loss of the "Titanic" and the sending of false wireless messages in connection therewith, instead of having a Board of Trade investigation, in view of the fact that the Board of Trade must necessarily be itself on trial in any such investigation; and (2) if he will propose a resolution for the appointment of a Committee of this House to investigate the circumstances connected with the loss of the "Titanic," in view of the fact that a Board of Trade investigation cannot very well decide the question as to how far the Board of Trade itself was to blame?

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that, under Sub-section (5) of Section 466 of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1894, it is the duty of those who put a Wreck Inquiry Court in motion to superintend the management of the case; and whether, having regard to the position of the Board of Trade in connection with the "Titanic" disaster, he will consider the propriety of instituting some other inquiry, and one in which the Board will not be in charge of the proceedings?

The Government is of opinion that the Court of Inquiry presided over by Lord Mersey will afford the best means of arriving at the truth with regard to all the circumstances connected with the loss of the "Titanic," and all questions of responsibility involved. The Wreck Commissioner was appointed by the Lord Chancellor, and the Assessors by the Home Secretary. It is under the Statute the duty of the person who applied for the investigation—in this instance the Board of Trade—to superintend the management of the case, and to render all possible assistance, but the Court is itself an independent tribunal, with full power to mould the Inquiry according to its own discretion.

Is it the case that the Board of Trade has some representative on the tribunal?

Is it the fact that the President of the Court of Inquiry into the loss of the "Titanic" has refused to allow a legal representative of the Imperial Merchant Shipping Guild, as representing the surviving officers and the relatives of those who were lost, to be heard at that Inquiry, and has the President of the Court been made acquainted with the assurances given by the Government that every party interested should have the fullest opportunity to be represented at the Inquiry?

The Board of Trade has absolutely no power to direct the course of the Inquiry at all. All the matters the hon. Member has referred to are matters for the Court.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Statutory Rules of the Board of Trade for 1907, Section 4, readsx2014;

"and the Board of Trade, the owner, the master, and any certificated officer, and any other person upon whom a notice of investigation has been served, shall be deemed to be parties to the proceedings,"

and, therefore, that the Board of Trade has power to serve these notices and yet refused this morning to make us parties?

My hon. Friend does not seem to realise that these are matters entirely for the Court to determine. The Board of Trade have no authority of any sort or kind.

Is it not a fact that under Section 466 of the Merchant Shipping Act this Court of Inquiry must report to the Board of Trade itself, and how is that possible if they find that the Board of Trade has been culpable?

There is no difficulty whatever. They send their Report formally to the Board of Trade. They are perfectly entitled to find the Board of Trade culpable.

If the Board of Trade have no power whatever over this Inquiry, why were assurances given to this House that every interested party should have full facilities to be heard?

Is it not true that under the Statute the notices calling people to this investigation are not served by the Court at all, but by the Board of Trade, which is involved in the investigation?

Does the right hon. Gentleman imagine that Lord Mersey will be influenced by the Board of Trade?

If the President of the Inquiry narrows its scope, shall we have another inquiry appointed by Parliament in order to sift this matter to the bottom, on as wide a basis as possible?

Is it not possible in some way or other to make representations of the most friendly character pointing out that certain interests are involved in this Inquiry which apparently, on the position taken this morning, are not to be represented at all, simply for the purpose of giving full security and assurance so far as the public are concerned?

I am not acquainted with what has taken place this morning. I will look into that.

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether, at the Inquiry into the loss of the "Titanic," to be held by Lord Mersey, any provision has been made for ascertaining how it was that so large a percentage of steerage passengers were lost; whether he is aware that whilst the average percentage of saved in the first and second class was 72, in the steerage it was only 32; and whether any saved steerage passengers will be produced at the Inquiry to give evidence on this point?

I stated yesterday, in reply to a question by my hon. Friend the Member for Deptford, as regards the loss of life among the third-class passengers on the "Titanic," that the special attention of the Court would be called to the respective numbers of saved and lost among each class of passenger, as well as of the crew, out of the total persons on board.

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention has been called to the cases of a man named M'Cormack and a man named M'Coy, both natives of North Longford, and to the ill-treatment they received from sailors when, after swimming from the wreck of the steamship "Titanic" to two boats, they were shoved back into the sea, struck on the head and hands and seriously injured, and only saved by being dragged into the boats by girls from the same locality; whether any effort will be made to identify the sailors or boatmen guilty of this attempt to drown these two men; and whether, if it is impossible to produce them at the Inquiry, the British Consul at New York will be directed to inquire into the matter?

Have the relatives and friends of these people in Ireland any right to appear before the Court?

Evidence with regard to these will probably be taken by the Court, but I cannot say.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that we have heard to-day that relatives have been refused a hearing by the Court?

What good will this Inquiry be, especially for steerage passengers if there is to be no representation of their particular interests?

May I ask the Attorney-General, who represents the Board of Trade and who, to some extent at all events, should represent the public in this matter, whether he proposes to have some statement made before the Court as to the fate of these unfortunate steerage passengers?

I do not object to anyone who has applied to the Court being represented by counsel or otherwise. I have raised no objection, and I do not raise any objection. The only thing I am anxious about is that there should be no unnecessary duplication. It is obvious that all could not be represented, but classes of persons should in my view be represented. That is the view I have taken from the first, and stated to the House when the matter was first discussed, and I shall be prepared to state it to the Court as soon as the opportunity arises.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that out of the 180 Irish passengers who sailed from Queenstown only twenty were saved, and in view of that appalling loss of life, is he prepared to receive representations from the relatives of those people who were lost, and who cannot appear before the Court, owing to their distance from the Court and their personal circumstances in life?

Is it not very much against precedent to question the Attorney-General in this House as regards an Inquiry which is at present pending before an independent tribunal?

Although it is quite true that the Inquiry is pending, it formed the subject of considerable discussion in this House before the Inquiry was appointed, and representations have been made to the House affecting the representation of classes. In answer to the question of the hon. Member (Mr. Farrell), certainly I shall not only be prepared to receive statements, but shall be very glad to receive them, and put any questions which particularly affect their interests, if there are any.

I gave the President of the Board of Trade private notice of a question which I now desire to put to the Attorney-General—namely, whether he is aware that at the Inquiry into the loss of the "Titanic" to-day leave to appear has been refused to the Shipwrights' Association, the British Seafarers' Union, the Dockers' Union, and the Imperial Merchant Service Guild on behalf of members and relatives of members of these associations who were members of distinctive classes of the crew; further, that leave was refused to the representatives of the relatives of deceased passengers, and whether this decision is in accordance with the Merchant Shipping Act and the practice at inquiries held under the Act; whether it carries out the intentions of the Board of Trade and the Government in setting up this Inquiry; whether it is not at variance with the repeated assurances given by Members of the Government in this House; and, further, whether such refusal is not calculated to destroy public confidence in the efficiency and fullness of the Inquiry?

I think my hon. Friend is under some misapprehension. The proceedings to-day were merely of a preliminary character for the purpose of determining the procedure of the Court. Lord Mersey's decision was that at present he could not assent to the applications, but that, as soon as he had heard more of the facts, and it appeared that any of the applicants represented parties who are interested in the result of the Inquiry, he would allow them to appear. That decision does not prevent applicants from going to the Court again to-morrow, or any day after the opening statement has been made. No opening statement of the case has yet been made, and no witnesses have been called. There is nothing to prevent applications being repeated to-morrow. After the opening statement the grounds of the applications could be more fully stated, and the judge would be more familiar with the facts and better able to say whether the applicants are interested. It is obviously desirable that every interest affected should have its case heard and considered, but it is also necessary that due order should be observed, and that duplication and confusion should be avoided by proper regulation of procedure. The view which I venture to express on my own behalf and on behalf of the Government is the same as I expressed when this matter was discussed in the House earlier. It is that the various classes interested should be allowed to be represented at the Inquiry. I shall certainly, for my part, support any application of that kind when it is made to the Court.

Can the hon. and learned Gentleman state any method by which we can apply for representation? The association which represents ships' carpenters is desirous of being represented at the inquiry to bring out all the facts of the case, both as to efficiency of the vessel and the efficiency of the lifeboats and life-saving appliances?

Will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to see that the Shipwrights' Union have representation at this Inquiry, in view of the fact that they represent the men who were the actual constructors of the vessel, ships' carpenters and other men who are directly responsible for the seaworthiness of the ship?

In view of the fact that the carpenter is the most important man on the ship, will the right hon. Gentleman take care to see that the Shipwrights' Association is represented?

Are we to understand from the right hon. Gentleman that he is personally of opinion that the decision arrived at to-day whereby only the Chamber of Shipping and the representatives of the Sea and Firemen's Union are allowed to appear is satisfactory?

Obviously, on the facts known to the Court, there were two parties interested. One was the crew and the other was the owner, and, of course, the public interest was represented before the Court by the Law Officers and those associated with the case. But the two interests obviously were affected, and it was clear on the facts that they should be allowed to appear. The Chamber of Shipping asked to appear. So far as the others are concerned, particularly with reference to some of the questions which have been put to me, I must point out that I certainly cannot pledge myself to support any application that is made to the Court for the representation of shipwrights and constructors who were not on board when she went down. That would seem to be turning very far wide of the action question which is before the Court. But I will consider any case that is put to me, and I would suggest that anyone who desires to be represented should put his case in writing in a simple form to the Court. There is no actual form required; any form will do; any form will satisfy the Court, but it would be better to put the case fairly in writing, so that all the points may be considered.

The right hon. Gentleman, in stating that there were two parties interested, has left out of account altogether in mentioning the crew, the certificated officers, and masters.

Is not the Shipwrights' Association entitled to be represented, in view of the fact that the carpenter is the most important man on the ship?

All I desire to guard myself against is the assumption that I would support any application on behalf of shipwrights and constructors who were not present—that is to say, who were not shipwrights and constructors on board the ship when it went down.

Trade Union Law (Amendment) Bill

I desire to ask the Prime Minister a question, of which I have given him private notice, namely, whether he can make any statement in regard to the Trade Union Law (Amendment) Bill?

It would have been presented before now but for the fact, as the hon. Member knows, that the Attorney-General has been busily engaged during the past few weeks with other matters. It will be presented in the ordinary course some day before the Whitsuntide adjournment. I hope to be able to take the Second Beading some time shortly after Whitsuntide.

Will the Bill not be introduced in the ordinary form by Motion for leave to introduce it?

Speeches in Ulster

Owing to the very unsatisfactory result of our questions to the Prime Minister, I wish to ask leave to move the Adjournment of the House to call attention to a definite matter of urgent public importance, namely, the failure of the Government to take proceedings against certain Members of this House, and of the Upper House for preaching and stirring up sedition and rebellion in Ulster.

I would not call that an urgent matter. Since the House has met the question could have been raised on many occasions, and the rule does not apply to cases of that sort. It applies to cases where some question arises suddenly, and there is no other opportunity of calling attention to it.

I would ask whether you are aware of the fact that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the University of Dublin (Sir E. Carson) has written a letter which has been published in the daily Press urging myself and my colleagues to make every endeavour we can to bring this matter to an issue in this House? We are desirous of doing so, and would be glad if you would help us to get an opportunity.

I am sure that there would be a very interesting discussion, but I am afraid that I have no power of helping the hon. Member.

Is it not perfectly possible for any citizen to set the law in motion by presenting a Bill to the Grand Jury?

Is it not a fact that the Labour party, if they are sincere in the desire, will be able to bring pressure to bear on the Government to take action?

Bills Presented

Coal, Mines (Consolidation) Bill

"To consolidate enactments relating to Coal Mines and certain other Mines." Presented by Mr. ANNAS BRYCE; supported by Sir David Brynmor Jones, Mr. Murray Macdonald, Mr. Millar, Dr. Chapple, Mr. Price, Mr. George Greenwood, Mr. Radlford, Mr. Beale, and Mr. Wardle; to be read a second time upon Friday, 14th June, and to be printed. [Bill 185.]

Hire Purchase Contracts Bill

"To amend the Law relating to sales on the hire purchase." Presented by Mr. O'Grady; supported by Sir John Rolleston, Mr. Page Croft, Mr. Lansbury, Mr. Wilkie, and Mr. Jowett; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 186.]

Business of the House (Government of Ireland Bill)

Ordered, that the Proceedings on the Government of Ireland Bill have precedence this day of the Business of Supply.—[ The Prime Minister. ]

Government of Ireland Bill

SECOND READING.—[ Third Day's Debate. ]

Order read for resuming Adjourned I Debate on Amendment to Question: [ 30th April ], "That the Bill be now read a second time."

Which Amendment was to leave out the word "now," and at the end of the Question to add the words "upon this day six imonths."—[ Mr. Walter Long. ]

Question again proposed, "That the word now stand part of the Question."

4.0 P.M

We have now reached, I think, the sixth day on which the Government of Ireland Bill has been a matter of Debate within these walls, and I think that there is generally, and the Opposition in particular have, grave reason to complain of the way in which the Government have treated the Debate. It is not that we have been deprived of the ordinary supply of Government speakers from that bench; it is that when Gentlemen have got up from that bench to deal with the Bill, never once, or hardly ever, have they deigned to deal with the details of the Bill or with the criticisms which have been passed upon it. The Prime Minister introduced the Bill, or introduced a great deal of the Bill, at the beginning of our proceedings with characteristic clearness, and he was followed on that bench by the Postmaster-General (Mr. Herbert Samuel), who, apparently, had received orders to fill up the gaps left by the Prime Minister. Other Members on this side of the House had spoken before the Postmaster-General, but the right hon. Gentleman never came to grips with the real criticisms that had been offered upon the Bill. He did not even deal with the Post Office in Ireland, though I should have thought that if there was one thing upon which the Postmaster-General would be considered an authority it is that part of the Bill which takes away part of his Department and hands it over to the Gentlemen who are to sit in the Irish Parliament. That is an important point for another reason, because it differentiates this precious attempt at federation from any other attempt at federation which has been made in the world. That was known to the Government and had been pressed upon their attention, but it was quietly passed by by the Postmaster-General himself without a single word of defence or comment. Then there followed on the last day of the Debate on the introduction of the Bill the Chief Secretary for Ireland, who spoke, I admit, under circumstances of some difficulty, but I think he will own, as he never came near the Bill at all, that his speech would have been as appropriate to any other Bill—I do not mean to any other Bill on any other subject, but it would have been as appropriate to any conceivable form of devolution, his own Councils Bill, or the Bill of 1886, or the Bill of 1893. He never touched the really vital points of the question. He skated with charming lightness and literary form over the generalities which usually do duty on Home Rule platforms in favour of some broad scheme of granting what is described as "Ireland's demand." Then, on the Second Reading, came the First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Churchill). I shall say something about him directly. I admit at once that there were two questions put with great insistence, with which he attempted to deal, and I shall not shrink from considering the answers he gave to both. What am I to say about the Under-Secretary for War (Colonel Seely), the other military authority on the question? I think the right hon. Gentleman will feel with me, if he considers what he said, that he hardly rose to the height of the argument which he ought to have addressed to the House. I remember his main point was that all our fears were illusory, and among other reasons he said: How can this Bill be abused by an Irish Administration, every Member of which has taken the Privy Councillor's oath? And he carried on his researches into the Privy Councillor's oath. He read it to the House, and he asked us to believe that because every member of the new Irish Executive, in addition to pledging himself to loyalty to the King, will swear to keep secrets, to give good advice, and be diligent, among other things, which a Privy Councillor swears. He said because that was put in the form of an oath, he need have no fears as to the effect which this Bill may have upon the minority in Ireland. I wonder it did not occur to the right hon. and gallant Gentleman that some of the best brains in the world have been for generations occupied in devising constitutions to meet particular needs, contriving checks and balances and safeguards against abuse, safeguards for minorities. Has it never occurred to him that if the subscribing of an oath was a sufficient substitute for all these lavish provisions, there has been a very great deal of waste of valuable brain power?

I now come to the Member of the Government, and the only Member of the Government so far, who has attempted to deal with the more vital objections which we feel to this Bill. I refer, of course, to the First Lord of the Admiralty. Unfortunately, through no fault of mine, I was unable to hear the whole of his speech, but I heard the beginning of it, and I made myself acquainted with the rest through the ordinary sources of information. I was much interested in his exordium. He said, and I think it was impressive, at least it impressed me, "We "—speaking of his political contemporaries—"may not have the experience of the old Debates of 1886 and 1893, but at least we have this advantage over the older Members of the House, that we approach this question with a fresh eye"—[An HON. MEMBER: "Modern"]—" Modern eye." That is a kind of statement in which I do feel there is force. I quite agree that those of us who have spent much more than a generation in these perennial battles on any subject across the floor of the House, may perhaps lack that modern eye which the right hon. Gentleman possesses, and which he flatters himself is so much more effective than the weary gaze that we are able to turn upon those ancient subjects of discussion. I therefore anxiously listened, and anxiously read, to see what this twentieth century eye had really discovered in the Home Rule Bill which was hidden from the more ancient veterans of the House. I do not know that I gained much satisfaction from my perusal of the right hon. Gentleman's speech.

There was page after page of very good-humoured rhetoric, but whether he really penetrated further into this matter than those who were in favour of Home Rule, or those who opposed it twenty years ago is, I think, extremely doubtful. But he did, and let me admit it at once, try to deal with two points. He tried to deal with the point of Ulster, and he tried to deal with the point of finality. Let me consider what his answer was. As regards Ulster, he at all events distinguished himself by a tone sharply in contrast with that which has too often been used by critics of Ulster when dealing with the question of Home Rule. The right hon. Gentleman adopted no flippant attitude with regard to the vehement feeling which, as we all know, and as the country will realise, more and more, animates, not indeed the largest but the wealthiest and most progressive part of Ireland—that part in which the best of the working class population is more unalterably opposed, and every single Protestant denomination is more unalterably opposed, to any grant of Home Rule and to this grant in particular, than it was in 1886 or 1893. I think the right hon. Gentleman recognises that. He said, "Well, there is Ulster," and he implied that you could not pass this Bill over Ulster's head—so at least I read his words. He implied that if the people of Ulster remained immovable in their present situation, it was folly for any British Government to try to force Home Rule down their throats. That is at least what I gathered from his not over precise utterance on the point.

What was his solution? All that he could do was to ask hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, especially those who came from Ulster, what they proposed. Now do let the House mark the contrast between the Government procedure in this matter and, as far as I know, the procedure of every other Government in the world who have had to do with questions of federation or questions of devolution. They have spent endless time in conciliating every interest and in making themselves acquainted with the wishes of every great body concerned, and the result is, so far as I know, that there never has been an attempt to force into any federal scheme a homogeneous population advanced, enlightened, and violently opposed to it. This Government, with all the examples of other nations and our own nation before them, admitting that Ulster, as Ulster, is a bar which cannot be broken, is an obstacle which cannot be shattered to your scheme of Home Exile, waited until the Second Reading of the Bill and then flung across the floor of the House the inquiry to Ulster Members, "How do you propose to deal with this question?" That is no solution of the question, and the Government know it is no solution. They have not themselves suggested any method by which Ulster can be dealt with, nor is there in my belief any method. At all events, it is surely rather late to wait until the Second Reading to take up the double position of saying, in the first place, that Ulster must be conciliated, and, in the second place, that the Government have no plan to conciliate them.

I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman, who is going to follow me, agrees with my interpretation of the First Lord of the Admiralty's speech. If he does, perhaps he will tell us whether he also thinks Ulster can be ignored in this settlement, and perhaps he will do What the First Lord of the Admiralty could not do, tell us how he intends to solve the riddle which so far has been put but has never been answered. What was the second difficulty with which the First Lord of the Admiralty attempted to deal? It was the difficulty of finality. We have urged, constantly urged, from this side of the House on this Bill, as we did on the Bill of 1893 and the Bill of 1896, that this Bill does not carry in it the germs of a final settlement of the Irish question. That was strenuously denied in 1886 and in 1893, but then the burden of every Home Rule peroration was, Here is a solution offered by England, accepted by Ireland, and that solution will be a permanent settlement of the ancient controversy between the two peoples. That was the attitude of the then Front Bench on the Bill of 1886 and the Bill of 1893. That is not the tone taken by this Front Bench with regard to the Bill of 1912. On the contrary, as I shall show in a moment, the right hon. Gentleman took a view which absolutely destroyed any prospect of finality. What did he do? He referred to the grant of self-government to the Transvaal. I observe that speakers on that bench are very fond of referring to that when the subject before them is Home Rule for Ireland. I quite understand that this is a more agreeable topic. They are like gamblers on the verge of bankruptcy, who, when their friends remonstrate with them on the rashness of their speculations, always go back to some ancient venture which, according to them, has brought them in cent, per cent. Of all the references to the Transvaal made in this Debate, surely the reference of the First Lord of the Admiralty was by far the most unfortunate. What did he say?— the United Kingdom than the mongrel and hybrid scheme which he and his Friends are endeavouring to recommend to us. What I want to point out is that the First Lord of the Admiralty has completely destroyed the First Lord of the Treasury, whatever else he has done. The First Lord of the Treasury began his speech on the First Beading by telling us how enormously this Bill was going to relieve us of our future labours. Down comes the First Lord of the Admiralty on the Second Beading of the Bill, and, so far from telling us that that is the end of our labours, he tells us it is the beginning of our labours, and that we are starting upon a new track, and what we do is not going to be permanent and is not going to be final. It is going to be merged, altered, changed, transformed into some wholly new solution which nobody at present knows, least of all the Government, and which, whatever else it does, will not leave this Bill as any permanent portion of the Constitution of the United Kingdom. That being so, may I ask a question? I do not know whether to put it to the Government or to put it to the hon. Gentleman the Member for Waterford (Mr. J. Redmond), or to both. Is there in this Bill anything in the nature of a bargain in their view between the Irish people, on the one side, and the British people and this House and this Parliament, on the other? If there is not such a bargain, then I do not understand on what ground anybody supposes the Bill to be final. The right hon. and gallant Gentleman the Under-Secretary of State for War and many others have appealed to us over and over again, and they say, "Do you not believe in the statements of the hon. Member for Waterford and his Friends that this is going to be accepted, and accepted as a final grant of all Ireland's demands?" All that sort of argument turns on the Bill being a bargain; I will not call it a treaty. If it is a bargain, how is it going to be changed and transformed, as the Transvaal Government was changed and transformed, when you come to your universal system of federation?

That is a question which has great pertinence, if I may say so, when I consider Clause 26 in this Bill, which provides a special arrangement for a change in this Bill, and which deals with finance. There is no provision for any other kind of change; there is provision for a change on finance, and on this point I must make a complaint which, I think, you, Sir, will sympathise with, and which I think the House will sympathise with. Why did we never hear of this Clause on the First Beading Debate? The Prime Minister came right up to it in his argument and never touched it. The Postmaster-General, who followed the Prime Minister over the whole ground of finance in greater detail, again come up to it, but never touched it. Is this an unimportant or trifling matter? I will show in a moment that it is one of the most amazing and preposterous innovations ever introduced into this House, and I cannot understand how a Government introducing a Bill in a three days' Debate, and having three speakers from their own bench to explain it, never once told the House of Commons of a method which entirely revolutionises our procedure, and which, so far as I know, has no precedent in any British legislation at all, and I doubt whether it has much precedent in any legislation elsewhere. I wonder how many of the Gentlemen who are present in the House realise the meaning of it. I cannot help entertaining the suspicion that the Clause never was in the original Bill introduced by the Prime Minister. He surely cannot have forgotten, the Postmaster-General cannot have forgotten, and the Chief Secretary for Ireland cannot have forgotten it. Was it so unimportant or trivial or old, or was there any precedent in the Bills of 1886 and 1893 that everybody might take it for granted. You, Sir, were asked a question yesterday by an hon. Friend of mine on this side of the House as to whether this Bill corresponded with its title inasmuch as the Bill did not merely deal with the government of Ireland, but profoundly affected the Constitution of this House and of Great Britain. I think if you had Clause 26 before you, you might have felt the answer to that point of Order somewhat embarrassing.

What is Clause 26? Clause 26 loosely worded and very obscurely worded, nevertheless does indicate that in certain contingencies there is to be introduced into this House some thirty or forty Gentlemen who have never been elected for this House, who do not represent constituencies sending Members to this House, and who are to be chosen by some method, not indicated in the Bill, by another representative assembly based upon other constituencies, and sent to this House to deal with the particular class of problem. There are no rules laid down in the Bill for distinguishing matters which touch the proposed change or assumed change in the financial relations of the two countries—a very difficult thing to devise. We do not know for example whether if there was a Vote of Censure upon the Government proposal to make a change in the financial relations, those delegates from the Irish assembly could or could not vote on that Vote of Censure. Did anybody ever hear of there being introduced into this House as if it was an ordinary matter of no concern, which need not be mentioned by Ministers in a three days' debate, the addition of thirty or forty Gentlemen whose position in this House will be absolutely different to the position of any Member—or I need not call him Member, but any person who sat or voted in this House, or that this House has ever had in all the centuries that the House has existed. I do not know, I really do not know, how the Government are going to defend their proposals with regard to this House. Let them notice that henceforth there will be three classes in this House of Members, all elected on different principles, and having in reality different powers. There will be the ordinary British Member elected as at present by constituencies settled from time to time by this House. There will then be forty-two permanent Irish Members taking part in all Debates, and voting or entitled to vote on all questions. Their number is arranged so that they under represent that part of the United Kingdom to which they belong. That is a deliberate part of the plan; that affects no other Member in this House. It is perfectly true there is a great disparity in the size of the constituencies we represent, but they are not a deliberate intention.

This second class, as I call it of the House, the permanent Irish Member, the numbers are deliberately fixed so that Ireland may be under represented, that is the object of the Government in doing it, the avowed object, that puts them in a different position from any other Member of this House, but more than that. Those Gentlemen, in one sense suffering a disability because their country is unrepresented in this House, in another respect have a privilege which nobody has, or ought to have, in this House, because they will vote upon domestic questions in Great Britain and Scotland, while representatives from England and Scotland cannot vote on Irish questions. They will deter- mine, or may determine, what Government should sit on that bench, although the Government sitting on that bench practically cannot touch a single item in ordinary Irish administration under the Bill, and that is not all. They will vote upon questions of the Army and of the Navy; they will vote upon Imperial issues; they will deal with vast sums for the Army and the Navy and for very material interests to which neither they nor their constituencies pay one shilling. On the contrary, we are going to give them half a million per year for the privilege—[An HON. MEMBER: "More"]—at least half a million. That is the second class of Member with a different status, different privileges, and a different electoral system from any that we have at this moment, or that we have ever known in this House. To those two classes you propose to add a third who are not elected by any constituency, but who are to be selected no man knows how, no man knows under what method. They are to come over here and to deal with questions which cannot be accurately defined, and they are to come and sit next their forty-two brethren, and on some questions they are to drop out when Mr. Speaker decides that the question does not touch anything connected with the reconstruction of the financial relations. They are to be thus coming in and going out. They make a third class. I do not know whether to call them less or more privileged than other Members, but they have at all events the double privilege of sitting in two Chambers, both in Dublin and in London, and, for anything I know, being paid for both sets of services. Is that the way in which the constitution of this House ought to be treated? And when you bring in a Bill treating this House so, is it fair to call it a Bill "for the better government of Ireland?" It may or may not produce the better government of Ireland, but it absolutely destroys, and indeed makes ridiculous the immemorial constitution of this House.

The First Lord of the Admiralty pointed to hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway, and spent a great deal of his speech in describing them as occupying a position of insulting inferiority. I should not have thought that that was true of hon. Members now in the House. In fact, I personally, should have thought that a body of Members who have kept the Government in office, on whom the Government depend from day to day, who—I do not make this as an accusation; I state it as a fact—have largely moulded and regulated the Government policy—whatever else might be said of those gentlemen, it could hardly be said that they occupy a position of insulting inferiority. I only wish that my Friends had as great a control over the fate of the Government as these inferior Members of the House. What I want to point out is that, while the Members from Ireland now not only do not occupy this position of inferiority, but, on the contrary, have at least as much power as any framer of a constitution could wish to give to any body of members in a representative assembly, you are really going to inflict a great injury upon representative institutions both in this country and in Ireland by the Bill we are now discussing. People constantly talk—it is not very wise talk—as if the excellence of representative institutions depended wholly upon the electoral body. If only you have a good electorate, sufficiently wide, or sufficiently popular, or sufficiently well educated—have it as you like, every man has his own panacea—provided the electorate is right, the Assembly will be right. They forget the elementary fact that not only is it necessary to have a good body to choose, but you must have a good body to choose from. You must have men ready to come forward to take up the heavy and often thankless work of Parliamentary labour, prepared to offer themselves for election, and to take up the burden which election carries with it. You will not get good men either in Ireland or in England; you will not get good men to serve in your Irish Assembly, you will not get forty-two good men to come over here, you will not get the odd thirty or forty—but I suppose you will get them to come over when the financial arrangements are revised—but you will not get the other two classes unless good men see before them a sphere of work as they think worthy of their ambitions.

Just consider the two classes. I do not care which I take first. Consider first the Irish House of Commons. I suppose, if you can imagine this Bill passing into law, at the beginning there will be great enthusiasm. The most distinguished Members of the Irish Parliamentary party will offer themselves for election and will be elected. The Parliamentary ability and eloquence which we know within these walls will be transferred without material diminution to their new body. How long is that going to last under your Bill? These men of light and leading get into the Irish House of Commons. They will be told, and I suppose believe, that the Irish at last have an. organisation proper to a nation, and can carry out themselves, untrammelled and unhindered, their own national ideals. Look at the Bill. At every moment they will find themselves face to face with provisions and Clauses which hamper them, but which do not protect you. What will be the great causes which Irishmen will wish to go into a Dublin Parliament? I suppose that the land question will be one-of them. Land has always bulked largely, and rightly so, in the eyes of Irish patriots, of Irish agitators, of everybody interested in or concerned with what is in the main an agricultural people. They will suddenly find that they cannot touch in any way the machinery by which freeholders have been created, and the really ancient wrongs of Irish land have been permanently solved. That they cannot touch; it is a reserved service. What they can touch are just the things that it is most hard to ask them to-touch, such as the fixing of rents. Give-them credit for every virtue you like. They will be returned by people whose whole interest it is that the system of rent revision should be carried further than it has been, that rents should be further lowered, and that they will have power to do. Put yourself in the position of an Irishman, deeply animated by a desire for the welfare of his country, forced to deal with the land question, conscious that if he touches rents he will upset purchase, unable to touch purchase and yet able to touch rents. I need not remind the House—or perhaps I ought to remind hon. Gentlemen who are not quite so familiar with the matter as some of us who have had to fight through it for years and years—how intimately these two questions are connected. The whole system of land purchase is, broadly speaking, based on the rents that have been fixed. Suppose you suddenly alter, with regard to land that has not been bought, the whole basis of rent valuation. You will thereby inevitably alter the whole capital value given to the land, and with the capital value the annuity given to the land. Thus you would have in farms coterminous, in the same parish, land for which men were paying widely different rates, one having it manipulated or altered by the Irish Government, the other being under the British Government and protected by the fact that it is a reserved service.

That is only one case. Let me take another. In the very face of this Bill the Irish Government are made responsible for law and order in Ireland. The instruments of law and order in Ireland, as in every other country, are the police. The police are a reserved service. The Irish Government cannot dismiss a policeman; they cannot alter the pay of a policeman; I do not believe they can increase the number of the police; I am not aware that they can; I am sure they cannot diminish the number. Therefore, in the very first and elementary duties thrown upon the Government, they find themselves hampered, clogged, entangled in the meshes of this Bill. Then, take education. Education has always been a tremendous difficulty in Ireland. I think it is going to be an insuperable difficulty under your new system. At all events, if you can, imagine an Irishman going into an Irish Parliament, with an earnest and keen desire to do all that he can for Ireland, at last treated as a nation. He says to himself, "Education is a thing which we must deal with in a broad spirit, suited to the religious and secular needs of our people. Let us devise methods on these lines." But they cannot do it. Again, they come right up against provisions, which I admit are necessary, but which are absolutely inconsistent with the idea that you are by this Bill giving Irishmen an opportunity of developing in their own way their own affairs. If I am not wearying the House, may I go back for a moment to something that fell from the Under-Secretary of State for War yesterday. He said to us, "Legislative abuse is impossible under this Bill," and he read out the familiar words with which the Prime Minister had already made us acquainted. But what is to prevent an executive misuse of powers, except the Privy Councillor's oath?

Think of that for a moment I do not mean to go into any comparison in parallel columns of what this or that hon. Gentleman below the Gangway said in such a year and what he says now. That is not my business at the moment. What I want to ask is this. The Under-Secretary for War seemed to think that good intentions, promises and oaths, stop the possibility of these abuses. But we know quite well, from our own recent experience, that the English Department of Education, at the head of which there is an English Privy Councillor, also animated by good intentions, who also has taken the oath, did, as a matter of fact, in the Swansea case commit what was undoubtedly an act of arbitrary discrimination. I do not see how you are to prevent it. I will give another case. I remember in 1899, which is going rather a long way back, what one of the difficult problems in regard to education was then. You found a small community of Protestants in one of the Southern or Western parts of Ireland, and the British Minister responsible had to decide whether they should be compelled to go to a school in which Roman Catholic religious symbols were habitually displayed, which was practically under the control of the priest, and in which the teachers were Roman Catholics; or whether he should allow a separate school to be built for them and those who thought like them. It was a very difficult question for this reason: that on grounds of purely secular education these schools might easily be too small, and it might be extremely difficult to carry on the best system of education for a body of twenty or thirty children. Supposing the Irish Government said, and very likely they would say quite honestly, "Education is above all things a matter in which we have no religious prejudice; we do not care the least about these sectarian controversies; but we say that we cannot educate twenty or thirty children properly; at any rate, it is very wrong to educate them when there is a big school where they can go to, and go to it they shall." That is administration. I do not know how the Privy Councillor's oath can help you there! Yet everybody must be aware that, without imputing motives to anybody, either to the Roman Catholic or the Protestants, or to the future governors of Ireland, or to the unhappy Lord Lieutenant, torn between these conflicting masters whom he is serving; without undue influence from anybody you may have great oppression on the one hand or great incompetence on the other. Your Irish Member—and this was the point to which I referred—of an Irish Legislature may find himself hampered by these regulations or powers given to the Lord Lieutenant to prevent anything in the nature of sectarian ascendancy. I am sure, if the House will really read the Bill, they will see written large all over it, "dual control over Irish affairs in Ireland." Your dual control is not enough, and never can be enough, to protect minorities. It never can be enough to give Ireland such advantages as she can get—whether great or small I do not ask—from her full union with this country. That is what your dual control can never do.

What it can do is to make it absurd for any Irishman of public spirit and wide views to think it worth while to waste his time going to the Irish Parliament. The result—the universal result—all over the world is, that you will find inferior men go in, and with the inferior men the status of the assembly will fall, and as the status of the assembly falls there will creep into it those smaller or larger forms of corruption which do much infinite harm in every great and free State, and the last condition of Ireland " made a nation "—Ireland, in the phrase of the First Lord of the Admiralty, "restored to national self-respect," the inevitable result will be that the Irish House of Commons will not do justice to the great Parliamentary abilities of the people which elect them. If you turn from the Irish House of Commons and ask what is the condition of the forty-two hon. Gentlemen here, do you think that the best Irish blood is coming into this House on the terms which you propose? They know quite well whenever they vote upon English or Scottish matters that the reproach would be hurled at them across the floor of the House—justly hurled at them: "We have given you the management of your own affairs, leave us alone to manage ours." Do not allow the Welsh Disestablishment Bill to wait again on forty-three Members! If they come here and determine the fate of the Government they will be told: Why do .you intervene to decide whether the country should be governed by hon. Gentlemen on the bench opposite or on this bench? If they vote on Army and Navy questions they will be told: "How do you dare to touch this subject when you do not pay a penny towards it?" How will men in that position give you the best; bow can you expect the best minds from Ireland to come here? They will come "here, not as Members to this House, representing their part of the Empire: they will inevitably be driven, and be driven lay the conditions of your Bill, to come "here as merely advocates for their countrymen to have this or that measure passed in this House; this or that change passed in this Bill for the advantage of the Irish electorate.

The hon. and learned Gentleman asks me a question which I think is most pertinent. I deplore the fact that too often the description of what I think is absolutely inevitable under the new Bill has been under existing circumstances. Yes, but under this Bill causes which have produced these evils are necessarily permanent, and are written upon your Statute Book. They have not always existed. They will not always exist. At many moments now they do not exist, and it is a calumny, even under the special circumstances of the case, to describe the Irish Parliamentary party, brilliant as it has been in all my Parliamentary recollections, brilliant as it has been in Parliamentary ability, to describe, as did the First Lord of the Admiralty, its Members as aliens and pariahs in this House. Therefore, in my view, while you are in a way of destroying this House, you are not going to create for Irishmen in Ireland an assembly in which there is the least chance that Irishmen will look with pride, affection, and respect. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."] Well, I have given my reasons. They are not unfriendly to the Irish people There is no condemnation of the Irish people involved in them. I only say that Ireland will look at the Irish Parliament as some self-governing portions of other great communities now look at the assembly that rules their State; unless I am mistaken that sentiment is not always one of profound respect or admiration either for their ability or for their purity. I do not wish to develop this point. The House will see that I have not travelled over any part of the ground which I occupied when I addressed it not long ago upon this tremendous subject.

I will conclude by asking—I do not ask the Foreign Secretary to deal necessarily with any part of what I have just said that he had not considered—but I will ask him to deal with something which he must have considered, because they have been matters of constant reference in this House. I will therefore on the broad issue which the Government have laid before us, which is that the Home Rule Bill regarded as a prelude to a general system of federation, ask him five questions. Does he know any case where the centralised and unified Government has been broken up in obedience to the demand for national self-government in which a stable community has been the result? There may be such a case. I do not know of any. I know cases where it has not only been unstable, but has absolutely fallen to pieces. I know cases where at this moment great anxiety is caused to all well-wishers of these divided empires. I do not know any case where decentralisation has taken place in obedience to, and solely in consequence of, a claim to separate national treatment where real permanent stability has been secured. And I would ask him does he know any case where the federal system has been successfully built up which starts with inequality? In the great classic case of the United States of America, and in all the other cases I know, you do not begin with one fraction and then wait and see how that works, and then go on to another fraction. In all, inevitable inequalities must and do exist until you have made your whole scheme round, perfect, and self-contained.

This Bill puts Ireland in a special and unequal position. Can you give me any case in which a federal system has been deliberately based upon an unequal and unfair foundation? The third question is this: Do you know any case in which there has been a successful federal system built up in which the claim of an important homogeneous fraction has been absolutely ignored, as you proposed to ignore the claims of Ulster on this occasion? I do not know any such case. The fourth question is this: Has not the greatest material stimulus of these systems of federation been the desire for having general national services and of abolishing fiscal divisions between the separate fractions? Was not that one of the very motives and grounds on which the States of America were built up? Has it not been one of the motives and grounds on which the German Empire has been built up? Is it not part of the essential constitution of every single self-governing Colony? Therefore are you not running in the face of history when you start a system where there is a general post office and a general fiscal system, and you cut up your post office into two and make it possible for fiscal barriers to be placed between countries so close and intimately connected as Ireland is with England and Scotland? My fifth question is: Has not every successful federal system been built up on a desire of the separate parts for closer unity, and are you not pursuing precisely the opposite course when you cut up the United Kingdom?

Are you quite satisfied when Gentlemen from Ireland tell you: "While logically we ought to have complete national independence we are prepared with a compromise, we are prepared to take unity in part, because we think it much more difficult and perhaps almost impossible to get unity as a whole, and even if any of us wishes himself to get separation and complete independence, even though some of us may desire complete independence—that they avow—partial independence is the best road to attain the final goal"? Have you ever known this compromise on unity as a real ground and stopping place of a federal system? Is not the whole movement always or generally the other way? Take the United States. They were separate and self-governing institutions. It was because they desired closer union, because as time has gone on, the United States has more and more seen the necessity of closer union, that we almost forget now, we who do not live on the other side of the Atlantic, that the separate States of the United States have many of the attributes of sovereign communities. America is the result of unity. The Government desire to substitute for the desire for unity the1 desire for separation stopped half-way by compromise. These are some of the broad considerations which make me, and always have made me, feel that we are entirely on the wrong path in this kind of legislation, and when we hear one of the chief advocates of the Bill, one of the most important Members of the Government, punctuating and enforcing every doubt I have always had by telling us you cannot carry out this Bill without the consent of Ulster, and if you do carry it out it will be immediately dissolved in a series of Bills embodying a wholly different scheme, then every doubt I have ever entertained has received redoubled confirmation.

5.0 P.M.

One of the things that struck me in listening to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman who has just sat down was the great difference of the tone and, indeed, the difference of the base of his attack, as compared with the sort of speeches I remember from the other side of the House in 1886 and 1893. The main attack upon this Bill is that it is a Bill which will not do much for Ireland; that it will be unworkable in Ireland. Is that really the main ground of the opposition to this Bill upon the other side? And arc they really fighting this Bill as a mere business proposition, and as to whether it will be workable in Ireland and as to what will give Ireland control over her own affairs and make it work smoothly'? Of course, we know perfectly well that although that may be legitimate criticism of the Bill, it is not that criticism or motive which inspires the opposition to this Bill or the argument that is going to be used in the country to oppose the Bill. If the opposition to the Bill was merely that sort of business opposition, of how to define a good and simple working measure, giving to the Irish people control of their own affairs, we should be discussing this Bill in the spirit in which Irish land purchase was discussed and in which other non-controversial measures were discussed. That is not the real opposition to this Bill. It is not opposition because it is a bad Bill compared with others, or because the party opposite dislike this particular Bill, but because they dislike the thing and the principle of Home Rule altogether. Therefore, in the Second Beading Debate, it is with the principle I propose to deal mainly.

Of course, there are points with which the right hon. Gentleman opposite dealt which he called points of detail, and one of which, at any rate, is so important that I would rather reserve it until the concluding parts of my speech, and that is the question of Ulster. It is important; it is of very great importance. There were other points in this speech dealing with details which I think I am justified in saying should be reserved for Committee. I will take his criticism—a perfectly relevant and legitimate criticism which occupied some time in his speech—dealing with Clause 26. That is a very fair instance of the inconvenience of discussing a separate Clause like that by itself on the Second Reading. What is it that that Clause does? It does not apply to the present at all. The Bill could come into operation to-morrow without it. It deals with the future, possibly with the remote future, and one possible contingency in that future. It deals with what is to happen if such a happy change took place in the respective financial positions of the two countries, such a happy growth of prosperity in Ireland took place that for three successive years Ireland should be able to contribute to Imperial expenditure. When that time has come the Irish Members will be summoned here in increased numbers, riot for all purposes, but for the purpose of discussing the future financial relations. It is a contingency, possibly a remote contingency. I do not say it is not important that it should be discussed, but it is a thing that may be reserved for discussion in Committee. The Bill itself could come into operation to-morrow without that proposition being laid down. It is making provision for a contingency of the future and if you wish to decide whether in this Bill provision is to be made for that future contingency even then it is not a necessary or essential point for discussion on the Second Reading, but for a Committee.

I cannot deal with every point at once. I will deal with that point later. I will deal now with another point the right hon. Gentleman raised, the question of the Transvaal. I did not intend to deal with that at all. The parallel, though it has been introduced into our Debates, has not been introduced for the purpose of showing that the Transvaal is an exact parallel, although I believe the Transvaal does to-day retain autonomy over its own local affairs. It has not been introduced for the purpose of pressing it as far as the right hon. Gentleman thought it had been pressed. It has been introduced simply for the purpose of showing that a prophet of evil is not always right even when he is Leader of the Opposition. I do not say that carries us very far, or that because a man is once wrong he must be always wrong. It is quite enough for us to show that when a measure introduced from this side of the House and denounced as reckless experiment and one bound to fail, it does not necessarily follow that the denunciation is right.

No, but it has been used, and my point is it is good for that purpose; and with regard to the point of the First Lord of the Admiralty, I have said it already that although the parallel is not complete, I think the right hon. Gentleman opposite is inaccurate in saying that the Transvaal Constitution is completely submerged. It still retains control over its own affairs.

The right hon. Gentleman asked me five questions. He prefaced asking these questions by saying that he would not expect me to reply on anything on which I had not had sufficient preparation, and then he asked questions that would require historical research by a professor of history extending over some time. [HON. MEMBERS: "Why?"] Because they were those general questions such as "Can you find any parallel in history?" Well, Sir, frankly, I am going to meet the right hon. Gentleman's questions by saying I am not in a position to give these answers. If he says there is no parallel such as he named, I say, very well, let it be so. I will ask him a question in return. Is there any parallel in history to the British Empire? Has there been any parallel to the monstrous over centralisation of business which now takes place here in this House? All these other Federal Constitutions of which you can give instances, said the right hon. Gentleman opposite,_ have been built up by drawing together of units that were further apart. Well, Sir, quite true. We have to deal with a very different problem, one which never has been faced before. The problem we have to deal with is how, under modern conditions with a population far bigger than any population of one State in history before, with a civilisation so developed, with political problems more complex than ever existed before, with all the invention of modern science, concentration of everything, by telegraph and every conceivable means in the centre to liberate and free ourselves from congestion caused by that unparalleled and unprecedented condition of affairs.

I frankly admit I cannot answer the right hon. Gentleman's questions, but if I wished to answer them, and if the answer were as he would like it to be in every case "No," I say that does not dispose of the difficulty, and my question is, has there been any precedent for the problems with which we are confronted in this House? If there is no precedent for that, then we must not be tied by other precedents in finding remedies. That is my answer upon the main point. With regard to the question I was asked as regards time, the right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken made no complaint of want of time, but the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Long) who Moved the rejection of the Bill complained that the Bill was being rushed Sir, the right hon. Gentleman is of course perfectly entitled, as any Member of this House is entitled, to claim that adequate time should be given for discussion. I do not think much of the right hon. Gentleman's special point as to whether adequate time should be given between the First and Second Reading. The right hon. Gentleman said, "this Bill is now introduced in its final form. It is true it may not be passed for two years, but its final form must be assumed in the first year, and you must give longer time between the First and Second Beading." Did anyone ever hear of the final form of a Bill on Second Reading 1 The final form depends on Committee and Report stages, and it is absolutely more important and relevant to the right hon. Gentleman's argument that there should be ample time between the Second Reading and the Committee stage, and ample time in Committee and on Report; but the point is not relevant for giving a large margin of time between the First and Second Reading when there can be no change, and upon that I will ask two questions.

I do not object in the least to the right hon. Gentleman making the point about time, though I have shown why it must be discounted. I think on this side of the House we must discount it with a little more force. He wanted much more time after the Bill has been printed to consider it. He really did not want the Bill to be printed at all. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh!"] Yes, you cannot have it both ways. If you want time to consider the Bill and to make up your mind whether you will possibly support it or not, of course the demand comes with very great force, but if already the opposition to the Bill is so pronounced, determined, and irreconcilable that the Bill ought not even to be printed, what more time can you want. More time is asked for. They are perfectly entitled to ask for more time, and it is a perfectly legitimate party point to say more time is necessary because they want as much time as possible to develop attacks upon the Bill. I think it is perfectly fair for them to point that out, and I admit that the argument is reasonable. I do not think I have dealt unfairly with the right hon. Gentleman's point. I do not complain of the right hon. Gentleman making that point, and I do not think hon. Gentlemen opposite ought to complain, if we on our side say that we cannot admit the full 100 per cent, of the force which the right hon. Gentleman attaches to that point. Of course, any Bill can be proved to be unworkable on paper if it is treated as this Bill has been treated, and naturally, with the ability of hon. Members on the other side, they would almost be capable of proving that the British Constitution is unworkable. On paper, of course, you could prove almost anything is unworkable. My complaint is that our present system without the relief that this Bill and subsequent developments must give, is unworkable not only on paper but in practice, and is becoming increasingly unworkable. Really, the same House of Commons cannot be expected to deal with British and Irish special problems, because Irish problems are so very different. The British House of Commons represents a highly developed industrial nation, with highly congested cities, and one and the same assembly cannot really have sufficient time and knowledge to initiate the legislation which is necessary for a country which is mainly an agricultural country, and whose problem is not congestion in cities but congestion in country districts. Special legislation we must have, and we have had, for Ireland, and directly there is special legislation in this House for Ireland there must be special legislation for Scotland, for Wales, and for England. Even in England you have certain groups of Members saying, "When is our turn to comer?" Take the Estimates. We have Irish days, Labour party days, English days, and Welsh days.

Every time there is a special Bill or a day given for Estimates for a special part of the United Kingdom there follows an emulous demand from other parts of the United Kingdom that they should have a day, and that follows from the necessity which the Government opposite found when in power for cutting down the days in Supply to a limited number. The demand has been increased, and the time has been limited, but that cannot go on. Even in Scotland the difference of the whole attitude of Scotland towards the Union has been the demand for devolution. I have always contended that devolution was required not for Ireland alone. I admit that our plan is not complete. Here I would deal with the right hon. Gentleman's point about the forty-two Members from Ireland who will vote on English and Scottish and Welsh questions, though we do not vote on Irish questions. Of course, that is an anomaly. I do not mind that anomaly, because I believe it will precipitate further arrangements, which it may not be so difficult to make, which will not be in the least dangerous to Imperial unity, but which will be an enormous relief to the different parts of the United Kingdom. If you criticise this Bill on the ground that it is not a complete system, very well, I admit the criticism, but when you go on to say that, when complete, it will be more impossible and objectionable still, then I am entitled to say it holds the field for the moment as a beginning of devolution, and devolution is so urgent that I would rather have an incomplete scheme and a beginning than no beginning at all.

It is said that this Bill is incompatible with the federal system. That is one of the right hon. Gentleman's points. I quite admit that it has not made Ireland a pattern for a federal system which is likely to be applied universally in the United Kingdom. I do not believe perfect similarity to be necessary, but it does two things. It preserves Imperial unity, and it preserves the representation of each part of the United Kingdom in the House of Commons. I was very much struck in reading—and I am sorry I did not hear it—the speech of the hon. Member for North-East Cork on the First Heading of this Bill, in which he gave a complete answer to what we hear from the other side that before the Union Home Rule was found impossible, and therefore the Union was passed. He showed that the six points which Mr. Pitt laid down as making the Union necessary are points which will not be disturbed under this Bill. It was because there was not Imperial unity that the Union was found necessary, and it is because this Bill preserves Imperial unity that we say, in our opinion, it will get rid of the disadvantages and drawbacks from which we have suffered ever since the Union, from which Ireland has suffered since the Union, and it will retain those advantages and those special points for which the Union was called into existence in the days of Mr. Pitt. That was the point made by the hon. Member opposite, and I am bound to say the point he made by his quotation from Mr. Pitt is unanswerable. I hold that Parliament, after this Bill is passed, freed from Irish affairs, will be stronger as regards external affairs. One of the criticisms against this Bill is that under it Imperial supremacy is not effectively preserved, and that under this Bill it will be a farce. For Imperial affairs it is effectively preserved. For the Army, for the Navy, Foreign affairs, Colonial affairs, Indian affairs—for all these Imperial supremacy is absolutely untouched by this Bill, untouched not only on paper, but in practice.

There is but one difference with regard to supremacy under this Bill, and it is this: that whereas at present there are 103 Irish Members who share in that control, after this Bill is passed there will only be forty-two. That is the one change. That does not impair Imperial unity, but if from the other side Imperial unity means British supremacy, surely the effect of this Bill will not be to weaken, but to strengthen Imperial supremacy. I really do not think that point is pressed on the other side. The point I think they do press is that we preserve in name and theory only Imperial supremacy over Irish affairs, but we part with it in practice. I think that is fairly stating their point. I admit that while we preserve Imperial supremacy for purposes of this Parliament in theory over Irish affairs, in practice we shall have to go out of our way to exercise that supremacy. I do not wish to see us do that. I do not wish us to go out of our way to exercise effective supremacy over Irish affairs in regard to which this House ought to be supreme. I maintain it is desirable that we should free ourselves from intervention in Irish affairs, and I really think and believe hon. Members from Ireland may rely with perfect confidence on this, that once a Bill of this kind is passed, this House will be so occupied with the affairs which are proper and important to it that it will not go out of its way, unless there be some very extreme case, to interfere in Irish affairs. Now let me deal with the point of Irish representation. This Bill, at any rate, remedies one great grievance complained of from the Conservative side, the over-representation of Ireland. There is no answer to the statement that Ireland is over-represented in this House compared with other parts of the United Kingdom. I will deal with the point how alone I think it can be reduced, but there is no answer to that argument. How, except by a Bill of this kind, do you propose to get rid of that anomaly? Are you going to reduce the Irish Members without a Bill of this kind? If so, then you are going to commit a breach of the Act of Union.

With regard to over-representation of Ireland I admit to the full the case that Ireland is over-represented under present circumstances, but when I am told that Irish representation ought to be reduced, then I say that it is monstrously unjust and unfair to say to hon. Members from Ireland and to the Irish people, "We are going to impose upon you an alteration of the Act of Union which is clearly to our advantage and as clearly to your disadvantage, but the great modification of the Act of Union which you want in the form of Home Rule we will deny to you." I am sure I may speak for everyone on this side of the House when I say that by every feeling of what is just and right as between England and Ireland this question of the representation of Ireland is inseparably bound up with Home Rule. At the present time if we were to have any redistribution of seats, or if we were to make an alteration in the Act of Union clearly to the disadvantage of Ireland, while refusing to make the modification for which for a generation they have been pressing for their own advantage, we should be reverting to that old system of harsh, one-sided, overhearing abuse of legislation in this House which has passed away in the last twenty years with regard to Ireland, and which was the cause of bitterness and great difficulties between the two countries. By Home Rule alone can you in fairness, without creating a new and rankling injustice, reduce the Irish representation, and this Bill does that. We are told that we have no business on this side to deal with Home Rule—the right hon. Gentleman opposite used that argument to day—because we are dependent upon the Irish vote. We are dependent on the Irish vote. Of course, it is not true to say we can be turned out of office by the Irish vote alone. We can be turned out by right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite voting with the Irish Members. It is not as it was in 1893. The real truth of the matter is that it is not we who are dependent upon the Irish vote to stay in office; it is they who are dependent upon the Irish vote for any chance of turning us out. It is one of the most frequent complaints that there is a large solid vote of some eighty Irish Members who decide their votes in this House, and whose attitude towards parties or Governments in this House is decided by the one great objective of Home Rule, on which they are all united. It is complained that introduces instability into our political system. In other words, the Irish representation—I am speaking purely from the point of view of political stability—is, under present conditions, an undesirable element in the House of Commons. It is here as a perpetual element under the present system? How do you propose to alter that state of things? If no Government on either side is to take the Irish Nationalist Members into account, if no Government is to say to them, "We think that the objective you have in view is one legitimate and reasonable, which we are prepared to advocate and to propose," and to accept their support on those terms—if no Government is prepared to do that, you cannot, under present conditions, have any Government at all, unless you have something like a three-figure majority on one side or the other, between the two great parties in the House. That is the condition of things to-day. How do you suppose that is going to be changed except by Home Rule? It is Home Rule which has made that condition of things.

The right hon. Gentleman asks if there is finality in this Bill. I think it would be foolish to say that experience in working may not show that there are matters, especially with regard to finance, in which this Bill may be varied, but there is finality in this sense: Whereas we have been continually told that the demand for Home Rule on the other side is a demand or separation, or something which we could never be able to satisfy, the Irish Members, who have been asking for Home Rule for so many years, say, with this Bill before them, "we will accept this as a fulfilment of what we have been asking for as Home Rule." If that is so, what is going to happen? First of all, the Irish representation, if it is an element of instability in this House, is enormously reduced; it is reduced by more than one-half. If that be a grievance, and it is continually quoted as a grievance, it is reduced by one-half. In the next place, to the forty-two Irish Members who will be here, the incentive which there has been to institute instability by all uniting and combining on the great objective of Home Rule will disappear. The result will be that you will have your forty-two Irish Members with a natural, healthy line of cleavage and with a normal perspective with regard to the affairs brought before this House, or at any rate something much more like it, than has hitherto been the case. That is all enormously to the good from the point of view of the stability of parties in the House of Commons.

My right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty, in a speech of great eloquence, said that he looked on this question with a modern eye or a fresh mind. Of course, I am not so fortunate as to be be able to do that. I supported the Home Rule Bill of 1886 and the Home Rule Bill of 1893. I have to ask myself what change there has been in Ireland from the condition of affairs since 1893 which should make me now reverse votes which I have previously given. There have been changes, but, in my opinion, they are changes in favour of Home Rule and not against it. Irish land purchase, for which the party opposite have full credit, introduced an element of stability in Ireland which we were continually told was not there before. The fact that finance is more difficult is only true, I think, in one sense. Looking back on things now in the light of facts that we have to-day, I think if we had passed a Home Rule Bill with Ireland still subject to the complaint of over taxation and enforcing from her a considerable contribution to the Imperial Exchequer, we might have introduced, unwittingly, an injustice and unfairness, and it would have been the canker in our Bill. I admit the financial proposals in this Bill attract considerable attention, but they ought to attract attention not because they are in the Bill, but because they disclose the facts. I take the figures of the Postmaster-General, that we are losing £1,500,000 a year in regard to Ireland. That is not the worst of it. This loss has been growing rapidly, and is growing. The loss, of course, is greatly due to Irish land purchase and old age pensions. If those things were bad for Ireland and Ireland did not wish to have them, we might get rid of that loss by wiping out those things. But those things are good for Ireland, so we cannot wipe out the loss. None the less, in the long run, it is good neither for us nor for Ireland that there should be an increasing loss from the British point of view upon the government of Ireland. We propose to put a definite limit to that loss, and, in putting a definite limit to it, we are told on the other side of the House that we ought not to go on incurring that loss at all unless we also retain control of Irish affairs. If we were not putting a limit to the loss I should agree, but we are putting a limit to the loss. Then, I say, it is a distinct gain to us that we should not, besides putting a limit to the loss, burden ourselves with the control and management of Irish affairs. That is better for Ireland and better for us.

In the third place, since 1893 the need for devolution has become more necessary than ever. People point out—and, of course, point out with force—that there may be some development under this Bill which will be inconvenient; but without devolution we shall have destruction. Of course, if we assume the worst is going to be made of any Bill, and that every difficult or delicate or temporary provision is to be used to upset the working of the Bill, why any Bill can be upset; but it is fair to assume that the people who will have to work this Bill—we here as well as hon. Members in Ireland—will, when they find difficulties in it, make those difficulties as little and not as great as possible in the interests of the good working of the Bill. If any people are to take objection to the working of the Bill I think the Irish Members might. The Imperial supremacy of this House is maintained. They might point out how, if we made use of every power reserved under this Bill, we might make things impossible for them in Ireland. The power remains under the Bill. But they do not do that. They have confidence we shall not go out of our way to interfere in Irish affairs, and I think they have that confidence justly. And when I say they have confidence in that, it means they have confidence in something else. It means they have confidence that this riot of bigotry, intolerance, rapine, and disorder, which it is supposed will break out in Ireland when this Bill is passed, is not going to take place. They know perfectly well the strong sympathy which exists in this House with oppressed minorities, even foreign and distant oppressed minorities, and which is constantly expressed. Of course, they know, as well as anybody knows, that were there the intolerance and oppression which we are told will happen in Ireland there would at once grow up a strong and irresistible feeling in this House. We advocate this Bill because we believe nothing of that kind will happen. The Irish Members accept this. Bill, I believe, because they know nothing of that kind will happen.

From what does the real opposition to this Bill proceed? It is not a question of the constabulary, or of the Customs and Excise, or whether there is to be a Senate or whether the Senate is to be nominated or not. Those are not the real things which inspire the opposition. Two things, in my opinion, mainly inspire the opposition. One is the vehement opposition of Ulster to this Bill. It is exceedingly difficult, I admit, for us dealing with the question of Ulster. We know in advance that no argument that we can address to them will be effective, coming from us. They tell us it is they who will suffer and not we, and that they know and we do not know. And we have no means of mitigating their animosity. They in turn must let us take our point of view. We have here a great problem to solve, and it cannot be solved by any strong feeling or strong language. One thing we cannot do for Ulster, and that is to sacrifice the House of Commons and the central Imperial Government to Ulster feeling. If Ulster defeats the solution which we propose or make it impossible, we cannot afford to continue the present state of affairs. Some other solution will have to be found which will free this House and put the control of Irish affairs in Irish hands. That has to be done. It is necessary for the House of Commons; it is necessary for the Executive, for the Cabinet. You cannot in the long run have a Cabinet to manage all the important affairs, external and what I call Imperial affairs, which must fall to it, and at the same time undertake the task of being responsible for the Executive in Ireland, when that Executive may not have the good will of the people behind it. I trust and I believe—on this point I am sure—that the Nationalist Members from Ireland—and indeed they have said it themselves—are equally convinced of the importance of Ulster to the good working of Home Rule. I am going to come in a moment to the difference of national feeling which exists as between British and Irish—I am going to admit there is some difference—but it is not a difference which means that political responsibility is not going to carry with it that moderation, prudence, circumspection, and sense of obligation which it does in every civilised white race. And when Ireland is responsible for the government of Irish affairs I am quite certain the last thing an Irish Executive or an Irish Parliament will do will be to provoke a strong minority in Ulster to resistance based upon moral wrong and unreasonable treatment. Members from Ulster may not believe that. I believe that nothing can resist the working of those forces, and the animosity which may exist between different parts of Ireland to-day is no measure whatever and no guide to what the feeling will be when the different parts of Ireland have for the first time a sense Of joint responsibility. Once put them in a condition in which they know that the welfare of both depends upon the goodwill of each, and that will work. It will be effective in Nationalist circles and it will be effective in the Ulster minority. Nothing, I believe, can resist that. They have never had in Ireland that sense of responsibility. Neither party has had it. On the contrary, they have been free to let their animosities and differences of view reach whatever point they like between them, feeling that all the time it was the business of a British Government here to protect either of them or both of them from the consequences. Therefore the feeling which exists under present conditions is no measure or guide whatever to what it may and, I believe, will be under other conditions.

The second reason which I believe animates the opposition to this Bill is the belief—I will call it an opinion, an apprehension, a feeling, a belief if you like—that the majority of the Irish are permanently, inevitably, irreconcilably ill-disposed towards the British. [HON. MEMBBES: "No, no."] I must say that has been the impression borne in on me for the last twenty-five years. I put it as a concrete argument this way. If it is repudiated I certainly will not press it, but I must press the point I am going to make. I thought really one of the great arguments against Home Rule in the last twenty-six years might have been summed up in saying, "You must not give Home Rule to Ireland; it is not safe; they will use it against you." I am perfectly ready to admit that you would find old speeches in support of that view; but the last twenty years have done very much to mitigate the bitterness of feeling which has existed in Ireland, and which we have all known. There has been not only a cessation of the injustice which produced that bitterness in previous generations, but there have been ameliorating measures, passed with the consent of the Nationalists, such as the Land Purchase Act. That has not been without effect on the state of feeling as between the Irish and the British people in the last twenty years, but it has not diminished by one member or one vote the demand for Home Rule. It has had this effect on the demand for Home Rule, that it has vastly weakened the force of the argument founded on the suggestion that it was not safe to give Home Rule, because of the feeling towards us in Ireland.

If there is no apprehension about the feeling in Ireland towards England, will you give up quoting from those old speeches? They are still quoted. We have all read, some of us may have heard, some speeches of this kind. I have heard other speeches from Ireland, not recently but in early days when I was in this House, which used to move people, not only on one side of the House, speeches going back on past history and recalling the tale of wrong and injustice, to which there was no answer. I do not believe any of us could have listened to some of those speeches, or read history, without feeling that, if that had been our history, our feelings would have been the same. I have heard the answer given in the House to some of those speeches reciting the injustices and wrongs of Ireland. The answer given on the Unionist side was, "That is past and gone. Why do not you forget that; forget all that far off unhappy state of things?" I have heard that answer given. When I heard it I used to ask, "What has Ireland in the present to make her forget the past?" In those days she had poverty, distress, and no hope; in the present she has prosperity compared with what used to be the condition in Ireland. If we are to ask Ireland to forget past deeds, are we never to forget past words If the pages of history are to be forgotten or never referred to, then I think we must also forget the bitterness and the bitter speeches and resentment to which that history gave rise. I do not believe we can do anything but harm by attempting to make out that there are no separate units in the United Kingdom and no differences of national opinion. There is an Irish national feeling and there is national feeling in other parts of the United Kingdom. You cannot help it. The thing is there and if you deny its existence you will only intensify it.

I go back, as the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Balfour) went back in a previous speech, to the early days when Mr. Gladstone introduced Home Rule. It is natural for anyone who was in Parliament and supported those Bills of 1886 and 1893 to look back and recall, as the right hon. Gentleman recalled the other day, the scene in 1886 when the Home Rule Bill was introduced. It is natural for us to reflect, looking back upon events, that even if mistakes were made—and no doubt there were mistakes—perhaps at one moment too much was attempted too soon, or at another the impossible was attempted with the force at our command—Mr. Gladstone's effort was not a failure. It was only the beginning of a chapter which will be completed; and I think, looking back on the past twenty-five years, that though the Home Rule Bills that Mr. Gladstone introduced were not passed, they cannot be said to have failed because they did not pass. Comparatively, especially in recent years, the Government of Ireland has been an easier task than it was regarded in earlier days. There has been less distress, less suffering, less resentment. Why? Because if those old Bills did not pass the hope which Mr. Gladstone kindled was alive. But for that I believe you would have been governing Ireland under Coercion Acts even in recent years. Two things remain to my mind very strongly. They stirred me at the time; they stir me still. One is Mr. Gladstone's intense grip of the fact that there was a national spirit in Ireland, and the splendour of the effort he made in his last years to acknowledge and reconcile that spirit. That is one thing. The other is the Irish response to Mr. Gladstone. It was not the assent of mere tacticians who had gained an advocate and a point. It was genuine, warm and living feeling, a response of gratitude and sympathy, the same in kind and as genuine as his own. No one who has sat in this House all these years can possibly have failed to realise that if the national feeling in Ireland was strong, if it has been at times bitter and resentful, the response to Mr. Gladstone, indeed the feeling in which his name is still held in Ireland is genuine, warm, and real. That, no doubt, is a sentimental point of view.

I believe than sentiment nothing is more mischievous when it is hollow, unreal, and simulated. In this case I believe it is substantial and real. Irish good will, the good will of the Irish race, is worth having. It counts for something in every part of he world we care for most. How many people who have sat for years on this side of the House, or even on the other side of the House, with Nationalist Members for Ireland, can really from their hearts say they believe that good will to be impossible? On what does it depend? It depends on whether we can, within the Constitution of the United Kingdom, treat Ireland as a part, but also as a unit sufficiently to enable the whole atmosphere of the Irish Executive and Irish legislation in Ireland to be Irish. That is the problem we have to solve. To attempt to solve that problem, whether you approach it from the cold business view of devolution, or whether you do it from the more moving and stirring side of Irish feeling, is, I maintain, an essential duty for British statesmen; and to succeed in solving that problem will be the greatest and happiest boon that can be bestowed by any one act of legislation on Great Britain and on Ireland.

6.0 P.M.

The right hon. Gentleman approaches a most delicate matter in a most calm and judicial spirit. He has said nothing that could irritate in a matter in which there might be great cause of irritation, and I hope to the best of my ability, to follow his example. The right hon. Gentleman mentioned, as many other people have done in the House, that the great difficulty of Home Rule in Ireland is Ulster, but he did not say, as other people have not said, what he proposed to do with Ulster if Ulster would not have this Bill. Ulster is a difficulty, and as long as Ulster will not have this Bill, in my opinion this Bill will not be effective as a law in Ireland. The right hon. Gentleman spoke of when Ireland would have a happy time under this Home Rule Bill. I do not believe it is possible for Ireland to have a happy time with this Bill, because it has not been recognised, as has so often been called attention to, that there are two nations in Ireland and not one. I believe that the whole question connected with Ireland, from the very beginning up to now, is the land question. The whole religious question did exist, and it was mixed up with the land, because it was the people who were of a certain religion who were persecuted when they owned land or were on the land. Might I trace the cause of Home Rule from the very beginning? As the right hon. Gentleman knows, the Home Rule agitation started in the early sixties. The Roman Catholic clergy of those days were opposed to Home Rule. I will give a proof of that fact. I was in the first crucial Home Rule Election in Kerry, in the year 1872 when Mr. Blennerhasset, a Protestant and a stranger, supported Home Rule, and Mr. Deas, a local landlord, an extremely popular man and a Catholic, was opposed to Home Rule. Mr. Blennerhasset won the election by 839 votes. I remember the election extremely well, because I started with 350 tenants at two o'clock in the morning to poll them. That was before the ballot. I believe the ballot came in the same year. We were beaten. Why I remember the election so well is that because after polling these tenants I went out into the street, and one of my grand fellow-countrymen, of about six feet five, came up to me, and asked me if I was for Home Rule. I am afraid I was rude enough to say to him, "To Hades with your Home Rule," upon which he hit me on the point of the nose, the back of my head touched the ground first, and I was not in a condition to argue about Home Rule for quite an hour and a half. That is one of the reasons why I am physically opposed to Home Rule.

I was in this House with my right hon. Friend (Mr. Balfour) in 1874, when Mr. Isaac Butt introduced a Motion for an inquiry into the government of Ireland, based on the fact of half the Irish Members of that time having been returned to support Home Rule. That Motion went to a Division, and only fifty Members voted for it. I voted against it. The majority was 264 against it, and Mr. Gladstone spoke and voted against that Motion. I say that the land is the whole question. Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway will not deny that after Mr. Butt's Motion that Home Rule should be inquired into, for the next three years it declined in favour, both in England and in Ireland. What happened? Mr. Michael Davitt tackled the land question on Home Rule, and from that moment the many reforms with regard to land were carried on the Home Rule platform. I want to bring home to this House, especially to hon. Gentlemen opposite, that the land is the real question in Ireland, and that it is only with regard to land that you will ever settle the Irish question, and not with such Bills as you propose here, I am supported in that view, because Mr. Parnell in 1886 told the people of Ireland that if they got Home Rule the land question would be settled. It was on the land question that the Home Rule agitation was conducted. The hon. Member for Cork City (Mr. W. O'Brien) said the other day that nearly the whole question was the land question. The hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) has also dwelt on the importance of the land. The hon. Member for Cork City went so far as to say that if the land purchase scheme had been continued, instead of stopped, you could have reduced the police in Ireland and had money for that land purchase scheme.

I did not for a moment ever suggest that the land question is the whole of the Irish question. What I did suggest was that the settlement of the land question was an indispensable condition to a happy settlement of the Home Rule question.

I hope I do not misrepresent the hon. Gentleman, but I certainly understood him to say that it was three-fourths of the question, and he certainly said it would have reduced the amount of money necessary for the police. The land question is really what we have to deal with. The originators of Home Rule were the tenant farmers in Ireland. I remember the time when the tenant farmers in Ireland paid thousands of pounds towards the Home Rule funds. I do not think they do so now; at least, so far as I can hear. I do not believe the subscriptions for Home Rule are anything like what they used to be, and I shall be corrected by hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway if I am wrong in saying that after a month's canvassing quite lately they only got £1,700. If you figure that out it represents .39 of a farthing for the whole of the people of Ireland. That is not a very extensive subscription. As to the enthusiasm behind Home Rule, am I right or wrong in stating that when the meeting was held in Dublin the other day the organisers guaranteed £1,500 for the trains, and that they had to pay £1,200? But I do not want to make invidious remarks; what I want to prove is that the enthusiasm for Home Rule is not so great as the enthusiasm against it. I attended the extraordinary meeting held the other day in the North of Ireland. I can say without boasting that I have seen everything worth seeing in the world, and I can confidently say I was never more impressed in my life than with the march of those 120,000 men as they went past the saluting post, I tell hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway that I was very proud of them and I tell them that they can be proud of them too, because they are Irishmen, and when hon. Members forget their politics they are proud of all Irishmen.

I ask hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway if they are quite sure that the Roman Catholic clergy wish for Home Rule, or whether the Roman Catholic clergy were delighted the other day when the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) said that the education scheme would be entirely in the hands of the Government? He did not say he was going to take it out of the hands of the Roman Catholic clergy, but that is what he meant. I should like to see any Member sitting on those benches get up in Ireland and say, what I have heard Irishmen say many a time, that after Home Rule is passed the whole of the political power and the whole of the power with regard to education will be taken out of the hands of the Roman Catholic clergy. That is a very good look-out for the Roman Catholic clergy. They have done a great deal for education in Ireland, but I do not think they will support Home Rule to-day with the same enthusiasm that they have shown for it if they thought that this would occur when the Home Rule Bill comes into force. But I do not wish to touch upon the religious question. I have always held that religion is an accident of birth. If my father and mother had been Roman Catholics, I should have been a Roman Catholic; and if my father and mother had been Jews, I should have been a Jew. It is entirely an accident of birth. Why cannot we leave these religious questions alone, and respect the people who act according to what they have been taught and loyally believe? I remember saying in the year 1875 that religion was an accident of birth, and I got about 400 letters of the most abusive character, principally from clergymen of my own persuasion. May I get back to the land question? I say that the system of tenure in Ireland up to the year 1870 was simply monstrous. Do not blame the landlord; do not blame the tenant. It was the system of the country that a man took a farm and improved it himself, but would not allow his landlord to improve it, because he said he would raise the rent. The man was liable to be turned out at any moment on the side of the road, and all his work for years went to the landlord, because the new tenant paid an increased rent. It was monstrous, and everyone will agree with me in that.

Let me give the House an instance in my own experience. I came into my property in the year 1866. I came home from sea in 1868. I wrote to my agent, and said I wanted to go down to see the property. He said, "Come down as soon as you can. You can raise the rents all round." I wrote to him, "Don't you do anything till I come." I went there, and he took me to one of the farms where he said I could raise the rent. I was driven to a farm in the middle of a bog of about forty-eight acres. I was entertained by one of the finest old Irishmen I have ever seen and his three sons. At the end I said to him, "I want to talk to you about the rent. I hear you are only paying me 2s. 6d. an acre, while I can get 18s. an acre in the market outside." I shall never forget how the old man's face fell as he said, 'For the love of God, don't turn me out, Lord Charles! I will give you 6s. an acre sooner than you should turn me out." He told me he had taken the farm forty-eight years before, and he and his three sons had improved it up to 18s. an acre. By the law of the land I could have turned him out and put in another tenant at 18s. an acre. Are you astonished at the Irish of the old days hating the English? It was the land from the beginning to the end that was the trouble in Ireland, and it is only by letting the people become the owners of land that you will ever settle Ireland. Of course, I told the man to remain there and pay his 2s. 6d. an acre. Supposing I had been an absentee landlord and had heard from my agent of this improved value. There is no sentiment in business, and I should have been perfectly justified in turning this poor fellow out, as was done in thousands of cases.

Go back to the Estates Courts of 1855–6, when a special Grant was given for impecunious landlords. It was the most infamous measure ever passed in any country in the world. Solvent people bought the land as an investment, and I myself have seen the deeds signed by the lawyers, which bore at the bottom the words, "This land can well stand 25 per cent. to 30 per cent, increase." It was that mismanagement, that kind of cruel dealing with the land which made the Irish people hate the English people, as many of them do, not in Ireland now, but abroad, and as they will do to the end of their days and the days of their children's children. The Waterford property and the Leinster property are the two best properties in Ireland, and the farmers from outside are tumbling over each other to obtain farms on them. But so ingrained was the idea that if they improved the property the rent would be raised on them that it was not until the Act of my right hon. Friend, under which the occupier became the owner, that they improved the farms at all, and from that moment you would not know the farms. Farms I have ridden over as a boy on those estates are now under roots and crops, with good fences, and are altogether different from what they were before 1870, or even so late as 1903. People would not believe it. There is proof that if you go on with Irish land purchase that is the way to pacify Ireland. You will not do it by such Bills as this. The 1870 Act was passed almost unanimously. I think there were 400 in favour of it, and eleven, all cranks, against it. No one could ever object to that Bill, for the reasons I have given.

Now let me go on to the facts as they are. I have said enough to show why the hatred of the Irish people was engendered, particularly among those who were sent abroad. It was because of their treatment with regard to the land, and, though the religious question came in, they were only hit on the religious question through the land. Hundreds of thousands of Irishmen have been sent abroad under the most cruel conditions in the past, to America principally, and to Australia, who suffered the most wicked and criminal acts with regard to the land, and you will never get out of the minds of these people that hatred of England. I understand it, and if I had been a Catholic I should have been a rebel in the old days, and probably a very violent one, but I do not understand your conciliation. I understand all that argument which was the basis of Home Rule.

I understand the whole of that argument based on sedition and disloyalty, but I do not understand your new programme at all. You come in with your conciliation and your soft words. I much preferred you in the old days. I knew the rig of it, and I would have done the same, but I would never have come round if I had been you. I do not like your conciliatory line, because I do not think it is true. You talk of finality! What is your authority? Do you suppose these people abroad are going to regard anything you ever do as final? Never; and if I were they I would not either. I could under- stand your hatred of England, but I do not understand these conciliatory methods that you are adopting at this moment. I turn now to a brighter aspect. Everyone agrees that Ireland was never so prosperous and never so devoid of religious rancour. Does anyone deny it on those benches below the Gangway? Not one. The hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. John Redmond) says it is peaceful beyond record. The hon. Member (Mr. Dillon) says it was never so quiet or devoid of crime. Why? There must be a reason for this—for Ireland for the first time in its history being in this very satisfactory condition. It was the Unionist proposal—do not let me make a party thing of it; it was Mr. Gladstone's 1870 Act—

Not at all the Church Act. That was in 1869. That did away with the domination of the Protestants.

I beg pardon. It is a misunderstanding. Any way, that was the beginning. Then came the Bills of 1901 and 1903. There was a good deal intervening, but the other Bills did not pacify Ireland. Ireland really did not become peaceful until the Acts of 1901 and 1903.

The Act of 1903, it was admitted by the Chief Secretary for Ireland, would never have been passed by his Government or by any English Government without the consent and co-operation of the Nationalist party, which was given.

I quite agree with the hon. Gentleman, but that does not do away with my argument. I say the Land Purchase Act ought to have been gone on with. Of course Ireland is better. There is £25,000,000 more in the banks than there was twenty-two years ago. That all comes from the producing classes and from savings. It shows that Ireland is better than ever it was before. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman this. Taking those facts as they are, was there ever a worse moment in the history of any country to choose to revive old antipathies? What was the object of it? When hon. Members below the Gangway, who have fought all these years, confess that Ireland is better off in every way, and that there is less religious rancour, and that Irishmen of all creeds respect each other better now than they ever did, what is the use of bringing in this Bill, which you know perfectly well Ulster will never have, and if Ulster will never have it you will never pass it if you sit there till Doomsday? What are you going to do? You can only pass it by physical force. The loyalists of Ireland have stuck to you all through. Irishmen generally have done a great deal for the Empire.

When we get abroad we do not care a fig about what a man's creed or politics are. All that we know is that he is an Irishman, and Irishmen are all proud of each other except when an English Government comes in and makes the mischief which you intend to make by passing this Home Rule Bill. You could not choose a worse moment to do it, and there never was a moment when you could make more deadly enemies than you will of the men from the North. Even the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Churchill) says the people of the North constitute the most serious obstacle, but he did not say how serious an obstacle it was, and I do not think he knows. I have many Friends on the benches below the Gangway and among Irishmen all over the world. Many of them hate and loathe my politics, but that is nothing to how I hate and loathe theirs. The hon. Member (Mr. T. P. O'Connor) is a friend of mine—not in politics. How he has altered his tone lately! When he is in Canada he has got the dulcet cadence of a musical-box set to a psalm tune and in this House he is the same, but when he goes to America he more resembles a steam hooter or the syren of a 40,000-ton ship. As he will understand the language, in Ireland or in America he speaks with the heart of a prize-fighter, but in Canada and in this House he has the secret charm of a lady's maid. I prefer the old style because, as far as I know, that is true, and I do not care about the new style because it is not true, and they have not got the power and authority over those who they represent to agree to make this a final settlement of the Irish question. What has the Chief Secretary done about the Land Bill? I know he has difficulties of finance, but that is the result of what they call the Lloyd George influence.

I always like to see a right hon. Gentleman support his colleagues. That may be a matter of opinion.

Not at all. The very first issue of Land Stock under the very beneficent Act of 1903, against which I do not say a word, was at 87.

I am sure the right hon. Gentleman will not want me of all people to enter into a financial argument. I do not intend to do that, but when he recast his Finance Bill—I am well able to judge of that—he reduced the benefit to the landlord and tenant. He will not deny that he did that instead of recasting the Bill so as to retain the benefit to the landlord and tenant. What was the result? It stopped land purchase. Why was land purchase stopped? Are there not many hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway who are more or less responsible for the stoppage of land purchase?

I say they were not responsible. There is no Gentleman from Ireland who was in any sense responsible for what the Noble Lord thinks the bad terms I got from the Treasury. They would all have been very glad if I had got better.

That is not quite my point. I say that land purchase was pacifying Ireland, and it was reducing religious rancour. When the occupier became the owner they all found they were getting more prosperous. That reduced religious rancour for the simple reason that the Roman Catholic tenants were always worse off than the Protestant tenants, and the Roman Catholics remembered the old days of Protestant domination. I say that when the right hon- Gentleman or the Government stopped land purchase they were very glad to use that to revive again the old Home Rule agitation. I appeal to hon. Members from the North of Ireland if they do not think so. I may be wrong, but I say that was the reason. I cannot use stronger language than the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. William O'Brien) used in regard to the stopping of land purchase. You ought to have gone on with it. It is the way to pacify Ireland, and there is no other way in my opinion. Suppose hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway get Home Rule, what is the first thing they want? They want to get the administration of the Land Purchase Act, in so far as the remaining quarter of the tenants have yet to buy. What will be the result of that? There are hundreds and thousands of cases where tenants have already bought under the Land Purchase Act, but if the others are coming in under the administration of a Home Rule Parliament, where will your British credit be if the occupiers refuse to pay their instalments? How can you make them pay their instalments? As soon as the Gentlemen on those benches get hold of the administration you will have the greatest dissatisfaction from one end of the country to the other, and tenants will refuse to pay their instalments, and perhaps in some cases rightly refuse.

The right hon. Gentleman does not know my countrymen so well as I do.

Yes, and I say they are honest, but they like fair play, and they would not consider that they were getting fair play. May I, for a moment, refer to the religious question, because it is a thing that ought to be referred to. It exists. It was gradually dying out by making the people contented. Let us go back and see what it was in former days. The Irish were slaves and serfs, and they were enemies of this country before Catholic emancipation. I am interested in this question because one of my ancestors stood for a constituency in 1826. Ancestors cannot find fault with their posterity, but posterity may criticise their ancestors. I think my ancestor on that occasion was entirely wrong. He stood against Catholic emancipation, and they beat him. The result was that. Catholic emancipation was carried in 1829. I can tell the story of a curious incident that happened when I stood for election in the county of Waterford in 1874. There was a gentleman at a meeting who kept interrupting me, and I said, "Come up to the platform." He came, and I asked, "What is the matter with you?" He replied, "You are no man." I said, "You must give me some explanation," and he answered, "I remember the last time one of your family stood for the county of Waterford, I was up to the knees in blood and whisky for a month. I have not seen a drop of either at this election." Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway will agree with me that the religious question began with the Inquisition. [Laughter.] I do not see how hon. Members should laugh.

I am talking of the religious animosity in Ireland. What was the result of that? Ireland. What was the result of that? The reaction and the massacre of the Protestants in 1641. Then there was a violent Protestant reaction in 1649, when the English under Cromwell treated the Catholics far worse than they had ever treated the Protestants before them. That feeling to a certain extent remains to this day. It did remain during the Protestant domination until the Disestablishment of the Irish Church in 1869. I wish to ask hon. Gentleman below the Gangway, do they like the result of Protestant domination in Ireland? Was it not cruel and unjust when it was a political domination associated with religion? I tell hon. Gentleman opposite that we are just as determined not to have a political religious domination under Home Rule. Catholics hated and detested Protestant domination: in the past. We want equality, but you cannot get it, unless you have the English over lord—unless you have-the English to keep us both in order. Dean Swift said: "The two peoples, Protestant and Catholic, are the finest in the world. They are always fighting like devils for conciliation, and murdering each other for the love of God." That is what we may be doing again if ever you have a Parliament which is to be dominant in one religion, and that is what we object to in the North of Ireland. We honestly believe it will affect our civil and religious liberties. We do not want to fight our brother fellow-countrymen. It is you on that bench opposite who want to make us fight them. Let me put it this way. Law and discipline first of all depend on how they are administered. The right hon. Gentleman will agree with me in that. But you cannot administer unjust law, and you cannot administer bad discipline. If you try it, you have rebellion on the one side and mutiny on the other. You will bring that about if you attempt to force Home Rule on Ulster. Any new arrangement for the government of Ireland has got to be voluntary, and it cannot be compulsory. If you send over English troops to shoot down those whose only fault is loyalty to the Union and loyalty to the English connection you cannot force us to accept Home Rule in this form—if you attempt to do it you will meet with a resistance that in my opinion would be deplorable. [An HON. MEMBER: "What would you do?"] What would our side do? We would go on with Irish land purchase, even if it cost the English a little more money. You English have been very generous, and to your lasting credit you have put down the security for £130,000,000 to enable the Irish whom you bullied and persecuted in the past to buy their farms. I say go on with that if it does cost a little more. Go on with it, and get rid of the religious rancour which hon. Gentlemen below the 'Gangway say now exists.

You are not going to repudiate your own leader. The hon. and learned Member for Waterford said that Ireland was never so prosperous, never so contented, never so free from religious rancour. That is my point. [An HON. MEMBER: "What is the reason?"] "The hon. Gentleman asks how they got into that position? By making the occupier the owner of his farm, and I say go on with land purchase if you wish to bring about the contentment of my country. Do away with the Lord Lieutenant and all that sham and rotten Court. Think of Ireland, and do not think of creeds. Do not think of different politics, and do not get out of your heads for one moment that the descendants of those you treated badly in the old days, and who have gone to America, are not going to say a good word for you. [An HON. MEMBER: "They will."] Very well, I do not admire them. They would not be right to say it. Do everything we can to make Ireland prosperous, and drop all your religious feuds and party feuds. Remember we are all Irishmen. Hon. Members below the Gangway are proud of being Irish, and I for one say that if you wish to bring Ireland into the position you want to get it you are going the wrong way to work by producing a Bill you never can make operative. You know you can never make it effective without British troops. Hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway know as well as I do that the Bill never can be effective as a compulsory Bill. It will have to be a voluntary Bill in some way by which we can get the whole of the Irish people together. [An HON. MEMBER: "In what way?"] In this way— we do not object to govern Ireland if you turn Ireland over to us, but what we do object to is that you, the English Government, should take one class and put the other class under it. I am proud of being an Irishman, and I am on terms of perfect friendship with all those Gentlemen below the Gangway, though I loathe and detest their politics. I do want to see my country settled at last. I have to the best of my ability given my views, which I believe are supported by the loyal men of the North, as to the way you should carry this out. It is not by this Home Rule Bill you can carry out a reform of the system of government in Ireland which will be satisfactory to all parties.

My Noble Friend will forgive me if I do not follow his speech in detail. I will only say one word upon it. I listened to that speech not so much with feelings of amusement as the the ordinary Members of the House listened to it, but with feelings very nearly akin to melancholy, and I will tell the Noble Lord why. For nearly everything he said much allowance and much exception can be made, but for one thing he said no exception whatever can be made. The Noble Lord said that Irishmen at any rate cherished wrongs and remembered the oppressions of the past, and were unable to forgive them. They do remember them, but they are well able to forgive them under different circumstances and in different times. When I listened to the Noble Lord saying that, I thought how astonishing the different views between various classes of men brought up under different circumstances were. The Noble Lord belongs to one of the most powerful and it has been one of the most grasping families in all Ireland. The Noble Lord was able to say that the people as he knows and as I know as a mere matter of history have been oppressed not by himself but by members of families related to his own, and that they could never forgive. Believe me, the Noble Lord will soon find that we ran forgive, and it is because the Irish people wish to join in a great sacrament of reconciliation that I am deeply grieved that the Noble Lord gave them that character. I am as much a Protestant as the Noble Lord himself. I, like the Noble Lord, am the son of a Protestant clergyman. The Noble Lord's father would have been a Protestant bishop, but that an accident of birth made him a Protestant Marquis. He knows perfectly well that three times in Irish history the Catholics had the upper hand in Ireland. They had the upper hand in 1641, they had the upper hand again in 1688, and they had the upper hand in 1798 for some little time, and on no occasion did that Catholic population persecute any Protestant in the slightest degree.

The Noble Lord is an extremely good sailor and a very fine amateur theologian, but a bad historian. That is the only thing that I wish to say in reference to that speech, that it is not the persons who are oppressed who are incapable of forgiving, but the persons of the dominant order who sometimes recollect too long the misery they have inflicted. With that I may leave the Noble Lord, and for a very few minutes ask the indulgence of the House to say some words that have not been said in this Debate, and that I think should be said by someone. I may perhaps by some slight effort bring back the House to the better Government of Ireland Bill. On the merits of that Bill and on its details I will not and cannot say a word. They are too comprehensive; but perhaps as I have heard the speech of the late Leader of the Opposition, and the conclusion of that speech especially when he said that a Home Rule Parliament in Dublin would be not a uniting but a further severance of the nations, I may say I thought how admirably he had been answered in anticipation by no less a person than Mr. Grattan, the great founder of the Irish Constitution. Mr. Grattan said:—

"Loyalty is a noble and judicious and a capacious principle, but in these countries loyalty distinct from liberty is corruption, not loyalty."

Then he says with reference to connection, as to whether it would be severed or not by the re-establishment of a Parliament in College Green:—

"The cry of the connection will not in the end avail against the principles of liberty. Connection is a wise and profound policy, but connection without an Irish Parliament is connection without its own principle, without analogy of condition, without the pride of honour that should attend it, is innovation, is subjugation not connection. Identification is a solid and imperial maxim necessary for the preservation of freedom, necessary for the preservation of Empire, but without a union of hearts, with a separate Government, and without a separate Parliament, identification is extinction, is dishonour."

If I were giving an appreciation of this Bill in two sentences, I think I would read that as the appreciation of the great authority and the great conservator and author of Irish constitutional liberty; I think that is the very best commendation of the Bill. The Noble Lord will forgive me if I refer to the past. I think, as this Bill is in some measure a substitute for the Act of Union, everyone should greatly rejoice indeed to have an opportunity of voting for this measure, which is accepted by Ireland, and which has been accepted by England with honour, and British Members should, for their own honour's sake, do everything to wipe away, as far as they can, the tarnish of dishonour which the passing, and likewise the administration, of the Union in Ireland have produced. I would not, and I cannot, inflict a lecture on this House; but perhaps I may say what has never been said in a single speech before. I may devote a few sentences to describing exactly the method by which this Union was carried, and if the Noble Lord says we cannot forget these things he is scarcely right. We can easily forget them, and we have not to forgive the present English democracy; for the present English democracy were as free from the guilt of carrying the Union as any man could be. Their predecessors, it should never be forgotten, had nothing whatever to do with the transaction. They were without votes and without education. They were kept down under the most savage Labour laws. They were mere sumpter beasts, they were oppressed in England, and the same class that oppressed you, the democracy of Great Britain, oppressed likewise the Irish democracy, and, therefore, in mentioning these things if I liked I could be unkind in reference to the Noble Lord, but I would not, though I can assure him that I know all about his family. His family took a very leading part in these transactions; but these are not matters to rake up, these old matters of a personal kind.

Yes, by references to the Noble Lord's ancestors. I cannot go into an historical disquisition. I read the late Attorney-General's speech I saw the promise of civil war in Ulster in the event of this measure being carried. I saw likewise that it was calculated to oppress the minority. I saw likewise that it was calculated to be a savage system of oppression and religious disability. I saw likewise that the measure would have to be enforced by British soldiers. The right hon. Gentleman was speaking in favour of the Union. Can it be believed that every one of the atrocious principles or measures which he thought would follow from the modification of the Union was one of the direct methods by which the Union was carried. The late Attorney-General prophecies civil war if the Union is interfered with. Of course, we can never reason with prophets; we can only disbelieve them. But we can state facts, and this I state most deliberately. I cannot, of course, give the authorities now, but if I am recorded, and if what I say be in the slightest degree challenged, I will be able to produce them. I say most distinctly that the Irish Union was not only a great crime to Ireland, but that it was a great crime to England. I say distinctly that the Irish Parliament was destroyed by the English Government because they saw that that Parliament was about to reform itself, and if that Parliament had reformed itself the English Parliament would have had to reform itself too. The Government would have been swept .away, and you would have had individual liberty and individual votes. The destruction of the Irish Parliament in 1800—I am as certain of this as I am of my own existence—retarded for thirty years reform in England, and it was done for that purpose. It was a very difficult thing to do. They had, first of all, to drive the people into civil war in order to destroy the Parliament. They drove them deliberately into civil war. The Irish Parliament had been very liberal in reference to Catholics, had admitted them to the franchise and the various professions, had given them rights and privileges, and were most anxious to admit them into the Houses of Parliament itself.

7.0 P.M.

Lord Fitzwilliam was sent over in 1795 as Lord Lieutenant by Pitt, with the direct mandate that Catholic emancipation should be conceded. He was received in Dublin with great enthusiasm and a Catholic Bill was, produced, and passed its First Reading, Then Fitzwilliam was suddenly recalled and disgraced. There was a breach of faith with him. Then the people, whose hopes had been raised to the highest, were of course proportionately disappointed. and the constitutional agitation became unconstitutional agitation. The Government did not want to put down the disorder that ensued. The Government wanted the country to be driven into insurrection, an insurrection that they could suppress by force, so that having done that they could approach the Irish Parliament and say, "Now, if you do not unite with us, see how it will be with you in dealing with a revolutionary population." For fourteen months before the insurrection of 1798, Lord Castlereagh had information of all the movements of the conspirators. These men were not arrested. They were allowed to go on in order that there should be a civil war, and 70,000 lives lost, so that then the Irish Parliament could be destroyed. We have heard a great deal about mandates, and we are asked if we have a mandate for the Home Rule Bill, as if three Elections are not sufficient mandate. But what mandate had the Irish Parliament for passing the Union? The Irish Parliament which passed the Union was elected at the General Election in 1796. One word about the Union I may just say. It is almost incredible to think that when a journal in September, 1798, broached the subject of the Union, it was stated to be a falsehood in order to throw contempt on the Government. The Union was first of all broached as a Government measure in December, 1799, in the Parliament elected in 1796, that received no mandate for it. It was proposed in 1799, and was defeated. Any Government following constitutional practice would have resigned. They did not resign. They dismissed every single man in the Government who was against it. Having clone that, they approached the proprietors of the rotten boroughs, and offered them compensation for the boroughs to the tune of £1,260,000. Having done that in a Parliament in which there were only 128 who were independent men, the nominee Members were told that they would have to vote for the Union or go out. In that Parliament 63 Members immediately accepted nominal offices and conceded their seats. Then a new Parliament was formed, consisting of English officials, without a rood of land in the country, who were bribed for their votes. It is true that of all the Members who voted for the destruction of the Irish Parliament seven alone were unbribed. The bribes consisted of sums of money of from £30,000 down to £3,000, together with peerages and other things thrown in. We hear a great deal about Ministers and corruption. Let us see how the Irish Parliament died under corruption. Mr. Edgworth, a Member of the Irish House of Commons, said he himself was offered £3,000 if he would vote in favour of the Union, but he felt that the country was against it and would not vote for it. Lord Cornwallis said he hated to work among most corrupt people, and that if it were not that he knew his position at the Castle would be for a very short time, really he would have prayed for death. This Viceroy, carrying on this great work of the Union, in a private letter (which I have) in reference to himself, used the words of Swift in regard to the corruption of a previous Viceroy. The lines are short, and they showed what the feelings of Lord Cornwallis were about corruption—

I do not attempt to follow the hon. Gentleman who has just spoken into those historical reminiscences with which he always favours this House, especially as I think the House will come to the conclusion that they do not refer directly to the Bill. I think I am right in saying that the main ground upon which the Prime Minister justified the introduction of this Bill was the persistent demand of the Nationalist party for Home Rule. The Chief Secretary went so far as to say that among the changes which have taken place in Ireland during the last one hundred years the Nationalist demand alone has remained permanent and immutable. I join issue with the Chief Secretary in regard to that statement. There is something else which has not changed—and that is the determination of the loyalists of Ireland never, under any circumstances, to submit to Home Rule. This question has been before the country now for nearly thirty years, and during that time many attempts have been made to disintegrate the Unionist forces in Ireland. But they have all failed, and the present generation are as steadfast as their fathers in the determination to resist Home Rule at all costs. In fact, I believe there has never been a time when the loyalist minority have been more thoroughly united or more earnest in the determination to maintain their rights than they are to-day. As an Ulsterman and the representative of an Ulster constituency for many years, I may claim to know the state of feeling which exists throughout Ulster; and I tell the House, with all the earnestness in my power, that any attempt to force Home Rule upon the Protestant minority must have disastrous consequences upon the peace and prosperity of Ireland. I beg the House, therefore, before they proceed farther with this Bill, to consider in all seriousness the effects which this policy will inevitably entail. You have to face this undoubted fact—and I desire to put the matter quite plainly to the House—if this Bill is forced through under the Parliament Act, measures will be taken to make the Government of Ulster by the Nationalist Parliament an impossibility.

We hold that we shall be perfectly justified in taking that course; and we are not moved by accusations of disloyalty, whether they come from self-acknowledged "rebels" below the Gangway or from Members of a Government who treated the Crown so abominably in connection with the passage of the Parliament Act. The Unionists of Ireland say, in effect, "We are loyal subjects of His Majesty. and we claim to retain unimpaired our full rights as citizens of the United Kingdom. We deny the right and authority of this Government to order us to transfer our allegiance from the Imperial Parliament to this body which you propose to set up in Dublin, and we shall refuse to do so." You say you have put safeguards into the Bill specially for our protection, and you profess to be surprised that we do not accept them. But what are those safeguards worth? The Government know as well as we do that they are absolutely worthless. It is all very well for the hon. Gentlemen opposite, who think that they are going to free themselves from Nationalist domination, to say that these safeguards are quite adequate for our protection.

But it must not be forgotten that this Bill proposes to make the loyalist minority subject for all time to Nationalist rule, and, therefore, we regard the safeguards in a very different light from that in which Gentlemen opposite view them. Let us see what they are. First, we have the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament —which would never be enforced. Next we have the restrictions upon the legislative action of the Irish Parliament, which would be evaded with impunity. There is the veto of the Lord-Lieutenant, which would never be exercised; and there is the appeal to the Privy Council in England, which would be a dead letter. All these are checks upon the legislation of the Irish Parliament. They are—as I have said—absolutely futile in that respect; but if tyranny is to be apprehended it will be exercised in administration rather than in legislation. And yet, Sir, under this Bill the Irish Executive is to be given absolutely uncontrolled power over the lives and liberties of the loyal minority, without checks or guarantees of any kind whatever. If the Unionists of Ulster decided to return Members to the Irish House of Commons, which they will not do, they might secure thirty seats out of the total of 164.

But there is a provision in the Bill that after three years, the Irish Parliament would be able to gerrymander the constituencies in such a way that the Unionists would be in a still more hopeless position. In any case they would be absolutely powerless to influence or control the administration; and consequently their presence in the Irish Parliament would be no protection to the minority. The proposal of the nominated Senate regarded as a safeguard is so grotesque that I scarcely think it necessary to refer to it. Even if the suggestion of the hon. and learned Member for North-East Cork were carried out, and one-half the members of the Senate were Unionists, what guarantee have we that the proportion would be maintained? It is provided that ten members of the Senate are to retire every second year, and it might very well happen that at the end of four years the whole twenty Unionists would have been replaced by Nationalists. In any case, the Senate could not be any protection to us, because in a joint Session they would always be outvoted by the standing Nationalist majority in their House of Commons. On the subject of these safeguards, I will say no more than this: the Government have shown, by putting them into the Bill, that they themselves have some doubts as to whether the Nationalists can be trusted. And yet, it has been made a subject for reproach by speakers this afternoon to Irish Unionists that they refused to trust themselves to their fellow-countrymen. It cannot be denied that we do distrust the men who, under this Bill, would have the administration of affairs in Ireland. We cannot help it. The fault lies not with us, but with the Nationalists themselves. We remember their threats. We cannot forget that the whole Nationalist movement has been based upon crime and outrage. We distrust the secret organisations by which even to-day they carry out their tyrannical purposes in some parts of Ireland. We cannot place our lives and liberties m the hands of these men, and we will not.

While it cannot be made too clear that Irish Unionists are unalterably opposed to any and every form of Home Rule, it is necessary that the House should be informed why we object to this particular measure. If I may put our objections to it in one sentence, I say: it is degrading to Ireland, it is unjust to the British taxpayer, and it can only lead to separation and Imperial disaster. I propose, if the House will allow me, to state my reasons for each of those assertions, and first of all I say that this Bill is degrading to Ireland. What is Ireland's position at the present time? Under the Union of course, Ireland is a partner in the United Kingdom. The constitutional position is that Ireland, Scotland and England, each contribute to the common exchequer in proportion to its comparative ability to bear taxation; and each country receives from the Exchequer whatever may be necessary to maintain the public services within its area. Under the Union there is no question of any one of the three Kingdoms being "run" either at a loss or at a profit. They are run together as one estate: and they bear together one another's burdens and the weight of Empire. I do not see how it can be disputed that Ireland has greatly benefited from this arrangement. Ulster has made a steady advancement— during the whole period since the Union— to a position of great industrial and commercial prosperity. If in other parts of Ireland there has not been the same amount of progress, it has been due—not to the Act of Union—but to other causes, which I need not specify. During the last twenty years, however, there has been an enormous development in all parts of Ireland, and this has been directly due to the remedial legislation passed by the Imperial Parliament. The result of all this improvement has been to show the complete fallacy of the argument we used to hear very frequently from the Nationalist party—that Ireland could never prosper under the Union. Ireland has prospered under the Union, and as the direct consequence of the Union; and what we say is that this Bill will put an end to this prosperity. Instead of being a partner in the United Kingdom Ireland is to be placed in the position of a poor pensioner. She is not to be trusted to collect her own taxes. That is to be done for her by British officials. There is to be divided control of Irish affairs, and the Irish Parliament is to be responsible for a little more than one-half of the administration. Ireland is to be paid a certain fixed sum every year out of the British Exchequer, and she is given plainly to understand by this Bill that she must live within her income. The sum to be assigned to her is only just sufficient to meet current expenses. Money will be wanted for Poor Law Reform, for education, for drainage, and for other reforms. How is this money to be obtained?

The Government suggests that these reforms can be financed out of economies effected by the Irish Executive in the services which they will control. I venture to say that no more absurd suggestion could be made. All the experience we have had of Nationalist administration shows that economy is the last thing we can look for under a Bill of this kind. Even the financial experts of the Nationalist party are agreed that economy is a matter to be looked for in the dim and distant future. They say: "It will take from fifteen to twenty years for economies to fructify." The prospect before Irish taxpayers under this Bill, therefore, is an alarming one. The Bill seems to be framed with the express purpose of preventing any reduction of their burdens. If the Irish Government reduce taxes they will lose part of the British subsidy. It is not likely, therefore, that there will be any remissions of existing taxes. On the other hand, the Irish Government are to be given large powers of increasing taxes and devising new taxes. So far as I can see, there is nothing to prevent them from putting a special tax upon looms and spindles, and so crippling the Ulster linen industry. We have heard a great deal of late, and in the course of this Debate about the evils resulting to Ireland from her enforced association with Great Britain in financial matters; but it appears to me that the divorce, which this Bill proposes, is likely to have far more unhappy consequences to the Irish taxpayer even than a further dose of Lloyd Georgian finance. There is this further consideration for the people of Ireland, and it is one of the highest importance. It has been referred to by the hon. Member for Cork City now and on the First Reading. Home Rule will delay indefinitely the completion of land purchase. Land purchase is to be a "reserved service" under the Bill. That is to say, it is to remain a charge upon the British Exchequer. The great scheme of land purchase—which has already produced enormous benefit to Ireland—is only half completed. What prospect is there under this Bill of its being carried through? I see none. It seems to me that the whole question is to be left in a state of hopeless confusion and uncertainty.

Hon. Members below the Gangway know that I have taken a great interest in the land question since I first entered this House, and that I very largely supported them when there were not few Unionists on this side who supported them. Therefore, I can speak perfectly dispassionately on the subject. I cannot see how Ireland can expect that Great Britain will continue to finance land purchase when the partnership between the two countries is by way of being dissolved. The hon. Member for Cork City made some remarks this afternoon upon the introduction of the Bill which seemed to indicate that he expected to find some important Clauses dealing with land purchase which would guarantee the speedy settlement of this question. I think the hon. Member must be grievously disappointed. I have not been able to find anything in the Bill which holds out the least ground for hope that, if Home Rule is passed, the scheme of land purchase will be carried to completion. On the contrary, I believe that under this Bill land purchase, which is described here as a "reserved service" will indeed be a "reserved service" and will be hung up till the end of time.

Let us now consider the effect of these proposals from the point of view of the British taxpayers. They have, first of all, to provide about £2,000,000 a year as a free contribution to Ireland. They have to take upon their shoulders, also, the whole of Ireland's share of the cost of the Army and Navy and the National Debt. This means that the British taxpayers are to be called upon to pay what is equivalent to a subsidy of about £6,000,000 a year, and this may easily be increased to £7,000,000 as time goes on. But this does not represent the whole case. The deficit of £2,000,000 is only an estimate. The actual amount has yet to be ascertained. It may very easily be more than £2.000,000. The cost of the "reserved services" may increase, or the yield of taxation in Ireland may diminish. In either case—or in both cases—the British Exchequer would have to make up any deficiency. If there is a general refusal to pay taxes in Ulster—and I am convinced there will be, if this Bill passes—it will make a very serious difference to the amount of revenue that will be obtained from Ireland. The Government appear to think that they have guarded against this danger by making the collection of taxes in Ireland an Imperial service.

But I think I may speak for the Unionists of Ulster when I say it will make no difference whatever to their determination whether the collectors are British officials or Irish officials. In trying to circumvent the people of Ulster—which I believe is the sole reason for this provision—the Government have exposed themselves to another difficulty. It appears to me that if the collection of taxes is reserved to the Imperial Parliament, there is the risk of a great deal of evasion among Nationalists, especially when it is considered that whether the Irish people pay their taxes or whether they do not, the Irish Exchequer will not lose a single farthing. It has been pointed out as a possibility that the power given to the Irish Parliament to vary the Customs and Excise Duties will lead to smuggling on a large scale. Personally, I think it will. In any case, it will be necessary to set up Customs barriers between the two countries, which will not only restrict trade, but will increase the cost of collecting the revenue. This subsidy to Ireland is not only uncertain in amount, it will have to be paid for an indefinite period. I gather from the speech of the Postmaster-General, on the First Reading, that, in his opinion, there is not the slightest chance of Ireland being able to pay her way for at least ten years to come. I am inclined to think the estimate of the Irish County Councils Association is nearer the truth. They estimate that Great Britain will have to pay this subsidy during a period of at least twenty to thirty years. If this estimate is correct, and if during the whole of that time Ireland makes no Imperial contribution, the total cost to Great Britain of giving Home Rule to Ireland will run to nearly 200 millions. I come now to the important question whether this Bill can be regarded as in any sense a final settlement of the Irish question.

The hon. and learned Member for Water-ford in the Debate on the First Reading used very guarded language on this point, and, so far as I am aware, there was not a word said about finality at the Convention last week. The only clear Nationalist declaration we have had on this point has come from the Nationalist County Councils Association—to which I have previously referred—and their verdict is that the Bill does not satisfy even the minimum Nationalist demand. It follows from that, therefore, that the Nationalists would not be satisfied with this Parliament in Dublin if it were set up. They would want more and more powers of control, and the Imperial Parliament would find it practically impossible to refuse their demands. AH that we know of the Nationalist party and their real objects convinces us that they would never be satisfied until they had made the Irish Parliament practically independent and free from all control by the Imperial Parliament, The First Lord of the Admiralty has told us we must disregard all the disloyal utterances of Nationalist leaders in the past. He says they are not to be taken as any guide to the action of a Nationalist Parliament in Dublin. We believe those declarations expressed the sentiments of the men to whom they were addressed, and we see no signs whatever of any change of opinion or intention amongst the rank and file of the Nationalist party. The hon. and learned Member for Waterford denies that he is a separatist, he has denied it on several platforms in England recently, but I have never heard that the Member for East Mayo has repudiated his declaration in this House in February, 1898, that the full Nationalist demand is for separation. The hon. and learned Member for Water-ford may have moderated his own personal views; but it was less than four years ago that the hon. Member prayed for the men who were more extreme than he was—"for success to all their ideals and all their hopes." It was only last September that the hon. and learned Member declared at Aughrim:— the social and material welfare of the people of Ireland.

This is the third Home Rule Bill which in my time has been introduced into the House of Commons, and in the form of its introduction it is the most fortunate, because it was presented by the Prime Minister on the First Reading as a measure which, though limited at this stage to Ireland, has to be viewed as a first step in a complete policy of federal devolution. The system has never yet been defended under which one Parliament has to legislate three or four times over on local government, education, licensing, fisheries, land, church, law, and many social questions in order to meet the requirements of the four divisions of the United Kingdom, and to supervise three separate systems of administration for England, Scotland, and Ireland, besides having to discharge its proper function—in which we all share —in regard to the affairs of the United Kingdom and of the Empire. That is a system no other Parliament has attempted, and its failure in the unique example furnished by us since the Unions has been increasingly apparent. The fact is that alongside of the Irish problem we are confronted with a state of legislative and administrative confusion which constantly increases despite every device that political ingenuity can suggest. For this the only remedy that can be put forward is a general measure of devolution. So evident is this that it is prejudice and prejudice alone which prevents this House from co-operating to carry such a measure into effect. Devolution in its true aspect was raised at the time of the Constitutional Conference, that lost occasion for a readjustment by agreement, although it was seized by "Pacificus" in his letters to the "Times," and by other clear-sighted exponents of Unionist policy to promote the cause of federal union. We can infer from the present attitude of the Opposition why agreement was impossible, devolution being an essential element in constitutional readjustment. Solution by agreement being impossible, the whole subject has to be tackled in a different way and in part. The Government, pledged to legislate for Ireland, had to proceed as best it could. I admit that devolution should proceed simultaneously, and on federal lines. I admit that the form in which we do proceed can be justified only on the ground of past history and of the actual political situation. As the Opposition do not admit any need for devolution in any form, we have to take as much of it as we can get.

What may be done is to secure that devolution, beginning with Ireland, shall extend without delay to the rest of the United Kingdom. That purpose has been steadily pursued in Scotland. In 1886 we opposed the exclusion of the Irish Members from Westminster as incompatible with the unity of the United Kingdom, with our own aspirations, and with the position of our Ulster kinsfolk. In 1893 we opposed the "In-and-Out Clause" as being unworkable. All along we have kept in view the federal ideal for which our forbears contended at the Union 200 years ago, while readily conceding the first place under the present scheme of devolution to Ireland. That is the policy advanced by the Prime Minister and the First Lord of the Admiralty; that is ably backed by other Ministers. The Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary were amongst the first Englishmen to recognise that devolution applied equally to the case of their own country as to any other part of the United Kingdom. The Prime Minister's statement, to my mind, was worth more than any reference to devolution in the Preamble. He declared that— would intensify the drawbacks which we recognise under existing conditions. To accept this proposal would be to sell our heritage, not merely for a mess of pottage, but for a dose of laudanum. It would strengthen the official hold and the party machine at the expense of the representatives of the people. It would frustrate one of our chief ends in promoting Home Rule for Scotland, namely, to throw open opportunities for public service to those individuals who, owing to their close connection with the life and business of Scotland, are just those best fitted to share in her government, and who are now kept off by the present conditions from combining the conduct of ordinary business life with legislative duties. Scotland would not only remain without any real representative control over her administration and finance, but over legislation also, because legislation before the Grand Committee becomes withdrawn more than ever from that public opinion which it is our aim, and I believe that of right hon. Gentlemen on the Government Bench, to bring into closer touch with the framing of legislative measures.

Personally, I would even wait for several years for full self-government rather than see any extension of the Grand Committee system. It would certainly be contrary to the spirit of the Resolution adopted recently by this House in regard to self-government for Scotland, and to the Bill of the Scottish National Committee. We mean, as the hon. Gentleman the Member for Aberdeen meant when he interjected an observation in the Prime Minister's speech, to conduct our own affairs in our own way. That cannot be done by the existing Scottish representation, nor in this Parliament. The true and only course is that laid down, advisedly, by the Prime Minister when he said that what we are doing now we should do with distinct and direct purpose of these fuller and further applications of the principles of the Bill. The dangers of delay in completing the federal system are obvious, and that in regard not only to devolution as a whole, but to this Irish Bill now before the House. The difficulties with which, we the survivors of '86 and '93 were so familiar— the Irish representation in this House, or Ulster, or finance—remain as acute as ever so long as this Bill represents the sum total of the Government's definite engagements. Difficulties disappear or are modified, so far as the representation of Ireland is concerned in this House, once the Government is definitely committed to a speedy realisation of a complete federal system.

The Scottish Liberal Members have unanimously resolved to press for the introduction of a Government Bill for self-government in Scotland next Session. That would secure essential continuity. It would clear the air once it is understood that the further stages of devolution will be dealt with in this Parliament. Many acute difficulties which meet us on the threshold—financial difficulties, for example —in dealing with Ireland are absent when you come to the rest of the United Kingdom. Once it is made clear that England, Ireland, Scotland, and Wales will become free to work out their own development in the spirit of the genius of each nationality, any difficulty in readjusting the relations between Parliament and the subordinate legislatures become minimised. As the matter stands, there are grave objections to dealing piecemeal with the Customs, or even a minor affair like the Post Office. What seems feasible in one part of the United Kingdom becomes absurd as applied to the rest of it. The setting up of one Chamber in Ireland, or two in Scotland, or three in England, is a matter of purely local concern, but if the federal Parliament is to work easily, it is vital that the powers of delegation should be similar. To reserve powers for some special or temporary purpose of the Imperial Parliament as the part of finance, or Irish land purchase—of which we have heard so much to-night—is one thing; to saddle the Central Legislature with some infinite variety of obligations towards a number of subordinate legislatures, adjusted from the local standpoint exclusively, is quite another thing, and would be to court failure and to stop the progress of devolution.

This point is important, for there is no precedent under any federal system for the delegation of Customs to the subordinate legislatures. If we are to live, as we are assured we are destined to live, under one system of federal government, there are obviously great advantages in organising such departments as those from one centre. I would make the most generous provision for Irish finance. I desire the widest delegation of powers to Ireland, and to the other divisions of the United Kingdom consistent with Imperial unity, and with the smooth working of the federal legislatures—and that for two supreme ends. The first is that the local self- government within each unit of the United Kingdom shall be representative, efficient,, and in touch with public requirements, and, secondly, the Parliament shall be disentangled from the rivalry of groups representing different communities, and from the burden of those local affairs, in which, whatever their importance, one group alone is directly and properly interested. Thus this House shall be enabled to provide for the common interests of the United Kingdom, and also for the security of the Empire through the fuller realisation of its unity and strength.

The right hon. Gentleman who has just spoken has cleared the air in one respect. He has told us that he is not satisfied with the offer which has. been made to him and those with whom, he acts; with what the Prime Minister, apparently, is willing to give—devolution by Standing Order. On the other hand he uses expressions which indicate that it is something wider than that that alone will satisfy him. He refers to the expression which the Prime Minister used as to our doing now what we are doing, being done with a view to the extension of federalism in the future. If the right hon. Gentleman will allow me, I will venture to. say that the case is at the one end devolution and at the other end federation. The idea to which we are moving in Irish Home Rule is an idea best described by the expression "federal": The idea of which, I take it, the Prime Minister spoke, to give something at any rate to the hon. Member opposite in the way of Scottish self-rule by means of Standing Order is best, described by the expression "devolution."

Only as a temporary expedient according to the Prime Minister, and only put forward by him as a possible alternative!

8.0 P.M.

Whatever the exact extent of the undertaking of the Prime Minister, it has evidently not satisfied the right hon. Gentleman opposite. We have got to look at facts, and the fact is that the Bill, and the only Bill which is likely to come before this Parliament in connection with Home Rule is the present Bill, to extend Home Rule to Ireland, and on the basis of that Bill we shall have to start on any federal system which we may build up in the future. I notice that the Foreign Secretary criticised the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) because he said he made a speech on Committee points rather than a Second Beading speech; that he dealt with matters of constitutional machinery rather than the Home Rule policy; that he complained you were doing too little for Ireland. I venture to say that .goes to the very root of the differences between the two sides of this House. Our policy is perfectly simple. We say there are only two courses open to you in regard to Ireland. On the one hand, we say you can maintain the Union and pass legislation to increase the ever increasing prosperity going on in Ireland, and, on the other hand, we say the only other course open to you is to hand Ireland over to the Irish and allow the Noble Lord the Member for Portsmouth (Lord C. Beresford) to deal as he chooses with hon. Members below the Gangway or they with him. We hold that view. On the other side of the House you hold the view there is a third possible course, and that is to give with one hand and to hold back with the other. We say it passes the ingenuity of man to devise any system which will enable you successfully to carry out your policy of granting a certain amount of freedom, but not complete freedom. We say, therefore, the very essence of our criticism must lie in the details of any proposals you bring forward. We say it is impossible to frame a constitution to carry out your ideas, and it Is incumbent upon us to prove that the scheme you bring forward is incapable of working.

Therefore the difference between the two sides of the House necessarily turns upon points of machinery. Our whole point is that there are only two ways of dealing with Ireland. You say there is a third, and we point out that each scheme you bring forward will break down. I want to deal with the federal aspect of this question. I am one of those who would be opposed to the granting of Home Rule to Ireland even if there was no Ulster question. I know the Ulster question is a very important aspect of this matter, but even apart from the Ulster question there are reasons why we should oppose the granting of Home Rule. I am not now referring to matters of devolution by Standing Order or any other simplification of our procedure, I am referring to that kind of fundamental change in the Constitution of this country which has been foreshadowed in all the three Home Rule Bills we have had, and which, if we are to be practical, we must take as a basis of any future federal system that may he devised. I venture to say that federation in any true sense in the British Isles according to all the experience of the world is impossible. You may make a paper constitution for Home Rule all round, nut the Constitution after all has to fit the facts. If you are attempting autocratic government you require a constitution which will control the forces; if you are to have a free government you need a constitution through which the forces of the nation may act, but there must be some relation between your paper constitution and the actual living forces which are the constituent parts of the nation. I venture to say the living forces in themselves in the course of disputes between the predominant partner and the minor partners will necessarily set at nought any federal constitution you can devise. We hear it said from this side that of course Scotch Home Rule is a joke.

It is said by a good many on this side with regard to that question. I am so far in accord with hon. Members opposite that I think if they look at it in Scotland or Wales they would not think it a joke, but at the present time you have no national spirit in England as the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London said in a speech in the earlier portions of this discussion. You have no national spirit aroused in England at the present time, and it is for that reason you can have people describing Home Rule for Scotland as a joke. But beware how you rouse that national spirit. What you have to note is this: that if Home Rule is carried it will be carried not by England but by Scotland and by Wales, and that if it is carried, this measure for Ireland will be carried in spite of England. The position in which we stand is one that requires a little consideration with regard to the future. This Bill has a Preamble contained in the midst of it. Clause 13 has a Preamble, which says:—

"Unless and until the Parliament of the United Kingdom otherwise determines the following provisions shall have effect."

Of course that is understood at the beginning of every Clause. You have specially reserved the supremacy of the United Kingdom. Then why have you this Preamble here? In order to attract the votes of hon. Members opposite, who are a little doubtful about giving the control of the Customs to Ireland. I venture to say that unless you can see your way clear to working a federal Constitution in this country that is a fraudulent prospectus. You are attempting to obtain what in another sphere would be called subscriptions of capital with promises you know you cannot fulfil. All experience shows you cannot work a federal system unless that federal system fits in with all the facts. Take the four great cases of federation: the United States, Switzerland, Australia, and Canada. What is the character of the Government of each of these? It is that you have two houses representative of different ideas. In the Upper House the federal idea is represented. You have equal representation of the constituent States in the federation, in order that the rights of the small States may be protected by the jealousies of the larger communities. You have two Senators from each State, from New York as well as Vermont. But why? It was possible when the Constitution of the United States was made, because at that time Massachusetts and Virginia balanced one another, and with the jealousies of the two great States, it was possible to maintain the independence in that Senate of the smaller States represented each by their two Senators. In the Lower House the majority have their full say. So in Switzerland. You have every little canton equally represented in the Upper House, and so in Australia. You have New South Wales and Victoria balancing one another, and in their balance protecting the rights of the smaller States of the Federation. Even in the case of Canada, where the federal idea is less developed, you have twenty-four Senators from Quebec, twenty-four from Ontario, and twenty-four from the maritime provinces. That representation is slightly modified since with the addition of a few senators from the new constituents. But there you have Quebec and Ontario balancing one another, and to-day in the United States no single State is dominant in the whole area. It is very essential to every true federation that you should not have a single predominant partner, but a balance of power.

I shall deal with that. Germany has not a free Constitution. The comparison is apparent, but not real. Take the position in regard to Germany. What is that position? You have an Upper and a Lower House, it is true, an Upper House representative of the federal idea, but then the Bundesrath sits in secret, and we do not know what takes place there. You have the power of veto on the part of Prussia. Prussia, as the dominating State in Germany, has the power to veto the remaining States in the Bundesrath, and there is no true federation there whatever. Take foreign affairs. There is a Foreign Affairs Committee in the Bundesrath. It was provided in 1871 that certain small States should be represented in that Committee, but that is paper. We understand the Committee has met only once, but their representation has been preserved on paper. That Foreign Affairs Committee, even if it met, would have to take its information from the Imperial Chancellor, who is the Prime Minister of Prussia. In other words, the foreign policy of Germany, notwithstanding the federal safeguards, is the policy of Prussia. Prussia is the predominant partner, and there is really no federal government whatever. Why does such a Constitution work for a certain time in Germany? The reason is obvious. Prussia possesses the rule, but does not press Bavaria and Saxony to the full extreme. She knows if they did Bavaria and Saxony have Austria alongside of them. Circumstances hold German federation together, for Prussia knows if she quarrels the rule of Germany by a secret Upper House will cease and you will get true representative free government in Germany. Prussia works that Constitution partly because there are outside forces in play, but partly because it pays her to do it. She rules through the Bundesrath, she holds the Governments of Germany separate, and she prevents the advent of free government as we understand it. I maintain that the case of Germany, so far as it proves anything, proves the point I am putting, namely, the domination of one of the partners. In so far as the predominant partner does not exert her full rights, it is not because she is held in check by any constitutional machinery, but by her policy, a matter which is absent in a free country like ours. If you set up a federal system in this country you will have English opinion organised as it has never been organised since there was a United Kingdom. Under your idea of federal government you are making promises which are obtaining votes to carry Irish Home Rule. You will be called upon to make those promises good. You must see your way in the future, and I maintain it is pertinent to this debate to ask what will be the effect of Home Rule all round. You are going to remove from this House those questions which divide Englishmen most, like education, resting fundamentally on the difference between Churchmen and Nonconformists. You are going to make this a purely English House, and what will be the result 1 That the Englishmen who are elected to your federal assembly will be elected, not with any reference to the party divisions of Englishmen to-day, but to represent England and to secure for England what she has not got, full weight in the councils of the United Kingdom. When you have the addition of another forty Members from the other side of the Channel to readjust financial relations, what will be the mandate of the English Members to your federal house? To look after England's interests, and to see that the other partners in the concern pay their share in the general cost of running the United Kingdom.

You will have England organised, and that England will be four times as great if you take population alone as all the remaining elements in the federation put together. Our quarrel with this Home Rule Bill is that its safeguards are so much paper, and our quarrel with your federal idea is that no federation which fits the needs of the United States, Canada, Australia, or Switzerland, will suit this country, because all the conditions which render Federation suitable in the countries I have mentioned are wanting in this country. Therefore you are putting forward a fraudulent prospectus. You use the blessed word "federation" or "devolution," and you have a marvellous habit of taking to yourselves the blessed words, "Free Trade," which has a delightful sound. Federation has something in it which means live and let live, but the forces you are dealing with now are real, and whatever your promises and your understandings, the forces of society will push the greater numbers in the long run to obtain for themselves the rights which are theirs. It is inevitable that there will arise in this Parliament and an Irish Parliament questions which will lead to differences. There will be a question of what the Irish contribution shall be. We are to have Privy Council decisions in the future; Something akin to Taff Vale decisions, Osborne Judgments, demands for the reversal of Privy Council decisions, and a whole class of interpretations which will grow up manacling the powers of the Irish Parliament. When you have a federal system you will have an organised England, and at present you have a divided England. It seems to me it would be easier to set up .the federation of Europe than the federation of the United Kingdom.

In Europe you have a balance of power which allows countries like Belgium and Switzerland to exist in the interstices of the great Powers, and they are rendered secure by the jealousies of those great Powers. You have none of that here. We have to face the fact that Ireland must either hold the position of Canada or Quebec in the British Empire. You have chosen the term "House of Commons," but I have not heard that term discussed as it might be discussed. In every other federation in this Empire you have expressly distinguished in name between the federal assembly and the assemblies of the local provinces. Here you are expressly introducing confusion. I venture to say you are courting dispute in the future by giving the same name to the supreme and the federal authorities and the subordinate authority of the province. There is a great deal in a name. We are governed by names and blessed terms, as hon. Gentlemen opposite know very well-Either you must separate Ireland as much as Canada is separated, or you must regard Ireland as being in the position of Quebec. With reference to the organisation of the United Kingdom, if Ireland is in the position of Quebec, be sure of one thing, that the Empire will never accept this Parliament as the Imperial authority. You cannot have this Parliament dealing with the affairs of the United Kingdom and of the Empire. Even if you delegate to subordinate Parliaments the local affairs of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, you cannot have this Parliament dealing both with the affairs of the whole Empire and the affairs of the United Kingdom.

There are two ways of lightening the burdens. You may have devolution downwards, but you must have it upwards as well. If you were to offer this scheme of Home Rule as an element in the Imperial organisation to Canada or Australia it would be refused: let there be no mistake, you must go into that Empire as one unit equally with Canada or Australia with your Ireland subordinate in that unit, in which case the Parliament at Westminster will not be the Imperial Parliament, or you go in as two units, one Irish and one British. That will be your federal scheme unless Scotland and Wales are to go in as separate units in addition. You are in the realm of paper and fictions. You bring forward on paper your safeguards, you adumbrate, you promise, you put into a Preamble which is hidden in a Clause in the middle of your Bill a federal system of the future, and it is reducible to terms that will not work. In your Home Rule for Ireland you have left out Ulster. In your federal system you are leaving out England, and in your idea of adapting it to the Empire you are leaving out the Empire. There is no logic in the set of ideas by which you are governed. I venture to say the whole scheme is "bound to fail because it does not tally with facts. In every federal scheme we have had working hitherto there is a relation between it and the facts.

I rise not with the intention of dealing with the arguments of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down, but because, as an old Home Ruler dating back to the year 1886, and even before, I am anxious to say a few words in support of this Motion that this Bill be now read a second time. What has been the constant argument—I do not say the main argument—which has been put in the very forefront against the Second Reading of this Bill by hon. Gentlemen opposite and which has been reiterated again and again in this House? It is that Home Rule was not before the electors at the last General Election. I do not know exactly what hon. Gentlemen opposite say was the issue which was before the electorate at the last General Election. At one time they were inclined even to deny that the Parliament Bill was before the electorate, but that contention has been at last given up, and it is admitted that the Parliament Bill was before the electorate at the last General Election. But the Parliament Bill, as has been said over and over again, was not an end in itself. If a man puts a gate across the highway you do not smash it up for the fun of the thing, but to secure the open road, and it is perfectly well known that open road was designed, in the first instance, for the passage of Home Rule. If it were worth while, I could quote speech after speech of hon. and right hon. Gentlemen opposite, especially right hon. Gentlemen, in which they solemnly warned the electors that, if the Parliament Bill passed into law, Home Rule would become inevitable. Of course, it is not worth quoting them, because it has been done already. Therefore I should like to descend from the general to the particular, and state very briefly what is my own case with regard to the Constituency I have the honour to represent. If I may say so without presumption, I entirely agree with my right hon. Friend the Under-Secretary of State for War (Colonel Seely) in his criticism of the extraordinary doctrine that, after you have got a general mandate from the constituencies and are returned to power, you must go again and get a special mandate for any particular measure you want to bring in.

I stood for the City of Peterborough as a Home Rule candidate in 1886. I have vivid recollections of that election, and they are not altogether irrelevant to my argument. We only had one week for the contest, and I was an entire stranger to everyone in the constituency. The sitting Member belonged to that great and wealthy and deservedly popular family whose name is so much associated with Irish history, the family of Fitzwilliam; and we had to fight on this matter of Home Rule, which had then been suddenly sprung upon the constituencies, and which was naturally regarded with suspicion and apprehension by a great number of the electorate. Yet, with all these disadvantages, we were only beaten by the paltry majority of 280. I think that shows that even in those early days Home Rule was not regarded by the electors of Peterborough with any very great amount of apprehension. I take leave to say. however, that I was beaten at that election, not so much upon Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Bill as upon Mr. Gladstone's. Land Purchase Bill. I remember the constituency was flooded with handbills stating that Mr. Gladstone intended to take £200,000,000—that was the exact sum stated—out of the pockets of the British taxpayer, and hand them over to the Irish landlords, and in order to impress the railwaymen of Peterborough a calculation was made of the number of railway trucks—I forget what was the exact number—but it was very large—full of pure gold, which would be carted away from this country, from the British taxpayer, to be put into the pockets of the Irish landlords. Yet that Bill of Mr. Gladstone only proposed to pledge the credit of this country to the amount of £50,000,000, whereas the Act of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover (Mr. Wyndham) in its initial stage pledged the credit of this country for £100,000,000, and it is now, I suppose, quite double that amount.

I went again to the city of Peterborough in the year 1903, and I was asked to address a meeting with the prospect of my being adopted if my views were accepted by the Liberals as candidate for that constituency. The first thing I did was to remind them of that Home Rule contest, which some of them of course remembered, and to state that I had not changed my view, but, on the contrary, that in the interval my views with regard to the Home Rule Bill had strengthened. Nevertheless, they adopted me, and I was elected by an unprecedented and an enormous majority. I admit that at that election Home Rule was not before the constituency. It is also said that in the election of November, 1910, Home Rule was not put before the electors of Peterborough. Why, in the first place, I put the subject of Home Rule into my Election Address, and I put it in this form:— with completeness. The first condition of federalism, as I understand it, is this: the supremacy of the Constitution. If you are going to have a system of federalism here you must substitute for the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament the supremacy of the Constitution, and, as a corollary, that Constitution must be a written Constitution. That is the first condition. The second is the division and distribution of the powers of Government among a number of bodies with limited and co-ordinate authority. The third condition is that you must authorise the Courts of Law to interpret your Constitution. Is that what hon. Members opposite want? Would they wish to see a supreme written Constitution rather than the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament? Why, an unwritten Constitution and the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament are, I venture to say, of the very essence of our Constitution, and I, for one, shall be content to remain as we are— stare super antiquas vias. I was reading the other day an article by Professor J. H. Morgan, who puts this matter so well that I would venture to quote a few words to the House. He says this:— was wanted was "simultaneity and similarity." I think that is wrong. Ireland wants separate treatment. Grattan well said:— chose jugée . It is asked, "Why should Ireland want Home Rule?" It is said, " Has not Ireland got good government now? Have not we, the Unionist party, granted her local government," in spite of the dismal prognostications of the late Lord Salisbury and Professor Dicey, who said that local government would be even worse than Home Rule? They might go on to ask," Has mot the grant of that local government conclusively proved the business capacity of Irishmen, and that all the prognostications in regard to corruption, and so forth, were absolutely baseless?" They might ask again, "Have not we given them the Land Purchase Act of 1903? Have they not got good government now?" If it were worth while to examine the bureaucracy in Ireland, the number of boards, the over-taxation, and the dismal, lamentable and calamitous history of the decrease in the Irish population, I think we should be able to show quite easily that they have not got good government in Ireland. I pass by that, because it has been well said, and will bear repetition, that

Therefore, even twenty-six years ago, the right hon. Gentleman proclaimed himself in favour of the principle of Home Rule, and declared that the British demoracy were united in their desire to see Home Rule. Surely after that, after the lapse of twenty-six years, it is about time to pay that debt which is so long overdue. An argument has been brought forward, which seems to me really the only effective and serious argument in this question, although I believe myself that there is nothing in it, and that it is absolutely baseless and unsubstantial. It is the argument which is expressed in these words that "Home Rule is Rome Rule." I have great sympathy with those who believe in the truth of that argument. Speaking as an Englishman, holding the opinions that I hold, if I thought for a moment that, giving Home Rule to Ireland would mean that Ireland is to be ruled from the Vatican, I should oppose this Bill. I was very glad when the hon. Member (Mr. Dillon) the other day produced and quoted from a little book written by Mr. Joseph Hocking, a Nonconformist minister, who bears a name which is well known, and who, in spite of his political leanings, which were towards Liberalism, had long refused to give his assent to Home Rule just because, as a strong Nonconformist, he was so apprehensive that Home Rule meant Rome Rule. He went over to Ireland and studied the question on the spot, especially in Ulster, and after long consideration he came to the conclusion that this argument was entirely without foundation. I think I can put what he says into a nutshell. He says that in Ireland there is Rome Rule now, and that the peasantry of Ireland, more than the peasantry of any other country, are under the domination of the priests. I believe that is substantially true. What is the cause, if it is so? Like other phenomena of Irish life and character and opinion, you must seek the cause in history. I find the cause in the odious, monstrous penal laws of William III. and Anne. The effect of these penal laws was to burn Roman Catholicism into the very souls of the people. The policy of those who misgoverned and misrepresented this country at that time was to divorce the people of Ireland from the soil, to keep them in ignorance, and to persecute them and their religion in every possible way. If it is a fact that the Irish peasant is so much under the domination of the priest, not only in religious but in secular matters, it is there that you must seek for the cause. But what is the remedy? What will be the cure? What Mr. Hocking says is that the cure is— Rulers. I have here a manifesto of a certain number of Ulster Protestant Home Rulers, including the head of the great firm of Harland and Wolff, though I know that what he does is discounted because very bad motives are apparently ascribed to him.

The numbers who signed it are not many, but they are put forward as important men. I put it forward as they express themselves so admirably in this sentence:

"Our position as Protestants and Ulster Liberals appears to us to be plain and clear. Our Nationalist fellow-countrymen desire no separation from the Imperial Union. We should listen to no such suggestion. We are proud of our share in the glory and renown of the flag under which we were born and under which we hope to die. We are true Unionists in the best sense of the word. A sullen, discontented, hostile Ireland is a source of weakness; a contented, pacified, and prosperous Ireland will give us a new strength and solidarity. Only a large and generous measure of home government can achieve that happy result."

I cannot help remembering that the leaders of the Nationalist party have been Protestants. There were Mr. Isaac Butt, Mr. Shaw, and Mr. Parnell, and even in stormier times men like Smith O'Brien, Wolfe Tone, Fitzgerald, Emmett, John Mitchell, and John Martin were all Protestants. I say that is a striking fact. When I have heard the Nationalist Members described by an hon. Gentleman opposite as a set of rebels my mind went back to the lamentable story of Irish history. I was reminded of a quotation from Lord Beaconsfield, then Mr. Disraeli, which was commenced but not finished by the hon. Member for Newcastle-on-Tyne (Mr.Shortt) in the speech he made in support of this Bill. Mr. Disraeli, having described the terrible position of Ireland, asked what was the remedy? He said the natural remedy would be revolution, but Ireland could not have a revolution, because she was tied to a stronger country, and therefore the effect of that was that England was in the odious position of being responsible for all the miseries of Ireland, which was denied that revolution to which she was justly entitled. He asked what was the proper course for English statesmen? He said the proper course was to effect by policy all that revolution would do by force. We have waited long for it, and we hope that is being done now. I felt that if I had been an Irishman before 1886, I should have been a revolutionist to the tips of my fingers. But we hear hon. Members on the other side of the House who bring these charges of rebellion and revolution against Nationalist Members saying that if this Bill becomes law with the sanction of the King there is going to be civil war. They are going to be rebels themselves, and all in the name of loyalty. I remember some very bitter lines which were circulated during the election of 1886 with regard to that form of loyalty:—

"Loyal to what? To whom? To power, to pelf,

To place, to privilege—in a word, to self!

Those who possess, control, direct, enjoy all,

Must find it vastly pleasant to be loyal."

I admit that these are bitter lines. [An HON. MEMBER: "Stupid lines."] They may be stupid, but they express the feeling which was then widely held. I do think we are entitled to ask whether this form of loyalty is not really loyalty to prejudice and racial ascendancy. After the election of 1886 I had the honour of being introduced to Mr. Gladstone. I had not many opportunities of conversing with that illustrious statesman, and, therefore, the incident remains most vividly in my mind. He had been badly beaten, but his faith was unimpaired and undiminished. He said to me, "I have not the slightest doubt that if your life is prolonged to the ordinary span, you will live to see Home Rule." I am hoping that that prophecy is now on the verge of being fulfilled. I give this Bill my most hearty welcome and support in the first place because it is a measure which is the first step towards a system of devolution, as I hope, which will not only give self-government to Ireland, but to Scotland, England, and Wales as well, and in that manner open the way to a large number of social reforms which have been long promised and are long overdue. I welcome it as a measure without which we can have no real entente cordiale with the United States of America, or a treaty of arbitration, a measure which has received an enthusiatic welcome from all our self-governing Colonies; and, above all, a measure which will, I believe, put an end to the strife and bitterness of centuries., and bring about a loyal and contented Ireland in place of a sullen and hostile Ireland. Until you give Ireland a measure of Home Rule, you will not secure any real and abiding union between the two countries. By securing that true union you will do more than all the Dreadnoughts in the world to strengthen and consolidate the Empire.

This Bill has been discussed inside out from every standpoint. We have had an historical dissertation dealing with the Act of Union, but what bearing that has on the measure now before the House I do not know. Any remarks I shall address to the House shall have reference to the Clauses in the Bill, and particularly the financial proposals. Whatever weakness the Bill may possess, it does not lie in its safeguards for the Protestant minority, nor in its provisions for the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. Its weakness, to my mind, lies in the financial Clauses of the measure. In regard to these I wish to associate myself unreservedly with the remarks made last night by my hon. Friend the Member for Cork (Mr. William O'Brien), when he criticised the financial proposals of the scheme. I wish to observe that it is with no hostile intention or any desire to impede the progress of the measure that I do this, but with the view of improving its chances of working beneficially for both countries. I am not one of those who believe in the doctrine that freedom is the great thing, and that finance is only a secondary consideration. I should be sorry to see a scheme of national self-government constructed on such a basis. I believe liberty in the political sense to be inseparable from fair finance. I do not think that the Bill satisfies this standard. If you are going to start us housekeeping for ourselves, let us have some fair margin to go upon. Financially we want something better than a tight fit; we want room to grow and expand, and develop our strength and energy. There is grave danger in starting out to work Home Rule in a financial straight waistcoat. There are too many irritating restrictions upon our financial freedom. In this respect you have utterly disregarded the Report of your own Committee of financial experts as to the main principles on which they say this Bill should be constructed. They say, after carefully reviewing all these things:— dual responsibility in financial matters. The Joint Exchequer Board is an institution of doubtful value in some respects. It may be useful as machinery for ascertaining the accounts which govern the final arrangements between the two countries, but you are investing it with power in some respects greater even than that conferred upon the Irish Legislature itself. For instance, the final mode of payment out of the transferred sum is at the absolute discretion of the Joint Exchequer Board. Again, any fresh development in a new field of fresh taxation must receive the approval of this Board before it can take effect, even though introduced by an Irish Parliament. The general council of the county councils of Ireland considered this matter and one member made the remark that this Board was independent of everybody and responsible to nobody. After considering this aspect of the matter as carefully as I could I have come to the same conclusion.

As your Financial Committee recommended, we should get an autonomous Ireland, self-contained, self-sufficing, so far as her own local administration and finance are concerned. You are not giving us anything like it in the proposals contained in this Bill. Much is made of the fact that the revenue from Irish sources falls far short of the expenditure in Ireland. Is this really so? That assumption is based on Treasury Returns, and we say, not for the first time, we do not trust the Treasury; they were wrong in 1893 in overestimating the revenue from Excise by no less a sum than £360,000. We have no guarantee that they may not be equally wrong now one way or another. The Committee of financial experts say— they say— settlement, you have made even the bonus which was unquestionably the most Imperial charge ever passed by this House part of Irish liability.

Further, you reserve the Post Office Savings Bank for ten years. Excluding the Post Office we have, roughly, at the present moment £12,000,000 invested with the local authorities and in foreign securities, which is a paying concern, whilst you hand over this Post Office, which is not a paying institution. There is at present about £500,000 a year in deposits coming into the Post Office Savings Bank of Ireland, which would be of inestimable advantage to a new Government starting out on its own career in the way of enabling them to provide money for loans for housing and other purposes. It is the fashion nowadays to represent Ireland as a bankrupt nation, though, indeed, if that were so one would not greatly wonder at it, seeing that she has within the past century contributed considerably over £.300,000,000 of money to you in the shape of overtaxation. What are the facts? By your own showing in a White Paper issued in connection with the Bill we contribute £3,277,000 to services which you yourselves regard as Imperial, after we have paid our own way. Whilst one set of politicians represent us as being bankrupt, another set, for the exigencies of their own arguments, represent our country as being in a flourishing condition. In my judgment neither of those statements bears actual relation to the facts. Ireland is unquestionably prosperous compared with what she was a quarter of a century ago, but, judged by any of the usual standards of a great and prosperous nation, Ireland is not prosperous. There is no great diffusion of wealth amongst the masses of the people, no great industries, no great reservoirs of employment from which flow fruitful rewards for toiling thousands of humanity.

Our labourers have fled the land as if it were a plague spot amongst the nations; tillage is still decreasing; towns and villages are decaying in Ireland. To some extent there is better housing of our rural labourers, but thousands upon thousands of our workers in the cities and towns live under conditions of degradation, misery, squalor, and wretchedness which are a shame to the civilisation of which we boast. It is idle, it is worse, it is a mockery to talk of prosperity in a country where these things are the commonplaces of life. True, we have rounded the corner; true we are on the up grade, and unless you cripple our initiative and restrict our powers of development by your financial proposals in this Bill, we should, under Home Rule, be bound to go forward in the race of progress with buoyant and firm step. What I regard this Bill most for is that it could be made to give into the hands of representatives who understand the people and their needs the power for working out the social salvation of the Irish masses, and of bringing more light and cheer and sunshine into the poverty-stricken and cobwebbed corners of Irish life. The emancipation of our working peasantry was taking place amain until you arrested its consummation by your Land Act of 1909. I speak as one who is well aware of the blessings which land purchase has brought in its train, and as one in whose constituency the landlord has practically ceased to be. It would be the most evil day that could befall Ireland if you open up once again controversies on agrarian questions by establishing dual and conflicting principles of settlement—one under the control of the Irish Legislature and the other in your own hands.

I would earnestly appeal to the Government to pay heed to the words of the hon. Member for Cork in this matter, and to provide for the completion of land purchase right away. It is the one thing which to my mind could alone obstruct the beneficent labours of an Irish Parliament if left in its present unsettled and dangerous state. Finally, I would beg the Government not to deal with these two questions of land purchase and finance according to the arithmetical necessities of the situation, but to bear in mind that generosity in these matters is the merest justice, that restitution is due which could not be better paid than in greasing the wheels of land purchase, and enabling the Parliament of Ireland to start upon its career with a reasonable margin for undertaking that work of national regeneration which will give a soul to Ireland, purpose and character to her people, a stimulus to the fountains of art and industry and intellectual powers which have been too long dried up, and which will give you that pearl in the diadem of empire which is beyond all price— the friendship, loyalty, and trust of a brave and generous race.

With a large portion of the speech of the hon. Member who has just sat down I am in hearty sympathy in so far as it refers to the strangling of land purchase under the action of the Nationalist party three years ago, and I cordially support the view that under that measure of regeneration there was good prospect opened out under an Irish Parliament for the completion of that great remedial work. But there my sympathy with the hon. Member ceases, because I know that he, equally with Members of the official Nationalist party, are warm supporters at least of the principle of the Bill which we are considering now on its Second Beading. I feel that never on any previous occasion on which I have addressed the House have I spoken with a deeper sense of responsibility and with a more sincere desire to impress so far as a humble Member of it can, those of our political opponents sitting on the other side of the House, who seek at the moment to inflict Home Rule upon Ireland as outlined in the Bill which we are now considering. I had the privilege and pleasure of listening to various important speeches which have been addressed to the House since the Debates began and to no speech did I give closer attention than to that of the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. W. O'Brien) delivered a few days ago. No Member of this House more warmly than I appreciates the independence of thought, and the breadth of the views which he has brought to political questions—views that have been so eloquently put before the House during recent years by the hon. Member to whom I have referred.

In supporting this Bill the hon. Member thought it right to address to Irish Unionist representatives an appeal to even now come into line with the policy which he alleges underlies this Bill. I listened to his persuasive language; I admired his moderation; I felt the full force of it in regard to the hon. Member for Cork and the small band which he heads in this House, but my recollection of the treatment which they are receiving in this House and outside of this House by the official and Nationalist party, if they dare to show a little independence of thought and action, is the best answer which I, as an Irish Unionist Member of Parliament, can offer to him as a reason why we do not see our way to come into line with him at this crisis in our history. It is a potent argument why we should refuse to come into line, because we believe in the future as in the past the Nationalist party has only an iron rule and a harsh judgment to extend to every action of those who have any desire to differ from them. We know as regards the strangling of land purchase under the recent Act, we cordially supported the action of the hon. Member for Cork and his colleagues. Our united exertions were of no avail. The great remedial Act of 1903 was effectively stopped in its beneficent operations, and to-day there is lament in various parts of Ireland that the most generous measure of land purchase which any Government and any House of Parliament has ever passed, is no longer available to the tenants and to the landlords of Ireland.

If we in our attitude to this measure may seem in the eyes of some of our opponents to be extreme, to refuse to be open to all the arguments that are offered to us, we are determined and resolute in that opposition because we feel that in Ireland it would be the end of all things for Irish Unionists to be put under the domination of an Irish Parliament permanently ruled by the present heads of the Irish Nationalist party. I may be pardoned if I remind the House that more than one Member now sitting on the Front Bench opposite realised this danger only a few years ago, quite as effectively as we recognise it today. We had a very eloquent speech from the First Lord of the Admiralty two days ago. I remember another speech made by the same Member only six or seven years ago in which, at a time when he was shedding most of his Unionist convictions, he made an important reservation as regards Home Rule. He said, even then, at a time when he was steadily marching towards the Radical ranks, that he still regarded the granting of an Irish Parliament as dangerous and impracticable. He went on then in striking contrast to the diffidence which he showed the other night when he ventured to prophesy that if all parties would willingly accept this measure now before the House a great and bright and happy future was before Ireland and before the Empire. Only some ten years ago, referring to the then programme and the then policy of the Radical party, he said:— calls itself a temperance Government, prepared this Session to back an extreme measure of confiscation for Scotland. While the ink is hardly dry on its wonderful surrender under Nationalist dictation to the liquor trade in Ireland last Session. I refer to the addition made at the last moment to the Shops Act in its application to Ireland. No wonder it has disgusted and alienated almost the last Radical who adhered to them in Ulster. By the Act of this temperance Government grocers must close their shops on one half-day in the week, whilst the Nationalist publican who sells groceries— 90 per cent, of the whole—captures the legitimate grocer's trade. The Shops Act does not catch him, but by catching others puts him in a highly privileged position.

The late Mr. W. E. H. Lecky, that great historian and brilliant Irishman, referred in one of his works to the spirit of secession which gave America great trouble in the last century. That agitation, as he said, was spread over a much wider area than Ireland, was supported by a far larger proportion of the population, and "was accompanied by an immeasurably greater amount of earnestness and self-sacrifice; yet it has now entirely disappeared. In my opinion, and in the opinion of a growing number of people in Ireland, the demand for Home Rule in Ireland to-day is infinitely less than it was when the previous two Bills were before Parliament. The operation of land purchase has knocked the bottom out of the real Home Rule demand, and the agitation to-day is confined to what might "be termed the professional politician. I am sure that if we defeat, as we are sanguine enough to believe that we shall do finally, the Bill now before the House, we shall never again in the lifetime of any now present see this demand revived. Ireland to-day is undoubtedly prospering to an extent of which many agricultural counties on this side of the Channel might well be envious. I desire to use no language of exaggeration, but having spent over thirty years in Ireland I would be false to the trust reposed in me if I did not assure the House of the change in her material prosperity. The development of Tier manufactures, the employment of up-to-date agricultural science, and the adoption of the latest implements available, have made it an absolutely new country. I rejoice to say that although for many years the position of the agriculturist in Ireland was extremely hard and discouraging, and always exacting, during the last three years, thanks very largely to the economic changes that are coming over the agricultural position, the lot of the agriculturist in Ireland to-day is such that there is no longer the strong inducement to emigrate that existed a few years ago. We have been accustomed to hear our Nationalist friends plead, as a reason for granting Home Rule, that the country has lost a large proportion of its population because of their inability to obtain satisfactory maintenance in Ireland. Taking the figures for last year, the emigration from Ireland was less than half the emigration from Scotland, and I think that the same tendency will be even more evident in the years to come.

May I deal very briefly with some of the features of the Bill now before the House? Is it really and truly a Bill that makes for better government in Ireland? We have addressed that question from many platforms; I have heard it addressed by our leaders to the Nationalists below the Gangway; but I have not up to now heard a satisfactory reply. What reform does it guarantee that makes for bettering the well-being of the people of Ireland? What about the special provisions for minority representation? I greatly appreciated the references made yesterday by the hon. Member for Cork (Mr. W. O'Brien) in a. spirit of conciliation towards the Ulster Opposition, to the possibility of giving the loyalist counties a double representation, in order that they might be in a stronger position than that to which their numbers entitle them in the proposed Irish House of Commons. That suggestion was appreciated above the Gangway; it was appreciated by the hon. Member's own colleagues; but it was received in ominous silence by the official Nationalist party. Although the First Lord of the Admiralty referred at Belfast to six kinds of safeguards for the minority in Ireland, we who have examined the Bill, Clause by Clause, and line by line, have found no provision for the minority which we believe is not absolutely and entirely useless. We never expected anything else, therefore we are not disappointed. We feel that under no terms in this Bill can the domination of the Irish Parliamentary party be ever other than permanent. Therefore, it is that we take up a position which in the eyes of some of our friends may appear to be extreme. Shall I be misunderstood if I suggest that in Unionist Ulster our opposition to this Bill is entirely apart from our opposition to any ordinary matter of legislation? We feel that under Home Rule the liberty that we have enjoyed under the Imperial Parliament will be a thing of the past. We feel that the security for the employment of capital will no longer exist. The very shadow, the very threat of the introduction of this Bill, has sent down bank stock and the shares in industrial concerns to an extent that can be recorded only in millions already. Why should that be so if this is a measure of reform, making for the prosperity of Ireland, or specially for the prosperity of any portion of Ireland? Capital is the most susceptible thing in the world. It is easily scared. If you had to-day an Irish Parliament in working, I submit that it would be impossible even if you doubled the rate per cent, of the return on the investments to persuade English and Scotch investors to retain their investments in Ireland. The matter is beyond dispute. It was the history of the previous attempts to thrust Home Rule upon us.

We hear many harsh things said about the disloyalty of Ulster men in proposing to resist this nefarious measure if it should ever have, for us, the misfortune to be placed on the Statute Book. I speak as a man not accustomed to use the language of exaggeration. I know the feeling of my own Constituents. I know that men who have hitherto voted against me at every election have, since this Bill was actually introduced, written to me that they are not only in bitter hostility to it, but that they are prepared to go to any extremes that honest men may to make it inoperative in Ireland and to prevent an Irish Parliament from ever being set up. I cannot appeal with any hope of success in this regard to hon. Members opposite. But I appeal through them to their constituents. We have in the North of Ireland a great faith in the final sense of fairplay and justice of Englishmen and Scotsmen. We believe that we shall not finally appeal to them in vain. What is our offence? Why should this evil thing he thrust upon us? In your hour of difficulty and danger we stood by you. We created no embarrassment for you. Instead of making a difficulty in the case of the Army and Navy we should deem it a high privilege to support them. We have upheld this province for you in fair weather and in foul. I ask you, with all the sincerity of which I am capable, to believe me when I say that Ulster will resist this measure to the very utmost of her ability. The full flower of her manhood is absolutely united to-day in determined opposition to all and every form of a Parliament sitting in Dublin.

10.0 P.M.

Three arguments have been put forward, and three reasons have been given for the introduction of this Bill. The first and perhaps the most important is undoubtedly that the majority of Irishmen have consistently and insistently demanded Home Rule for the last quarter of a century. It is also an indisputable fact that the majority of the Irish Members have reiterated and re-echoed that demand for a long period of time in this House. It is true that they have held before to-day the balance of power; an enviable position, no doubt; a source of joy to themselves but a fountain of danger to various Governments which have been in power. I am not alluding to the present Government. So far as one can observe the danger is small, and the risk is not great. Somewhat mysteriously a sudden wave of enthusiasm seems to have come over hon. Gentlemen who sit below the Gangway on the other side of the House: a wave of enthusiasm for every measure which emanates from these benches; more than that, for every Clause, for every line, and for every phrase, with the exception of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Cork and his; colleagues. Even he has become a victim to the strange influence, and could not resist a few days ago striking a blow on behalf of Nonconformity in Wales. The sudden desire, the great enthusiasm for the Disestablishment of the Church of England in Wales, has apparently cemented his friendship with the hon. Gentleman the Member for East Mayo. They were seen to go 10.0 p.m. into the same Lobby. I can imagine the hon. Gentlemen sitting side by side and cheek by jowl with the hon. Gentleman the Member for East Mayo, puffing clouds of smoke from some narghili. My point is that when Irish Members hold the balance of power there is bound to be a lurking suspicion in the minds of the British electors with regard to measures which are introduced on behalf of Ireland, and for the benefit of Ireland or otherwise. I am not suggesting that there is anything in the proverb that, "Needs must when the Devil drives."

The first argument which has been produced that Ireland demanded this Bill can only be dismissed from our minds with great reluctance. It is an appeal, an appeal mainly based on sentiment, but sentiment has an everlasting claim on all Celtic races, and nowhere is it more shown than in the county which I have the honour to represent, and to which I have the honour to belong. I do not propose to deal with that argument at present. I will deal with it later. I propose for the moment to pursue two other arguments to show the injustice of this Act. They are more logical, and therefore not so attractive. The Prime Minister, in the concluding words of his speech on the First Reading of this Bill, said that there had been reserved to this Parliament, and to this House of Commons, the double honour of reconciling Ireland and emancipating this House from congestion. I propose to argue that neither of these two laudable ambitions can possibly be fulfilled by this Bill. In the first place, how can you reconcile Ireland by this measure when you start by alienating practically every Protestant in Ireland? We are told—rumours have reached us— that this Bill, in spite of the unanimous approval of the Irish Convention, does not satisfy many Nationalists; that there are many Oliver Twists who ask for more. I do not wish to labour that point. I want to deal for just a few moments with the position of the Protestants of Ireland. I am sure of this, you cannot ignore them. It is very easy and very simple to say that the Protestants of Ulster are bluffing. On some occasions, and on some things, Governments may bluff. When men think and believe—they may be wrong—that their most cherished convictions are in danger of being ruthlessly rooted up, when they think and believe that their liberties are in danger of being trampled under foot, that is not the time or the occasion on which men bluff. I therefore dismiss that suggestion. You may say it is an arguable proposition. You may say that the Protestants are wrong, but when you accuse them of bluffing I maintain that you do an injustice to a large and sincere body of honest men who have many sympathisers in this country. Let us take the position in Belfast, with its teeming population, with its eternal hostility to the Church of Rome, and a fixed determination never to submit, and never to admit the authority of a Parliament largely composed of Roman Catholics. That determination to my mind you cannot quell, and no Government can in my opinion ignore it. When you are dealing with convictions of this sort you cannot ignore them, for this spirit in the Protestants of Ireland is deep, impressive, passionate, throbbing and pulsating in every nerve and vein; a spirit which no Government can change,, and which must remain unchanged, as I am profoundly convinced it is unchangeable. In my opinion you cannot ignore fanaticism, if you like to call it such, of that sort. A way out must be found which this Bill does not find. You cannot treat the opinion of the Protestants, in the North-East of Ulster with contempt any more than you can turn a deaf ear to the demand of the vast majority in Ireland with which I frankly sympathise; it is absolutely impossible; it is incredible that the whisper of a faction should prevail permanently over the voice of a nation. I believe there is only one way out, and it is to leave the North-East of Ulster out of your scheme. If you think you can solve this question and settle it finally with the North-East of Ulster included in your scheme, then I believe your expectations and hopes are as vain of realisation as the expectations of an ambitious mule hoping for posterity. It is quite true the Government has introduced, or tried to introduce, safeguards into this Bill to satisfy the opinion of the Protestants of Ireland. Some of these safeguards it is possible may be of value. To my mind many of them are not worth the paper they are written on. Let us take, for example, the one great safeguard treated as the greatest safeguard to the Protestants, namely, the nominated Senate. The nominated Senate, I frankly believe, is at this moment in articulo mortis . If ridicule can kill the nominated Senate it is dead. I understand to-day the Lord Lieutenant is known as Ali Baba and the forty prospective members as something else.

The Prime Minister defended the Senate in this way. He said it is most desirable to get in your Senate if you can representatives of the minority, persons who will, safeguard the interests of the minority. Now what do the minority want guarded? What are they most fearful of? Obviously in the first place, their pockets, and, in the second place the Pope. This nominated Senate cannot, and is not allowed under this Bill, to protect the pockets of the minority. It is to have no power at all over finance. It is not allowed to amend or reject a Money Bill. This nominated Senate is to protect the minority and their interests, and gradually it is to be nominated by the majority; that is to say, that if the present division of parties prevails in Ireland, and that is not a preposterous suggestion, and if hon. Gentlemen are in power for ten years, as this Government has been in power for six years, and is sanguine and optimistic enough to think that it will remain in power for three years more, if that present division continues we shall find that in the end the nominated Senate which is to protect the minority will be entirely nominated by the majority. And even if the whole of this nominated Senate were appointed by the minority or in the interests of the minority, even then, with the two Houses sitting together the minority would still be a minority. Therefore I think we can dismiss the nominated Senate as really not worthy of consideration. I turn to the argument of emancipation. The Prime Minister holds that this Bill will emancipate this House.

There are two schools of thought and two arguments in favour of emancipation. The first school of thought was represented to-day by the Foreign Secretary, who maintained that this Bill is merely an instalment of the larger policy of devolution or Home Rule all round. The second school of thought maintains that this Bill as it stands will get rid as far as possible of congestion in the Imperial Parliament. I really think we can dismiss at once the first suggestion, that this Bill is an instalment of the larger policy towards Home Rule all round. It cannot be done in my opinion in the lifetime of the present Government. It is impossible. The Government are pledged to introduce a Bill for education, to introduce a Bill for enfranchisement reform, and they are pledged up to the hilt to reconstruct the House of Lords. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] I do not know why hon. Gentlemen opposite cheer that. I myself voted for the retention of the Preamble of the Parliament Act. Therefore if my hon. Friend the Member for Aberdeen, who I believe is leader of the Scottish party, which demands Home Rule for Scotland, and he certainly is more active than any of his colleagues, if he really thinks it possible with all these pledges on the book to set up four different Parliaments — for England, Scotland, "Wales, and Ireland—in the lifetime of the present Parliament, then I think he is doomed to disappointment. But even if he considers there may be sufficient time I ask him to consider some of the details of this Bill. It seems inconceivable that the Government should set up four different Post Offices and four different authorities. It would certainly lead to a certain amount of confusion, to say the least of it. If that does not convince him, may I ask him to study the details in this Bill for levying varying taxation. Are all these powers to be given to England, Scotland, and Wales? Again, I say that would lead to a certain amount of confusion. I think therefore that the suggestion that this Bill is a step towards Home Rule all round may be dismissed as not within the region of practical politics.

Let me turn to the question of the relief of congestion in this House as this Bill stands. In the first place, if congestion in this House is relieved, it may be we would have an opportunity of discussing questions of social reform, and temperance reform, and other matters on which my Constituents have set their hearts. It is customary I know to regret that hon. Members below the Gangway will be diminished in numbers. For personal reasons I am sure I echo that sentiment to the full, but I always look upon hon. Members below the Gangway as a source of danger to some of those things upon which my Constituents have set their hearts. For instance, in 1902, they voted for the Education Act introduced by hon. Gentlemen opposite. In 1908 they were not what we might call firm allies on the Licensing Bill, which my Constituency considered a very generrous measure. They are against us on education and licensing reform and on the question of Free Trade. Their interests run counter to the interests of my Constituents in every single thing except their swan song, Welsh Disestablishment. For that reason, therefore, I strongly oppose the retention of forty-two Irish Members in this House. The argument has been used that when this Bill is passed, if it ever become law, we shall have a reconciliation in Ireland and that every Irishman will be all for Ireland. If that argument be valid and sound we shall have forty-two Irish Members here demanding and trying to extract financial legislation from the English taxpayers. I fancy we shall find that this Bill will cost more than the estimate of the Government, and in saying that I have the authority of an important Member of the Government, the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs the hon. Member for Camborne (Mr. Acland), who, speaking at Yeovil, said:— in Committee. But, unless you can really reconcile Ireland as a whole by this Bill— and I mean by Ireland Protestants as well as Roman Catholics—and unless you can emancipate this House from the pernicious influence of forty-two votes always for sale to the highest bidder, then, I say, with reluctance, but with a clear conscience, when this Bill reaches its final stage in this House, I shall certainly reconsider my vote.

Like most of my colleagues on this bench, I was specially interested with the conclusion of the hon. Gentleman's speech, and I am very glad he has decided to go so far as that with us. He made, I think for the first time in this Debate, a very interesting proposal about North-East Ulster. Does he speak for North-East Ulster? Is he an intermediary? Are Ave to take his proposal seriously, or is it merely an expression of his own personal opinion? I agree with him to a very considerable extent in what he has said about the safeguards in the Bill, but let me point out to him that the real safeguard for the Protestants, since it is for Protestants he is concerned, is the presence in large numbers in this country of people like himself. It is impossible that a strong minority in one of these two Islands should be oppressed when the bulk of the population, indeed, the vast majority of the population, in the larger Island is of their religion and has legal and full power to interfere in every Act. The power remains with the Imperial Parliament to interfere in every Act of the Irish Parliament; but, of course, a power like that would only be used where there was a tremendous sense of injustice, and I can imagine the one reason for the exercise of this power of the Imperial Parliament being if the Protestants in Ireland were oppressed.

There were other subjects in this Debate which interested me, and I confess I was specially interested in one of the observations that fell from the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour). He was, like so many of the speakers on the Unionist side, representing this Bill as a very poor thing, hardly worth picking up, and an insult to Ireland, and he asked us to picture the case of an Irishman, earnest and keen, who wanted to serve his country, and who was specially interested in education, what chance would he have in an Irish Parliament? With five years' experience in this House, I ask myself what in this Parliament any Irish Member, earnest and keen about the education question, can do to serve his country in that matter? Primary education, intermediate education "we cannot touch in this House. It is quite true that in the few years I have been in this House I have been able to take part in a scheme which did something, which did a great deal, for Irish education. The University Act, introduced by the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary, was an instalment of Home Rule for Ireland— I think one of the most valuable instalments we could have got—but it came thirty years late and was an instalment resisted with precisely the same enthusiasm by the same people who are now resisting the full measure of Home Rule.

You remember the Committee stage upstairs. The main part of the discussion of the Bill to-day appears to have turned upon questions in which Ireland seemed to recede very much into the background. We have been discussing federation almost in the abstract. One hon. Member told us that the pith of this Bill lay in the machinery that it proposes to set up. I cannot agree with that view at all. Without considering the other federal systems, within the British Empire itself you have all sorts of federal and subordinate Parliamentary machinery at work. There is a great variety of types, and there is only one thing common to them, that is the fact that they all work. The essential element in every case is local responsibility. That is what this Bill gives. However much you may criticise its machinery —and I think its machinery is especially open to criticism, because it is so largely provisional in its character—this Bill does give to Ireland a considerable and a growing area of responsibility. It establishes a Parliament; it meets the real demand. It is a mistake to discuss this measure as if it originated with the convenience of the United Kingdom. It does not. It originates with the demand of Ireland for redress. One hundred and twelve years ago a great wrong was done, in which Ireland has never acquiesced, against which Ireland has been fighting ever since with all her force. We are here now for justice. At the same time, we hold that you can serve your Imperial convenience as well, and that a move towards Home Rule, a move of Home Rule, will be in the direction of federation. Wherever you have federation, it must be built up on consent; it must rest upon a basis of freedom. Although a great deal has been made of the reserving of certain services that might appear Imperial, what is the case in the Transvaal? A great many powers were handed over which the Transvaal, in the material interests of federation, subsequently surrendered. I can perfectly well imagine that when Ireland has got Home Rule, when it is an established fact, that, then if the federation of this Kingdom came to be discussed, and it was found convenient to have one central Post Office—I can imagine Ireland giving up the power given her under this Bill as a matter of material convenience to herself and to the federation. But what we are concerned with in the first instance is the moral claim. It is an assertion of Ireland's individuality amongst the nations of the Empire.

I propose to deal as briefly as I can with four propositions which are argued on this matter. I find it argued first of all that Ireland is so prosperous that she ought not to be given Home Rule. That I consider to be one of the most singular propositions ever propounded before any Assembly. Secondly, it is argued that the details of this Bill are absurd and unworkable; thirdly, that there are two nations in Ireland; and, fourthly, there is the claim of Ulster. As regards the first, I agree that Ireland is no longer starving. There is some reasonable measure of prosperity in Ireland, but to say that she has become rich is wholly untrue. After all, however, the question we have to consider is: What is the cause of this advance in prosperity? I think the hon. Member for South Birmingham (Mr. Amery), alluded to the fact that there was a very considerable rise in the Irish revenue this last year— a rise of £700,000. Has he considered how much of that must be due to the grant of old age pensions? You pay to Ireland two and a half millions, roughly, in old age pensions, and I should say that under any conditions that would mean at least an addition of £250,000 a year to the taxation receipts, probably more. The old age pensioners in Ireland who get 5s.a week spend a fifth part of it on tea, and I think a fifth part of the money so spent is spent in taxation. Then again there is the large expenditure on tobacco. If you take it that —500,000 a year goes in buying tea, it means £100,000 a year towards taxation, and if you take it that £250,000 is spent on buying tobacco it would mean the addition of another £200,000 to the revenue. But without pressing that point, I wish to ask why it is that the Unionist party are so much inclined to take credit to themselves for the prosperity of Ireland? Who, after all, is governing Ireland at the present time? Who has been governing Ireland for the last six years? Sometimes we are told it is the Chief Secretary and sometimes we are told that Ireland is being governed from these benches. [An HON. MEMBER:} "The hon. Member for West Belfast."] Very well, I will take it at that. I think in either case the Unionist party agree that Ireland is being very badly governed; that it never was so badly governed before. It is singular that after six years of the worst Government in history the country is more prosperous than it ever was before. It is quite true that a measure of land purchase was passed by the Unionist Government. That is an idea the Unionist party adopted from the Nationalist party and was Mr. Parnell's original idea. The prosperity of Ireland at the present time has been built up on the work the Irish party and the Irish people have done. It is the result of a social revolution that has been fought at every point by the people who are opposing this Bill. They come here and tell us they are responsible for the prosperity of Ireland, and all Ireland needs is to be left to their beneficent care. At the same time we are told that Ulster can by a threat of armed resistance force her will on the Empire. What a lesson for the rest of Ireland! Is that a lesson that is going to make peace in Ireland?

I now come to my second proposition, which is that the details of this Bill are absurd and unworkable. There are two special criticisms. One is the criticism which has been made over and over again. The hon. Member (Mr. Agar-Robartes) cannot possibly reconcile himself to the retention of forty-two Irish Members in the Imperial House of Commons. In this matter surely Ireland is being very hardly dealt with. The Irish party accepted the Bill in which the Members were excluded and they accepted the Bill in which the Members were retained, and are you seriously going to say Home Rule is impossible because if the Irish Members are not in the Imperial Parliament it means separation, and if they are in the Imperial Parliament it is unfair? I think any body of Englishmen will tell you, with that common sense which distinguishes them, that that is not a reasonable way in which to meet the position. He did not know that the proposed arrangement was ideal, but there was a rough and clumsy justice about it. Ireland was getting less than her proportionate share of members in the Imperial Parliament, and she had the advantage of being free to look after her own domestic affairs. I notice that although forty-two Members in the Imperial Parliament of 670 are represented as being able to control the whole destinies of that Assembly, the number of forty Senators in the Irish Parliament of 160 is set down as merely a negligible asset.

I pass to this proposal of a nominated Senate. I cannot agree that it has been killed by so very moderate a joke as the hon. Member (Mr. Agar-Robartes) propounded. I do not think ridicule is so deadly as that. But I agree that it is a proposal which offends the preconceived ideas of many people in this country. For my part I have never looked forward with satisfaction to a conflict between two elective assemblies; but the reason why my colleagues here and people in Ireland generally are attached to this idea of a nominated assembly is that they see in it the means of bringing into the public life of Ireland at once a number of valuable elements which are at present excluded. Speaking for myself, I think this matter should be put beyond yea or nay, and I think before the Bill leaves this House the Senate should be named, so that we should have a pledge of good faith in this matter. We are all agreed that we want to see men representative of business and representative of the great commercial interests; and I hope also that any Upper House in Ireland would contain in it representatives of the old Irish and Norman Irish houses—Butlers, Geraldines, O'Briens, O'Neills, and the rest73x2014;who stand for a great deal, for a great historic past. I think there is a good deal to be said against the retention of nomination indefinitely, but surely this is a point upon which the minority have the power to make their voices heard in Committee.

The leader of my party has already said that if any body of Irishmen desire proportional representation, and if they considered that a real safeguard—a thing which would lessen their objection to Home Rule—he would be glad to support it. I personally think the cumulative vote or proportional representation should be applied in Ireland. I think it is one of those cases where a mechanical device of that sort might produce good results, and might bring into the public life of Ireland such men as Sir Horace Plunkett, a distinguished and moderate Unionist for whom no place can be found in the Unionist ranks. I think that when these men were brought into the public life of Ireland they would remain in it, and there would be every desire to welcome them. I was interested and touched to-day by the speech of the Noble Lord the Member for Portsmouth (Lord C. Beresford), who boasted of being an Irishman. I have heard a good deal of talk in this Debate about there being two nations in Ireland. I am quite sure the Noble Lord does not know anything about these two nations. I cannot see upon what principle you are to discriminate. If you take, for instance, the commonest of Irish names, Murphy, I knew very well a very distinguished Unionist judge of that name, and he was a Protestant. Which nation did he belong to if there are two nations? If nationality is a matter of politics, which nation do his sons, who are strong and eloquent Home Rulers, belong to? A friend of mine is a namesake of the hon. and gallant Member for East Down (Captain Craig). He is an Ulster man, but he is a Catholic and a poet, writing in Gaelic in Kerry. Which nation does he belong to? There is another Ulster poet, a namesake of the junior Member for Trinity College (Mr. Campbell). He is a Catholic. Which of the nations does he belong to? Which nation does my hon. Friend the Member for St. Augustine's Division of Kent (Mr. Ronald M'Neill) belong to? I think the McNeills were clansmen in the Glen of Antrim before there was any talk of Protestant and Catholic.

Yes, and for that matter what was my grandfather's nationality, because his name was Smith O'Brien, and his eldest son a distinguished leader of the Unionist party. I think I have made plain to the House that it is very difficult at all events to discriminate as to the two nations, and that what you have in Ireland is two parties. Party division unfortunately follows religious lines to a con- siderable extent, but, of course, there are Catholic Unionists like the late Lord Morris. I do not know whether he belonged to the small nation, the rebellious nation. You have then two parties in Ireland, and I submit in all seriousness to the House that the contention of the Unionist party is that the Empire should adopt one of the two parties as a privileged party. The hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave), who is a fair-minded man, and who has made the ablest speech made against the Bill in this Debate, said that the moment a shot was fired in Ulster it would bring all England about the ears of the Government. I ask the House to consider what that means. Are we to understand that the loyalist party, or whatever they choose to call themselves, may do what they like, may go in for rebellion, and that the people of this country will support them in it? That is the pretension. Consider, if so, what a principle you are introducing into the Empire. There is to be a servile class and a privileged class in Ireland. Appeals have been made to you on the part of Ulster men. You have been told all that Ulster has done for the Empire. I want to make an appeal to the House, speaking as a member of the Irish party, who can detach himself from it and take no credit for the work that it has done, because I am a new recruit in this movement. It is twenty-six years now since the first Home Rule Bill was introduced. I think that an hon. Member who sits in this House to-day and who bears the name of Mr. Gladstone, who introduced that Bill, was not born when that Bill was introduced. He sits there, a living evidence of time's effluxion. All during that man's life the struggle has been carried on by the people who sit on these benches here. Surely no greater perseverance was ever seen in the history of the world. Think what these men have had to do. For thirty years they have been contending, a small band, against desperate opposition, and they have had to try to keep up the heart in a country that was fainting with hope deferred, and they have had to contend not only with their open opponents, but, like every revolutionary party in history, they have had to contend with dissensions of their own. To-day the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) spoke of the Irish party's brilliancy. Some time ago he said that that party had been one of the most powerful Parliamentary implements that ever were fashioned, but that its day was gone. What does he say now? After all these years, after all this struggle, at so great a cost of endurance, expenditure of talent, concentration, and determination, these men have brought their work to the eve of success. Who is to say that the men who have done that are not worth winning for the Empire? Take it, if you like, that they are a party of rebels. What is to be thought of the state of a country in which such men are rebels? There is a story that when King George II. saw the Irish Brigade charge at Dettingen he said, " Cursed be the laws that deprive me of such subjects." Another King George might say, "Cursed be the Constitution that makes rebels of such men." Assuredly it is not statesmanship that is lacking in our leaders. Consider how an ordinary party is held together by promise of power. This party has been held together, making bricks without straw, and I think Ireland knows that Ireland has been loyally served. The service that has been given all these years to Ireland could be enlisted for the Empire if you do not dash away once more the cup from Irish lips.

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That the Debate be now adjourned."—[ Mr. Sanders. ]

Question put, and agreed to.

Debate to be resumed upon Monday next, 6th inst

Italy and Turkey (Dardanelles)

Statement by Sir Edward Grey

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."— [ Mr.Gulland. ]

I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a question of which I have given him private notice, as to whether he has any information to lay before this House regarding the opening of the fairway of the Dardanelles?

The Turkish Government have informed His Majesty's Ambassador at Constantinople that it has been decided to open the Dardanelles as soon as the mines can be removed, under the same conditions as existed before the closing, namely, that vessels must pass with pilots. I may add that very serious facts and figures as to the loss being inflicted on British shipping were brought before the Italian and Turkish Governments. Other Governments have, of course, moved in the matter also, according to their interests. The representations of the facts as affecting British owned ships and cargoes that we have made were received in a very friendly spirit, both at Rome and Constantinople. We deplore and are concerned by the loss that has already been incurred by British commerce, but I think it right to say, in view of all the circumstances, that the reopening of the Straits by the Turkish Government shows a consideration for the interests of neutrals that ought to be acknowledged. We have at once inquired how soon a clear passage will be ready for neutral shipping.

I wish to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether, in view of the disaster that has taken place in the Gulf of Smyrna, and the menace to life and property which is being effected by the warlike operations; taking place in that region, His Majesty's Government will, in conjunction with the other Powers, expedite the negotiations for peace between Italy and Turkey?

We are at all times ready, in conjunction with the other Powers, to make the most of any opportunity for bringing about peace; but as to actual steps at the present moment I can add nothing to the answer given last Tuesday to the hon. Member for North Somerset.

I beg to ask the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs a question of which I have given him private notice, namely, whether by Article 24 of the Treaty of San Stefano, dated 3rd March, 1878, it is specifically provided that the Bosphorus and Dardanelles shall remain open in time of war as in time of peace to merchant vessels of neutral States on their way to and from Russian ports; and, if so, what steps he will take in order that this freedom of passage shall be retained, taking into consideration the great hardship that is being inflicted at the present time upon merchants and ship owners in consequence of the attitude adopted by the Turkish authorities?

In view of the statement I have just made, I think the question of the Treaty rights has no longer the same practical importance at the moment that it would have had before the statement I made in answer to the question of the hon. Member opposite. With regard to the status of the Dardanelles and Bosphorus, that is not governed by the Treaty of San Stefano. The Powers represented at the Congress of Berlin unanimously assented to the maintenance of the status quo ante in this matter—that is to say, the order of things established by the Treaty of London of 1871.

Question put, and agreed to.

Adjourned accordingly at Two minutes before Eleven o'clock.