House of Commons
Tuesday, June 25, 1912
Private Business
Provisional Order Bills (No Standing Orders applicable),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, that, in the case of the following Bill, referred on the First Reading thereof, no Standing Orders are applicable, namely:—
Local Government Provisional Order (No. 14) Bill.
Ordered, That the Bill be read a second time To-morrow.
Wakefield Gas Bill [ Lords],
Read a second time, and committed.
Houghton-le-Spring District Gas Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Tomorrow.
Woking District Gas Bill [ Lords] (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday.
London and North-Western Railway Bill [lords] (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill (by Order),
Read the third time, and passed.
Kent and Bela Fisheries Provisional Order Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Thursday, at a quarter-past Eight of the clock.
Norfolk Fisheries Provisional Order Bill (by Order),
Second Reading deferred till Friday
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill.
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Message from the Lords
That they have agreed to,—
Government of India Bill,
Prestonpans Combination Water Supply (Finance) Order Confirmation Bill,
Kilmarnock Gas Order Confirmation Bill,
Clyde Lighthouses Order Confirmation Bill,
Dundee Harbour and Tay Ferries Order Confirmation Bill,
Falkirk and District Tramways Order Confirmation Bill,
Allan Glen's School Order Confirmation Bill, without Amendment:—
Amendment to—
Birkbeck Share and Debenture Trust Bill [ Lords],
Manchester Ship Canal Bill [ Lords], without Amendment:—
Amendments to—
Price's Patent Candle Company Bill [ Lords], without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled,
" An Act to dissolve the marriage of Shenstone John Bishop, of 20, Merrion Square, in the city of Dublin, Surgeon-Dentist, with Ethel Mally Bishop, his now wife, and to enable him to marry again; and for other purposes." [Bishop's Divorce Bill [ Lords. ] Lords. ] Lords], lords],
Isle of Man
Account presented of Revenue and Expenditure for the year ended 31st March, 1912, with the Report of the Comptroller and Auditor-General thereon [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
National Insurance Act
Copy presented of Regulations of the Insurance Commissioners (England) as to Behaviour during Disease or Disablement, dated 25th June, 1912 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 174.]
Copy presented of Regulations made by the Board of Trade under Section 99 of the National Insurance Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 175.]
ELECTRIC LIGHTING ACTS, 1882 TOlb/>1909 (PROCEEDINGS)
Copy presented of Report by the Board of Trade respecting the Applications to, and Proceedings of, the Board of Trade under the Electric Lighting Acts, 1882 to 1909, during the past year [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Census of Production Act, 1906
Copy presented of Rules, dated 20th June, 1912, made by the Board of Trade under Section 8 of the Census of Production Act, 1906 (6 Edw. 7, c. 49) [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899
Copy presented of Report by the Chairman of Committees of the House of Lords and the Chairman of Ways and Means in the House of Commons, under Section 2 of The Private Legislation Procedure (Scotland) Act, 1899, that they are of opinion (1) that Clause 72 of the Falkirk Burgh Extension and Drainage Order ought not to be dealt with by Provisional Order under that Act; (2) that, save as aforesaid, the Provisional Orders be allowed to proceed subject to such recommendations as we may hereafter make with respect to the several Orders [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Royal Assent
Message to attend the Lords Commissioners;
The House went; and, having returned;
Mr. SPEAKER reported the Royal Assent to,—
1. Government of India Act, 1912.
2. Aberdeen Market Company Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
3. Glasgow and South Western Railway Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
4. Prestonpans Combination Water Supply (Finance) Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
5. Kilmarnock Gas Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
6. Clyde Lighthouses Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
7. Dundee Harbour and Tay Ferries Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
8. Falkirk and District Tramways Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
9. Allan Glen's School Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
10. Metropolitan Police Provisional Order Confirmation Act, 1912.
11. Collooney, Ballina, and Belmullet Railways and Piers Act, 1912.
12. Weston-super-Mare Grand Pier Act, 1912.
13. Wirral Railway (Extension of Time) Act, 1912.
14. Credit Foncier of Mauritius Act, 1912.
15. Leatherhead Gas Act, 1912.
16. Newry, Keady, and Tynan Railway Act, 1912.
17. Sidmouth Urban District Council Act, 1912.
18. Belfast Corporation Act, 1912.
19. Everton, etc., Drainage Act, 1912.
20. Penwortham Bridge Act, 1912.
21. Mersey Docks and Harbour Board Act, 1912.
22. Liverpool Corporation Act, 1912.
23. Dunstable Gas and Water Act, 1912.
24. Church Stretton Urban District Water Act, 1912.
25. Egremont Urban District Water Act, 1912.
26. Ramsbottom Urban District Railless Traction Act, 1912.
27. Birkbeck Share and Debenture Trust Act, 1912.
28. Manchester Ship Canal Act, 1912.
29. Price's Patent Candle Company, Limited, Act, 1912.
Oral Answers to Questions
Questions
Russia and India (Railway Communication)
asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, whether he has consulted the Committee of Imperial Defence and the general staffs in India and in England as to the desirability of a railway linking Russia with India; and, if so, what opinion they have expressed as to the effect of the proposal upon the defence of India?
The competent military authorities both here and in India have been consulted, but it would be contrary to usage to make public their confidential views on strategical questions. The conditions for which His Majesty's Government may finally stipulate as essential to their support of a definite railway project will of course take account of these views.
In view not only of the important military questions involved but also of the threatened injury to British Indian shipping interests, will the right hon. Gentleman undertake that the Foreign Office will not commit itself to support the scheme before this House has had an opportunity of expressing an opinion upon it?
In answer to the hon. Member's supplementary question there are two points, or perhaps I ought to call them stages of the question. The first is as to what should be our general policy—whether it should be our policy to oppose now and always any scheme for a Trans-Persian railway. On that point we hold that it is not a practicable or wise policy, for reasons which I can state to the House at any time, and that point, of course, can be raised in the House on the Foreign Office Vote, or on any other opportunity, before the House rises for the Recess. That is the point of principle. I can certainly give an undertaking that, before the House does rise for the Recess, we shall not have given our consent to any definite project, because no project will be in existence. The further stage will be, that if a definite project was in existence, what conditions we should stipulate for as necessary to our support. On that, of course, I am not in a position to make a complete statement, because we have not yet finally decided what conditions we should stipulate for, and I do not suppose we should do that until some definite project is before us.
May I ask whether the importance of keeping other nations out of the nominally neutral northern shores of the Persian Gulf, in which British influence is, or was, till lately, supreme, will be recognised as an indispensable condition in all negotiations?
That is rather a wide question. The suggestion is that the railway should be an international railway, but we shall have to stipulate for certain conditions to safeguard our strategical and commercial interests.
Will the right hon. Gentleman give an assurance that if this railway is constructed on the Russian and Indian gauges the condition will be made that Indian goods shall be carried from, India right through to Ispahan and Yezd and other great commercial centres in Southern Persia, without break of gauge and consequent necessity of transshipment?
The hon. Member is raising a point which is a most important one that we have to consider. We have considered it provisionally already with the Government of India, but I should not be prepared to give a final opinion as to where the break of gauge should be until after we have had further consultation with the Government of India, of course taking into consideration the arguments raised by the hon. Member.
asked whether the Foreign Secretary will now issue Papers, with maps, showing the projected route of the Trans-Persian Railway, together with details of the other British projects now under discussion in Teheran for railways in Southern Persia, and of the conditions imposed by the British and Indian Governments?
The position is that a Société d'Etudes consisting of English, French and Russian gentlemen in equal numbers, namely, eight in each case, has been formed to study the feasibility of a railway—that is to say, how and on what conditions a, Trans-Persian Railway could be made. There is therefore at present no definite project for a railway concession in existence. His Majesty's Government, however, after consulting the Government of India, have stated in advance that any countenance which they may give to such a railway must be subject to the observance of conditions acceptable to His Majesty's Government when a project is actually framed. I cannot therefore lay Papers at present, because the matter has not reached a stage at which the Papers that the hon. Member's question contemplates are in existence.
asked whether the Secretary for Foreign Affairs will state the conditions asked for by the British Government in considering the projected scheme for a Trans-Persian Railway; and whether the Persian Government has been fully in formed of the deliberations of the Société d'Etudes engaged in the consideration of this question?
I beg to refer the hon. Gentleman to the answer just returned to the question asked by the hon. Member for North Norfolk. The Société d'Etudes has only been in existence for a few days and has therefore not yet made progress in any deliberations on the question.
International Rights (Territorial Waters)
asked whether an Interdepartmental or a Departmental Committee has been appointed which will consider and report on international rights in territorial waters; and, if so, who are the members of the Committee and what are the terms of reference?
The Committee is to consider questions regarding sea fisheries; and I think the information which my hon. Friend desires will be given if he will put down a question to the Prime Minister on Thursday.
Delhi (Government Buildings)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he is in a position to give any information in regard to the site proposed for the new Government buildings at Delhi?
The Secretary of State has learnt from the Viceroy that the expert advisers of the Government of India in the matter are of the opinion that the Coronation Durbar site does not altogether meet the requirements of a new capital, and think that a better site can probably be found to the south-west of Delhi, where there is rising ground of the same character as the "Ridge" to the north of the city. This area is being provisionally considered, but no final decision will be taken until after the rainy season. The town-planning experts, who are submitting a preliminary report, will shortly return to this country, but will revisit India in the winter.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the Government of India has sought the views of the Calcutta Chamber of Commerce on the question of the future location of the office of the Head Commissioner of Paper Currency; and, if the answer be in the affirmative, whether he will say why the views of that body are more relevant to the decisions on this subject than on others, decided without reference to them, such as the removal of the other Departments of the Government of India, including that of Finance and Commerce, from Calcutta to Delhi?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Government of India and the Secretary of State must reserve the right of consultation where they deem expedient.
Coast Protection (India)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether any, and, if so, what measures are contemplated by the Government of India for the protection of the at present unprotected coasts and harbours of India and Burma; and, following upon the concentration of our naval strength in the North Sea, whether any addition will be made to the Fleet in Chinese and East Indian waters?
The Government of India do not contemplate any addition to the number of fortified harbours in India. The second part of the question should be addressed to my right hon. Friend the First Lord of the Admiralty.
Public Services, India (Royal Commission)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the Government has appointed a Royal Commission to inquire into the public services in India; and, if so, what will be the composition of the Committee, and what are the terms of reference?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, but I may take this opportunity of informing the House that His Majesty's Government have decided to recommend the appointment of a Commission. It is not possible at the present moment to make any statement with regard either to the composition or the terms of reference.
India Office (Reception)
asked on what conditions the India Office was lent for the purpose of the reception held there on 16th June; and whether any expenditure in connection therewith will fall upon the Indian Exchequer?
I am obliged by my hon. Friend for the opportunity he gives me of stating that the Secretary of State in Council consented to the use of the India Office for the reception on the 14th, on condition that no expenditure in connection with it should fall on Indian revenues. The answer to the second part of the question is therefore in the negative.
High Court of Calcutta (District Magistrate of Mymensingh)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether the Secretary of State is aware that the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council has reversed the decision of Mr. Justice Fletcher, of the High Court of Calcutta, which was affirmed on appeal by the late Chief Justice and Mr. Justice Harington, of the same Court, in the case of Mr. Clarke, district magistrate of Mymensingh, who was cast in an action for trespass and fined Rs.500, and has found that Mr. Clarke acted properly, with courage and good sense, and strictly in accordance with the powers committed to him; that the Judicial Committee further found that Mr. Justice Fletcher disposed of Mr. Clarke's defence in rather a summary manner, and that the appellate bench took the same view and dealt with the matter much in the same way, and that had the bench read the form in Schedule V. of the Code of Criminal Procedure to the end it would have seen that it disposed of the bench's theory altogether; whether he is aware of the original and appellate decision of the High Court of Calcutta, from which the civilian judge, Mr. Justice Brett, dissented, caused alarm among the magistracy of India, following as it did upon several judgments of the like nature proceeding from barrister judges and benches of the High Court of Calcutta; whether the Secretary of State has under his consideration the future composition of this Court; and what compensation he pro poses to award to Mr. Clarke, who has for four years unjustly suffered in purse and reputation for displaying courage and capacity in the exercise of his duties?
The Secretary of State is in communication with the Government of India on this case. He naturally has learned with satisfaction that an Indian Civil officer, to whose good faith the Calcutta High Court bore emphatic testimony, has been pronounced by the highest judicial authority to have acted at a time of peculiar difficulty strictly in accordance with the powers committed to him. If the hon. Member had reflected that the Judicial Committee contained two distinguished ex-barrister judges of Indian High Courts, he would not, I think, have attempted to draw the inferences contained in his question. The hon. Member has misunderstood some of the observations of the Judicial Committee, which certainly did not pronounce that the case as a whole had been summarily disposed of, and did not, as he suggests, apply to the Calcutta High Court Appeal Bench in its corporate capacity a criticism made on a single point treated by one of the judges. The decision of the High Court was obviously of great importance in connection with the powers vested in magistrates by the Code of Criminal Procedure, but the Secretary of State is not aware that it caused alarm, and does not understand the assertion that a judgment turning on a point peculiar to the Mymensingh case followed on similar judgments. The composition of the Court is determined by Statute, and the Secretary of State desires to deprecate most strongly the comments on the bench made by the hon. Member.
May I ask in answer to the latter part of my question whether he thinks the emphatic testimony of the High Court of the good faith of the magistrate was not very much discounted by their erroneous decision that he was wrong in law?
The latter part of the question is as "what compensation he proposes to award to Mr. Clarke who has for four years unjustly suffered in purse and reputation." That I have answered by saying that we are in communication with the Government of India.
In view of the great alarm which this judgment caused amongst the magistracy of India, may I ask whether pecuniary or other suitable compensation is contemplated to Mr. Clarke, and, if not, I will think it necessary to repeat the question?
I do not think I can add anything to the fact that we are communicating with the Government of India on the subject.
I beg to give notice, Mr. Speaker, that in consequence of the unsatisfactory answer I have received from the Under-Secretary of State for India to question No. 9 I propose to call attention to the matter on the Motion on the Adjournment of the House.
Khan of Hoti (Arrest)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he has yet received the Report asked for concerning the arrest and illegal detention of the Khan of Hoti; and, if so, whether he can communicate the same to the House?
I have not yet received the promised Report.
Can the hon. Gentleman say when he expects the Report?
It is a matter of very great importance and requires most careful investigation. I understand the Report will arrive shortly.
asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether his attention has been drawn to a manual of Pushto, compiled for the use of students by Major-General Rosskeppel, who, in 1901, when the book was published, was political officer of the Khyber Pass, and is now Chief Commissioner of the North-West Frontier Province; whether the volume is used as a text-book by every civil and military officer that goes to the North-West Frontier Province; whether he is aware that insulting personal references and charges of bribery and tyranny are made against the Khan of Hoti on pages 203 (12), 213 (8), 217 (3) (4) (5), and 231 (6); and, seeing that the Khan of Hoti has been the recipient of many distinctions and honours and acknowledgments from British rulers for his loyalty to the British throne, whether, under these circumstances, he will cause the volume to be withdrawn from use?
I hope shortly to be in a position to answer fully this and other questions which have been put on the subject. In the meantime I may say that the sentences given as examples in the Pushtu manual are reproduced from examination papers set in the Punjab some twenty years ago. The manual was not prescribed as an official text-book in the latest rules which I have seen. The loyalty of the Khan of Hoti Mardan has been recognised by the grant of special distinctions.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that a fresh edition of this book has just been issued and is still in circulation, and, as a matter of fact, that in practice it is used by candidates going to that part of India?
I am not aware of that, but I think it is due to the author of the manual to point out that it has no reference to the special conditions now existing, as it was written twenty years ago.
Will the hon. Gentleman have this objectionable manual withdrawn, as it has caused, and is causing, grave offence to the loyalists and natives of India?
The hon. Member would do well to wait until we can deal with the whole matter on the receipt of the Report.
Territorial Force (Bands)
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War, whether he is aware that an Order has been issued to the effect that only musicians who are enlisted in a corps are to be permitted to perform in the band of the unit to which they belong, and that previous to the Order company bands were in existence in a number of Territorial companies which bands were in many instances assisted by men who for a variety of reasons were unable to enlist but who gave their services locally to the bands; and seeing that the effect of the Order has been to break up many of the company bands and that the bands do much towards attracting recruits, and in view of the difficulty in obtaining recruits, whether he will consider the advisability of rescinding the Order?
The Order in question, which was issued last September, was made with the deliberate object Of putting an end to a practice which was considered undesirable. The rescinding of the Order is not considered advisable.
Will the hon. Gentleman say what economy or saving to the public accrues to the country from breaking up these bands?
It is not a question of breaking up these bands, it is a question of whether you allow outsiders to play in Territorial bands.
British Army
Soldiers' Pensions
asked the Under-Secretary of State for War whether the ten per cent. rule as to re-engagement is enforced in order to save money by reducing the expenditure on soldiers' pensions?
The rule is enforced in order to maintain an adequate number who will join the reserve on the completion of their colour service.
Would the hon. Gentleman answer the question, was it done "in order to save money by reducing the expenditure on soldiers' pensions"?
Yes, Sir. I have just said it was not.
asked whether soldiers are transferred to the reserve before they complete eleven years' service; and, if so, in view of paragraph 264, King's Regulations, which states that soldiers may not re-engage for twenty-one years with a view to pension until after completing eleven years' service, how the limitation of such re-engagements to 10 per cent. can have the effect of increasing the number of men transferred to the reserve?
The man who is reengaged is, during the period of his service from twelve to twenty-one years, filling up a place in the total establishment which would otherwise be occupied by a men who would join the reserve on the completion of his colour service.
Sussex Common (Royal Engineers' Request)
asked the hon. Member for the Doncaster Division, as representing the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, whether an officer of Engineers recently asked permission for a small company to camp on Henfield Common, Sussex, for the nights of the 17th and 19th, and whether permission was refused by the Ecclesiastical Commissioners as lords of the manor; and, if so, can he say on what grounds it was refused?
It cannot be said that the Ecclesiastical Commissioners refused the application. The facts are that the application was made to the deputy-steward of the manor, and an answer was necessary within so short a time that reference by the deputy-steward to the Commissioners was impossible. In these circumstances the deputy-steward informed the officer applying that he had no authority to give the permission. At the same time he said that the probable answer of the Commissioners to the application would be that they would have no objection, but, as lords of the manor, could only give any permission subject to the rights of the copyholders and others having rights of common. In fact, the Commissioners, as lords of the manor, would have had no power to give any permission without that qualification.
National Insurance Act
Lectures
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer if he will say for what purpose he has made it optional to the conveners of an insurance lecture to exclude the Press; and what good purpose is intended to be served by the exercise of this option?
As I have already explained many times in this House, the conveners of a meeting to which an Insurance lecturer is sent, who pay the expenses incidental to such a meeting, are permitted, at their option, to make it a private conference. This option was given them at the very strong request of trade unions and friendly societies, who held that the free discussion of the effect of the Insurance Act on particular societies might be impossible if all that was discussed in such conferences. was to be reported in the Press.
Appointments
asked the Secretary to the. Treasury how many of the seven appointments of members of the Customs and Excise Department to posts under the National Insurance Act up to and including 12th June, 1912, were made from each of the branches, Customs indoor, Customs outdoor, Excise indoor, and Excise outdoor, old classification; and whether it was now possible for him to state, approximately, the total number of applicants in each case?
The seven transfers referred to were from the superintending establishment at headquarters. The answer to the last part of the question is in the negative. The work of classifying the applications in the manner suggested is not necessary in dealing with the applications, and would involve extra labour to a staff which is already working under considerable pressure.
Insured Persons
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether men or women under sixty-five on 15th July, 1912, who became employed persons after they had passed the age of sixty-five, were exempt from the insurance under the National Insurance Act, and whether employers must pay a contribution on their account; and whether men and women who were over sixty-five but employed on 15th July were insured persons and were liable to pay contributions?
Persons who are under sixty-five on 15th July, and do not become employed until they are over sixty-five, are not insured persons, and the employers' contribution only is payable in respect of them under the provisions of Section 4 (4) ( a ). The persons mentioned in the last part of the question are insured under the special provisions of Section 49.
Will the right hon. Gentleman take the opinion of the Law Officers as to the position of a person under sixty-five?
I do not think there is any doubt as to his position. I do not want to trouble the Law Officers with a perfectly clear case.
Joint Employers
asked, in the case of concurrent and simultaneous employment of an employed contributor by several employers, by which of those employers the employer's contribution under the National Insurance Act would be payable?
Joint employers would be jointly liable, and the Insurance Commissioners are now preparing Regulations to deal with the comparatively rare cases of simultaneous and concurrent employment by separate employers.
Salary Limit
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the Insurance Commissioners would issue a Regulation showing whether a clerk drawing a salary of £156 and occupying his own house, which was assessed at £23 per annum, would be excluded from the operation of the National Insurance Act or not?
The answer is in. the negative. As I have already stated in answer to the hon. Member for Wilton, the rate of remuneration, and not the total income, is the criterion in such a case.
Income Tax
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether he is aware that Mr. J. T. Wallace, of Prestwich, who only started business in March, 1911, and was consequently unable to make a return of income for the assessment of Income Tax by 30th September in that year, but subsequently made a correct return of his income, has been refused the relief allowed by the Finance Act, 1907, in virtue of earned incomes; and whether he will instruct the Income Tax Commissioners to grant relief in this and in all similar cases?
It is the case that Mr. Wallace has not been allowed relief. It was open to Mr. Wallace whose claim was actually dated the 19th December, 1911, to have made a provisional claim before the 30th September if he anticipated that his income would be such as would entitle him to any relief with respect to the "earned" part of it. As Section 19 (4) of the Finance Act, 1907, makes it a condition to the allowance of the earned income rate that a claim must be made by the 30th September in the year, for which the tax is assessed, it would be contrary to the provisions of the law to allow relief in this and similar cases. If once exceptions were admitted to this rule it would be almost impossible to draw a line and endless difficulties would be caused in the collection of the tax.
Would the right hon. Gentleman say how a man can say in March that he will make a profit in September?
I should like to have a few more particulars about that, from my hon. Friend.
House of Commons
Lighting
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the First Commissioner of Works will consider the possibility of substituting a modern system of gas lighting for the illumination of the House which, whilst increasing the illumination, would greatly reduce the present cost and be far more economical than electricity; whether the present system has been in use for at least forty years and is now obsolete; and whether the experiments reported to have been made were experiments with electricity only, and not with gas under the improved conditions of modern lighting?
After consideration, it appears to the First Commissioner that incandescent mantles cannot well be used by reason of the draught from the ventilating fan, and no experiments have been made with them. The present system of lighting has been in use, with slight changes, for rather more than forty years.
Can the hon. Gentleman say what filament is now used in the electric lamps, and whether experiments have been made with regard to various Kinds?
I could not tell the hon. Member without notice what filament is used in the electric lamps.
Foreign Press Representatives
asked the hon Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether, having regard to the privileges and courtesies extended to the representatives of the British Press in the Parliaments on the Continent, he can state if it would be feasible to make such arrangements as would provide further permanent seating accommodation in one of the galleries for Foreign representatives?
The provision of additional accommodation in the Press Gallery would involve considerable expense for which no money is taken in this year's estimates.
Has the hon. Gentleman taken into account the importance of this matter in regard to promoting international harmony?
Every consideration was taken into account.
Questions
Arran (Telegraphic Communication)
asked the Postmaster-General whether, in view of the present difficulty and delay in carrying on telegraphic communication be tween Arran and the mainland, and that in consequence of the Fleet being largely located in Arran waters more telegraphic facilities were required, he would take steps to increase the number of wires be tween Arran and the mainland so that an adequate service be available; and would he introduce telephonic communication to the island?
I am not aware of any difficulty in carrying on telegraph communication between Arran and the mainland, for the means of communication are ample for the traffic, and I have received no application for an extension. An extension of the trunk telephone system to Arran would not at present be justified in view of the heavy expense involved in the provision and maintenance of a cable.
Post Office Savings Banks
asked the Postmaster-General whether he could, and was prepared to take any steps to, distinguish between the Post Office Savings Bank deposits made in the villages and those made in populous towns, with a view to the application of the former, as in some Continental countries, for the purposes of much needed agricultural credit banks and other purposes of a reproductive character for the benefit of the rural population?
The system of accounting does not admit of such a distinction being made. The investment of deposits in the manner proposed would not be possible without legislation. A Select Committee in 1902 reported against a change in the law in that direction.
Why does the right hon. Gentleman consider the system impossible in this country when it is possible in other countries?
I do not know whether other countries have a system under which savings bank deposits can be made at any post office. Savings bank deposits in this country are not always made in the offices at which the accounts were originally opened. The accounts are always entered in our ledgers under the offices in which they were originally opened, and the number of cross entries is enormous.
Am I to understand from his answer that the right hon. Gentleman disfavours the use of Post Office deposits for local reproductive purposes?
No. I have not expressed any personal opinion on the matter. I only say that legislation would be necessary to allow it to be done.
Will the right hon. Gentleman make inquiries as to the system in other countries?
Development Commission (Motor Fishing Boats)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown had yet been obtained upon the question of whether or not the Development Commissioners could legally accede to the request which had been made by the Devon and Cornwall Sea Fisheries Committees for a Grant to facilitate the provision of auxiliary motor power for fishing boats?
I am advised that a Grant out of the Development Fund for the supply of motors for fishing boats might legally be given (under certain conditions), but that each application of this kind must be considered upon the particular facts of the case and upon the nature of the scheme for the disposal of the Grant put forward. The applications of the Devon and Cornwall Sea Fisheries Committees will be taken into immediate consideration accordingly.
Will the scheme be provisionally passed on to the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries for consideration?
In the usual course of procedure it will reach the Development Commissioners as soon as possible.
Does that refer also to Scotland?
If any scheme applying to Scotland is put forward, certainly.
Transferred Civil Servants (Salaries)
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he was aware that a sorting clerk and telegraphist employed in Belfast was recently selected to be interviewed in connection with a position under the Board of Trade, on a grade commencing at £60 and rising by £5 to a maximum of £105 per annum, and that this officer was informed that unless he was prepared to accept the initial salary of the scale, which was £27 below his existing Post Office salary, there was no necessity for proceeding with the interview; and whether, in view of the statement made on 29th February, 1912, that such persons would carry their salaries on transfer, he would order that instructions to this effect be given to the Board of Trade officials in the Belfast area?
The hon. Member's question has been referred to the Civil Service Commissioners, who, I understand, are making inquiries into the case. I will communicate with him as soon as the result of these inquiries is known.
Trade Union Funds
asked the President of the Board of Trade whether his attention had been called to the fact, as it appeared on page 193 of the 15th Abstract of Labour Statistics just published, that whereas the income of 100 principal trade unions showed an increase in 1910 of £128,000 and the expenditure showed a decline of £63,000, yet nevertheless the funds at the end of the year showed an increase of only £67,000; and whether he could give any explanation of this apparent discrepancy?
The figures on page 193 of the 15th Abstract of Labour Statistics referred to by the hon. Member appear to be quite correct. The funds at the end of 1909, plus the difference between the income and expenditure in 1910, give the funds at the end of that year. I am afraid that the method suggested in the question of arriving at the increase of funds during the year is not one likely to yield correct results.
Labour Exchanges
asked whether the 593,739 vacancies filled by the Labour Exchanges in the year 1911 were filled by the same number of persons; and, if not, how many separate persons received employment through the Labour Exchanges during the year?
The 593,739 vacancies referred to by the hon. Member were filled by 433,089 individuals. In addition to these vacancies, 125,304 jobs of a casual nature were filled by applicants from the special casual registers of Labour Exchanges.
Could not that be given in the Return?
I will consider that.
Imports (Crown Colonies)
asked the President of the Board of Trade if he would state the total value of imports and the value of manufactured imports into the Crown Colonies, Protectorates, and Dependencies, other than India, from the United Kingdom and foreign countries, respectively, in 1900 and 1910, showing the percentage increase during that period?
The imports from the United Kingdom into those parts of the Empire mentioned in the question, so far as statistics are available, have increased from £13,576,000 in 1900 to £21,756,000 in 1910, or by 60 per cent., whilst the imports from foreign countries have increased from £19,694,000 in 1900 to £29,803,000 in 1910, or by 51 per cent. Separate particulars for manufactured goods could only be ascertained after a minute investigation of the Returns for each individual Colony, Protectorate, and Dependency, and such an investigation would involve a large expenditure of time and trouble. The figures given above are exclusive of Rhodesia, Malta, Hong Kong, and Protectorates other than those on the mainland of Africa, for which, for one reason or another, comparable figures are not available.
Metropolitan Police
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department what regulations or instructions had been made for the arrangement of supply of food and refreshment to members of the Metropolitan Police when employed on their eight hours tour of duty on Sundays, and also when called out for ceremonial and on other public occasions?
It is and always has been the practice for Metropolitan Police doing eight hours tour of duty to carry their own supply of food with them. They take it at any quiet place on the beat. In exceptional circumstances they may, with the consent of a superior officer, leave the beat for a few minutes to obtain food. When police are specially employed on duties that may involve prolonged hours, they are instructed to take food with them, and, whenever possible, are relieved for short periods. On certain very exceptional ceremonial occasions, special arrangements have been made to supply food to the men on duty.
Are we to understand that no time whatever to obtain food is given during the eight hours?
My answer said that time was allowed.
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether the latest instruction book for the use of members of the Metropolitan Police was issued in 1900; and whether, in view of the numerous Acts of Parliament passed into law since then, he could see his way to issue a new edition, which would be available for all members of the force without further delay?
From time to time emendations and additions to the instruction book of 1900 have been issued. An entirely new instruction book has now been prepared, and a part of the service has already been supplied with it. The supply will be completed at an early date.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the same reply was given earlier in the Session, and it has not yet been done?
I will make inquiries.
County of London (His Majesty's Lieutenant)
asked if His Majesty's. Lieutenant for the county of London had yet taken up the duties of his office?
Letters Patent appointing the Marquess of Crewe to be His Majesty's Lieutenant for the county of London passed the Great Seal yesterday, and the appointment will be gazetted to-night.
Motor Accidents (London)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has official information showing that 410 persons were killed and 14,215 injured in the streets of London during last year; whether he is aware that most of the accidents were caused by mechanically-propelled vehicles; and, if so, what action he proposes to take?
The annual Return of street accidents caused by vehicles shows that 410 persons were killed, and a large number injured, by such accidents in the City of London and the Metropolitan Police District together. As this area comprises some 700 square miles and includes some districts which are still rural, it is not quite correct to describe all these accidents as having occurred in the streets of London. The majority of them were caused by mechanically-propelled vehicles. The police will continue to use every endeavour to protect all persons using the highways from accident.
Will the hon. Gentleman do something to stop this appalling state of things; this ever-increasing reign of terror in the streets of London?
May I ask whether the Under-Secretary for the Home Department could state what was the increase, if any, in accidents caused by vehicles since mechanically propelled vehicles have been in vogue?
I think I ought to have notice of the latter question. With reference to the first, I can only say that the police will make every effort at stoppage. If my hon. Friend has any suggestions to make they will be very glad to have them.
Isle of Man (Schools)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he can now give the promised information as to the inequality in the Grants given to denominational schools as compared to those given to other public elementary schools in the Isle of Man?
The Lieutenant-Governor of the Isle of Man informs my right hon. Friend that it is a fact that the voluntary schools there do not receive aid from rates; but that the children and teachers in the voluntary schools are subject to the same inspection as in other schools, and the reports of His Majesty's Inspectors on the voluntary schools are, in the opinion of the Insular Council of Education, generally as favourable.
Royal Navy
Mediterranean Fleet
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether an important redistribution of naval forces affecting the Mediterranean is about to be effected; and whether, in view of the public anxiety on this question, he will give an assurance that no such alteration of policy shall take place until the House has had an opportunity of discussing it?
I cannot agree to any undertaking which interferes in any way with full Admiralty discretion over all naval dispositions. The Mediterranean battleships are about to take part in the annual manœuvres, and before these are over the House will have had an opportunity of discussing the naval situation and receiving a full statement of the intention of the Government.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware of the very, very grave anxiety which the public in general feel in regard to this question at the moment? In view of that, may we understand definitely that no further steps will be taken to give effect to this policy until the whole subject has been properly discussed in this House?
Does the right hon. Gentleman think it quite fair to this House and the country to reduce the battleships in the Mediterranean from twelve to nothing, without any discussion or reference at all to this House?
Yes, Sir, I think the House has always the right to have full opportunity of discussing the naval situation when from time to time it presents a feature which requires attention. But I am quite certain the House will not wish to prevent the Admiralty taking from day to day whatever steps they may consider necessary in the discharge of their responsibilities to the Crown and Parliament.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman once more, in view of the fact that this is not an ordinary, but a very particular change, whether the right hon. Gentleman will not make some further statement on the subject?
That is fully covered in the answer which I have given. The ships are home for the manœuvres. They have often come home for the manœuvres before. Before the manœuvres are over the House of Commons will have had a full statement of the Government position, and have the opportunity, if they so desire, of discussing and pronouncing on it.
The Germans are under weigh.
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will say how many British battleships, cruisers, torpedo-boats, and submarines are now in the "Mediterranean Sea east of Gibraltar?
The information asked for is as follows:—
Admiralty Contracts
asked whether the Admiralty are in the habit of exacting guarantees as to the time of delivery from shipbuilding contractors; if not, will he say why this is not done; and whether in view of the delays in construction, he will in future demand such guarantees?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative, the reason being that, in the public interest, a different method is employed by which liquidated damages at a predetermined rate per diem can be enforced for late delivery due to causes within the control of the contractors. No change in the present practice is considered necessary.
May I inquire whether within the last two or three years any penalty has been put upon the contractor for non-delivery—I say not one?
The hon. Member has answered his own question. I have not verified his answer.
Questions
Franchise and Registration Bill
asked the Prime Minister whether his statement made in this House on 13th November last that any large reconstruction of our Franchise Law must be followed, as a logical corollary, by an equitable redistribution of representation, remains a statement of ministerial policy; and whether the Franchise and Registration Bill, if passed this Session, will be followed, as a logical corollary, by resolutions in this House and the appointmnet of Redistribution Commissioners as steps precedent to the introduction of a Redistribution Bill?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. As regards the second part I cannot make any statement as to the precise procedure which will be followed.
asked the President of the Board of Education whether, in the event of the Franchise and Registration Bill passing into law, it will be necessary that two registers of voters will have to be made for the year 1914, namely, one for the first five months of the year under the existing law, and another for coming into force on 1st June, 1914?
In the event of the Franchise and Registration Bill passing into law and coming into force on the 1st day of June, 1914, the preparation of the first continuous register will commence immediately, and that register will come into force on some later date to be fixed by Order in Council. Until that register comes into force, the Parliamentary register prepared under the old system for the year 1914 will remain in operation; but when the new continuous register comes into force the old register will cease to operate. There will be no period during which the old and the new registers run concurrently.
Education (Scotland)
asked the Secretary for Scotland if he will say why the Minute of the Scotch Education Department which was laid upon the Table on- 10th June was not accompanied by the necessary figures to make it intelligible; when these figures will be supplied; and whether the month allowed before it becomes law will date from the day on which the figures are available or from 10th June?
The figures referred to are not a necessary part of the Minute as laid, which is of a general character, but a statement showing the approximate result as regards each secondary education district will be issued at the earliest possible date—probably this week. The Minute will not become operative for a month from the time that the figures are available.
asked whether the practice of laying Minutes of the Scotch Education Department, without reasonable facilities for their being discussed, will be altered in order to give Scottish Members the opportunity of considering the same?
I am not aware that there is any such practice.
Mr. Speaker, arising out of that reply, may I ask you, for the benefit of new Members like myself, when matters of the sort referred to in these Minutes cannot be discussed, can we challenge them at Eleven o'clock on the Adjournment, or do we require to give a written notice to the Clerk at the Table?
I am afraid the hon. Member's question has rather taken me by surprise. It is usually necessary to give notice. I think if the hon. Member wishes to ask the House to present an Address to His Majesty asking him to disallow some proposal which is made, he ought to give notice of it.
Agricultural Education
asked the President of the Board of Education whether he realises that Circular 795 of the Board will result in most counties in the cessation of the valuable peripatetic and other decentralised technical work now carried on by their agricultural education sub-committees, owing to no equivalent Grant being obtainable from the Board of Agriculture except in connection with farm institutes, which will not provide this kind of instruction; and whether an arrangement can be made between the two Departments whereby, pending the forthcoming conferences in reference to agricultural education between the President of the Board of Agriculture and the local authorities, the same Grants for the above purpose, under the same conditions, will continue to be paid as heretofore?
Arrangements have already been made for the transfer to the Board of Agriculture of the responsibility for distributing the money provided for aiding the work, done after the 1st August next, of the kind mentioned in the first part of the question.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the corresponding Grant announced to be made by the Board of Agriculture does not provide for any purpose of higher agricultural education except the provision of farming institutes and works ancillary thereto?
Next year the Grant now available to the Board of Education will disappear from the Board of Education list and will be transferred to the Board of Agriculture. This year they appear on the Board of Education Estimates, but the distribution will be transferred from the 1st of August to the Board of Agriculture.
Port of London (Strike)
Accidents to Workmen
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he had any Report of the number of accidents that had occurred to work men employed in the Port of London since 28th May, 1912; and, if so, could he state in general terms whether the cause of such accidents arose from incompetent labour?
The number of accidents to persons employed in loading, unloading, moving, and handling goods at the docks, wharves, and quays, and in loading, unloading, and coaling ships, within the Port of London, which have been reported to the Factory Department since 28th May, is 43. This figure is much below the average number, but in the absence of Returns of the actual numbers employed before and after 28th May on. these particular processes, I am not able to say whether it represents an increased accident rate or not. There is no evidence in any of the Reports to show that any of the accidents were due to the employment of unskilled labour.
Does the evidence show that the accidents which have happened to the men are attributable to the strikers?
Not as far as know.
Travelling Passes
asked whether it is intended to take any action against those who have taken it upon themselves to usurp authority over the King's highway by issuing passes to persons desirous of travelling thereon, and impliedly preventing them from so doing unless furnished with such passes, thus acknowledging participation in a conspiracy to inflict violence upon law-abiding men; or whether, if the law is insufficient to deal with such a situation, it is intended to ask for legislation?
If there were other evidence on which to found a charge of conspiracy, the so-called "passes" would be material evidence in support of the charge, but the Home Secretary is advised that there is no sufficient evidence on which proceedings for conspiracy could be taken. My right hon. Friend does not, as now advised, propose to ask for legislation.
Treatment of Persons Injured
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state the result of his inquiries at the Poplar and London Hospitals, in respect of injuries inflicted on men working or willing to work in the docks and on the river; whether he has been informed that the almoners and others connected with both hospitals have reported that a wide system of terrorism exists in consequence of the assaults that have taken place and the threats used; and what steps, if any, he has taken to restore public confidence?
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he will state the number of patients that have been treated at Poplar Hospital up to and including Thursday, 20th instant, for wounds, bruises, contusions, or other injuries inflicted on them in connection with the present labour dispute in the dock area?
Inquiry has been made at the Poplar and London Hospitals and at all hospitals in London which serve the areas affected by the strike. My right hon. Friend finds that in all twenty-one persons have been treated for injuries inflicted on them in connection with the present labour troubles. Of these cases, eight were in the Poplar Hospital and three in the London Hospital. Only six of twenty-one cases had to be detained in hospital, the remainder going home after treat- ment. In view of the great extent of the strike and the large number of men who remain at work, these figures do not justify the opinion that a widespread system of terrorism exists, and the Commissioner of Police has failed to find that any such opinion is held by the responsible authorities of the hospitals. The police are taking active steps to repress disorder and to secure the punishment of offenders; and prompt attention will be given to any application for protection.
Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the figures he has. given do not include the cases dealt with in the receiving rooms of the hospitals, and that the latter information is contrary to what has been stated publicly by those responsible?
If the hon. Member will put a question, I will find how many cases have been treated at the receiving rooms of the hospitals.
Is it not a fact that those cases which are sent home are the cases that are dealt with in the receiving rooms of the hospitals?
Is the hon. Gentleman aware whether any of these injuries were caused by the police and not by the strikers? May I have an answer? I saw a man to-day with his head smashed.
I have not the information now. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will put down a question.
Has the hon. Gentleman received a petition in which forty-four working men state that they are unable to go to work because of terrorism?
Where?
I have not yet received a petition. If the hon. Member will tell me how I can get hold of it, I shall be very glad.
Transport Workers' Federation
asked the Prime Minister whether he could see his way to publish as a Parliamentary Paper the various demands recently preferred by the Transport Workers' Federation to the Government which were forwarded by the Government to the employers and the Port of London Authority, and also the replies to these demands?
If the hon. Member is referring to the men's statements which were submitted to the employers at a meeting on the 4th June, between certain Members of the Government and employers, these statements and the employers' replies have already been published in the public Press, and I do not think it necessary to publish them as a Parliamentary Paper. They are given on page 230 of the current issue of the Board of Trade "Labour Gazette," of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy.
Home Office Vote
Treatment of Suffragist Prisoners
May I ask the Prime Minister whether he can put down the Home Office Vote for this week, or at the earliest possible date next week, in view of the subjects of interest arising out of that Vote and the desire to discuss them in all parts of the House?
No, Sir; I should be very glad to put the Vote down, but I think it should be put down on a date when the Home Secretary can be here.
If possible?
He cannot be here any day this week.
Not on Thursday or Friday?
No; the Home Secretary is obliged to be away: he will be in attendance upon the King. If hon. Members regard the matter as of sufficient urgency perhaps I might put it down for Friday, when the Under-Secretary and the Attorney-General will be here, but I make no definite promise.
Perhaps I may communicate with the Patronage Secretary.
I desire to ask the Under-Secretary to the Home Office a question of which I have given him private notice: Whether he can give the House any information concerning the accident to Miss Davidson in Holloway Gaol; whether she has been forcibly fed, and, if so, how many times before the accident? What was the nature of the injuries sustained, and whether she is now in hospital, and whether she is still being forcibly fed?
The question the hon. Member asks now is not in the terms of the question I have before me. The question I have before me is:—
" To ask the Secretary of State for the Home Department for information concerning Miss Davidson, the prisoner who is alleged to have thrown herself over the stairs in Holloway Prison, particularly how it happened, the extent of her injuries, whether she has been forcibly fed, is she in hospital, and is she still being fed by force."
At 2.30 p.m. on the 22nd instant, Emily Davidson, who had been to the lavatory, refused to return to her cell. While the officers were trying to persuade her to return, she threw herself on to the wire netting on the landing below, a distance of about eight feet. She stayed on the netting for a few seconds and while the officer was remonstrating with her she threw herself from the netting on to the iron stairs, a distance of about five feet. She sustained a few small bruises and abrasions, and as she complained of pain, a specialist, Mr. Crisp English, of St. George's Hospital, was called in and certified that there was no evidence of gross injury nor any reason why forcible feeding should not be continued. She afterwards told the Medical Officer that her action was due to her "feeling that a tragedy was wanted." As she refuses to take her food in the natural way, she is being fed by tube. She is not in hospital, but she is under the special observation of the Medical Officer.
In regard to the question read by the hon. Gentleman, the letter I sent last night intimated my intention of putting the question; the question itself was sent this afternoon. Can the hon. Gentleman say if he is aware that the object of this lady in attempting to commit suicide was to call attention to the cruel barbarities which are being inflicted on these ladies in the hope that by the sacrifice of her life they might be brought to a stop?
I have no means of gauging what was in the mind of this lady at the time. In regard to the attempt to commit suicide the distance was only eight feet, and if that was her intention she must have known that it could not have been gratified in that particular instance.
May I ask the Prime Minister—and I know the right hon. Gentleman will not lightly treat a matter of this kind—whether he can see his way, as a number of these prisoners are to be discharged on Saturday, to make a slight concession and have them discharged at once. Why keep up this needless torture?
May I ask that no further concession be made to lawbreakers in this country?
It is not for me to interfere with the action of my colleague. It is purely an administrative matter concerning the action of my colleague who is responsible for the Home Department. I must point out that there is not a single one of those women but could come out of prison this afternoon if they gave the undertaking which has been asked for.
You know they cannot. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order."] It is perfectly disgraceful that the Prime Minister of England should make such a statement.
"Order, order," and interruption.
left his seat below the Gangway, and walked to the end of the Ministerial Bench above the Gangway. Amidst cries of "Order" and interruption, he addressed the Prime Minister, and said:—
Why did not the Liberal party ask William O'Brien to give an undertaking? You are beneath contempt! ["Order, order."] You call yourselves gentlemen, and you forcibly feed and murder women in this fashion! You ought to be driven out of office. [Interruption.] It is perfectly disgraceful. Talk about protesting! ["Order" and interruption.] It is the most disgraceful thing that ever happened in the history of England! ["Order, order," and interruption.] You will go down to history as the man who tortured innocent women. ["Order, order."] That is what you will go down to history as.
Returning to his place below the Gangway,
said: I have said my say, Mr. Speaker. [HON. MEMBERS: "Sit down," "Order, order," and interruption.] It is disgraceful that the Prime Minister of this country should tell women in prison on principle that they can walk put. [HON. MEMBERS: Order, order."] He knows perfectly well they cannot walk out. The Hon. Member for Cork (Mr. William O'Brien) knew he could walk out of prison, but he did not, and the Liberal party, for the sake of votes, defended William O'Brien when he refused to wear the prison clothes. [HON. MEMBERS: "Order, order."]
I ask the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley to leave the House in consequence of his grossly disorderly conduct.
"Order, order," and interruption.
I am not going out while this contemptible thing is being done—[HON.MEMBERS: "Withdraw," and "Order,order"]—murdering, torturing, and driving women mad, and telling them they can walk out. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves! You may talk about principle and fight in Ulster. You ought to be driven out of public life. You do-not know what principle is. These women are showing you what principle is. You should honour them standing up for their womanhood. I say for the Prime Minister to say they could walk out is beneath contempt, and I shall stick to it. I tell him it is beneath contempt to tell the Commons of England that, and to laugh at the suffering of those women. You ought to be ashamed of yourselves.
I must point out to the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley that in refusing to leave the House he is disregarding the authority of the Chair, and I ask him again to leave the House.
I have no intention in any sort of way of being dishonourable to you, Sir, but I cannot contain myself when men sitting there say these women can walk out, when they know very well they cannot walk out. They are fighting for a principle, and Members would be better employed if they were doing the same.
The hon. Member will see that it is my duty to defend the Prime Minister under the circumstances, and also to defend the House as a whole. If other hon. Members conducted themselves in the same way as the hon. Member for Bow and Bromley has done, this House would lose all respect and authority.
It has lost it already.
I call upon the hon. Member to withdraw, and I must ask him to be good enough to carry out my desire. If he does not withdraw, I shall have to take severer measures. I will give the ton. Member another opportunity.
What is it you ask me to do, Mr. Speaker?
I ask the hon. Member to withdraw from the House during the Sitting of the House to-day.
All I want to say, Mr. Speaker, is that I make that protest against the statement made by the Prime Minister.
The hon. Member for Bow and Bromley withdrew beyond the precincts of the House.
I beg to ask the Home Secretary a question of which I have given him private notice—whether his attention has been directed to the allegations contained in a pamphlet written by Helen 'Gordon concerning the methods in which forcible feeding was applied to her and other female prisoners, whether these methods are being applied in the present instance, and, if so, whether it would not be advisable to avoid the necessity for applying these methods by placing the women concerned in the first-class division?
I have not seen the pamphlet in question, nor is it known at the Home Office. Perhaps the hon. Member will supply me with a copy.
Foot-And-Mouth Disease (Penrith)
I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture a question of which I have given him private notice, whether he can give the House any further information with regard to the unfortunate and most untimely recrudescence of foot-and-mouth disease at Penrith?
The chief veterinary officer reports by telegram that the stock on the two farms whence cows had been moved to Bellmount Farm on 11th June and 18th June have been examined and found healthy. Bellmount Farm is reported to be well isolated, and on the information at present available no further slaughter of animals appears to be necessary.
Are the cattle being forcibly fed?
Industrial Agreements Bill
I beg to move, "That leave be given to introduce a Bill to make agreements come to voluntarily between employers and workmen in the Port of London legally enforceable on the whole trade."
We propose that the Bill should be confined to the Port of London, and in explaining its provisions I think it describes actually what takes place now, and upon that description will follow the provisions of the Bill. At the present moment we have organisations of employers meeting organisations of workmen, and coming to certain agreements with them. The men who sign those agreements on both sides are perfectly willing if the agreements are carefully, rigidly, and properly kept, to abide by them. There are disputes which arise from time to time as to whether one side or the other should abide by those agreements. But we may take it generally, in spite of certain rather important exceptions that arise occasionally, that both sides accept those agreements and abide by them. The great difficulty has always been with the outsider, I mean the outsider both on the side of the employer and the men. The whole occasion of the present dispute in the Port of London has been this: agreements have been come to by certain good employers, and they have not been observed by certain sections of their competitors. The result has been that the conditions of the agreement have been broken, and it was inevitable that a dispute would arise, and consequently a strike has taken place. What we propose to do is to make those agreements, once they have been come to, binding upon the whole trade affected by them. In that way this House can do an exceedingly important piece of social levelling up.
4.0 P.M.
We are going to have agreements come to, not Compulsorily, because there is nothing in this proposal in common with compulsory arbitration—we are going to have agreements come to as now by the best employers on the one hand, and the best employed on the other; the best employers organised, and the best workmen organised. Those agreements are going to be quite tolerable as far as the trade is concerned, because no employer or workman will be able to come to any other sort of agreement. Once an agreement has been come to our Bill will impose it upon every employer in that trade -on the lines of the Mines Bill, and every employer in that trade employing labour will have to employ that labour under the conditions agreed to by the best employers in the trade. This House has over and over again passed resolutions to that effect. The House has decided that when a Government Department becomes a consumer and uses products it must employ its contractor and buy its goods under the conditions imposed by the Fair-Wages Clause, and the Fair-Wages Clause adapted to the conditions of the Port of London is precisely our Bill. I would like "to emphasise that the whole basis of our proposal is a voluntary agreement. That is the unique position we take up, and that is a position which is going to be of great value in the social legislation which recent strikes has made inevitable. First of all, we get the conditions under which voluntary agreements can be come to, and when those conditions are secured this House will recognise those voluntary agreements and give them the binding force of a legal enactment. Supposing the carters of the London Port Authority come to an agreement such as that which is contemplated in this Bill, then that agreement would require to be taken to the Board of Trade and registered by the Board of Trade. When the Board of Trade issued its certificate of registration, that certificate of registration would have the effect of applying that agreement generally to the whole carting trade in connection with the Port of London. Supposing an employer tried to employ men as carters, say, at less wages than those provided by the agreement, then those employers could be sued on the ground that they were paying less than the legal wage, and the magistrate could compel them to pay wages similar to those specified in the agreement. That is in a sentence the effect of the Bill which I am asking leave to introduce. There is the general question of guarantees, about which, if I may say so, a great deal of nonsense is talked. The guarantee that is required must be a purely voluntary arrangement between organised workmen and organised employers, and what we have got to do is to see that those agreements, in so far as they affect wages, hours, and industrial conditions, and are accepted by good employers, shall be made common to the trade. If the employers and the workmen desire to have further voluntary agreements binding themselves mutually for, say, periods during which the agreements must run, I think this House would be very wise if it left these matters to the trade unions on the one hand and the federations of employers on the other, because these two organisations can best of all settle them. I feel perfectly certain, if we could get conditions of hours, wages, and general conditions such as those settled once and for all, then we should hear far less of breaches of agreements on both sides than we have heard hitherto.
Question put, and agreed to.
Bill ordered to be brought in by Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, Mr. Parker, Mr. Charles Duncan, Mr. George Roberts, Mr. Pointer, Mr. Goldstone, Mr. O'Grady, Mr. Crooks, Mr. William Thorne, Mr. Keir Hardie, and Mr. Lansbury. Presented accordingly, and read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday, 8th July, and to be printed.
Supply.—[Ninth Allotted Day.]
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1912–13
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. J. H. WHITLEY in the Chair.]
Class 2.—OFFICE OF WOODS, FORESTS, AND LAND REVENUES
Motion made, and Question proposed,
25. "That a sum, not exceeding £12,380, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses in the Office of His Majesty's Woods, Forests, and Land Revenues." Note.—£9,000 has been voted on account.]
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.
I have put down this reduction for the purpose of calling attention to the question of the rebuilding of Regent Street and the Quadrant which, we understand, is proposed by the Government. I intended to raise this question when the Vote for the Commissioner of Works and Public Buildings came on, but, although they are largely concerned with the erection of these buildings, I was informed it could only be raised on the Vote for Woods and Forests, and I now have the pleasure of moving a reduction of that Vote for the purpose of ascertaining more accurately than we know at present the intentions of the Government with regard to this thoroughfare, how far they have gone with regard to the alterations it is proposed to be made to it, and how far the matter is open to us for discussion and decision. Of course, I cannot say whether it will be necessary to press the reduction to a Division until we hear what the intentions of the Government are. The matter is one that interests a great number of people, and it is one in which a great deal of interest has been taken in the Press and in the country generally. There is no one who comes up to London at all, either our country cousins, or Colonials, or our friends from foreign countries, but one of their principal objects is that they may have the pleasure of seeing Regent Street, which they know is the centre of the shopping of the whole world. In the last edition of the "Encyclopædia Britannica" it is described as the finest shopping street in existence at the present time, and when we have such a street we should be very careful before we make any drastic changes, either with regard to its architcture or anything which may interfere with its usefulness. Regent Street was built about 100 years ago, and, I suppose, as many of the leases, which I presume were for 99 years, are now falling in, the Government think the time has arrived when it would be possible if it was desired to effect a scheme of reconstruction of the whole street. The question is in what style it should be rebuilt, what architect should be employed, and how it should be done.
Whether it was by chance or by the inspiration of the architect, the street is said to be of exactly the right proportions. The street for its breadth, and the height of the houses on each side is a perfect street of its kind. The road is of a reasonable length and not too long as in such a street as Oxford Street where it must necessarily dwindle away towards the end; and from the north to the south end all the shops are as near perfection as can be. The first thing that strikes one with regard to it is the lightness of the street. It is probably the lightest street in London, owing to the fact that the buildings are only three or four storeys high and the light gets to the shadowy as well as to the sunny side. I daresay a good many Members know some of the principal streets in other capitals—I myself know most of them—but can anyone name any street which contains the qualities of Regent Street? The general structure of the houses gives on the ground floor that which shops desire, a complete frontage of glass with the narrowest possible intervals, so that the whole of the frontage is available for shop windows. Regent Street was not completed at first and we do not see it now in the state in which it was originally built. The Quadrant had a colonnade on each side of it. There is now only a small piece remaining. I can remember meeting old men who knew the Quadrant, and in those days. it was dark and cold. I am thankful to say they saw the wisdom of changing it, and the whole of the colonnade was taken down. There have been some other changes in Regent Street. Many of the houses have been to some extent altered, and some of them have had small additional storeys built, but generally speaking the height of the street has been practically maintained. There was a church on the west side, but that was by arrangement removed, and there are now shops in its place. The church, of course, was out of place in the street, and it was an immense advantage that it should be removed. There is also another church at the bottom of Regent Street, but I do not think it comes into the scheme.
In every street which is a great success, like Regent Street, there are no public buildings of any kind, and there are no-buildings that partake of the character of public buildings. A public building is necessarily of imposing architecture, pro bably built of granite or of British stone. It makes a dull place to pass, and people naturally cross the road. If you want to-put up public buildings do not put them up in a shopping street, but in a street like Parliament Street, where they are-suitable. We have other streets in London which are spoilt as shopping streets owing to the height of the buildings. There is Victoria Street in Westminster. That street is comparatively cold and dark owing to the fact that the houses in it are two storeys two high for a shopping street. There are many examples in foreign countries which are absolutely and completely spoilt by the height of the buildings. We know, of course, that the streets of New York and Chicago, where there are these towering buildings, are absolutely ruined for the people at the bottom of the street. The wind is increased to such an extent that you get a lot of dust, and in winter they are always more or less damp. There is no sun, and it is like walking at the bottom of a pit or in a deep valley between these high buildings. We have examples of this abroad. We have examples of the heavy Government style of building in Paris. The Rue de la Paix in Paris is nothing like Regent Street owing to the fact that the houses are built more like Government buildings than private shops, and the window display is comparatively small. The piers between them are much larger than is necessary for shops, the whole thing is of a very substantial nature, and the buildings are much too tall, with the result that there is nothing there which can approach Regent Street in London. There are other streets in Paris which are better than the Rue de la Paix, because they are built more in the style of Regent Street, but still they do not come up to Regent Street. The buildings in them are too high, the walls are too thick, and, generally speaking, the streets are not as joyous and bright as Regent Street. If we arrive at that conclusion, that Regent Street at present is the brightest and best example we could have, we can see what can be done with it if the Government step in and try to make any alterations. There is one piece at the bottom of the Quadrant which has been rebuilt—the Piccadilly Hotel—and they have absolutely ruined that part of the street. It is a splendid building, and I will not say a word against it, but it is absolutely unsuitable for the street. It is not a shopping street. We know how they started at first with recesses and stone pillars between them. Of course, the shops would not let. People walked up on the outside, and no one went into the recesses, and the result has been that they have extended the glass right up to the front. That is the first mistake they have found. Again, it is about two or three storeys too high.
Under these circumstances I feel that we really must have some assurance that the Government do not intend to rebuild that street in the same style as the Piccadilly Hotel, because if they do they will commit on London one of the greatest misfortunes which in that way can be committed by a Government, and they will for ever very largely spoil what is now our most attractive street. I am speaking without knowing what their proposals are, but I know there have been supporters in the Press who suggest that the whole street should be rebuilt in the style of the Piccadilly Hotel. I think that would be an absolute misfortune, and I want an assurance from the Government. The first point is the most important—that is, that the buildings shall be kept at a moderate height. I have mentioned the question of light, and if you appreciate the advantages on the east side of Regent Street, the afternoon sun shines on it in the winter time, and when you get opposite the Piccadilly Hotel the sun cannot shine on the opposite side. The advantage of Princes Street, Edinburgh, is that the sun shines upon that side. Fortunately they have not any houses built on the opposite side. I do not suggest that that should be done in Regent Street, but we must allow the sun to shine there as it does at present, and that can only be done by keeping the buildings down to a moderate height. With regard to the colour of the street also there is a great deal to be said. If you build that street of stone—granite, Portland, or any other—it must necessarily become dark. It will be a great deal darker than the present street. The shops at present are continually painted, and the street is kept very light in consequence. I would very strongly urge that some method should be adopted by which the light nature of the street can be maintained. I do not say whether it should be kept in stucco and painted, but if not it must be light stone and not dark, and the character of the street should be kept bright, and it should not have these big granite or any other piers in the buildings; the street should be very largely all glass and the intervals between the glass should be cut down to the smallest possible dimensions. I am anxious to hear what the Government propose to do with regard to this street. I know many people are waiting with anxiety and will do so until they are reassured.
I should like to ask my right hon. Friend whether he does not think the time has come when this Department might be abolished or else provided with a new name. Could anything be more absurd than to call this the Office of Woods and Forests? Its responsibilities are now restricted to streets, fashionable or unfashionable, the heights of houses, and so forth. As I understand it, it is merely a Department for the collection of ground rents. I doubt whether it is necessary to continue it for that purpose, but, at any rate, I suggest that its name should be changed. Probably a great mistake was made in not transferring the Woods and Forests into a real Office of Woods and Forests for the United Kingdom. If the Board of the Woods and Forests had been so reorganised as to provide competent machinery, I think nothing better could have been done for sylviculture, and you would have had a real Board of Woods and Forests. Instead of that having been done, sylviculture has been removed from this office and the interest of sylviculture generally has been distributed throughout the three Kingdoms, without any real preparation for making it effective. A grave mistake in policy was made in removing the responsibility for the State woodlands and some new scheme of afforestation from the Woods and Forests, in a rather haphazard way. At any rate, I would suggest that my right hon. Friend should either find a new name for the Department or else let it disappear. After all, the Treasury can easily make provision for collecting ground rents direct. My right hon. Friend, or his predecessor, took over the charge of the agricultural land of the Woods and Forests, the woodland has followed suit, and it is absurd to keep up a Department to collect ground rents which might very well be made over to some Subcommittee of the Treasury, and we should hear the last of the Office of Woods and Forests. I might suggest that under the head of the Board of Agriculture there might be some clearer entry as to the woodlands, because you cannot very well make out from the Estimate of the Board of Agriculture and of the Woods and Forests what has become of the Forest of Dean and so forth, and what has disappeared from the Woods and Forests is not presented under the head of the Board of Agriculture. That should certainly be done. It has been a little difficult to follow the interests of sylviculture all the time I have been in the House, and it is even more difficult to-day than it ever has been before. As regards this particular Department it has ceased entirely to exist.
I think the House must have been surprised to learn, probably for the first time, from the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Munro-Ferguson) that nothing short of a revolution has recently taken place in the Office of Woods and Forests, as we have known it for many years past, and an explanation is due to the House from the right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Runciman), who appears to have taken entire charge of the Department, as to what is the nature of this revolution and! what is to be the future of the Royal Forests and the other areas of agricultural and other lands which hitherto have come under the supervision of that Department.
I have not given the House any fresh information. The changes have been known for a long time past, and notice has been given of them here. I have carefully refrained from touching upon any subject which has not been public property for a long time.
Of course it is perfectly true that this revolution has been made known to the public, but it has not been made known through the medium of this House, but through the medium of the newspapers, and the time has come when it is only due to this House that some explanation should be given of the entire reconstruction of this Department. Sir Stafford Howard, one of the three Commissioners of Woods, has recently retired from that important post after having occupied it for nineteen years, and enjoyed a very ample salary of £1,200 a year. Either Sir Stafford Howard during that long period, was quite an unnecessary official, or else the Royal Forests and the agricultural areas which were subject to his control, are likely to be seriously neglected in the future, as compared with the past, unless some other official is destined to take his place. We were told in reply to a question in February that in future the President of the Board of Agriculture will not be a mere passive Commissioner of Woods, but will take an active part in the administration of that Department in conjunction with Mr. Leveson-Gower, who was Sir Stafford Howard's colleague at the time of his retirement. The right hon. Gentleman has his hands very full indeed at present with the ever-increasing business of the Board of Agriculture, not to mention the ever-increasing Department of it which deals with fisheries, and now he appears to have taken upon his shoulders this large Department, which hitherto has been a separate Department of the Treasury. But what is going to happen to the Royal Forests? For forty years I have lived on the borders of one Royal Forest, and my Constituency lies on the borders of the other Royal Forest. I have seen a curious incapacity on the part of some, at any rate, of those who have administered* the Forest of Dean, which is supposed to be run upon commercial lines, to carry out the work of forestry according to modern scientific methods. I think I am entitled to ask, when the right hon. Gentleman takes control of the Royal Forests and their future cultivation and administration, who he is going to have to help him in an advisory capacity in order to make one of them at any rate a commercial success. As regards the other, I understand it is to be treated in the future as in the past, mainly as a pleasure ground for the people, and not for the purposes of economic forestry. The present Deputy-Surveyors who have exercised local control of the Forest of Dean and of the New Forest, will, I understand, in the future have to enjoy a totally different status from what they have enjoyed in the past. As I understand the reconstruction scheme, they will be not merely under the Board of Agriculture and the right hon. Gentleman, but will be subject to the control of some Second Division clerk, from whom they will receive all their instructions. That is a very serious fall in their existing or previous status, and one which they are feeling very much. It is only fair to them, with the very responsible work which they have to perform, that their status should not be allowed to suffer by the reconstruction of this Department. As regards the Forest of Dean, it is perfectly true that Sir Stafford Howard, when a Commissoner, took a very intimate and close interest in the interesting work which has been going on in the Forest for many years past, but I question very much whether it is fair that the gentleman who is in local control of that forest should still be, in any sense, under the control of a gentleman who previously was his principal and who now has nothing whatever officially to do with the Department.
I am not very clear on this point. The hon. Member appears to me to be discussing something which is not in the Estimate—the Forest of Dean, for instance.
It is very surprising if it is not in the Estimate. I assumed that it was in the Estimate. If it is not, then the revolution is even greater than I imagined.
I am only asking for information from the hon. Member. I understood him to say that the control of the Forest of Dean had been removed from this Estimate. If it is not, he is quite right. I must ask the President of the Board of Agriculture whether that is so?
It is quite certain that the administration of the Forest of Dean does come under the heading of this Vote.
In that case the hon. Gentleman is quite correct.
I am sorry for having displayed ignorance on this matter, but I see that the first item in the detailed Estimate does allow for the salaries of the two remaining Commissioners, whose duties are largely concerned with the administration of the Royal Forests. I understand that Sir Stafford Howard, since he gave up his post as Commissioner of Woods, has been placed by the right hon. Gentleman in the position of chairman of a new Advisory Committee on Forestry, and in that position I understand—I hope I am wrong—that he will still exercise some sort of unofficial control over those who are in local charge of the Royal Forests. If that is so, I think it would be very unfair to those gentlemen. I am glad to see the right hon. Gentleman shakes his head. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider the position of these gentlemen, one of whom has for many years past had entire control of sylviculture and arboriculture in one of the Royal Forests, and the other for a period of some years; and to allow nothing to happen under the new system whereby their position will be rendered anomalous and their status reduced from that which they have enjoyed in the past. The right hon. Gentleman has told the House that questions affecting sylviculture and forestry will be dealt with by himself, and that the best way of obtaining further expert advice upon this subject is under consideration. I should like to know whether that consideration has been pursued, and whether he can tell the Committee how expert advice upon forestry questions in the two Royal Forests will be available hereafter.
Turning to the Forest of Dean itself, I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the Crown can do something to help the local education authority in the matter of providing sites for elementary schools where they are required in that locality. As a near neighbour of the Crown, I may say that there is nothing harder in that district than to obtain from the Crown either a site for a school, or a site for a recreation room or parish room, or a site for a hospital, or a suitable site for school gardens, which are becoming increasingly popular in that county. The Crown always wants to get at least 4 per cent. out of the supposed value of its property, and in my experience expects to get something more than the full capital value of the land which it desires to sell, or is asked to sell, to a local education authority, or to other persons for social or educational purposes. An instance of this recently occurred before the county education committee of Gloucestershire, with regard to a site for a school at Five Acres near Coleford. The Office of Woods intimated that they could not possibly sell the site which was required for this purpose at less than 30s. a perch, or, in other words, £381 for the site. I happen to know this land. It is land of no building value. It is land of little more than prairie value. It has growing upon part of it some very worthless trees, and could not possibly have been disposed of in the open market at one-half of the price which the Crown is asking for it. The right hon. Gentleman the Chancellor of the Duchy, replying to a question upon this matter, told the House that although the Crown had to receive what they regarded as the full value for sites which they sold, they could ease the position to some extent by making a Grant towards the cost of the school itself out of the land revenues of the Crown. The local education authority made an appeal to the Office of Woods to act upon the suggestion, but the Office of Woods again have declined to help the local education authority. There being no other sites available, because the whole of that part of the county belongs to the Crown, we are driven to paying an admittedly excessive price for this plot of land, in order to provide what is absolutely necessary to the district, a new elementary school. Cannot the Crown set a good example as a good landlord? As a neighbour of the Crown, I may say that I sincerely hope from my own experience that the land of this country will never be nationalised, for a worse landlord than the Crown it is not possible to find throughout the country. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman, now that this Department is coming under his control, whether he will consider the needs of the poor population in the Forest of Dean—I do not suppose there is a more exclusively poor population to be found anywhere in England—and I ask him if he cannot do something to ease the position when they require sites for this or other purposes.
I want to turn to an enterprise which the Office of Woods has in hand in the Forest of Dean, namely, the manufacture by the Government of acetate of lime. The Government are now erecting a factory in the Forest of Dean for the manufacture of acetate of lime, for the alleged purpose of having it subsequently converted into acetone, which, as the Committee knows, is an indispensable factor in the production of cordite. In years past we have depended for our supply of cordite very largely upon foreign sources. That is a real national danger. The Government now, for the first time, is producing not acetone, which the country requires, but acetate of lime, without which acetone cannot be manufactured. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman why, if he produces acetate of lime, which has a commercial value apart from the manufacture from it of acetone, he does not produce acetone itself, for which there is a real national need, instead of producing acetate of lime, the very production of which means that he is brought into competition with all the other producers of the same article in this district and elsewhere? These producers are not at all happy at having the Government as a very severe competitor, whereas they would gladly sell acetate of lime to the Government for the purpose of its conversion into acetone, which the Government really require. The Government have announced that they intend to make a profit out of the production of acetate of lime. I imagine it is because they desire to make a certain profit which might not always be available from acetone, that they have decided to produce acetate of lime, and stop their process at that. That is all very well, but it is not what the country requires, and it is a little hard upon private competitors with much narrower resources than the Government possess.
During the last twelve years the Government have taken over the possession and control of the most beautiful old Gothic building to be found anywhere in England, namely, Tintern Abbey. I should like to take this opportunity of saying that the careful and considerate treatment by the officials of the Crown of Tintern Abbey deserves all the commendation which the archaeological or aesthetic public can convey. But the Crown have a somewhat unfortunate and untimely way of carrying out their improvements to that old ruin. For instance, during the whole of the autumn season of last year, when there were thousands of persons from every part of the world visiting Tintern in order to see the Abbey, the most beautiful feature of the whole ruin, the West Window, was so concealed with scaffolding as to render it impossible to see its exceptionally beautiful tracery. Could not these restorations be so timed as not to seriously interfere with the pleasure of those who during the autumn take their holiday, and who come from the remote parts of the earth to see what is a national gem? Could not something also be done to prevent the very ugly baulks now being used to shore up the walls on one side of the Abbey, inside the building, from being used for that purpose? They spoil, to a large extent, the aesthetic beauty of the inside of the Abbey, and are seriously commented upon by most of those persons of artistic taste who are entitled to give an opinion upon the matter.
Lastly, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether that no doubt honest but somewhat unfortunate method of marking every new stone incorporated in the building in large figures, with the date of incorporation, can be modified to some extent, so as not to make the mark so very obtrusive, and therefore detract to a large extent from the amenities of the place? Wherever you move about that ruin, wherever new work is being done, you are met with large stones bearing the dates 1906, 1907, or 1910 writ large in their centre. It may be honest, but it is not aesthetic, and I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman whether he cannot modify that process. I should also like to ask why the Crown has, during the last twelve months, changed the Crown Agents and Receivers—Messrs. Clutton—for another firm which was employed in a private capacity by the late President of the Board, now the Marquis of Lincolnshire, the supposed reason being, in Lincolnshire, where the Crown has been purchasing a great deal of land, the aversion of Messrs. Clutton to small holdings. It is rather remarkable, where property has been purchased on the advice of the new Crown Agents, that it has been purchased, in the opinion of local people, at something considerably higher than its market value, with the result that, where it is used for small holdings, the small holders have to pay very high rents, which many of them can ill afford. In every case where such purchases have been made in the county of Lincoln the tenants have been informed that their rents will be immediately raised in consequence of the necessity of obtaining a due return on the capital outlay on these properties.
There is another complaint made by the small holders in Lincolnshire, and that is that the Crown, when it purchases property and divides it up for the purposes of small holdings, makes the county council the medium between the Crown and the small holder, with the result that from 25 per cent. to 30 per cent. is added to the rent in order to pay for county council administration and equipment. They ask why they should not be allowed to remain, as they would prefer to remain, the tenants of the Crown, instead of becoming tenants of the county council. That is a justifiable request to which I hope the right hon. Gentleman, interested as he is in small holdings, will give due regard.
In conclusion, I should like to ask whether the Advisory Committee which the right hon. Gentleman has lately set up in connection with forestry has anything to do with the forestry work previously carried on under the control of the Office of Woods and Forests, or whether that Advisory Committee is only concerned in supervising the work carried on on private estates in connection with arboriculture under private control? I realise that the provision by the Development Commissioners of a large amount of money for the development of afforestation offers a very great temptation to the Board of Agriculture to combine all forestry under one head, and to have the same supervision for the Royal forests as for private woodlands. I think it should be clearly understood that no public money should be taken without the leave of this House for advice or research in connection with Crown property when it appears to the public generally that such funds are actually going to be devoted towards the encouragement of forestry under private control. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will explain the actual nature of the far-reaching changes for which he is responsible in this Department.
I desire to support the remarks which fell from the hon. Member for Yarmouth. Since the erection of the Piccadilly Hotel great alarm has been felt by the occupying owners of shops in the Quadrant as to the nature of the buildings to be put up. It is felt by all of them, and they are the parties most concerned, that the design for the Piccadilly Hotel is quite unsuitable for the display of the wares that they have to offer to the public. The Crown, I understand, when the rebuilding of the Quadrant was first mooted, called in Mr. Norman Shaw to their assistance, and his design is of a very massive character. But it is certainly felt that the railway arch style of architecture, together with the mass of piers between the windows, is altogether unsuitable and makes such a break in the front as to renders it detrimental, even if not impossible, for shopkeepers to make such an exhibition of their wares which should render the Quadrant most attractive and, I hope, profitable to the shops. I think the Crown might seriously consider the many petitions they have received, and the many speeches which have been made in the House on this subject, to which careful consideration has in the past been promised. They might very well reconsider the whole question, and they might even appoint a special Committee to take the matter in hand, and to invite designs from outside sources, rather than to commit Regent Street to a style of architecture, beautiful and correct though it may be in certain phases, yet entirely unsuited for public attraction and for the use of the inhabitants. As the Crown are the great ground landlords, and are coming into a heritage in Regent Street which far exceeds the dreams of any other ground landlords in London, they might be merciful in this respect, and if they enforce buildings of a monumental character on the tenants they might act a little more liberally towards them, and give them at least a lease for 99 years instead of one for only 80 years. It would only be reasonable and consistent when a man has been paying 50 guineas as ground rent, and is asked in future to pay £800, and to put up a building of a monumental character, to offer him 99 years. It is nothing but cheeseparing to make it 80 years. I think the Department of the right hon. Gentleman might very well consider that point.
There is another point I desire to refer to, and it is in connection with Regent's Park. Here, again, as in Regent Street, the Government are coming into a large reversion of private property. It will be in the mind of the House that in Regent's Park there are a number of buildings that are detached and stand on plots varying from five to eleven or twelve acres in extent. My Constituency, which runs up on two sides of Regent's Park, is very anxious about the future of these buildings, because in one case the Crown have recently renewed a lease, and we see with some alarm that buildings of a very extensive character are being erected in place of the old-time villa that stood there. There is no desire on the part of the inhabitants of Marylebone or St. Pancras to quarrel with the good fortune of the Bedford College for Women, which has been fortunate enough to obtain a lease of this most agreeable site. But we do not want that good fortune to be extended to other bodies. It would be very detrimental indeed to the surrounding park and to the public generally if in place of the old-time villas you put up buildings of a very extensive character. Jealous eyes have, as a consequence of the Bedford College building, been cast already on the other open spaces, and I saw it suggested in the "Times" the other day that the Royal Botanic Gardens would make an admirable site for the University of London. We look with dismay on any further exploitation of the sites in this direction. The Crown are rich; they are coming into a vast heritage of money. No doubt it is an expected windfall, but surely as they are great and powerful they should be generous with the open sites of the public. There are quite enough enclosures in Regent's Park already, and it is very desirable that the present state of things should not be interfered with. I hope no further encouragement will be given for the erection of these big buildings, and that it will be made quite plain to the outside public that it is of no use looking to Regent's Park for sites for buildings of an extensive and monumental character. We want all the amenities and delights of Regent's Park to remain as they are. We want no further encroachment. We do not want to cavil at or make capital out of the good fortune which has befallen the Bedford College, but we do not wish to see the operation repeated. The amenities of the park are very much prized, not only by the inhabitants, but by thousands of visitors, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will bear in mind, when the renewal of these leases comes up for consideration, the desirability of not allowing the exploitation of the sites in the way I have referred to.
I think everybody acquainted with discussions on this Vote must be rather surprised that the Treasury Bench is not graced by the presence of some representative of the Treasury Department. This change only occurred some few years ago, when the President of the Board of Agriculture represented the Department of Woods and Forests in this House. We do not to-day see the Secretary to the Treasury representing the Treasury on that bench, although we have seen him this afternoon fleeting uneasily through the House like a flying ghost. I think a very important change has come over this matter. As far as I can see, the whole of this Department—a great revenue-producing Department of the State—has been handed over to the Board of Agriculture, while spending Departments, like that created under the National Insurance Act, are handed over to the Treasury, with the result that we do not get that watchful care there ought to be over the spending Departments. We expect the Treasury to be the watchdog of the Government in the matter of expenditure, and we say it is not proper that a revenue-producing Department like the Woods and Forests should be handed over to the Board of Agriculture.
5.0 P.M.
I pass from that to place before the Committee how very large are the lands administrated by the Department of Woods and Forests. The Department dates back to the time of George III., in 1760, when the annual revenues from woods and forests came to be handed over to the nation. It is interesting to note that in 1760 the gross revenues of these woods and forests was £89,000, and the net revenue £11,000. To-day the gross revenue is £678,000, and what was handed over to the State reached £500,000 last year, and close upon that amount the year before. When you think that this revenue is derived in return for the payment from the Civil List of a sum of £470,000 a year, you can appreciate how the people of this country made an extraordinarily good bargain out of the exchange. My point is this: I do think that in view of these considerations the Department of Woods and Forests should realise its duties both as a ground landlord and to those who own property under the Department. The hon. Member for the Wilton Division (Mr. C. Bathurst) just now appealed to the President of the Board of Agriculture for generous treatment in the allocation of ground for the purpose of recreation. I had the curiosity to look into the report for the year in regard to woods and forests, and I found out what in the agricultural districts were the gross rents received from agricultural property, and also what was the generous treatment which the Crown gave. The Committee will be astonished to hear that the total income received from agricultural estates—I am not including the revenue from woods and forests nor the enormous rents they receive in London and other large towns—was £66,198 12s. 9d., and that this great and generous landlord gives to the nation's schools, chapels, and churches £99 3s. I do think the hon. Member has made out a very considerable case for more generous treatment on the part of the Crown.
Two important points have been raised this afternoon as regards London. The first is as to the proposed new buildings in the Quadrant in Regent Street. There has been lately very great discussion among those who are interested in the architecture of the public buildings in London as to whether all the authorities concerned, the Crown included, should not avail themselves of some Advisory Committee to help them in their deliberations. A short time ago a new society started called The London Society. At the first meeting of the Society, held in the Grafton Galleries, Lord Plymouth took the chair, and those present included men eminent in art and architecture. At that meeting some arrangement of the kind I have indicated was foreshadowed. I would suggest that as this society has now been formed—I do not belong to it myself and have no axe to grind in the matter, and, therefore, I am quite impartial—the Government might take some advantage of that Committee when considering plans for buildings in various parts of London. The Crown are in a rather extraordinary position, because, as we all know, the London Buildings Act does not apply to Crown property. It is only through good will that there is any chance of restraining them from putting up huge buildings of enormous height of whatever design they like. I think that, keeping these considerations in view, they are in a peculiar position. I would ask the representative of the Department of Woods and Forests not to refuse this opportunity of getting the best advice they can from the society. They are not obliged to take it, but, at any rate, they would get the benefit of the opinions of the Advisory Committee as to the structures to be erected in the streets of London.
The other point which has been raised is one in which I am very greatly interested, namely, the erection of the Bedford College for Women in Regent's Park. I have been a Member of this House for a considerable time, and I well remember bringing up this question in 1900. The point is this: That part of London is extremely badly off for playgrounds. We have Regent's Park surrounded by Marylebone, St. Pancras, and Islington, and only in recent years has there been an improvement in this matter as the result of the pressure brought to bear on the Department to make provision for recreation places for children. I must say there has been a great improvement in the way of affording children opportunities for play. When I raised the question in 1900 an appeal was made to the then representative of the Department, and the right hon. Gentleman who is now President of the Local Government Board, then a private Member, backed me up. We got a promise from Mr. Hanbury, who was then Financial Secretary to the Treasury, in regard to certain leases in Regent's Park. 1 will point out what is the position now as regards Regent's Park. It has an area of some 472 acres. That seems a fairly big thing, but out of that no less than 129 acres are not open to the public. I will tell the House how the 129 acres are divided up. In the first place, there are sixty-three acres in the hands of more or less private institutions. The Zoological Gardens take up thirty-one acres, the Botanical Society has eighteen acres, and I think there is a smaller society called the Toxophilite Society, which has fourteen acres, making together sixty-three acres. There are sixty-four acres held by private owners as follow: Grove Lodge, four acres; Hanover Lodge, four acres; North Lodge, two acres; Baptist College, nine acres; St. Dunstan Villa, twelve acres; St. Cathrine's House, five acres; St. John's Lodge, twelve acres; The Holme, five acres; and South Villa, eleven acres.
What has happened as regards the Bedford College for Women? Bedford College has taken over South Villa and grounds. The building itself does not occupy more than half an acre, but now the college authorities are going to turn it into a college for women. They are going to build over this ground, so that instead of having the advantage more or less of an open space, it will be covered with a huge structure for scholastic pur- poses. Neither my hon. Friend (Mr. Boyton) nor I envy the institution its good fortune, for it has done most admirable work, but we do regret this change of policy on the part of the Department of Woods and Forests. When the discussion; took place twelve years ago, Mr. Hanbury represented the Department of Woods and Forests in this House. We objected at that time to the renewal of certain leases which we heard were going to be renewed. Mr. Hanbury said:—
I understand that the revenue in ground rent was £14,000 a year, and taking that at twenty-five years' purchase, the amount would be something like £300,000. I do not say for one moment that you should give up the £300,000, but it is a question for the Commissioners to consider whether a certain portion of the land should not be allowed to be purchased by the public, say one third or £100,000 worth of the total, as it would be most valuable to London at large. The hon. Baronet the Member for Swansea (Sir A. Mond) has got round the Government to go behind the undertaking that was given. This is what we want to know: Is the college to be allowed to put up these buildings, and what lease is being given? The old practice was that no lease was renewed except on a yearly tenancy. I should be glad to know for what period of time this lease to Bedford College has been extended, and what has been paid, and what are the other terms? In my opinion, a great opportunity has been lost, as I presume a lease has been given, because I cannot conceive that the authorities responsible for Bedford College would attempt to set up these buildings with a lease running out in four years. The hon. Member has been in effect setting aside the pledge given by my right hon. Friend the Member for East Worcestershire in answer to a question that no lease would be granted without the public authorities knowing that this lease was going to be granted for these buildings. Therefore, we are in this position: we do not know whether they are in the more fortunate position of getting a ninety-nine years' lease, but if not, then at all events for eighty years we shall have this Bedford College building blocking all improved accommodation in this part of London for the social needs of its citizens. I hope, therefore, if the arrangements have gone too far already to prevent anything further being done now, that the hon. Member will know how to look into future instances.
I wish to call attention to the fact that a good many of the leases of large institutions in Pall Mall and the neighbourhood have fallen or are falling in, and arrangements have been, are being, or are expected to be made, in the course of the next twenty or thirty years, for their renewal. The question I wish to ask of the Minister in charge is whether there is not some scheme of regular valuation by which those who intend to renew their leases can be guided, because the settlements already effected have been made in a haphazard way, and the guiding principle has been, not the value, but the possible needs of the intending lessee. The policy seems to be to squeeze the last penny out of these people who have been the old tenants of the Crown. In some of these cases very large fines have been exacted—in two cases £10,000 and a £5,000 building. I would like to know what becomes of these fines, and whether this money is treated as capital, as it ought to be, or whether it goes into ordinary taxation. I would suggest that it would be advisable, in view of leases falling in in this way, that the intending lessee should have some rule or guide by which he would be able to form some estimate as to what he might be likely to have to pay rather than feel that if he leaves the matter too long he will have the last penny taken from him. It is not advisable for a great Government Department, any more than for a great commercial institution, to act towards its tenants as if they were not good customers. As the relationship between landlords and tenants, or even between lessor and lessee is that the one has to sell and the other has to buy, the lessee should be treated as a customer, and not as a knave who is trying to get as much as he can for himself. I am afraid this is too much the way of Government Departments. That is not a good sort of feeling to exist between the Government and its customers, and it is such a bad example to the Duke of Westminster, who was reprimanded by the Chancellor of the Exchequer for making terms with his tenants which, compared with those made by the officials of the Government, are moderation itself. In the neighbourhood of Camberley Sir Walter Peace and other leading citizens were approached by working men to see if they could not in some way provide a scheme for building houses. These gentlemen arranged to find money to build houses for the working men, and were willing to take 4 per cent. for their money. Nobody was to get anything out of this scheme. The rents there are very high, running from 7s. 6d. a week to 9s. for workmen's cottages. Close by the area of the workmen's dwellings there is a large tract of land owned by the Government, which grows heather. It is neither pastoral nor agricultural, and may be described as coming under the category of waste land. A portion of this was applied for in order to build houses upon it, but the terms of the Government were so absolutely exorbitant that the scheme fell through, and the philanthropic gentlemen did not go on with it. I fully concur with the remarks of the hon. and learned Member for Wiltshire that it is fortunate for this country that the Government do not hold more land than they do at present.
I wish to direct the President of the Board of Agriculture to a case which has occurred in the Highlands in the Counties of Ross and Cromarty. The Crown have got a fishing property which, I believe, is divided into two parts, the salmon fishing property at the mouth of the River Alness in Cromarty Firth, and the rod fishing property ex adverso the lands of Coul. I believe that the rod fishing property has been let for many years to Mr. Stewart Munro. He died quite recently, and the property is now in the possession of his representative. I understand that in the lease which the Crown gave Mr. Stewart Munro there was a stipulation that the rod fishing could not be sub-let under any consideration. I understand further that the representatives of Mr. Stewart Munro have sub-let that fishing to a gentleman from London who goes up there every year and fishes on that portion of the Estate of Coul. My contention is that seeing at the present time in the village of Alness, which is adjacent to that river, all the people are interested in the rod fishing of that river, and are most anxious to have the opportunity and the privilege of fishing in the river at a fairly reasonable rate, and seeing that this fishing property is in the possession of the Crown, and that the Sub-clause in the original lease prohibits the lessee from sub-letting it, the desire of the people of Alness ought to be assented to, and they should have the opportunity at a fair and reasonable rate, which they are perfectly prepared to pay, of having this rod fishing in their possession. I hope that the President will consider this matter favourably. I can assure him that those people would treat the Crown property with great respect and care, and seeing that they have waited so long for a lease of this property, now that Mr. Stewart Munro himself is dead—he was, if I may say so, a landlord who was greatly respected in the district—they have no compunction in coming forward and asking the President of the Board of Agriculture that they may have a, chance of getting the rod fishing for which they have waited so long.
I wish to indorse the remarks of the hon. Member for South St. Pancras (Captain Jessel) in reference to the Bedford College building. The residents in that district have watched this hugh structure with great dismay. Many of them have brought the matter to my notice, and I do not think that the Office of Woods and Forests can really be aware of the very objectionable type of building which they have granted permission to have put up on this site. There in the very heart of the most beautiful park in London this building stands up towering above the trees, an absolute blot on this most beautiful spot. I only hope that the powers that be will certainly consider very carefully any future privileges that may be granted for building in that neighbourhood, and that we shall not again have anything in the nature of this most objectionable building.
I do not think the authorities actually realise what is being done. The erection of this large building has altogether destroyed the rustic amenities of one of the most beautiful parks in London, used at holiday times and many times during the week by multitudes of the large surrounding population. People not accustomed to Regent's Park, might wander about there, and imagine they were in the country; but now the whole rustic atmosphere has been destroyed by the presence of this large building. I think a great mistake has been made, and I do hope that the Minister in charge will be able to promise to-night that nothing more of this sort shall occur without the House of Commons knowing about it. Where there used to be a moderate sized house surrounded by beautiful grounds, there has now been raised a large block of buildings which speaks of nothing but town. A country spot has been absolutely given a town aspect, and to me, having many times enjoyed its rural quiet and beauty, it is a source of regret that it should have been destroyed in this way, and I do hope that the authorities concerned will realise what has been done, and will promise that nothing of the kind shall occur again.
I do not know what effect the speeches of my hon. Friends on this side of the House may have had upon the right hon. Gentleman, but if I may add a few observations, I can assure him that the question as to Regent Street which they have raised is regarded as a very serious one by the traders, and, further, I think it must be regarded as a serious one by the rating authorities in that district. Speaking as one who has some little knowledge of the requirements of traders, I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that they depend upon display of their goods, and consequently they want as large an expanse of thick plate glass as they possibly can, and as small-sized columns as will be consistent with the carrying of the superstructure. The architecture of the hotel, to my mind, is absolutely delightful, but none the less it is absolutely unsuited to the carrying on of retail trade which calls for a proper and adequate display of the trader's goods. I am quite sure it would afford great relief if it were announced at the earliest possible moment that the idea that the style of architecture seen in the hotel is to be enforced upon the conclusion of the present leases, is an erroneous idea. If an announcement to that effect were made soon, it would remove the fears of the traders, and enable them to look forward to the end of their present leases without those great misgivings which they entertain at the present moment. Mention was made of the possibility of the Office of Woods and Forests being guided by a committee of architects. Architecture is an admirable thing, and is necessary in a great city like London; but when you are dealing with a street like Regent Street, which is above and beyond everything else a shopping centre, I do urge that the needs of business are even more important than the delights which might be furnished by an elaborate scheme of architecture.
In regard to another subject, I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman if he cannot see his way to announce shortly, not necessarily immediately, what the policy of the Woods and Forests Commission will be with regard to all the houses around Regent's Park, the leases of which will fall in within the next two years. Many of those houses are very substantially built, and it would not appear to be necessary to pull them down and rebuild them. If the right hon. Gentleman could say that he will, as soon as possible, within the next year or two at all events, make some announcement of the policy of the Department on that matter, I am sure it would be a source of great satisfaction. The right hon. Gentleman is well aware that throughout the country it is made a cause of quarrel that ground landlords, when they grant building leases, do so on the condition that at the termination of the lease the ground landlord shall step in and very often seize the magnificent premises which they have compelled the tenant to erect. Of course, it is well known in this House that that is the policy of the Woods and Forests Office. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is proposing to make any variation in that policy at all.
Though several Members have dealt with the subject of Regent's Park, I do not think I should be doing my duty to my Constituents if I did not enter a protest against the change of policy which His Majesty's Government have adopted in connection with Regent's Park. My hon. Friend the Member for South St. Pancras (Captain Jessel) read the pledge which was given by the late Mr. Hanbury in that matter, and I think it is of the utmost importance that all those who are interested in that park should know why that pledge has been departed from. We are entitled to know what is the special reason why in the case of Bedford College the Government departed from their previous policy. Are there, and, if so, what are the special reasons affecting this particular college? Why is it placed in a more favourable position than any other person or institution has been placed in throughout the whole of London? To the large industrial population of St. Pancras it is of the utmost importance that the amenities of Regent's Park should be preserved, because the erection of a large building of this description cannot be otherwise than an interference with those amenities. My hon. Friend the Member for South St. Pancras has pointed out that a very large portion of the park already is not open to the public, and, as the leases fall in, the Government should give an opportunity for allowing the sites of the buildings to become available as open spaces, if compensation can be paid for them. I should like the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Agriculture to give us a clear and explicit statement of the special reasons which induced this course to be taken in the case of Bedford College, contrary to the pledge given by Mr. Hanbury, and that he will also give us a definite and positive assurance that in no other case will that be repeated in any other part of Regent's Park.
I think I ought in the first instance to explain to the House why it happens that the Vote of the Woods and Forests Commission is answered for by me to-day. My predecessor, the President of the Board of Agriculture, had under his charge, I think from the 1st of January, 1907, most of the agricultural lands which were administered by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests. When I took office last October that was the arrangement which still held, and under the Crown Lands Act, 1906, I became ex-officio, one of the Commissioners of Woods and Forests. Sir Stafford Howard retired on the 31st March this year, and on his retirement I took over not only the agricultural lands which had been in the charge of my predecessor (Lord Lincolnshire), but I took over the charge of all the agricultural land held by the Woods and Forests which are administered by the Commissioners, with the exception of Windsor Forest, Esher Wood, Epping, and one or two smaller properties which were not mainly concerned with the duties of the Board of Agriculture. This was, as the hon. Member for Wiltshire remarked, a considerable addition to the duties of the President of the Board of Agriculture, but it was done with the deliberate object of making the forestry and agricultural side much more complete than it previously had been, and the forestry work which is now done by the Office of Woods will be done in the closest possible connection with the forestry branch of the Board of Agriculture. The Advisory Committee is now sitting under the Chairmanship of Sir Stafford Howard, and, as the Advisory Committee of the Board of Agriculture, it will make the recommendations, as I understand, and in regard to woods and forests.
It is possible that their recommendations may affect the whole of the work of which they have charge in the Forest of Dean. I cannot say what the recommendations may be, and I can make no announcement to the House until the Report has reached me, but the deliberate object in setting up the Advisory Committee was to concentrate into one group the best forestry advice which could be contained in England and Wales. The work of the Advisory Committee will be of value not only to the Department of Agriculture of the Crown, but to all those who are interested in the development of woods on a commercial basis. Sir Stafford Howard was good enough to undertake the chairmanship of this Committee, and, now that he has retired from the public service, I should like to pay to him publicly a tribute for the efficiency and enthusiasm with which he has performed his duties during the last nineteen years. Anyone who has been in contact with Sir Stafford Howard knows the ease with which business can be done with him, and can realise, when he has obtained some insight into and knowledge of the working of the Department, how thorough is his grasp of every detail of the Department's operations. I think it is difficult for any Gentleman holding a political as well as an administrative position to take over entirely to himself all the duties which were performed by Sir Stafford Howard. I shall not attempt to do so, and when the duties of the Commission of Woods and Forests were taken over and my duties extended I made arrangements, with the consent of the Treasury, to slightly rearrange the staff, to give some extended powers to the chief clerks to become secretaries of the Woods and Forests Commission, and to arrange for a slight redistribution of the work.
So far as the Board of Agriculture, on the forestry side, and the administration of Crown Woods are concerned, I can assure the hon. Member for Wiltshire that he need not be at all uneasy about the position of deputy-surveyors. He is inaccurate in suggesting that the deputy-surveyors are likely to be placed under the control of second-division clerks. I have great respect for the second-division clerks, but certainly their proper place would not be over the deputy-surveyors, who will be directly responsible to me; they will not find themselves put into a subordinate position, and I think they will have no reason to complain of the new administration. If the hon. Gentleman has any distinct suggestions to make on the point I shall be only too glad to receive them. The arrangement provides for my taking over a very large portion of the work performed by the Commissioners. A great deal of the urban work there will be under the charge of Mr. Leveson Gower, who has been a Commissioner for some years, and I answer for the Woods and Forests Commission here in respect not only of my own work, but of his also, in exactly the same way as the Secretary of the Treasury did in former years. The reason for that is quite clear. This is the first time, I think, the Woods and Forests Commission has been represented in this. House by a Cabinet Minister. A Cabinet Minister, apart altogether from personalities, is, of course, quite as capable of answering for the Department as a Secretary to the Treasury. When I was Secretary to the Treasury it was my duty to answer for the whole administration of the Woods and Forests Commission, and it will be my duty, as one of the Commissioners, to answer for the whole administration in this House. It is for that reason I wish to explain to the House some of the difficulties in which the Woods and Forests Commission have been placed in their administration, and to which I think sufficient regard has not been paid by the hon. Gentlemen who have addressed the House.
In Regent Street we have what is by no means a new problem. I well remember, when I was at the Treasury, receiving deputations from some of the shopkeepers of that part of London, complaining of the designs which had been made by Mr. Norman Shaw of a large building there. If I remember their complaints aright, they were, first of all, that the windows were too far set back; and, secondly, that the piers between the windows very much reduced the amount of plate-glass area which was possible in this building. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Harwich (Mr. Newton) quite truly said that there is an artistic and a shopkeeper's point of view. I am afraid they frequently clash. I must confess that, from the point of view of pure art, I see nothing very admirable about a street or the quadrant of one street supported entirely on slender brass pillars with great masses of plate-glass; but the point of view of the shopkeepers is, of course, important. They are not only tenants of the Crown, but they are performing, whilst making for themselves such an income as they can, an important public function. The Woods and Forests Commissioners have no desire to erect buildings in Regent Street which would make retail trade impossible. At the same time, they have to consider, as the hon. Member for Yarmouth (Mr. Fell) suggested, the beauty of this street. They took the trouble, I think it was in 1904, if my memory serves me rightly, to remit to a small Committee the consideration of this new designing of Regent Street, and, on this Committee's recommendation, Mr. Norman Shaw was selected for the designing of the large building which was to be the first instalment of the new Quadrant. The Treasury approved those recommendations, and the building has been put up. It was intended to be the first instalment, and I admit that it has been the subject of very great criticism in many directions, although the opinions have not been all on one side.
I may point out to the Committee that there are numbers of people who admire the building as now erected, and who do not hold, if it were completed throughout, that it would destroy the proportions of Regent Street. The hon. Member for Yarmouth rather exaggerated the height. It will not be several stories higher than the existing building. It will be only one storey higher. I think the exact height of the walls from the ground is something like 66 feet, and the width of Regent Street is something like 80 feet odd. I do not think it is desirable that the whole of this vast Crown property should be erected on a design which is likely to bring about general displeasure; and what I would suggest to the Committee as being a good way out of the difficulty would be that they should approve of the Woods and Forests Commissioners making use of a small Committee, consisting of those who have an eye to the amenities of Regent Street, and that they should consult once more with the tradesmen, who will themselves have to occupy these buildings. I cannot promise more than that at the moment; but before any change is made in the design of Regent Street I will undertake that an announcement shall be made to the House.
Can one of those tradesmen be put on that Committee?
I should like to consider the point. In the first instance, it is the duty of the Crown to see that the beauty of Regent Street is not destroyed. Before taking any action I will undertake that communication shall be made to the House, so that the matter may be referred to again if serious objections are taken to the proposal. The three points which I think the hon. Member for Yarmouth raised were the extreme height of the building, which I think he really exaggerated; and his next point was as to the colour. The experience of the use of Portland stone in London has been that it makes a street light not dark, and if Portland stone is used throughout Regent Street, there is no reason why Regent Street should become a dark street. He also objected to the use of piers for the support of the superstructure. That must be one of the points to come under the consideration of this small Committee to be appointed for the purpose of considering this matter. I turn away from the Quadrant and Regent Street to the question of Regent's Park, where the erection of Bedford College is causing misgivings in more than one quarter. I have not received notice that the point was to be raised by the hon. Gentleman, but I can give him such information as is in my possession, and if further information is desired, perhaps he will put a question down and I shall be glad to amplify it.
The object of the Crown in letting this land to the Bedford College was first of all to provide a site for one of the best institutions in London, and to do it in such a way as they thought would tend not to destroy the amenities of Regent's Park. The Commissioners kept in close touch with the Office of Works, who are directly responsible for Royal Parks in London, and the Office of Works, I understand, offered no opposition whatever to the erection of Bedford College on the old villa site. That old site is surrounded by trees, although I admit, as was pointed out by the hon. Member for Limehouse (Mr. W. Pearce), the building will tower above some of the trees, but I do not know that there is any site in Regent's Park where it would be less conspicuous than on that site of the villa. This was rather before my time. I cannot give the full dates, but the Commissioners consulted freely with the Office of Works, and had the benefit of their technical and artistic knowledge. The rent which the Crown will receive for this site works out at £950 per annum, and I believe the period of the lease is eighty years. I cannot give the amount of the previous rent, but I believe it was very much less than that, and that the Crown has added considerably to its income. The Noble Lord will see how easily that has occurred as the villa was not a large one, and it did not, I think, cover more than half an acre. The hon. and learned Member suggested that this will be a larger structure and likely to cut away a certain amount of their space; but as the rents were going up this sum, which is a heavier rent, was charged. The area of the total site is about eleven acres, though of course the amount to be built upon would be very much smaller than that. Bedford College is, as I say, one of the best institutions in London, but I myself should be sorry to see Regent's Park or any other park utilised for the erection of public buildings of this nature. We can ill afford to spare sites even for any of those public institutions. I think it is as well it should be publicly stated in the House that there will be no alienation of any park lands in future without the House having the opportunity of expressing an opinion on them.
There was a pledge given in 1900 that the whole question would be reviewed, and what I complain of is that Bedford College has been granted this lease now, and the whole position has not been reviewed. Are we to take it that this pledge is that no lease will now be granted to any one of the others until the question has been reviewed?
I should like it to be quite clearly understood what I did say. What I said was that no portion of park lands which are under the control of the Woods and Forests Commissioners would be alienated for the erection of any public building without the House having the chance first of expressing its opinion on the subject. Had that been observed in this case it would have led to a discussion of the allocation of the site in this case of Bedford College, exactly in the way the hon. and gallant Gentleman would wish.
It was not as to park lands, but it was as to lands in possession of private owners that the pledge was given.
No. The Crown Lands of Regent's Park are for practical purposes in many respects park lands. It is in respect of them to preserve the amenities of the parks I give this undertaking. I do not know as to the pledge given by Mr. Hanbury, but I should doubt very much whether there has been any departure from it.
In 1900 this question came up for discussion, and attention was called to the fact that a very large number of acres in Regent's Park were in private occupation. I think it was Mr. Hanbury who then said that in 1912 and again in 1916 there would be a large number of leases falling in, and that then the House would be given the opportunity before those leases were renewed of considering the whole question of policy in regard to having private houses in Regent's Park.
6.0 P.M.
I do not think the Noble Lord was here when we had the extracts referred to. I doubt very much whether it does cover the Bedford College transaction. In any case, the House has had the opportunity of discussing the Regent's Park leases more than once. I myself have given one answer on this very topic, and there have been discussions over and over again. It is necessary there should be a definite undertaking to the House that the erection of public buildings which would in any way affect the amenities of Crown Lands and Parks should be the subject of discussion before the transaction is completed. I do not know that I can amplify that, but certainly it ought to meet the case raised by the hon. Gentleman. The other points which were raised as to the general administration of Crown Lands referred to the way in which the Commissioners of Woods and Forests administered the lands from time to time in London and elsewhere that fall into their hands. I can only say that the Crown Lands in London are supposed to be revenue-making lands. The tenants have made no serious complaints of the way in which they are administered, and if they do make complaint they will be carefully examined. I have no means of knowing how far the hon. Member for Harwich was justified in saying that hard and harsh bargains had been driven with those who have buildings on Crown leases. I can inform him on one point with regard to the fines which are paid on the termination of leases. Those fines always go to the income of the Crown. I turn to the case of the Forest of Dean, to which the hon. Member for Wiltshire (Mr. C. Bathurst) referred. He repeatedly asked why the Commissioners were asking £320 for a school site in the Forest of Dean. The hon. Member stated that it was only prairie land, that it had no building value, and that if it were put up in the open market it would not fetch more than half the sum that we have asked for it. I do not think his description of the land is quite consistent. If it was prairie land it would not sell for £160 in the open market. I am informed that £320 is a fair price. It was fixed on the advice of the deputy-surveyor and of the Agents for the Crown, who have an intimate knowledge of that part of the world—almost as intimate a knowledge as that of the hon. Member himself. We have not had any idea of screwing from the local authority a larger amount than we are entitled to.
The right hon. Gentleman does not suggest that there was any impartial valuation made by anybody not in the employment of the Crown?
I do not suggest that for a moment. We have been in the habit of accepting the advice of the deputy-surveyor and the Crown Agents ever since the property has been under the control of the Department. No case has been made out to show that the sum asked for this site is an unfair amount. We have not to act as philanthropic landlords. That is not one of the conditions under which the Crown Lands were remitted to the Commissioners. They have to be dealt with on an economic basis.
In view of the fact that all the property in the district belongs to the Crown, and there is no choice to the local authority, would it not be fairer to have a perfectly impartial valuation by an ordinary commercial valuer who is not in the employment of the Crown?
It has not been found necessary in previous cases, and I do not think it is at all necessary in this case. If you compare the cost of this school site with that of many others which have been brought under my notice, it will be found to be by no means extraordinary. The hon. Member also objected to the manufacture of acetate of lime. We want to make as much money as we can out of the forests on a fair basis, and I should hardly think it fair to the Crown revenues if the making of acetate of lime was ruled out. Some of the tenants are making acetate of lime. We have done that with the deliberate object of increasing not only the Crown revenues, but the general output of acetate of lime. It is a very important article in the manufacture of cordite, which is required more and more in this country. I hope it may not be impossible for us in the Forest of Dean to proceed from the manufacture of acetate of lime to the manufacture of acetone itself. If we can do that I anticipate that a certain amount of revenue will be year by year added to the general income from the forest.
The right hon. Gentleman will appreciate the object of my criticism, namely, that there is no logical reason why the Crown should manufacture acetate of lime unless it proceeded to the manufacture of acetone, for which there is a considerable commercial demand.
We manufacture acetate of lime and there is the manufacture of acetone under Government control elsewhere. When we can do it profitably in the Forest of Dean we shall proceed with it. But it must be very carefully done, and we cannot proceed with it until we have obtained a certain amount of experience. I was glad to hear the hon. Member's remarks about Tintern Abbey. The restoration of the Abbey will long remain a monument of the affection of Sir Samuel Howard for that old ruin. What has been done has been carried out under very careful advice. I doubt very muck whether there is any building of the kind more beautiful. I am informed that on engineering grounds it would be dangerous to take away the timbers, and to substitute for them steel rods or pillars would foe a great pity. We shall do all we can to preserve the Abbey, and in what we do we shall act under expert advice. I have looked up the particulars of the letting to which my hon. Friend referred. I find that my predecessor granted a new lease to the late Mr. Munro for eighteen years from the year 1910. Mr. Munro died last year, and his trustees, not knowing that there was a limitation on sub-letting, sublet the fishing. They had to apply to the Commissioners for consent to the subletting, and after considering all the circumstances of the case the Commissioners felt that it would be improper to disturb the sub-letting, as it had been done under a misapprehension. Therefore they have not done anything to upset the sub-lease, and until that sub-lease, or the major lease expires, I doubt whether it would be possible to enter into the transaction which my hon. Friend suggested. [An HON. MEMBER: "When does the sub-lease expire?"] I believe that the sub-lease is for one season only. If my hon. Friend cares to open the transaction on behalf of his friends, I shall be very glad to consider any proposal that may be made.
The right hon. Gentleman has not answered the question whether there is any possibility of the Crown granting the lessees who have put up very extensive buildings an extension of the lease from eighty to ninety-nine years. On a previous occasion I suggested that the Department should emulate the action of an adjacent ground landlord and grant a lease for 999 years. I would at any rate ask if it cannot be extended to ninety-nine years.
I believe we should have power to extend it to ninety-nine years, but we are advised that the transaction from the point of view of the Crown landlord would not be worth while.
I understand that the right hon. Gentleman is going to appoint a Departmental Committee to inquire into the extension of the new buildings in Regent Street.
It will be equivalent to a Departmental Committee. It will be set up by the Commissioners of Woods and Forests.
It will not be a Committee of this House.
No.
That may be right, but I would like to utter a word of warning. A Departmental Committee to consider the extension of an already existing block of buildings is not a very hopeful way of producing a satisfactory continuation of the northern part of that portion of Regent Street. If the right hon. Gentleman is going to throw his responsibility on to a Committee, well and good, let him do it; but let him do it on a thorough and consistent system, and have always in Session a regular Committee who will take control of the buildings he proposes to erect. But if every time a building of importance is to be erected you are to have a Hybrid Committee, with perhaps one or more prospective tenants sitting on it, you will find yourselves subject to influences which will wreck the unity of your design, and probably in the end the result will be less successful than if the Department itself had carried it through. With regard to the new building in Regent's Park, three or four Members have said that their constituencies border on the park, or that their constituents use the park, and that therefore they have a special interest in it. The park has nothing to do with me or my Constituents. I represent a constituency 200 miles away, and I do not live near Regent's Park myself. I none the less consider that as Regent's Park is a Royal Park, and the property is under the Office of Woods and Forests, Members from whatever portion of the British Isles they come are equally entitled to express their opinion upon this matter. I feel just as aggrieved at this calamity, as it has been described, in Regent's Park as the Member for St. Pancras or any other Member. The site amounts to eleven acres. Up to a year or so ago it was occupied by gardens and trees and low-storied villas. These eleven acres fall in in the course of a year or two, and a fresh lease has been granted upon the surrender. For the eleven acres the Crown is receiving £950, I contrast that with the attitude of the same Department in other parts of London. The right hon. Gentleman has disclaimed philanthropy. I think he has been very philanthropic in this case in giving an eighty years' lease of eleven acres of land in the heart of Regent's Park for £950 a year. If he got £9,000 a year it would be perfectly worth it.
Certainly not.
I cannot say, and the right hon. Gentleman cannot say, but eleven acres in the centre of Regent's Park might fetch, shall I say, £4,000 or £5,000. Eleven acres is a large site; it is very near a great high road, with means of communication, and so on. It is an exceedingly valuable property. The right ton. Gentleman says that he must run his office on economic lines. People are frequently lectured by hon. Members opposite as to what they should do as landlords. It will probably be agreed that behind the economic duty of developing one's estate to its maximum capacity, there is the still greater and higher obligation of so far as possible making oneself a model landlord. I do not say this in any party sense, because I believe the Conservative party when they controlled the Office of Woods and Forests used to exact tremendous fines just as the party now in power does, though perhaps they did not lecture other people quite so much. But I think the right hon. Gentleman puts the matter on a wrong basis when he says that Bedford College is a first-class institution. I believe it is, but that does not make it less of an eyesore. The excellence of the tuition does not take away from the loss to the amenities of the park. It is an enormous building, or rather not one building, but a group of buildings, and evidently has only been in hand a very few months. But whether the institution is as excellent as may be, or whether it merely be some institution which has got no public or educational merit behind it, the duty of the Department is to preserve the parks intact. These sites across Regent's Park are in the hands of private individuals on leases granted eighty years ago, when there was no town or village on the north side of Regent's Park, and practically none on the west side. Nobody in those days complained—I do not say they had any occasion—of the parks being used for that object. Now you have got 1,000,000 people living on the west of Regent's Park, and 300,000 living to the north of Regent's Park, and, so far from increasing the buildings about Regent's Park, it ought to be the object of the Government, on these leases falling in, to effect a complete surrender, and throw as much as they possibly can into the area of the park property. It appears now, to my surprise, that in this respect the right hon. Gentleman shares the responsibility with the Office of Works. That does not make it any better. In fact, it makes it rather worse. I have a great respect and affection for the Office of Works, but with all their expert architectural knowledge to sanction these preposterous buildings really is beyond comprehension. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman has seen any of them?
:No.
No, the right hon. Gentleman has not? Really, then, the optimism of the right hon. Gentleman in describing them is very brilliant acting—that is all I can say. He has not helped himself by sharing the architectural responsibility with the Office of Works. If he has not got sufficient confidence in himself and his own officials, let him boldly choose an architect of accepted status and reputation, and. place the work in that architect's hands and responsibility upon that architect. Then let the right hon. Gentleman, if he be attacked, throw himself upon the House of Commons, and say, "At least I have the design of a man universally regarded and accepted as an artist of competence nd distinction." If any hon. Member differs, well then, let him, if he pleases, place his case against that of the acknowledged expert and artist.
That is exactly what has happened in regard to the matter referred to; and we see what has happened to-day !
No, forgive me, that is not the case.
Yes.
Mr. Norman Shaw was quoted as having been responsible for that building. He is not responsible. Mr. Norman Shaw had retired when the task was given to him, and the design was submitted to him as assessor, and he said it was a better one than had been hitherto submitted. Personally, I do not desire in any way to go into the Regent Street problem, but I am quite prepared to say that any design which may be made by a man of that standing is far more likely, not only to meet the requirements of the respective tenants, but to receive the sanction of public opinion as a whole, than anything which is a compromise between two public departments. The right hon. Gentleman has given us a new pledge. I do not think we required it. I was quite content and satisfied with the two statements which have been made, so far as I can remember, in the course of discussion, once in 1900, when Mr. Hanbury was Secretary to the Treasury, and again, in an incidental and casual way, when the right hon. Gentleman the Member for East Worcestershire was Secretary to the Treasury. In each case the impression left upon the House of Commons was that it being known that the leases would shortly fall in—at least it was so understood by the House of Commons—that some discussion or announcement would take place prior to fresh leases being granted, not only as regards buildings within the park itself, but also as regards buildings on what I believe are known as the freehold part. The right hon. Gentleman now says, "I will give you a pledge that this shall not be done till a further opportunity has been allowed to the House of Commons and till hon. Members have received further information upon the subject." It is too late. If you had acted upon your pledge twelve months ago we should have seen the new designs, but now, when this eleven acres has been renewed at a very small rent, and when in addition this huge pile of buildings is in course of erection, what can be done?
I do not attach great importance to pledges given in a. conversational way during a turn in Debate, for when a Minister in charge of a great Department makes an announcement he generally does it in the form of a considered reply to a question. Still, what I state, was the impression left upon the House, that these matters should not be dealt with without further public attention. I deeply regret that that has not been done. I should not mind so much if I thought this was a purely isolated affair. But in the last few years there have been repeated, and, I am afraid, successful attempts further to encroach upon the Royal Parks. There was the question of the Marble Arch, the putting up of memorials in St. James's Park, and the scheme proposed last year to divide St. James's Park, and so on. The right hon. Gentleman must not laugh. Every blade of grass and every yard of open space is a world of treasure. It would be well if Ministers would take to heart some of these points, and show that they really appreciate the inestimable blessings of open spaces. While the Office of Works has allowed these encroachments upon the parks directly under their control, whilst the Minister representing Woods and Forests is utterly callous about our grievances as regards Regent's Park—wherever you turn in the Metropolis and Greater London you find that local authorities, private societies, and groups of generous people are doing their utmost, and with astonishing success, to increase these open spaces. There is an open space in the city, about the area of this House of Commons floor, under 40 feet long by under 18 feet broad. It is a veritable treasure.
That sort of movement is going on all over London. If you take the trouble of reading the reports, say, of the Metropolitan Gardens Association, and look at the green dots all over their map of London, you will see the activity which these people are showing. It is a measure of the value that the public place upon open spaces. I do most sincerely urge the right hon. Gentleman now that, in addition to his Department of Agriculture work, he has got a definite responsibility as regards the public amenities of the Metropolis; that he will really do his utmost, not only to prevent further encroachment upon the parks, but wherever it may be possible during his term of office, that he will always do his best to secure, so far as he can, such surrenders of leases which already interfere with open spaces, in order, if possible, to add to the parks over which he has control.
I have refreshed my memory with regard to what the Noble Lord said with regard to Mr. Norman Shaw, and the Quadrant design. I find he actually prepared the design—
No!
And that he exhibited the design at the Royal Academy over his own name.
In the Eighty-ninth Report of the Commissioners of His Majesty's Woods and Forests and Land Revenues, on page 51, there appears the following reference: "No further planting was carried out at Hafod Fawr, Merionethshire, during the past season." A number of farms were acquired some years ago for the purpose of afforestation. I should like to know what has been done in the matter up to the present time, and what is being done. I should like to draw the attention, too, of the right hon. Gentleman to certain allegations which have been made in regard to matters of planting. It is said, and I have testimony here, which is in Welsh—I do not suppose many hon. Members would understand it if I read it—but the gist of it is that very grave allegations are made in regard to this matter: that trees of a wrong variety have been purchased and planted on land where they will not grow, and that thousands upon thousands of these trees—dearly bought, I have no doubt—have been buried in trenches simply because they could not be planted on this land. The further allegations are made that the person in charge, disturbed sitting tenants whom he ought not to have disturbed, and employed workmen paid by the Crown to work on his own holding. I have brought these charges to the notice of the Treasury, not knowing at the time that the right hon. Gentleman was responsible, and I should like to know, in view of these allegations which are made in the district, whether the right hon. Gentleman will appoint some independent person to investigate the matter. We want to know what has been done, what has been planted, what has been bought and paid for; what treatment the tenants have been subjected to, and we want to know also whether Crown work has been carried out in a manner which is above suspicion—as all Crown work ought to be. I urge the right hon. Gentleman strongly, in view of what is being commonly said, that he should appoint some independent person to investigate the charges which have been made, and I shall do my best to bring these charges home and satisfy the right hon. Gentleman that more supervision than what is exercised at present is certainly required. I am told that the gentleman against whom these charges are laid, is dead. Whether that is so or not I cannot vouch for; but I urge the right hon. Gentleman to make no further appointment until an investigation has taken place.
I am sorry to have to bring the discussion back to Regent's Park. Undoubtedly the most interesting point is whether or not in the matter of Bedford College there has been any breach of faith on the part of the Department. I do not bring any charge of breach of faith against the right hon. Gentleman personally, but I feel the Department he represents ought to have taken special note of the very important pledge given by Mr. Hanbury in 1900, and ought to have brought it to the notice of the right hon. Gentleman. I wish to bring to his notice now a short passage from a statement made on the 22nd of June, 1900, by Mr. Hanbury, and I think it clearly establishes the fact that Mr. Hanbury had not merely in his own mind what I may call the park land, but that he had in his mind houses in private occupation at that time within the park. Mr. Hanbury said:— the great ground landlords in London that one of their obligations is not to build or allow buildings to be erected on existing open spaces. I would remind the Committee of the outcry there was a few months ago when it was proposed to develop Edward's Square for building purposes. Members on both sides and of all parties in the country, and all the newspapers in the country, expatiated at considerable length upon the obligations that rest upon owners in the centre of London not to allow open spaces to be built upon. It appears now that the only ground landlord to whom that doctrine does not apply is the Crown and the Department of the right hon. Gentleman.
I should like to turn from Regent's Park to Regent Street. I do not think the right hon. Gentleman's assurances upon that point are at all satisfactory. He has recognised the objections, and I am glad that at last his Department has been brought to recognise the very serious objection which is entertained by those who live in Regent Street to the new sort of buildings which are being put up there. It struck me from the very outset as a most amazing blunder to increase the height of the buildings when one considers that expert architects in London designed the Quadrant calculating the height of the old buildings in the Quadrant in proportion to the width of the street; and it certainly appears a rather bold course for architects of to-day to abandon the architectural proportions in the relation between the width of the street and the height of the buildings, which can be erected, laid down, after a great deal of care and thought, by architects of the standing of Nash. I do not know whether those responsible for approving the design had in their minds the widening of the Quadrant, but it does certainly appear that if you are going to put up a higher building than the buildings already existing in the old Quadrant you ought to have widened the Quadrant both for architectural reasons and for the benefit of the traffic.
The right hon. Gentleman proposes to set up a Departmental Committee to settle this question. Personally, I feel it is too late for a change of policy. You have already put up what is considered a striking architectural feature. Does the right hon. Gentleman propose to allow the Departmental Committee to say that that stretch of Regent Street already built is to be left as an isolated building and that the rest of the Quadrant which for its uniformity has always been regarded as one of the finest streets in England, if not in Europe, next to the High Street, Oxford, is to be left as an isolated feature in the new street and that the Quadrant is to be continued in a wholly different style. With regard to this Committee I hope the right hon. Gentleman will see his way not merely to have that Committee composed of Departmental officials and professional architects, but will give representation upon it to some of those engaged in trade in Regent Street, and who therefore know the trade requirements in that particular thoroughfare. I hope he will also give representation on that Committee, if not to the London County Council at least to the City Council of Westminster. Personally I should prefer to see the Government establish a permanent Committee to deal with the question of the architectural development of London on lines similar to the Committee or Commission which has done such very good work in the City of Paris. I do not believe we shall ever get satisfactory architectural results in London until we have some such Committee of artistic experts to devise London in the way in which Paris is devised to-day.
There is another point in regard to Regent Street, and that is in reference to the length of the leases granted by the Crown on which I desire to touch. I suppose never in the history of London have there been such violent attacks made as those made upon the ground landlords in regard to their tenants, and by no section of the population has such strong language been used upon that subject as by some Gentlemen who sit upon the Front Bench opposite. I ask the Committee to compare the terms which are offered by the ordinary ground landlord in London to his tenants and the terms offered by the Crown. We are told, and I believe in some cases, there have been great hardships. There was the case of Mr. John Lewis of Oxford Street some time ago. We are continually told that a man builds up a business and increases the value of a site and that when the lease expires he is blackmailed—I think that is the precise term, I think the word was used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer—by the ground landlord and made to pay a very much higher rent. If that is true of the private ground landlord in London is it not equally true in the case of the Crown? What has happened in Regent Street? Some of the traders in Regent Street built up by their personal enterprise and industry great businesses which brought commerce to Regent Street and enhanced the value of the property there. They held wholly under the Crown on leases at about £50 a year. When these leases fell in in due course the rents were increased by the Crown from £50 to something like £300. These men cannot leave Regent Street. They have to rebuild and redevelop their premises on leases which are seventeen years shorter than the leases they would get if Regent Street was owned by private ground landlords. I do not want to submit a council of perfection to the right hon. Gentleman, but I would remind him and those who sit with him on the Front Bench opposite of the very different terms which tenants receive who hold under ground landlords like Lord Howard de Walden. There you have a landlord prepared to grant what is practically a perpetuity lease for 999 years. Surely a tenant who holds on terms of a fixed rent for 999 years is in a far better position in regard to the future than a tenant who is only able to get eighty years' lease from the Government. I submit if there is to be a charge of blackmailing brought by Members who represent the Crown in this matter, it is certainly not against the private ground landlords in London it should be brought.
There is another and more important question to which I should like to call the attention of the Committee. There used to be, as the Committee has already been reminded, two Commissioners. The advantage of that was, you had one Commissioner who was supposed to be an expert in urban property, and a second Commissioner who was supposed to be an expert in rural property. One Commissioner has been done away with, and his functions have been absorbed in the Department of Agriculture. I submit that this is not the time or occasion on which such absorption should take place, because I think the tendency of the Departments ought to have been to increase the number of Commissioners by one instead of reducing it. We have been waiting on this side of the House to see the Department of Woods and Forests embark upon a more progressive and a more extensive policy in the matter of small holdings. If it is their intention to take a more active interest in the question of small holdings, surely this is not the time to reduce the number of Commissioners. Personally, I should like to see the opportunity taken of appointing a third Commissioner who is an expert in forestry, so that this Department might justify its title of "Wood and Forests "in reality as well as in name. I do not believe there is a Department in the State in such an exceptionally favourable position to embark on great and extensive experiments in forestry and afforestation as the Department of Woods and Forests, and certainly no private landlord in the country is in such a position. If we are to make any progress in the matter of forestry in this country I feel that we must look for a lead to this particular Department. I shall always regret that there is not in this Department an expert connected with this particular industry. I have only one other point to raise, and that is with regard to the conduct of this Department in reference to small holdings. I cannot see why it is necessary for the Department to hand over small holdings to the local county council, and I do not see why they should not administer small holdings themselves directly through their own Commissioner. I do not believe that the course they have adopted conduces either to the satisfaction of the tenants occupying the small holdings or to economical administration. I have concluded that the reason for this Department refusing to administer their own small holdings and handing them over to the local county council is in order that they may not incur any unpopularity in regard to their administration. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give consideration to the points that have been raised during the course of this discussion, and especially that the right hon. Gentleman will direct his attention to the terms under which tenants in London occupy their holdings under the Crown.
The course of the discussion has rather given point to the observation I made at the beginning, that this Department either requires a new name or ought to be abolished, a point which my right hon. Friend has overlooked, and which I would with all earnestness bring back to his consideration. This is a matter to which I have given considerable attention, and it is a subject with which I have some acquaintance. I have already stated that I think a mistake was made by the Government in not reconstituting this office as a Board of Forestry pure and simple. I disagree with what the Noble Lord opposite has said with regard to small holdings, and I have already said that I thought the question of ground rents might be perfectly well dealt with by the Treasury in some way or another. I think the Noble Lord opposite will have to wait some time before we get a lead in this matter from this Department. It is not this Department that is going to give the lead in forestry, but the Board of Agriculture. I should like to have it made plain, whether the Office of Woods and Forests is worth keeping as a collecting agency for ground rents. It is for the Government to decide. I ask my right hon. Friend to consider whether it would not be wise to have a small committee to inquire as to the r raison d'être of the Woods and Forests as now constituted as well as a small committee to inquire into the Regent Street, or any other urban question which we have heard discussed this afternoon. We have heard very little discussion except as to Regent's Park and Bedford College, and we have heard something about the Quadrant and Tintern Abbey.
That, however, is not my point, for it is a more serious one. Sylviculture is still mixed up in these Estimates between the Office of Woods and Forests which has very little responsibility for the subject, and the Board of Agriculture. I wish to make two suggestions. In the first place, I would suggest that an inquiry should be held as to whether a Department for looking after Tintern Abbey and so forth is necessary, and whether, instead of keeping an expensive Department for that purpose, money could not be saved there. I think money should be saved under that head. The other suggestion is, having sylviculture entirely concentrated. We might have the Office of Woods and Forests entirely concentrated under the Board of Agriculture in a Sub-department, with the best experts available to control it. At any rate, that is my suggestion. The Noble Lord who spoke from the Treasury Bench, gave some bucolic touches to this Debate when he described himself in the character of the gentle shepherd surveying sheep-shearing in Hyde Park. The real point is that you should have at your Board of Agriculture a clearly-defined Sub-department responsible for the whole of these forests. We do look to the Board of Agriculture in England as the one Department under a Minister directly responsible for sylviculture and attending to its interests in this House. In Scotland we have a new Board of Agriculture and the Scottish Office, one with very limited knowledge of forestry and the other with none. In Ireland we have a very similar state of affairs, but in England there is a chance of getting a lead, and I am sorry that lead does not come from Scotland. The only chance of getting a lead in forestry is from England, through the Board of Agriculture. It is not to the Department we are discussing to-day that we need look for a lead in the future, and I hope that idea will be removed from hon. Members' minds. I hope we. shall concentrate the whole of these sylviculture interests in one clearly-defined Department, with the best people we can find at the head of it. If the right hon. Gentleman does that, he will secure forestry interests, and I am afraid if he does not we shall have the same shilly-shallying as elsewhere, and confusion will follow instead of real progress.
The right hon. Gentleman misunderstood my point. I was suggesting that the Office of Woods and Forests, as a very large land owner in the country, had an exceptional opportunity of furthering the interests of forestry in this country.
It must be obvious to the right hon. Gentleman that there is a strong feeling against the proposed building in Regent Street. We all know the site, because it is one of the most beautiful sites in London, and everybody agrees that it is going to be spoiled by this building. One great objection is that it is going to be so high. Is it not possible for the Department over which the right hon. Gentleman presides to bring pressure upon the builders to reduce the height? The building has not got very far yet, and the top storey has not been reached. If the right hon. Gentleman could, as a practical measure, bring any pressure to bear upon those who are erecting this building to have some regard for the opinion of this House and others, he would be conferring a benefit not only upon this House, but upon the public generally.
Naturally, communications will pass between the Office of Woods and Forests and the Metropolitan authority as a result of this discussion today, but that is all I can promise.
I cannot say that the right hon. Gentleman's reply will be satisfactory to my Friends, and it certainly is not satisfactory to myself. He has admitted that it is not only an architect's question, tout that the tradesmen who pay the rates and rents in the district should have a voice in this question, although he is not able to say that any of those tradesmen should sit on the Committee. The inquiry is to be solely in the architect's interest, and under these circumstances I think it is to be regretted that the tradesmen, who are familiar with the amenities of the place in which they are mostly concerned, and whose future prosperity depends upon this district, are not to be represented. Under the circumstances I am sorry to say that I must press my Amendment to a Division.
Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £12,280, be granted for the said Service."
The House, divided: Ayes, 113; Noes, 227.
Division No. 120.] AYES. [7.0 p.m. Agg-Gardner, James Tynte Foster, Philip Staveley Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A. Amery, L. C. M. S. Gastrell, Major W. Houghton Parkes, Ebenezer Astor, Waldorf Gibbs, George Abraham Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington) Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J. Goldman, C. S. Perkins, Walter Frank Balcarres, Lieut.-Colonel J. Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton) Pollock, Ernest Murray Baldwin, Stanley Goulding, Edward Alfred Pryce-Jones, Col. E. (M'tgom'y B'ghs.) Banbury, Sir Frederick George Greene, Walter Raymond Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel Barlow,Montague (Salford, S.) Gretton, John Rawson, Colonel Richard H. Barrie, H. T. Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds) Rees, Sir J. D. Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton) Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne) Rolleston, Sir John Beckett, Hon. Gervase Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth) (Rutherford, John (Lanes., Darwen) Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth) Hambro, Angus Valdemar Salter, Arthur Clavell Bird, Alfred Harris, Henry Percy Sanders, Robert Arthur Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith Harrison-Broadley, H. B. Sanderson, Lancelot Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid) Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire) Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange) Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell Hill, Sir Clement L. Smith, Harold (Warrington) Bridgeman, W. Clive Hill-Wood, Samuel. Stanier, Beville Bull, Sir William James Hoare, S. J. G. Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston) Burn, Colonel C. R. Hope, Harry (Bute) Steel-Maitland, A. D. Butcher, John George Houston, Robert Paterson Stewart, Gershom Campion, W. R. Jessel, Captain H. M. Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, N.) Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr Swift, Rigby Cautley, H. S. Lane-Fox, G. R Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central) Cave, George Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury) Thynne, Lord Alexander Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University) Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.) Touche, George Alexander Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin) Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich) Tryon, Captain George Clement Clyde. J. Avon MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh Walker, Col. William Hall Courthope, George Loyd Mackinder, Halford J. White, Major G. D. (Lanes., Southport) Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet) M'Calmont, Colonel James Wolmer, Viscount Dalziel, D. (Brixton) McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's) Wood, John (Stalybridge) Denniss, E. R. B. Malcolm, Ian Worthington-Evans, L. Dixon, Charles Harvey Middlemore, John Throgmorton Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart Duke, Henry Edward Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton) Wright, Henry Fitzherbert Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M. Mount, William Arthur Yate, Colonel, C. E. Falle, Bertram Godfray Neville, Reginald J. N. Younger, Sir George Fell, Arthur Newdegate, F. A. Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Newton, Harry Kottingham TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Boyton and Mr. Cassel. Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead) Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield) Fcrster, Henry William O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid)
NOES. Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour) Burke, E. Haviland Dewar, Sir J. A. Addison, Dr. C. Burns, Rt. Hon. John Dickinson, W. H. Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R. Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas Dillon, John Agnew, Sir George William Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North) Doris, William Ainsworth, John Stirling Byles, Sir William Pollard Duffy, William J. Alden, Percy Cameron, Robert Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness) Arnold, Sydney Carr-Gomm, H. W. Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley) Atherley-Jones, Llewelyn A. Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich) Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor) Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.) Cawley, H. T. (Lanes,. Heywood) Elibank, Rt. Hon Master of Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark) Chancellor, Henry George Elverston, Sir Harold Barton, William Chapple, Dr. William Allen Essex, Richard Walter Beauchamp, Sir Edward Clough, William Esslemont, George Birnie Beck, Arthur Cecil Collins, Stephen (Lambeth) Falconer, James Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts., St. George) Condon, Thomas Joseph Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles Bentham, G. J. Cornwall, Sir Edwin A. Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson Bethell, Sir John Henry Cotton, William Francis France, Gerald Ashburner Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine Cowan, W. H. Gelder, Sir W. A. Boland, John Pius Crooks, William Gill, A. H. Booth, Frederick Handel Crumley, Patrick Gladstone, W. G. C. Bowerman, C. W. Davies, Timothy (Lines., Louth) Glanville, H. J. Brady, P. J. Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.) Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford Brunner, John F. L. Delany, William Goldstone, Frank Bryce, J. Annan Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas Greig, Col. J W. Griffith, Ellis J. Marks, Sir George Croydon Roche, Augustine (Louth) Guest, Major Hon. C. H. C. (Pembroke) Marshall, Arthur Harold Roe, Sir Thomas Guest, Hon, Frederick E. (Dorset, E.) Masterman, C. F. G. Rose, Sir Charles Day Hackett, J. Meagher, Michael Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter Hall, Frederick (Normanton) Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.) Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland) Hancock, J. G. Menzies, Sir Walter Samuel, J. (Stockton) Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose) Middlebrook, William ScanIan, Thomas Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvll) Millar, James Duncan Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton) Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds) Molteno, Percy Alport Sheeny, David Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire) Mond, Sir Alfred M. Shortt, Edward Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale) Mooney, John J. Simon, sir John Allsebrook Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.) Morgan, George Hay Smith, Albert (Lanes., Clitheroe) Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.) Morrell, Philip Snowden, P. Haslam, James (Derbyshire) Morison, Hector Soames, Arthur Wellesley Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth) Morton, Alpheus Cleophas Spicer, Sir Albert Hayden, John Patrick Munro-Ferg'ison, Rt. Hon. R. C. Stanley, Albert (Staffs, N.W.) Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.) Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C. Summers, James Woolley Helme, Sir Norval Watson Needham, Christopher T. Sutherland, John E. Hemmerde, Edward George Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster) Taylor, John W. (Durham) Henderson, Arthur (Durham) Nolan, Joseph Taylor, T. C. (Radcliffe) Henderson, J. McD. (Aberdeen, W.) Norton, Captain Cecil W. Tennant, Harold John Higham, John Sharp Nuttall, Harry Thomas, Abel (Carmarthen, E.) Hodge, John O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny) Thomas, J. H. (Derby) Hogge, James Myles O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.) Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton) Holmes, Daniel Turner O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool) Toulmin, Sir George Holt, Richard Durning O'Dowd, John Trevelyan, Charles Philips Howard, Hon. Geoffrey Ogden, Fred Verney, Sir Harry Hudson, Walter O'Grady, James Wadsworth, John Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus O'Malley, William Walton, Sir Joseph John, Edward Thomas O'Shaughnessy, P. J. Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent) Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea) Parker, James (Halifax) Wardle, George J. Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil) Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek) Waring, Walter Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth) Pease, Robert Joseph A. (Rotherham) Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay Jones. Leif Stratten (Notts, Ruschliffe) Philipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton) Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan) Jones. W. S. Glyn- (T. H'mts, Stepney) Phillips, John (Longford, S.) Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney) Jowett, Frederick William Pointer, Joseph Wedgwood, Josiah C. Joyce, Michael Pollard, Sir George H. White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston) Keating, Matthew Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H. White, Patrick (Meath, North) Kellaway, Frederick George Power, Patrick Joseph Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P. King, J, (Somerset, North) Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central) Whyte, A. F. (Perth) Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Melton) Pringle, William M. R. Wilkie, Alexander Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Crlcklade) Radford, G. H. Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough) Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rl'd, Cockerm'th) Raffan, Peter Wilson Williamson, Sir Archibald Leach, Charles Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough) Wilson, John (Durham, Mid.) Levy, Sir Maurice Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields) Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton) Lundon, Thomas Reddy, Michael Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glas.) Lyell, Charles Henry Redmond, William (Clare, E.) Young, Samuel (Cavan, E.) Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester) Richardson, Albion (Peckham) Young, William (Perthshire, E.) Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs) Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln) Yoxall, Sir James Henry Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J. Roberts, George H. (Norwich) Macpherson, James Ian Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs) MacVeagh, Jeremiah Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford) TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland. McCallum, Sir John M. Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside) M'Micking, Major Gilbert Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)
Original Question put, and agreed to.
The Mint
Motion made, and Question proposed,
19. "That a sum, not exceeding £43, be be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Mint, including the" Expenses of Coinage, and for the Expenses of the preparation of Medals, Dies for Postage, and other Stamps, and His Majesty's Seals." [Note.—£7 have been voted on account.]
I am extremely delighted to see by the appearance of the House that there is a very great anxiety in the minds of hon. Members over this subject. There are obvious reasons. Possibly it is the deficiency of coinage in the pockets of certain Members, and possibly it is the plethora of it in other quarters, but for me there is an economic and an artistic interest in this subject. Let me first congratulate the Committee, and through them the country, on the remarkable success and activity of the Mint during the past year. There are certain people who still believe that we are paying for our great excess of imports by sending gold away to foreign countries. As a matter of fact, only last year we received more gold to coin into sovereigns than we have ever received before. I hope there are still some Tariff Reformers who will observe these figures.
On a point of Order. Is the hon. Member in order, in discussing these matters?
The hon. Member has hardly proceeded far enough for me to judge whether he is in order or not, but I will observe him closely.
I assure the Committee that nothing will make me swerve from the right course. Last year we coined £25,000,000 of gold coinage, £4,000,000 more than in any previous year, 1907 being the previous record. We coined £12,000,000 more than the average of the last ten years, and £11,000,000 more than the preceding year. This is an extremely interesting and important fact, because it shows the great prosperity of the country, and perhaps it accounts for some of the faults and deficiencies of the Mint. No less than £2,000,000 sterling of American dollars were sent over from the United States, and is now circulating in the pockets of hon. Members in the form of English sovereigns. When we observe that fact it is indeed time for us to congratulate ourselves on the activity of the Mint. This great activity of the Mint has had two results which the Committee ought to realise. One is a great amount of work at the Mint, which has resulted in the work being badly done, and the other is that we have had a great amount of coinage newly put upon the country. Let me take the silver coinage first of all. We have had during this year, not only a great amount of silver coinage coined, but we have had to put into circulation the new coinage for the new reign; and any hon. Member of average intelligence who looks at a sixpence or a shilling for more than a few minutes will observe that the actual striking of the coin is extremely bad. I do not hesitate to say that in future years the coinage of the last two years will be treasured by coin collectors as the worst struck coinage of this period, and probably the worst struck coinage that has ever issued from a British Mint. I will hand to the Secretary to the Treasury one of these coins with the request that he will carefully examine it. He need not return it if he will only keep it on his table before him until this matter is rectified. Here we have a coin—it does not matter for my purpose which coin you take, a shilling, a sixpence, or a halfpenny—I have handed the right hon. Gentleman a halfpenny; that is the coin which I can best afford. If anybody looks at that coin, he will see that the outline of the head is exhibited as clearly on one side as on the other. The stamping of the present coinage has been so roughly, so clumsily, and so inartistically performed that you see the head on the tail side. I want the Committee to look at this question with becoming gravity, because, really, the coinage is the one thing in our national life which every man, woman, and child uses, and I see no reason why, in these days of education and art, we should not make art popular to this extent, that anybody who has even a halfpenny may feel proud of it as a work of national art. Instead of that being the case, at present it is a reproach to our Government, and a sign that we are the most inartistic people in Europe.
I want seriously to appeal to the right hon. Gentleman whether something cannot be done to see that the work of the Mint is carried out in a more workmanlike and thorough-going manner. What is the good of our spending thousands of pounds on a collection of coins in the British Museum, which is locked up lest anybody should take anything away, while we fail to expend even the few pounds which would make the coinage of our realm a thing of beauty and a joy for ever? That is one point. I shall endeavour not to make my case so overwhelmingly strong against the Mint that the right hon. Gentleman will be tempted not to answer me There is another department of work in the Mint which I consider of the highest national importance. I mean the striking of medals. All medals for the Army, Navy, and Police Forces, and for those ceremonial occasions, of which we had several last year, are struck at the Mint. Anyone who has seen the medal which was struck last year in commemoration of the Coronation would, I am sure, be glad to put it out of sight and not look at it again. It really is a most peculiar and unsatisfactory piece of work. One was not presented to me on that occasion, but I can sincerely assure the House there is no question of sour grapes in the matter. Let anyone look at the last report of the Mint, which is accessible to all hon. Members. They have only to apply for it with their Parliamentary Papers, and it will be delivered to them post free. Let me call attention to the four coins and medals which are reproduced in this volume as presumably the best work carried out by the Mint in the course of the year. On the first page there is the new florin. All the florins I have seen have been ineffectively struck. The second coin is the penny for the Australian Commonwealth. It should be remembered that our Mint in the City of London not only strikes the coinage for the United Kingdom, but it does so for the whole British Empire. It is one of those bonds of union of our great Empire which is worth preserving.
I think the hon. Member has fallen into an error. They make their own coinage in Australia.
It is the same in Canada and in India.
I have read this report on the Mint more than once, and probably I am the only Member of the House who has done so. For the sake of brevity, I did not point out that there are supplementary Mints in our Colonies; but I must remind the House that all the dies are produced in our Mint here, and a large amount of the coinage is actually struck in London. The actual artistic work and a great deal of the striking is done here. Let the Committee look at the penny piece struck for the Commonwealth of Australia. There is no more ugly piece of coinage in the whole world at the present time. The design is simply two circles; running round one are the words "Commonwealth of Australia," and inside is the legend "One penny" in large ugly Roman capitals. A great opportunity has been lost there for artistic effort—for showing that this country can produce something beautiful, which could be admired to the uttermost parts of the earth. I think the House, independent of parties, must feel that I have justification on my side.
Let me now turn to the medals that have been struck during, the past year, and which are illustrated here, presumbaly as showing the best work turned out. The first medal produced is one of which we must all feel proud; it is a medal which, I believe, was a special idea and initiative of King Edward VII. It was instituted for the Constabulary Force and the Fire Brigade in any part of the British Dominions, and it is generally known as the "King's Police Medal." The idea of it is beautiful and inspiring; the execution is mean and beyond contempt. I find a portrait of His late Majesty—a mean portrait, quite unworthy of good coinage. On the reverse is really a most terrible figure in a funereal attitude, a large figure holding a huge sword just as high as the man himself, and bearing in the left hand a huge shield which one certainly would not want either in these days or in any other. On the shield are the words, "To guard my King." The whole conception of this design is mean and uninspiring, and the execution is really unworthy of this great Empire. I have spoken to experts on this matter, and I am informed that it is a question of economy. I prize economy; I commend it to hon. Members on both sides. But when it is an economy of perhaps £20 or £30 at the most, which would get the best artist, the best advice, the best design, and the best execution, I say if ever there was economy misplaced it is to be found here. The other medals seem just as bad, if not worse. There is the medal struck to commemorate the first Parliament of the Union of South Africa. I am really rather afraid to touch upon any description of it. It contains on the reverse side—the only side I can criticise—one striking thing. You see at once what the object is. It is a nude figure of Mercury. We are told that Mercury is forging the bonds and chains which bind the South African Colonies together. I believe it is a classical allusion. I believe also it was Vulcan and not Mercury who forged the chains. Accuracy is not necessary or appreciated in these days in respect of classical learning. The design of this medal is confused. It is too full of detail. It is one of those medals which it is impossible to polish well in order that it may be worn as an article of decoration. That criticism applies to almost all the war medals lately issued. They do not polish well and make no effective show when worn on the manly beasts of our heroes. This design is the worst of all. It seems to unite all the faults that can be found in modern art.
I am going to offer one other piece of criticism. I want to refer to the fact that our postage stamps are now produced by the Mint. I know this is a period of change in the production of postage stamps, and that we have not arrived at finality, thank goodness, in respect of it. The Mint has produced the plates from which the new issues of postage stamps have been struck. Let me point out a fact which itself is a condemnation of the Mint policy. It is a year, since the Coronation and some time before the Coronation, we were informed that the various denominations of postage stamps would be issued very shortly after the Coronation. We are now over a year beyond that time, and we have nothing yet but the penny and halfpenny stamps. Is it not a condemnation of the policy and the administration of the Mint that they cannot, after more than two years of His present Majesty's reign, produce any stamps except the penny and halfpenny stamps? That fact alone shows that there is a great deal that needs reforming in this Department. As to the design and workmanship of the penny and halfpenny stamps, there, again, the stamps are ugly—
On a point of Order. I submit that is quite out of order, so far as this Vote is concerned, because the Mint has nothing to do with the design of any postage stamps.
Then I will leave that matter, as I have given the right hon. Gentleman more than he will be able to reply to.
On a point of Order. Does not the Mint make the dies?
They make the dies, but not the designs. The hon. Member was dealing with the designs. That has nothing to do with the Mint.
I think it is self-evident to all that the postage stamps are not satisfactory and are nothing to boast about as a national achievement. The Mint is a Department which makes a great profit. Last year, chiefly through large coining of silver coins, the total profit on the Mint was more than £1,500,000. I suppose that is the reason why the present Vote is for only £43. It is a Department which more than pays its way. It is a Department upon which economy is well exercised, but ought not to be exercised in such a way that we get coinage, stamps, and medals of which we cannot in the least be proud. I am sorry that no other Members have put down a Motion for the reduction of this Vote. I am afraid I am one of the Very few Members who have taken the trouble to try and fathom these mysteries, and who have the courage to criticise an important Department and a capable Minister. The remarks I make are not the result of a perfunctory study of the question, as for years past I have been interested in the coinage, and I am perfectly sure that a little criticism, well directed and well taken to heart, will be productive of great good for us and our people.
Does the hon. Member desire to move a reduction?
No, Sir.
In courtesy to my hon. Friend, I wish to say one or two words only in response to his criticisms. To a very large extent he criticised some of the dies, some of the Mint's various designs and coins, and he suggested that we were making an unnatural economy by having these coins and designs as they are. That, of course, is not the case. It is not a matter of economy, but a matter of taste, and no money is spared in order to get the best possible design by those who are responsible. No doubt the criticisms of my hon. Friend will be taken to heart whenever they discover them. There is only one substantial point to which my hon. Friend desired an answer at this time, and that was the question which he has raised again and again, by question and answer, the question of the striking of coins where the head comes' out on the wrong side. I agree with the hon. Gentleman, and the authorities agree with him, that if a method can be devised whereby that temporary aberration can be avoided, it would be a highly desirable consummation. It is not new at all, because it has existed right through the coinage of this country, and always when there is a bold design required. It is not permanent. I am told that after a week or two it disappears. Although my hon. Friend did not intend to deceive the Committee, the impression he gave that we were producing double-headed coins is quite far from the fact. The Mint is bound by the Coinage Act as to the metal they are obliged to use, and using that metal under that design they cannot help producing these temporary effects. Under the influence of the very strong speech of the hon. Gentleman, I will make a renewed appeal to the authorities on the subject, and if he can give us any practical suggestions as to how it can be avoided, none will welcome it more than ourselves.
I should like to ask my right hon. Friend whether there is any proposal afoot in his Department for employing better material for the lower denomination of our coins in the place of bronze. We are one of the few civilised countries now using that alloy. We have given to West Africa nickel coins. An hon. Friend of mine says that nickel coins are most objectionable. I think he is bothering about mixing them up with silver coins. That can easily be avoided, as the example of Belgium shows, so that whatever state the hon. Member may be in, so long as his sense of touch remains at all clear, he would know what he was handling. I hope something may be done to give this great commercial nation a more creditable coinage in its lower values than we have in our clumsy and unattractive bronze coinage.
Question put, and agreed to.
Class 1.—RATES ON GOVERNMENT PROPERTY
Resolved, (3). "That a sum not exceeding £398,000, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for Rates and Contributions in lieu of Rates, etc., in respect of Government Property, and for Rates on Houses occupied by Representatives of Foreign Powers, and for the Salaries and Expenses of the Rating of Government Property Department, and for a Contribution towards the Expenses of the London Fire Brigade." [Note.—£400,000 has been voted on account.]
Resolution to be reported to-morrow (Wednesday); Committee to sit again Tomorrow.
ADJOURNMENT.—Resolved, "That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Gulland. ]
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty minutes before Eight o'clock.