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Commons Chamber

Volume 40: debated on Thursday 27 June 1912

House of Commons

Thursday, June 27, 1912

Private Business

Taff Vale Railway Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

Woking District Gas Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),

Read a second time, and committed.

Midland Railway (London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway Purchase) Bill [ Lords ],

Ordered, that the Petition of the Southend and District Railway Travellers' Association against the Midland Railway (London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway Purchase) Bill [ Lords ], deposited on 26th June, be referred to the Committee on the Bill, and that the said Petitioners be heard thereon.—[ Mr. Parker .]

Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 7) Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Stepney Borough Council (Spitalfields Market) Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Private Bills (Group G),

Sir William Howell Davies reported from the Committee on Group G of Private Bills; That, for the convenience of parties, the Committee had adjourned till Wednesday next, at half-past Eleven of the clock.

Report to lie upon the Table.

London County Council (General Powers) Bill,

Reported, with Amendments, from the Local Legislation Committee (Section A) [Title amended]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Tramways Provisional Orders Bill,

Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.

Kingston-upon-Hull Corporation Provisional Order Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Order confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.

Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 6) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.

Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 10) Bill,

Reported, without Amendment [Provisional Orders confirmed]; Report to lie upon the Table.

Bill to be read the third time To-morrow.

Bawtry and District Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Reported with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

London County Council (Finance) Bill,

Australian Agricultural Company Bill,[ Lords ],

Wandsworth, Wimbledon, and Epsom District Gas Bill [ Lords ].

Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table.

Great Central Railway Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments; Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Message from the Lords

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to make such provisions with respect to the prohibition of catching seals and sea otters in certain parts of the Pacific Ocean, and for the enforcement of such prohibitions, as are necessary to carry out a Convention between His Majesty the King and the United States of America, the Emperor of Japan, and the Emperor of All the Russias." [Seal Fisheries (North Pacific) Bill [ Lords. ]

Also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm a Provisional Order, under The Land Drainage Act, 1861, in the matter of a proposed drainage district of the city of Lincoln and in the parishes of Saxilby, Skellingthorpe, and Boultham, in the county of Lincoln." [Land Drainage (Lincoln West) (South District) Provisional Order Bill [ Lords. ]

And, also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to confirm certain Provisional Orders made by the Board of Education under the Education Acts, 1870 to 1911, to enable the councils of the administrative counties of Essex and Surrey to put in force the Lands Clauses Acts." [Education Board Provisional Orders Confirmation (Essex, etc.) Bill [ Lords. ]

Land Drainage (Lincoln West) (South District) Provisional Order Bill [ Lords ],

Read the first time; Referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 258.]

Education Board Provisional Orders Confirmation (Essex, etc.) Bill [ Lords ],

Read the first time; Referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, and to be printed. [Bill 259.]

Board of Education

Copy presented of Statement of Grants available from the Board of Education in aid of Technological and Professional Work in Universities in England and Wales [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copies presented of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 4913, 4918, and 4925 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Board of Agriculture and Fisheries

Copy presented of Agricultural Statistics, 1911. Vol. XLVI., Part III. Prices of Corn, Live Stock, and other Agricultural Produce in Great Britain [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Preliminary Report of the Animals Division as to the Administration of the Grant for the Encouragement and Improvement of the Light Horse Breeding Industry [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Sixth Report of the Rural Education Conference. Co-ordination of Agricultural Education [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Order for dissolving the Glamorgan and Milford Haven Sea Fisheries District and creating a South Wales Sea Fisheries District [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Superannuation Act, 1859

Copy presented of Treasury Minute, dated 17th June, 1912, cancelling Treasury Minute of 22nd January, 1875, placing the Office of Harbour Master of Holyhead Harbour under Section 4 of The Superannuation Act, 1859 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

National Insurance Act

Copy presented of Regulations of the Insurance Commissioners (Scotland) as to Behaviour during Disease or Disablement [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 179.]

Copy presented, of Provisional Regulations made by the Irish Insurance Commissioners as to Decisions of Questions [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 180.]

Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission; (Scotland) as to Meeting Places of Approved Societies and Branches thereof [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 181.]

Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) as to Benefits of Married Women suspended from ordinary benefits [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 182.]

Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission. (Scotland) as to Claims for Exemption [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 183.]

Copy presented of Provisional Regulations of the National Insurance Joint Committee and the Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to Employed Contributors working under the general control and management of some person other than their immediate employer [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 184.]

Lunacy

Paper laid upon the Table by the Clerk of the House:—Copy of Sixty-sixth Report of the Commissioners in Lunacy to the Lord Chancellor. Part I. [by Act]; to be printed. [No. 185.]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Trans-Persian Railway

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether the Société d'Etude, before proceeding further with the scheme for a Trans-Persian railway, will consult with and ascertain the views of the Persian Government with regard to this project?

Till the Société d'Etude has decided whether any project is feasible I do not see what object there can be in consulting the Persian Government. If and when this question is answered in the affirmative the Persian Government must, of course, be consulted, as nothing can be done without their consent.

Reinstatement of Evicted Tenants (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he can say why the Estates Commissioners are not taking steps to reinstate the evicted ten ants at Aughanish, in the county of Limerick, on the estate of Lane Joynt; and, having regard to the fact that these evicted tenants have been out of their holdings for the past twenty years, will he say why the Estates Commissioners are not putting into operation the compulsory provisions of the Land Act, 1909, with the object of reinstating them without further delay?

I would refer the hon. Member to the reply given to his question on this subject on the 28th March last.

May I ask why the Estates Commissioners will not carry out the agreements entered into between the landlord and the evicted tenants for the purchase of the estate having regard to the fact that all the tenants on this estate with one exception are tenants living on holdings on another estate, and are good security for the purchase money and are quite satisfied with the price they have agreed on with the landlord for the purchase of their holdings on this estate?

My answer in the former case was that the difficulty does not arise in connection with any of those matters but because the Estates Commissioners will not sanction the purchase of the estate until they have secured the maintenance and repair of an embankment on which safety actually depends. Until that agreement is come to the matter is hung up.

I quite appreciate what the right hon. Gentleman says but may I ask having regard to the fact that all the tenants on this estate are solvent tenants who have other holdings on which they live, and are some of the biggest tenants in county Limerick, why it is the Commissioners will not actually sanction the agreement between them and the landlord, under which agreement the evicted tenants are to be reinstated in their holdings out of which they have been for twenty years?

If the tenants are of the solvent and admirable character described why do they not enter into an agreement for the maintenance of the embankment?

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that those tenants have actually agreed to pay £300, part of the upkeep of the embankment which is £500, on the condition that the Commissioners would advance this £300 to be repaid with the purchase money over a period of sixty-eight and a half years, and in proportion to their rent?

Education Grant (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary whether he is aware that Scotland, with a population of 4,760,000, enjoys an Imperial contribution of £2,580,000 towards public education—that is, 10.84s. per head—whereas Ireland, with a population of 4,381,000, only receives £2,007,000—that is, 9.162s. per head, some £367,000 less than her fair proportion; and whether he will approach the Treasury with a view to securing better treatment?

The comparison which the hon. and gallant Member draws between the amounts voted for public education in Scotland and Ireland is not strictly accurate. The amounts which he quotes include provision not only for purely educational purposes, but also for museums and national galleries. Moreover, the figures given for Scotland include the Grant towards secondary and technical education, whereas in the case of Ireland no account is taken of the Grants from the Vote for the Department of Agriculture for these purposes. I am in constant communication with the Treasury with a view to the improvement of Irish education.

Government of Ireland Bill

Royal Irish Constabulary

asked the Chief Secretary whether the officers and men of the Royal Irish Constabulary have been allowed to nominate a committee of officers and a committee of non-commissioned officers to represent their views of their position under the proposed Government of Ireland Bill; and, if so, will he undertake to lay the Reports of those committees upon the Table of the House?

The officers and men of the Royal Irish Constabulary have been allowed to nominate committees for the purpose mentioned in the question, but I am not prepared to lay the representations made to me by these committees on the Table of the House.

Will the right hon. Gentleman state his reasons for not allowing the House to have full knowledge of what takes place with those committees appointed for the purpose of considering the position of servants of all classes in Ireland under the Bill?

I am in constant communication and negotiation with divers persons in Ireland, Civil servants, Clerks of the Crown, Royal Irish Constabulary, and others, with a view to meeting, as far as we possibly can, and I hope we may completely succeed in doing so, any differences of opinion that may exist between us. That would not be facilitated by publishing those negotiations.

I have no doubt the House will hear from the representatives of any parties who feel themselves aggrieved their point of view, but I hope to relieve them of the necessity of hearing them at all.

Representatives in Foreign Countries

asked whether, under the Government of Ireland Bill, the Irish Government will be able to maintain commercial agents or other representatives in foreign countries or in the Dominions?

The answer to this question depends upon what the hon. Member understands by "commercial agents" or representatives. If he means Consuls or Agents accredited to foreign or Colonial Governments, the answer is in the negative. On the other hand, it is easy to conceive cases of representatives who might be maintained by the Irish Government within their powers—for instance, a representative of an Irish Department at a foreign or Colonial exhibition.

Am I to understand from that answer, though a representative is not duly accredited, he may be in a foreign country for any purpose for which the Irish Government care to keep him?

It would depend to some extent on the circumstances, but I should think the real difference would be whether he was formally accredited, whether he held any formal office as Consul or not.

Are we to understand that the Irish Government will not be able to send commercial agents, such as, for instance, the Government of New Brunswick and the Government of Victoria send to this country, to represent them commercially?

I do not quite know on what terms those agents are appointed. Speaking generally, it would not be open to the Irish Government to appoint a Consul or person formally and regularly accredited by one Government to another.

Royal Irish Constabulary (Cadetships)

asked the Chief Secretary whether any rule exists debarring the sons of head constables from competing for cadetships, in the Royal Irish Constabulary; and, if so, under what Schedule is it to be found?

There is no rule debarring any particular class of persons from competing for cadetships in the Royal Irish Constabulary, but it has not been considered desirable in the public interest to nominate the sons of members of the force below the rank of District Inspector.

I may take it from that, that there is no objection to considering the circumstances mentioned in the question?

If I may say so, I take a very broad democratic view on these matters. There are differences of opinion on the matter, but I can assure the hon. and gallant Member I am quite ready to consider any application.

Cootehill Union Inmate, County Cavan

asked the Chief Secretary if his attention has been called to the action of the guardians of the Cootehill Union in censuring an inmate of the workhouse for having put two of her children into the service of Protestants, and in ordering the detention of this inmate against her will; and if the woman is now at liberty?

The woman referred to on two occasions took her discharge from the workhouse with her four children, who were registered as Roman Catholics, and returned after a few days, having placed each time one child in service in a Protestant house. The guardians then decided to assume parental control over the remaining children, and gave directions that they were not to be allowed to leave the workhouse without the authority of the guardians. The woman applied for permission to leave the workhouse with her children, which application was refused by the master pending the meeting of the guardians. The matter eventually came before the King's Bench, when an order was made directing the master of the workhouse to give the mother and her two children their immediate discharge, which has been done.

Land Purchase (Ireland)

asked what is the cause of delay on the part of the Estates Commissioners in carrying out the report of their inspector for the improvement of the holdings of the tenants on the Mahony estate, at Mount Collins, Abbeyfeale, in the county of Limerick, which has been declared to be a congested estate?

The Estates Commissioners inform me that the report of their inspector is under consideration.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how long it has been under consideration, and when will it be put into practice?

I cannot answer that question without notice, but I will direct their attention to the fact that the hon. Member wishes them to hurry up.

asked whether the representatives of the late Mr. Cornelius Power have signed a purchase agreement for the lands of Ballinahinch, Knocklong, county Limerick, on the Gascoyne estate; if so, are the Commissioners aware that this land is and has been let on the eleven months' system for years; whether the people who own it have already bought lands in other parts of county Limerick up to £7,000; and, in view of the dissatisfaction which prevails in this district, will steps be taken to buy this land and divide it among the small holders and labourers in the district?

The estate of Colonel Gascoyne in county Limerick was sold direct by the vendor to the tenants under the Irish Land Act, 1903, and the purchase money has been advanced and the holdings vested in the purchasing tenants. No agreement signed by Cornelius Power or his representatives for the purchase of his holding on this estate was lodged with the Estates Commissioners, and the holding in question was not therefore included in the sale, which was completed some time ago.

National School Teachers (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland whether he was aware that during the past eight years a number of junior assistant mistresses were appointed in national schools in which the average ranged from 35 to 50, and that, by the rules of the Commissioners, such of these teachers as were appointed previous to the issue of the 1910–11 Rules became qualified for promotion to the position of untrained assistant upon being admitted to the King's Scholarship Examination and passing the said examination, and that the conditions referred to constituted a binding engagement on the part of the Commissioners to promote all such teachers to untrained assistantships upon satisfying the Commissioners as above mentioned in accordance with the rules which obtained at the time of their appointment; and whether, seeing that many cases of hardship had occurred to such teachers by the failure of the Commissioners to carry out their own engagements entered into with these teachers at the time of their appointment, by now requiring such teachers to pass in the first or second division instead of passing the examination, by raising the percentage required for second division from 55 to 60, by the introduction of a new rule in the Rules for 1911–12, to the effect that in the event of the average attendance in the schools reaching 50, the services of such teachers would be dispensed with and their places filled by fully qualified assistants, he would take steps to remedy the grievances complained of?

The Commissioners of National Education inform me that junior assistant mistresses were eligible for appointment as assistants under the conditions stated in the question until the Rules of 1909–10 were issued. Under those rules all candidates for appointment as assistants are required to pass the King's Scholarship Examination in the first or second division. There is no engagement on the part of the Commissioners to promote junior assistant mistresses, but the latter are allowed the privilege of qualifying for promotion under the rules in force for the time being. The Commissioners are not aware of any cases of hardship which can rightly be attributed to the above change in the rules.

If I bring special cases before the right hon. Gentleman will he consider them?

I am in communication myself upon the subject, but I shall be glad to be reinforced by any special cases the hon. Member can supply.

Questions

Orissa Tenancy Bill

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he was aware of the circumstances under which the Viceregal assent was refused to the Orissa Tenancy Bill; and whether, in refusing his assent, the Viceroy acted contrary to the recommendations of his proper official advisers and without inviting any expression of opinion from the Lieutenant-Governor?

This Bill, which was of a contentious character, was passed in the Bengal Legislative Council four days before the new Province of Bihar and Orissa was constituted. It affects only territories which are within the new Province, and during the Debates it had been opposed by representatives of Bihar and Orissa. By withholding his assent the Governor-General has left the Legislative Council of the new province free to deal with matters vitally affecting the agrarian interests of Orissa. The reasons for His Excellency's action on the Bill, as to the merits of which he expressed no opinion, have been duly explained to the local government. The power of withholding assent from an Act of a local legislature rests by law with the Governor-General personally, and is not vested in the Governor-General in Council. The Secretary of State is satisfied that in the present case that power has been wisely exercised.

Land Valuation (Punjaub)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he was aware that in the matter of the acquisition of land in Manza Timarpur, Tahsil, Delhi, under Punjaub Government Gazette Notification No. 775, dated 21st December, 1911, the extra assistant commissioner and land acquisition officer at Delhi made the following valuation for purposes of compensation: land Rs.16,549, trees Rs.271, wells Rs.1,800, and buildings Rs.21,770; whether he was aware that this Report was then submitted to the deputy-commissioner for orders; that the deputy-commissioner accepted the valuation of land, trees, and wells, but, with regard to buildings, remarked that regard was not to be had to the cost of the buildings, some of which may have cost Rs.16,000 or Rs.18,000, but which had been put up as a speculation and did not let well; and that he therefore ordered the value of the buildings to be reduced from Rs.21,770 to Rs.4,800; whether he was aware that since 1905 Rs.20,000 had been expended on some of these buildings, for which the total compensation now offered was Rs.4,800; and if he would state whether the Government of India did not propose to take into consideration, in making these awards, the cost of buildings recently erected upon the land?

In assessing the building at its market value and not at what it may have cost, the deputy commissioner followed the instructions of the Land Acquisition Act of 1894. The owner, if dissatisfied with the amount of compensation offered to him by the revenue officer, can require the latter to refer the case for determination to the Civil Court, which will take evidence and hear counsel as in a regular civil suit. With reference to the last part of the question, compensation for buildings on land acquired for public purposes at Delhi, will be claimable in accordance with the ordinary law on the subject, which has been in force for the last eighteen years. There is no intention to depart from it in any respect.

Railway Employé's Dismissal (India)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India whether he had now received the report asked for anent the case of James Garstin, who was dismissed from the boiler department of the Oudh and Rohilikhand State Railway under circumstances which seemed to call for further investigation; and whether he had taken any action in the matter?

The Secretary of State has received no report on this case. He is aware that James Garstin submitted a memorial to his address, and that this memorial was withheld by the Government of India under its discretionary powers, Garstin's salary being less than Rs.250 a month. The Secretary of State does not propose to take any action in the matter.

Is it not proposed to ask for a report? I understood, on the last occasion when the question was up, that a report was being written for?

When the hon. Gentleman asked me a question on a former occasion I informed him that if the salary was over 250 rupees a month the man would have a right of appeal to the Secretary of State, but in cases where the salary is under 250 Rupees a month the discretion is vested in the Governor-General. It is in accordance with these powers the Government of India acted.

British East Africa

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether in vestigations had been made by the Government of British East Africa as to the healthiness of the new Southern Reserve recently allotted to the Masai; and whether any part of the Reserve was in the area where the tsetse fly is found?

The Reserve has been visited by officials of the East Africa Protectorate, and, in view of their reports, I have no reason to suppose that the country is not a healthy one. It would be impossible to give an absolute negative to the last question of my hon. Friend without a prolonged investigation by experts. But the evidence before me seems to negative any idea of the fly being prevalent, and I need hardly say that I should not have sanctioned the removal of the Masai to the Southern Reserve if I had grounds for even suspecting that it was open to objection on that account.

asked how much Government land there is in Uganda and British East Africa suitable for cultivation which has not yet been leased or sold?

I would refer the hon. Member to the Return (No. 68) relating to land in Crown Colonies and Protectorates which was ordered by the House to be printed on the 19th March.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell the House whether the, new railways in East Africa will run mainly through Crown lands or privately owned land?

Office of Works (Labour Policy)

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, if he could state approximately the amount of work given out to contract by the Department and the amount done by direct labour; what were the general grounds which determined the policy of the Department as to whether a particular piece of work should be done by contract or by direct labour; and whether the regular repair work in the various Government buildings was done by contract or otherwise?

The policy of the Department is to have work executed under contract, practically the only direct labour employed being in connection with the Royal Parks and certain ancient monuments situate in remote places. The regular repair work in the various Government buildings is executed under maintenance contracts.

Royal Parks (Playgrounds)

asked what recent facilities had been given in the Royal parks for playgrounds for children; and had any application been received from the London County Council for an in crease of such facilities?

Grounds for organised games for London County Council school children have been allotted as follows:—

National Insurance Act

Married Women Outworkers

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he could now communicate the result of the consideration by the Advisory Committee of the question of the exclusion of married women outworkers from the operations of the National Insurance Act?

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he was aware that the Advisory Committee passed a unanimous resolution recommending the inclusion of married women outworkers in the National Insurance Act; and whether, in consequence of this opinion the Insurance Commissioners contemplated the inclusion of married women outworkers in the Act?

Regulations embodying the recommendations of the Hatch Report (and made in accordance with the powers given in paragraph 10 of the Third Schedule of the Act), which enable employers of outworkers to pay contributions with reference to the amount of work done instead of the full weekly contributions, have been accepted by the Advisory Committee, and will be published immediately. This new system is recommended by the Advisory Committee to apply equally to the married women at present excluded as well as to other outworkers, and removes the bulk of the objections which were raised against paying full week's contributions for married women who might do a very small amount of work in a particular week. The Advisory Committee have recommended, practically unanimously, that in these circumstances no difference should be made between married and single women. I propose shortly, therefore, to submit a special Order to bring in married women under the same conditions as the single. This special Order will, if objection is taken, be subject to inquiry by an impartial person, and can be adapted to the necessities of any particular localities as a result of such inquiry.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of issuing a special explanatory leaflet for circulation in the county of Somerset?

I regard the county of Somerset as one of the places where a. special inquiry is desirable. I am in communication with the Members from Somerset, and they quite agree that it is a desirable course to pursue.

Welsh Commission

asked why an exception to the general method of appointment was made in the case of the two intelligence officers recently appointed by the Welsh Insurance Commissioners; whether the duties of these officers were specially suitable for being tested by examination; and whether both officers were able to deliver addresses on the National Insurance Act effectively in the Welsh language; and whether future appointments under the Welsh Insurance Commissioners, other than the outdoor staff, would be made on the results of examinations conducted by the Civil Service Commissioners?

I propose to take questions Nos. 22 and 23 together. As I explained, in answer to my hon. Friend on the 13th instant, the two officers mentioned in the first question were selected after advertisement by the Welsh Insurance Commissioners, who were assisted by a Civil Service Commissioner. The answer to the second part of the question is in the negative, and to the third in the affirmative. The answer to the second question is in the affirmative, except as regards any posts requiring special professional qualifications or cases of special urgency, or transfers of persons already in the Government service in other Departments.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say why an exception was made in this case?

I say that they were selected, after advertisement, by the Welsh Insurance Commission, assisted by a Civil Service Commissioner, on the ground of special urgency.

If my hon. Friend will examine the report he will find it advised that in cases of special urgency an examination may be dispensed with.

As the advertisements were out for some weeks, I do not see where the special urgency arises.

Certificates and Transfer Values

asked whether it is the intention of the Insurance Commissioners to refuse to grant certificates under paragraph (b), Part II., First Schedule, National Insurance Act, 1911, unless the local or other public authority applying for the certificate agrees to provide transfer values for insured persons transferred to other approved societies under Clause 31 of the Act?

The applications made by the different public authorities for any class of their employès to be excepted from insurance under the Act will be considered on their merits. The provision of a sum analogous to transfer value on an employè leaving their employment would be taken into account, and the question of whether it would be insisted on in the case of a particular application would depend upon a consideration of the scheme submitted as a whole.

Reserve Values

asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he will state what are the reserve values under the National Insurance Act in the case of men aged fifty-seven and sixty-seven, respectively?

I would refer the hon. Member to the Reserve Value Tables published in Cd. 6170. He will see that the reserve value for men of the age of fifty-seven is £9 16s. 6d. in Great Britain, and £9 2s. in Ireland. No reserve values have been prepared for the age of sixty-seven since under Section 49 (3) of the National Insurance Act no reserve value is to be credited in respect of persons of that age.

Are we then to understand that persons between sixty-five and seventy have got to pay full contributions, and that they will only receive benefits at the discretion of the societies to which they belong?

No; persons between sixty-five and seventy are specially provided for under the Act. A table has been issued by the Actuarial Committee of the Insurance Commission showing what benefits should be payable to them appropriate to their age and their subscriptions.

asked whether any change, and, if so, what has been produced in the initial liability for reserve values under the National Insurance Act and in the period for extinguishing that liability, due to an assumed expectation of sickness different from that assumed by Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt in the actuarial memorandum presented to Parliament last year?

I would refer the hon. Member to the answer I gave him on the 10th instant. The assumed expectation of sickness, and the calculations based on it, are substantially the same in both cases.

No, the reserve values have been calculated, and the figures tested, by other examples besides those adopted by Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt, and the results come out substantially the same.

Prudential Insurance Company

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been drawn to circulars issued by various employers of labour, all couched in practically the same terms and all offering inducements to the employés to join an approved society being promoted by the Prudential Insurance Company; whether he has made inquiries to ascertain if these circulars are paraphrases of one issued by the Prudential Insurance Company to employers; whether he is aware that these circulars are accompanied by blank forms which the employés are requested to fill in stating the societies to which they are to attach themselves, and that various employers of labour have given facilities to agents of the Prudential Insurance Company to enter their works and interrogate the workmen; and whether, before the National Insurance Commissioners give their approval to the Prudential Society, careful inquiries will be made as to the means adopted by the parent company to get members for that society?

No such circulars have been brought to my notice. The offer made by the Prudential Company to employers, on which the circulars referred to are presumably based, has been withdrawn by that company, and any employer who thinks that an arrangement, e.g., for having the cards of his employés stamped by an approved society is possible, is under a misapprehension. I understand, however, that many employers have been willing to allow addresses to be given on the Insurance Act on their premises by representatives of the big friendly societies and other approved societies, besides the Prudential.

Agricultural Wages

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he will say who is to decide, for the purposes of the National Insurance Act, what is the value of the wage received by an agricultural labourer who receives 13s. a week in cash and a cottage and garden free of rent and rates; and on what basis is the value of the cottage to be assessed?

also asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he will say who is to decide, for the purposes of the National Insurance Act, what is the value of the wage of an agricultural labourer who receives 14s. a week in cash, has his coal hauled free of cost, and has free a piece of land ploughed and manured for potatoes; and, in the event of the master or man disputing the value placed upon these perquisites, who is to give the final decision?

The value of such additions to wages as a cottage and garden free of rent and rates, a free haulage of coal, etc., will be reckoned in calculating the rate of remuneration. If the value is not agreed at first between the employer and employé, application would be made to the Customs and Excise officer, who is usually the pension officer, who would, if possible, bring about an agreement. Failing that, the question will be settled by the Commissioners in accordance with Regulations under Section 66 of the Act for the determination of such a dispute.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say how this money is to be taken into account; is it to be spread over the whole of the year or taken only for a few weeks?

I should not like to be bound by the answer, but I think there is no possibility of dealing with it except week by week.

Would the right hon. Gentleman consider the desirability of making some public statement by which he would be bound, as the question is one of extreme importance?

If the hon. Gentleman will put a question down, I will give him an answer.

Is not the arrangement an extremely complicated one to impose on agricultural labourers, and will it not be likely to operate disadvantageously?

If the hon. Gentleman can suggest any better arrangement we will gladly take it into consideration.

Friendly Societies (Surplus or Deficiency)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he can state, on the basis of the last valuations, the amount of surplus or deficiency in each of the friendly societies which have become approved societies or have applied for approval, and, in the case of a society with branches, of each branch of such society?

The information asked for would require to be collated from many thousands of returns; and I am not prepared to ask officials to leave the urgent work on which they are engaged in connection with bringing the National Insurance Act into operation in order to tabulate it.

Is not a great deal of the information contained in the Report of the Registrar-General of Friendly Societies, and is it not a matter of vital importance to insured persons that they should know whether the societies they join are solvent or not?

No, I do not think so. Whether or not the societies were solvent before they joined has nothing to do with the question. The new society will only deal with money under the Government scheme.

Position of Part-Time Yachtsmen

asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he will state what is the position of yachtsmen under the National Insurance Act who may be employed as such for two to three months from the 15th July, and will then return to their winter pursuits of crofters or fishermen on their own behalf, to again take up the employment of yachtsmen in April or May?

While employed as yachtsmen these persons will be compulsorily insured, and during the rest of the year they will be entitled to be insured as voluntary contributors.

Skilled Employés on General Estate Works

asked whether bricklayers, carpenters, sawyers, and men assisting them, employed all the year round on general estate works on a private estate, are included in the list of workmen in insured trades under Part II. of the National Insurance Act?

I would refer the hon. Member to the written answer which I gave to a similar question put by the hon. Member for Chelmsford on the 20th June last, of which I am sending the hon. Member a copy.

What steps, may I ask, have been taken to circulate the Memoranda in regard to Part II. to hon. Members; those who signed the Paper to get all circulars on the Insurance Act have not received these Memoranda?

What would happen in the case of a sawyer who saws only for a short time?

Questions

Moray Firth (Harbours)

asked when the decision of the Treasury with reference to the allocation of Grants to the harbours on the Moray Firth would be announced?

I hope to be able to communicate the decision to the several harbour authorities concerned almost immediately.

Will the right hon. Gentleman at the same time indicate when the allocation of Grants from the Development Commissioners will be made to the harbours further North?

I think the question dealt only with the Moray Firth. I will find out about that.

Motor Tyres (Importation)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will say what was the total number of motor tyres imported into the United Kingdom from foreign countries during the year 1911; and what was the declared value at the port of entry?

Motor tyres are not at present separately distinguished on importation into the United Kingdom, and their value is therefore included in the general total for parts of motor cars and parts of motor cycles. I regret, therefore, that the desired information is not available.

As there are hundreds of thousands of these tyres running into millions of pounds, imported into the United Kingdom cannot these figures be furnished in the future?

I think there is something to be said in favour of that. I will refer the point to the Departmental Committee, but the figures would not be available till the autumn.

Gun Barrel Proof Act, 1868

asked the President of the Board of Trade, whether he is aware that breech-loading sporting guns are required by the Gun Barrel Proof Act, 1868, to pass two obligatory proof tests, namely, the provisional proof of barrels when in the condition of manufacture called the tube state, which is the state in which gunmakers purchase them, and the definite proof of the gun when it has been sufficiently advanced in manufacture for cartridges to be fired from it; that the barrel in the tube state is recogisned as being the barrel-maker's finished production, and that special skill and machinery are necessary to produce the barrel in this state; that about 90 per cent. of the barrels sent in the tube state to the English proof houses to be provisionally proved are of foreign make and do not bear any indication of foreign origin or manufacturer's name; whether he is aware that this defect in the Proof Act has caused and is causing injury to the English gun-barrel trade and to the English gun trade generally; and whether he will shortly introduce legislation requiring the English proof houses to stamp foreign barrels and firearms with different provisional and definitive proof marks from those stamped upon barrels and firearms of British make?

The Schedule to the Gun Barrel Proof Act of 1868 provides that such guns "shall be proved provisionally and definitively, or, at the request in writing of the person or persons sending the barrels for proof, shall be proved once only, in which case such barrels shall be sent in the state for definitive proof." In practice, no doubt, the system of double proof generally prevails, but the proof houses are not in a position to say what proportion of the barrels submitted for provisional proof are of foreign manufacture. The course suggested in the last part of the question raises considerable difficulties both of principle and practice, and I am not satisfied that a case for legislation has been made out. The Board of Trade would, however, be prepared to receive and consider any information as to the character and extent of any practical grievance that may be felt, or as to the views of the various interests affected, including the makers both of guns and of barrels.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that when the Act of 1868 was passed nearly the whole of the barrels were of English manufacture, and that now, under the altered conditions of trade, the vast majority are of foreign manufacture; and is he aware that Section 132 of the 1868 Act practically constitutes a daily evasion of the Merchandise Marks Act?

If the hon. Gentleman will send me precise information it will be carefully considered.

Wheat Prices (Variations)

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state the variation of the average price of a quarter of wheat and the four-pound loaf during the years 1900–11, inclusive?

The index numbers of prices given in the Prices Section of the Fifteenth Abstract of Labour Statistics show that, if prices in 1900 be represented by 100, the price of British wheat rose to 137.2 in 1909 and fell to 117.7 in 1911. The changes in the average declared values of imported wheat were similar, namely. 136.0 in 1909, and 116.8 in 1911, as compared with 100 in 1900. The retail price of household bread did not vary so much, being 119.9 in 1909, and 104.3 in 1911, as compared with 100 in 1900. The fluctuations in these and other years will be found in the volume referred to.

Will the hon. Gentleman answer my question, which was: What was the variation in the price of a quarter of wheat?

I think the volume gives it in so far as it is not contained in this answer. If what the hon. Member asks for is not properly conveyed, I will give it further attention.

Post Office Factory, Mount Pleasant, E.C. (Black Smoke)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that on the 14th, 15th, 18th, 21st, 29th, 30th, and 31st May, and on the 4th, 5th, and 8th of June this year dense black smoke was observed issuing from the chimney shaft of the Post Office factory at Mount Pleasant, E.C.; and whether, in view of the previous complaints made by the public health committee of the borough of Finsbury on the 9th August, 1910, and the 2nd February, 1911, he can state whether any steps are being taken to carry out the repeated promises issued in his name that this nuisance will be discontinued?

As a consequence of the miners' strike, the coal recently delivered at Mount Pleasant was of such a quality as to render smokeless combustion impossible, but coal of a better quality is now being obtained, and it is anticipated that, when this is delivered, the discharge of black smoke will cease. If not, such further measures as may be practicable will certainly be taken.

Consumption of Wheat (United Kingdom)

asked what is the estimated consumption of wheat and wheat flour in the United Kingdom during the year 1911; and what was the total quantity of exports of wheat from the British Empire during that year?

The total quantity of wheat (including flour in equivalent of grain) available for consumption in the United Kingdom in 1911, was 267,801,000 bushels. Complete information as to the exports of the Empire is not available for 1911, but in 1910 the total export of British wheat from various parts of the Empire other than the United Kingdom was approximately 164,800,000 bushels.

May I ask if the wheat exported from the Dominions and dependencies overseas does not practically constitute 70 per cent. of the total estimated wheat consumed in this country?

That is a calculation that might easily be made but scarcely in answer to a question.

Does not a great deal of the wheat of the Colonies go to other countries and not to the United Kingdom at all?

Shops Act (Sale of Medical Appliances)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he will issue a circular showing whether, under the Shops Act, medical appliances include spectacles and whether the shops where they are sold are exempt from the half-holiday closing, as under the National Insurance Act spectacles are included in the list of medical appliances?

I do not think there can be much doubt that the words "medical and surgical appliances" in the second Schedule include spectacles, and that a shop may be kept open for their sale on the day of the weekly half-holiday; but the Home Secretary has no authority to decide the point, and it would be impossible for the Department to undertake to advise as to the application of the Act in particular cases.

Interdepartmental Committee on Fisheries

asked the Prime Minister if he can now state the terms of reference to the Interdepartmental Committee on Fisheries; and how the Committee is to be constituted?

asked the names and the terms of reference of the Interdepartmental Committee which is to consider and report on territorial waters, the three-mile limit, and international rights connected therewith?

In reply to this and Question 47, the terms of reference proposed for the Interdepartmental Committee are as follows:—

"To consider if it is practicable or desirable to extend for fishery purposes the limits of territorial waters, and whether prohibition or further regulation as to the methods or times of sea fishing are desirable, more particularly in relation to trawling for herring, and to report accordingly."

The members of the Committee are:—

The Right Hon. Charles Hobhouse, M.P. (Chairman).

Mr. C. H. Tufton, of the Foreign Office.

Mr. R. H. Rew, of the Board of Agriculture.

Professor D'Arcy Thompson, Scottish Delegate and member of the International Council for the Exploration of the North Sea.

Mr. A. F. Whyte, M.P.

Housing Reform

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the importance of housing conditions on the welfare of the working classes and their bearing on industrial unrest, as mentioned by him in his speech on last Friday, he proposes to do anything to further housing reform this Session; and whether he will give facilities at an early date for the consideration of the Housing of the Working Classes Bill?

I have conferred with my right hon. Friend, who is desirous that the Housing of the Working Classes Bill should pass into law this Session. If it appears likely that the Bill, subject to the Amendments promised by my right hon. Friend in Standing Committee, will be accepted in its present form, I will see whether it is possible to give time for its further stages, but I cannot at present give any definite pledge.

Will my right hon. Friend obtain, before the time of this House is taken up, some sort of pledge that the Bill shall not be mutilated in another place?

House of Lords

asked the Prime Minister if it is his intention to introduce the Bill for the reform of the House of Lords during the present Session?

Is it the intention of the Government to pass the franchise before the reform of the House of Lords, and, if so, what is the meaning of the phrase, "Brooks no delay."

Mental Deficiency Bill (Extension to Ireland)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he is aware that the Grant-in-Aid in Ireland has fallen off considerably in late years owing to the increased number of mentally deficient persons admitted to the district asylums; and whether, in view of the resolutions of the Irish division of the Medico-Psychological Association of Great Britain and Ireland, the committee of management of the County Down District Asylum, and other similar bodies, he will take steps to have Ireland included in the scope of the Bill now before Parliament?

asked the Secretary of State whether he will favourably entertain an Amendment to the Mental Deficiency Bill, extending its scope to Ireland?

My right hon. Friend is aware that the Local Taxation (Ireland) Account was insufficient to meet in full the claims against it in 1910–11 and 1911–12, owing to the increase of certain charges, and especially of the Capitation Grant for the maintenance of lunatic poor in county asylums; but as my right hon. Friend stated in reply to a question on the 17th instant, the existing law in Ireland differs so much from that of this country, that it will be convenient to deal with the question of the mentally deficient in Ireland in a separate Bill.

Is the hon. Gentleman not aware that there is a general demand that this Bill, which could be applied to Ireland with small modifications, should be extended to Ireland, and to save time?

I shall be very glad to consider any general representations of that kind.

Does not the fact that a question is put down to that effect by the hon. Member for South Down (Mr. MacVeagh) and myself show a good deal of unanimity?

I think it is an unusual circumstance, which might very well be taken into account as an additional reason.

Have the Government definitely decided to introduce a separate Bill for Ireland dealing with the subject of mentally deficient?

Normanton Cemeteries

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department upon what Section of the Burial Act, 1900, his decision to refuse sanction to the application of the Normanton Burials Board for the consecration of the whole of a piece of land lately added to the upper cemetery was based; and whether he is aware that there is ample provision of unconsecrated ground in the adjoining or lower cemetery, and that in consequence each addition made to the upper cemetery up to the present has been in fact consecrated in accordance with the wishes of the inhabitants?

The enactment which governs this matter is Section 1 of the Burial Act, 1900. Under that Section the authority to consecrate is limited to "any portion of the burial ground approved by the Secretary of State." The burial board desired the consecration of the whole ground: but my right hon. Friend was unable to sanction this, because as he informed the hon. Member in answer to his question on 16th May last, he was empowered by the Statute to approve of the consecration of a portion only of the ground. In these circumstances, the consideration mentioned in the latter part of this question could not affect the point.

Illumination Standards (Committee)

asked whether it is the right hon. Gentleman's intention to appoint a Committee to inquire into the question of illumination standards; if so, will he say when it is to be appointed; of how many it will consist; and whether he will see that a Scottish representative will be put on it?

I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which the Home Secretary gave to the hon. Member for West Clare on the 16th May. It is the intention to appoint a Committee, and its constitution is now under consideration. The Committee will be a Committee of experts, and questions of the representation of particular parts of the country or particular industries will not arise. I cannot give any further details at present.

Royal Navy

Supply of Boots

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he will receive a deputation next week of people interested in the leather trade to find means of making boots for the Navy entirely of English leather?

As I have explained in previous replies, an invitation has been twice extended to the Light Leather Trades' Federation to test this matter further in the only practicable way, by production of samples and prices for expert examination and comparison. The Federation have not yet responded to this invitation. When this essential preliminary step has been taken, I shall be willing to confer further with the trade, if necessary.

asked if the right hon. Gentleman will say how many pairs of boots partly made of Ger man leather were delivered to the Adriralty during the last financial year?

The change of pattern of the Navy boot, introducing box-calf for uppers, was effected in the latter part of 1911, and contracts are now in course of execution, the bulk of deliveries under which will fall in the current financial year. Either English or foreign box-calf leather may be used for the uppers. I should say that the great bulk of leather for the uppers of the boots is, in the present state of English production of this quality, obtained by the contractors from foreign sources, but I am making inquiries.

Can the hon. Member say whether the box-calf of the sealed pattern used is not now made out of chrome-tanned leather, instead of vegetable-tanned leather, and therefore of a foreign nature?

asked whether, in view of the different appearance of English and foreign box-calf leather, he will arrange in future that the uppers of the Admiralty-pattern boot are made of English leather?

asked whether, referring to the Admiralty contract for the supply of 75,000 marine boots, the uppers of the sealed patterns of the boots submitted by the Admiralty were made of foreign-manufactured leather; if so, whether he will state if, seeing that the boot-making contractors will adhere to the same style and finish of the sealed patterns submitted, the submittal of such patterns is prejudicial to the interests of British manufacturers of leather; and whether he will undertake that all future patterns submitted by the Admiralty shall be made wholly of British-manufactured leather?

As fully explained in my replies to previous questions, English leather of equal substance and quality to the Admiralty pattern is already admissible under the specification, and the pattern boot is designed to indicate as closely as possible the quality necessary to satisfy the specification.

asked if the right hon. Gentleman will say what would be the additional cost, if any, of supplying boots and shoes of all-English manufacture to the Navy?

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman will state what is the amount expected to be saved this year by using foreign leather in the uppers of the boots and shoes for the Navy?

The information sought has already been furnished in my reply of Monday to the hon. Member for Portsmouth. We expect to use 100,000 pairs of boots a year. The estimate of the extra cost of English leather for uppers is, roughly, £1,500 per annum, of which about £500 would fall upon public funds, and £1,000 would be paid by the seamen themselves.

Will my hon. Friend see that nothing is done by the Admiralty which will compel British seamen to pay more for their boots?

If we ever desired to do that, which we do not, we should fail because the sailor would not pay it.

asked whether, in view of the hardship caused to manufacturers of English vegetable-tanned leather by the substitution of foreign chrometanned leather for the uppers of seamen's boots, he will arrange for a proportion of the boots to be still manufactured from vegetable-tanned leather?

As I have already indicated in previous replies, the present specification has been made more favourable to the English vegetable-tanned leather by requiring the outer soles, on grounds of quality, to be wholly of English leather instead of admitting foreign as an alternative, as we did for many years. In regard to the uppers, English leather is admissible, as I have already stated. The reason for the change to box-calf for uppers has also been explained, namely, on the grounds of greater flexibility and comfort for the seaman. I cannot restrict the specification to English leather for the uppers unless I am convinced that we can secure sufficient leather to our standard of flexibility and durability at a price not higher than that ruling under open competition.

asked whether there is any English leather contained in the boots supplied to the German Navy?

asked whether there is a sufficient supply of Englishtanned box-calf leather to make the uppers of all boots for the Navy from English leather only?

As I stated yesterday, there is some doubt whether a sufficient quantity of home-dressed skins of the desired substance and quality is at present available for the number of boots expected to be required annually.

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that, in asking for the tender of 75,000 marine boots for the use of the Admiralty, no stipulation was made by the Lords Commissioners, though previously this had been the case, that the uppers of such boots should be made of British-manufactured leather; whether, seeing that such stipulations are made in the case of soles of the marine boots and also for the supply of the accoutrements for the use of the War Office, he will state why an exception was made in the case of the leather of the uppers of these marine boots; and whether he will undertake that in future, seeing that very large quantities of box-calf are manufactured in Great Britain, the Admiralty contracts should stipulate that the whole of the boot should be made of British-manufactured leather?

The reply to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, as already explained in replies to other questions. In reply to the second part of the question, the circumstances are different—the stipulations there referred to are on grounds of quality. In reply to the third part of the question, as I have just stated in reply to the hon. Member for Worcester, I cannot restrict the specification to English leather for the uppers unless I am convinced that we can secure sufficient leather to our standard of flexibility and durability at a price not higher than now ruling under open competition.

What proof has the hon. Gentleman as to the quality of foreign leather, seeing that the Navy has never had it in their boots before?

The new boot which has this chrome-tanned leather upper is more flexible and comfortable. If the hon. Member will come down to my room I will let him see a pair of these boots and he can try them on, and I am sure, like myself, he will be quite envious of them.

What proof has the Admiralty of the extra durability of this foreign prepared calf for the uppers, and if it has never been used in the Navy before, I want to know what evidence the right hon. Gentleman has that it is better than the English made leather.

We have had samples and our trade experts have advised us. It is more comfortable.

Is the Tariff Reform League now on its uppers? [An HON. MEMBER: "Stick up for the foreigner."]

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman will consider the advisability of the Admiralty relying for the supply of equipment on British manufactured leather rather than on the supplies of countries with which there is the slightest possibility of Great Britain ever being at war; and whether he will consider the advisability of the Admiralty, in common with all Government offices, endeavouring to foster British industry in every way?

In reply to the first part of the question, the Admiralty is fully alive to the necessity of specifying British materials wherever this is essential to obtain a particular quality, or for the application of special tests, or for the avoidance of risk of failure of supplies, particularly in time of war. These considerations do not arise in the present instance, as no difficulty is anticipated in supplying suitable boots for seamen either in peace or war. In reply to the latter part of the question, the general policy of the Admiralty in its specifications, based as it is on purely naval grounds, does incidentally give great encouragement to British industry; but in the taxpayers' interest, and in the present case, as I have already shown in the interest also of the individual sailors, it is not here desirable to exclude competition from other sources. I may add that in Admiralty contracts running to many millions of pounds annually, the amount of purchases of fully manufactured articles from abroad is comparatively very small.

Are we to understand then that in a contract which extends over twelve months, or even longer, it is the wisdom of the Admiralty to order goods which are absolutely necessary for the equipment of our sailors from a nation with which we may be at war?

We do not order boots from any other nation. They are ordered from our own British contractor, but in the matter of the uppers, as I have already explained, they can get them from any source. This is not a vital war supply. We could get boots in this country at any time, but we should probably have to pay more for them if we restricted them to British leather.

Is it not a fact that the sailors have to pay for this equipment?

The sailors have supplied to them their first kit free, and they have to replace the kit after that out of their own pockets. That is why the supply of uppers should be from any source. I object to the sailor paying more for his boots than necessary.

Would the right hon. Gentleman say whether he has consulted the sailors and ascertained their opinion in this matter?

I will say this: the new pattern boot—I will show the hon. Member a pair if he likes to see them—is going like hot cakes with the sailors.

Would the right hon. Gentleman say how, if he discourages the home manufacturer in times of peace, he expects to get the right sort of boot from him in time of war?

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty, referring to the Admiralty contracts for the supply of marine boots, whether, it having been demonstrated that in the case of the soles of the boots British-manufactured leather is superior to foreign-manufactured leather, he is aware that the boot-making contractors are prepared similarly to demonstrate that in the case of the uppers of the boots British-manufactured leather is superior in wearing qualities to that manufactured abroad; and, if so, what action he proposes to take?

The answer to the first part of the question is that superiority of quality has been demonstrated in the case of the sole leather, but not in the case of the box-calf uppers. The information at present received from Admiralty boot-making contractors is distinctly to the effect that the English box-calf of the desired substance and quality is dearer and that the supply is insufficient. I have already intimated that the Admiralty has invited a practical and detailed demonstration from the Light Leather Trades' Federation on this point by means of samples and prices, but, so far, has not received it.

Arising out of that answer, is it not a fact that if the Admiralty were to raise the pay of the seamen they would be able to pay for British goods?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it is in the interests of the country that a shilling or so should be saved in the price of goods or whether £1 or 30s. should be kept for the manufacture of boots in this country?

asked whether, in the event of tenders for the supply of marine boots of wholly British-manufactured leather being slightly more in cost, the Lords Commissioners would in that case give out contracts for the supply of boots of partially British-manufactured leather, the qualities being equal; and whether any such slight saving in cost would not be prejudicial to the British industry, and would not result in a consequent unemployment of British labour?

I have already explained the reasons why it has not been deemed advisable to restrict the Admiralty specification for uppers of Navy boots to box-calf leather of British manufacture only, and that, having regard both to the extra cost to the taxpayer and to the seamen, I cannot undertake to give the preference to the possibly higher tenders presupposed in the question. Neither do I think that in securing the quality of leather desired at the lower prices possible to us by open competition I am necessarily prejudicing British industry or increasing unemployment.

Contract-Built Ships ("Dreadnought" Type)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state the aggregate number of working days by which contract-built ships of the "Dreadnought" type have exceeded the period allowed in the contracts for their construction; what is the total sum to which, by lateness in delivery, the contractors have rendered themselves liable in fines; and what sum has actually been recovered by the Admiralty?

There are ten ships in question. Of these, six have been delivered and one will be delivered after the date prescribed in the contract. Three have been delivered before the date prescribed in the contract. The aggregate number of working days corresponding to the lateness in delivery of the first six ships is 708, but from this total there will probably be a reduction of 450 days on account of delays arising from causes outside the contractors' control. The total sum for which contractors have actually become liable to pay liquidated damages is £25,000. This accrued entirely in respect of one ship, and this claim was waived on the grounds that the vessel was one of the first of a totally new class; the gun-mountings were also of an entirely new pattern; and alterations were made in the design at a comparatively late stage of the work. In the other cases which have been adjudged, as the delay was due to causes outside the contractors' control, the firms did not become liable to pay liquidated damages.

Are we to understand that in future it does not always follow that these fines will be remitted in the case of contract ships?

Labour Troubles (Shipbuilding Trade)

asked whether, in view of the possibility of increased labour troubles in the shipbuilding trade, the right hon. Gentleman will take the precaution of ordering the ships of the current programme in advance of the dates originally intended in order, as far as possible, to ensure their completion by the time they will be required?

The destroyers are all placed. The submarines are being started as soon as the builders can undertake the work. Invitations to tender for light armoured cruisers will be ready by the 15th July. The battleships are being laid down earlier than was originally intended.

Lieutenants (Pay)

asked what is the substantive rate of pay of a lieutenant in the Royal Navy; and when was that rate of pay first authorised?

The substantive rates of pay of a lieutenant in the Royal Navy vary from 10s. a day for a lieutenant of less than eight years' seniority, to 16s. a day for an officer of fourteen years' seniority. I will circulate the information asked for in detail with the Votes.—[ See Written Answers this date. "]

asked whether the duty of every lieutenant may oblige him at times to take sole charge of any vessel in the Royal Navy, including the heaviest "Dreadnought" in commission?

The answer is in the affirmative. Under the King's Regulations the officer of the watch is responsible for the safety of the ship, subject to any special orders he may have received from the captain. Further, it might happen, especially in action, that the command of any ship would devolve upon a lieutenant in the event of the captain and commander being killed or disabled.

asked how many lieutenants have retired from active service since September, 1909; and what has been the average length of service of these officers?

It is assumed that the question refers to ordinary lieutenants and not to supplementary lieutenants or to lieutenants promoted from commissioned warrant rank after long and faithful service. On this assumption the answer to the first part of the question is 188. The average total service of these officers is sixteen and a quarter years.

I cannot accept the hon. Member's figures; in fact, I do not believe they can possibly be accurate, but I have great sympathy with the argument underlying his question.

Suffragist Prisoners

Visits to Prisoners

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if permissions granted by the Governor to visit suffragists imprisoned in Holloway Gaol can be rescinded by the medical officer on his individual responsibility?

Visiting orders are issued by the Governor subject to the condition that when the visitor calls at the prison the prisoner is medically fit to receive a visit. If the medical officer believes that the visit will not be good for the prisoner's health, the Governor directs that the visit be postponed.

It might very well happen that a prisoner forcibly fed, at the time of protest, is not fit to see her husband or anybody else.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that in several cases lately husbands have obtained permits to see their wives in prison and have presented themselves, but were refused admission, not at the time when the actual feeding was taking place, but between the time of those operations?

If the hon. Member will mention any definite cases I shall be very glad to look into them.

Forcible Feeding

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has received the Report from the Governor or Medical Officer of Holloway Prison concerning Mrs. Myra Sadd Brown; whether he is aware that, when forcible feeding was about to be resorted to, she informed the medical officer that, owing to a fracture of the nose, forcible feeding by the nose tube would not be possible; that the doctor refused to-pay any attention to her statement but ordered three wardresses to hold her in a chair; that the feeding-tube was forced three times up the nostril but returned by way of the mouth; whether he is aware that on the following day she informed the Governor of what had happened, and that she had been operated on for nose and throat trouble, and that the forcible feeding on the previous day had caused bleeding from these parts; that a few minutes-after giving this information she informed the deputy medical officer to the same effect, but that, despite this, no examination of the organs was made, and that four attempts to force the tube through the nostril were made and failed; whether he is aware that all this involved mental and physical suffering; and what action he proposes taking to prevent a recurrence of such treatment?

The reports received from the governor and medical officer of Holloway Prison show that Mrs. Brown did object to being fed by tube on the ground that she had a broken nose, but that the medical officer fully explained to her that this would not cause any obstruction to the soft nasal feeding tube, and, in fact, the tube was passed without difficulty. The difficulty in feeding her arose entirely from the unusual power which she possessed of contracting the throat muscles and bringing the tube out through the mouth. No trace of bleeding was observed, nor did the prisoner at the time make any complaint of the kind, though she did afterwards. If she suffered any pain it was due entirely to the violent resistance she offered to what was necessary medical treatment. Every care is taken by the medical officers to carry out this most distasteful duty as gently as, possible.

May I ask whether the statement contained in the question is denied by the Home Office that three attempts were made on the first day and four times on the second day, and that on the second day, after four attempts, they failed altogether to get the tube into the nostrils; and, in view of the importance of this question, will the right hon. Gentleman cause a special inquiry to be held at which all the facts can be elicited?

I have given the hon. Member all the information in my possession. I admit that certain specific matters are not answered, and if the hon. Member will put down his question again I will give him a further answer.

Port of London (Strike)

Police and Employers

asked whether it is the practice of some employers where a strike has occurred to make the police a present of money; if so, do the police regulations permit the acceptance of such gratuities; and whether, having regard to the effect such gratuities may have on the conduct of the police towards strikers and their pickets, steps will be taken to prohibit the practice mentioned?

The Commissioner of Police reports that it is not the practice of employers where a strike has occurred to make the police a present of money, and the acceptance of any gratuity in such circumstances would not be permitted. Two or three large London firms have given donations to the Metropolitan and City Police Orphanage; but to this no exception can be taken.

Is the hon. Gentleman aware that the Army and Navy Stores did make a grant of £20 to the police, and that Inspector Wells got £5 and the superintendent £5, and the police constables 5s. each as a result of keeping order amongst the pickets?

If the hon. Member will put down a question, I will look into it.

Ascot Races (Police Service)

asked if the right hon. Gentleman will state how many men of the Metropolitan Police force were on duty during the course of Ascot races; and why their services could safely be withdrawn for that duty, having regard to the impossibility of sparing them for duty in Essex in protecting persons and property from the violence of men on strike?

The total of all ranks doing duty at Ascot was, on the 18th, 733; 19th, 679; 20th, 820; and 21st, 625. This duty has been performed by the Metropolitan Police for many years, and must be regarded as part of their normal work. Men can be sent for this service, which lasts only for four days, who could not be spared for an indefinite period.

Business of the House

May I ask the Prime Minister if he can tell us what is the business for next week?

I should like to ask the Prime Minister whether, in view of the representations which have been made through the usual channels during the last day or so, he can give the House an opportunity now of considering the Resolution down in the name of my hon. Friend the Member for East Leeds? [Mr. O'Grady,—Port of London (Employers and Employés Meeting),—That, in the opinion of this House, it is expedient that the representatives of the employers' and the workmen's organisations involved in the present dispute in the Port of London should meet, with a view to arriving at a settlement.]

On Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday we shall continue the Committee Stage of the Government of Ireland Bill.

On Thursday we propose to take the Army Vote in Committee of Supply.

With regard to Friday's business, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman would be good enough to ask me a question on Monday.

With regard to the supplementary question by my hon. Friend, I have carefully considered this matter, and, if the hon. Gentleman and his Friends desire, as I assume they do, that this Motion should be discussed, I shall be prepared on Monday to move to report Progress on the Government of Ireland Bill at a comparatively early hour in the evening in order to give time for its discussion.

Bills Presented

Deaths and Burials Bill

"To amend the Law relating to the Registration of Deaths and to Burials." Presented by Mr. GEORGE GREENWOOD; supported by Mr. Atherley-Jones, Sir John Rolleston, Dr. Addison, Mr. Leif Jones, Mr. Gordon Harvey, Mr. Rowlands, Mr. Cecil Harmsworth, Mr. Ponsonby, Mr. Radford, Mr Manfield, and Mr. Bentham; to be read a second time upon Thursday next, and to be printed. [Bill 257.]

PLUMAGE (No. 2) BILL

"To prohibit the sale, hire, or exchange of the plumage and skins of wild birds from British Colonies and dependencies." Presented by Mr. ALDEN; supported by Sir William Anson, Mr. George Greenwood, Mr. King, Mr. Laurence Hardy, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald, Mr. Rowntree, Mr. Radford, and Mr. T. P. O'Connor; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 260.]

Conveyance of Cycles Bill

"To provide greater facilities for the conveyance of Cycles." Presented by Mr. ALDEN; supported by Mr. Spender Clay, Mr. Jowett, Mr. Silvester Horne, Mr. Hugh Law, Mr. T. P. O'Connor, Sir Harry Samuel, Sir Charles Schwann, and Mr. Snowden; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 261.]

Supply.—[Eleventh Allotted Day.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1912–13

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

Class 2.—COLONIAL OFFICE

6. Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £39,075, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, including a Grant-in-Aid of certain Expenses connected with Emigration."

[Note.—£21,000 has been voted on account.]

I intend on this occasion to take a somewhat unusual course, I hope with the general concurrence of the Committee, in making a preliminary statement. Last year, when the Colonial Estimates were before the Committee, and when I was comparatively new to my office, I pursued the more usual method, and the course of least resistance and least danger, of waiting for comment, criticism, or attack as it might develop by the chance of those who caught your eye; of replying to those questions or criticisms to the best of my ability, and generally, after courteous notice from those by whom they were made, and leaving untouched and undealt with all those other matters which had not formed the subject of attack. I was impressed at the time with the unsatisfactory result of this practice. We ranged, it is true, over a variety of topics with no geographical, administrative, philanthropic, or commercial relation to one another. The searchlight shifted from a cable in the West Indies to the Masai in East Africa; from a railway in Nigeria to a dusky prisoner in Ashanti. Where there was criticism or curiosity some debate took place, but the better the administration, the greater the prosperity of a Colony, the less attention it received in this House and the less credit it acquired from the public outside. It seems to me that this is a wrong system. This is one of the few, perhaps—probably—the sole occasion in the year on which either the House or the country has any opportunity of receiving an account of the stewardship of those to whom it entrusts the Government of the Dependencies which are known as Crown Colonies, and it seems to me that those who ungrudgingly—though often ignorantly—pay no inconsiderable share of the cost, should at least have the satisfaction of some report of the results which their sacrifices and their servants have attained. I must appeal, however, to the Committee to be merciful to me in my new departure. I am obviously opening to them a far larger field than in the past for comment and criticism—of which I shall not complain, but if it is discovered that a Colonial Secretary by such procedure presents himself as too extensive or too vulnerable a target—well, my successors are unlikely to follow my example.

I propose in the statement I am about to make, to omit any reference to our self-governing Dominions, though of course I shall be prepared at a later hour to answer any questions which may or can be properly put in relation to their proceedings. I omit them at this moment for several reasons: (1) Because the events occurring in them and the policies by which they are directed, are fairly well advertised in our Press, are under constant survey here, and are on the whole familiar to the students of Imperial affairs. (2) Because we have only a slight responsibility and no financial liability for the details of their internal administration. (3) Because the Dominions Blue Book has just been circulated replete with information, and (4) Because the terra incognita of the Crown Colonies and Protectorates will occupy at least as much of my time as I shall feel justified in inflicting on the Committee. The statement I have to make will not be in the least entertaining; I shall attain all I can hope if I make it useful and informative. It cannot, I fear, be short, and I should strongly advise all those who have no special or specialised interest in such details at once to seek that seclusion granted by other rooms in this building, and I shall be duly grateful if, before I have finished, your attention is not officially drawn to the paucity of my audience.

I want, as I said, to deal to-day with the position and prospects of our tropical possessions in the Crown Colonies and Protectorates. In order to illustrate progress or retrogression some definite period must be taken for comparison. I propose to take for this purpose the six years which cover the existence of the present Government. But I shall make no attempt to prove that post hoc is propter hoc. I would beg hon. Gentlemen opposite to believe that I take this as a convenient period only—and a period in which there has been a continuity of administrative thought and action—but with no desire or intention for the manufacture of political or personal capital. I take it also because during this period for the first time the East Africa Protectorate, Uganda and Somaliland, come into the account. My idea is to sketch as briefly as I can the causes and circumstances of the development, the justification of the cost, and the reason of its reduction; the material progress and prosperity not only of our Crown Colonies and their trade, but of the conditions of life and labour of those for whom we have undertaken this gigantic responsibility. The position of the Colonial Secretary on the Crown Colony side of his Department carries with it the powers, duties, responsibilities and anxieties of a practical and laborious despot, controlled only by the forces of nature, by his own discretion, and by the sporadic curiosity at Question Time of friends or opponents—inspired either by imagination or information—and often with the best intentions creating difficulties they wot not of, and not seldom innocently damaging the causes to which they are devoted. But even a despot under democracy is glad to have an opportunity of justification and of proof that his mild autocracy is not inconsistent with benevolence, or that the machinery of legislation by ordinance or letters patent may in the circumstances of undevelopment be a not unsuitable, though temporary, substitute for more representative methods.

In using the words Crown Colonies, I should like to make it clear that I do not employ it in its technical sense. I use it here only to indicate that I am dealing with all British Possessions, except India and the self-governing Dominions. The term "Crown Colonies" is technically inapplicable to many of our Possessions—especially to some of the West Indian Islands and British Guiana. It should be clearly understood by the Committee that many of our West Indian Possessions have independent Legislatures, which relieve me of much responsibility, and whose consent must be obtained to expenditure and legislation, and I hope that no offence will be taken if, later in my speech, I use the words Crown Colonies either by carelessness or for convenience to indicate Possessions to which the term is not strictly applicable.

4.0 P.M.

Before I pass to details I should like to give the Committee one inclusive figure of comparison for the period I have selected for review. In 1905–6 the Colonial Estimates voted by this House were £1,260,000; for this year, 1912–13, they are £860,000. That shows a total reduction in seven years of £400,000, and for this year my estimates are actually £500,000 less than the previous twelve months. That does not mean that services have been skimped or needs neglected. The lessened expenditure by this country coincides and is co-existent with (and partly the result of) greater development and prosperity in all our Possessions throughout the world. I have considered how I could best present to the Committee the picture I desire to draw of that administrative success and commercial prosperity. The easiest, but not I think the most illuminating, method would be to deal with the circumstances of each Colony in turn; but I do not wish to treat them for my present purpose as disconnected units, but rather as detached parts of a cohesive whole—cohesive in general aim and policy and result, though necessarily varying in the technique of administration, the details of industry, and the speed and quality of their progress. I think I shall best attain this end by dealing as a whole with certain heads of administration, such as Representative Government, Finance, Trade, Agriculture, Minerals, Medicine, Liquor, Labour, Land, Railways, Opium, and the like. In dealing with the various heads I will try to take the Committee an Empire tour, calling only where necessary, starting down the West Coast of Africa, crossing through the Protectorate of South Africa and Rhodesia to East Africa, looking in at Mauritius, and on by Ceylon to the Strait Settlements and Federated Malay States, and thence viâ Hong Kong to our Possessions in Central America and the West Indies. I note an expression of justifiable alarm on some faces, but I can promise that it shall be a lightning tour, and when Jules Verne took us "Round the World in Eighty Days," I shall hope to compress it into as many minutes. It will save much repetition of dates if the Committee will bear in mind that in all figures I quote and comparisons I make I am using the year 1905–6 for the commencement, and the last available year (generally 1911) for the end.

Hon. Members may have noticed that I have omitted the Mediterranean. I have done so intentionally, because our Possessions there hardly enter into my scheme. Of Gibraltar and Cyprus there is little or nothing for the moment to say. Egypt does not come under the purview or the control of the Colonial Office, and Malta stands by itself. In order not to confuse the future statement as to our tropical Colonies, I think I had better deal with Malta as a separate and peculiar entity and deal with it now. Malta is a fortress and a great naval base; it has largely-ceased to be a commercial port. It must be held and governed mainly for naval and military purposes, but at the same time with a scrupulous regard for the advantage and the peculiar circumstances of its inhabitants. It is the combination of these conditions which has made it impossible in the past, and makes it still impossible in the present, to give to the Island any larger measure of self-government than it possesses to-day. But these limitations impose on us an added responsibility for dealing not only gravely, but generously, with the situation which results from its unique position. It would be an exaggeration to say that Malta is in a condition of incipient bankruptcy, but it is not untrue to say that its financial position is one which demands an immediate review and rectification.

On my representations a Royal Commission of three able and distinguished men visited the Island this winter. They made an exhaustive inquiry, and has just published an impartial and suggestive report. I do not propose to deal with its details to-day, because I am anxious, first of all, to gather the opinions of the Maltese themselves on these recommendations after they have had time for consideration and reflection. But it will be clear to all who are acquainted with the circumstances that financial equilibrium can only be supplied in the future both by economy in expenditure and readjustment of taxation. Both of these I shall hope to make, with competent advice, in such a way as to give relief to those who are now unduly burdened, and to inflict the least sacrifice even upon the most wealthy. The conditions of Maltese existence have always been singular. Since the Knights Hospitalers coalesced with those of St. John of Jerusalem and became the militant conductors of the visitants to the Eastern shrine, the population of Malta has depended largely on outside circumstances and influences for its livelihood. They are a fertile race, living on a circumscribed and infertile land. Their fortunes have ebbed and flowed for a century with the tide of European wars and Mediterranean conquest. Resenting the surrender of the Island to Napoleon by their degenerate knights they welcomed their British conquerors almost as their deliverers. Their highest interest was to be the vassal of the mistress of the seas. For half a century, they slumbered under our benevolent and not unprofitable rule, and then they woke to an artificial and transient glory on the opening of the Suez Canal.

Twenty or thirty years ago, when ships were of lesser tonnage and smaller bunker space, Malta was an essential coaling station for the traffic to the East. To-day, with greater coal capacity in ships, and the facilities of Port Said, she is left in a commercial backwater dependent largely on naval and military policy for her day to day prosperity. It has been calculated that the presence of the full Mediterranean Fleet at Valetta secures an expenditure in Malta of upwards of £1,000 a day. But the location of defensive expenditure must depend upon the needs of tactics, not upon the poverty of ports. When, at the beginning of this century, great naval and military works were undertaken at Malta, there was produced a state of inflation as unnatural as it was evanescent. The price of labour rose in accordance with its scarcity; workers were imported from Sicily and Italy; and to meet the actual requirements and the apparent future possibilities, commercial building was extended in Malta beyond the true economic demands. Even the administration of the Island was not wholly free from the same reproach of an extravagance based upon this inflation, but the inevitable reaction has come, and with it some suffering to the redundant population. Emigration of those who are both fit and willing for it, seems to be indicated as one of the cures, and I am now taking steps to discover what are the countries best fitted to receive and welcome those who are anxious to leave their Island home. The cure of the present discontent in Malta can be neither immediate nor rapid, but I hope, on the lines of the Commissioners' Report, and with a fair amount of local assent, to devise means by which the existence of its inhabitants may be put on an economic and not extravagant basis.

Before leaving the Mediterranean I must say a few—and they will be very few—words about Cyprus. If Lord Beaconsfield ever made a mistake—and I do not wish at this date, or on this occasion, to introduce so debatable a proposition—it was probably in his acquisition of Cyprus. He regarded it, in his own words, as a "place d'armes," from which he thought to fight the battle of Armageddon, and he sent there Sir Garnet Wolseley as our first Commissioner. If he had contented himself with the advice of Mr. Greenwood to buy the Suez Canal shares, and abandoned his Armageddon, he would have been a better friend to the British Treasury, though a less munificent benefactor to the people of Cyprus. The tribute which is still exacted from them as part of the Ottoman Empire, is on the same scale, and of the same amount as that which they were paying on their transfer, but the Island is profiting to-day by a fixed payment of £50,000 per annum from this country towards its development. In past years the Grant-in-Aid has varied in accordance with the balance of revenue and expenditure of the Island. We have now arranged for a fixed subvention for a term of years, which will enable the Island Government both to raise taxation and to make economies without fear that the results, if successful, can only redound to the profit of the British Treasury rather than inure to the advantage of the inhabitants of Cyprus. In the last six years its revenue has risen from £238,000 to £363,000, and its total foreign trade has increased from £966,000 to £1,240,000. It is true that some part—perhaps a large part—of this may be due to the exceptionally abundant rainfalls of those years, and that we may have to anticipate a dry cycle, but in any case I believe the figures I have given indicate a real and permanent increase in the prosperity of the Island.

The improved financial position has enabled them to quadruple during that period the expenditure on the conservation and development of forests, and though the returns are at present slight, they promise a serviceable future yield both in cash and in water supply. Some expenditure out of surplus is being rightly made on an agricultural school, but the desire for an extension of the railway system must await the results of an expert inquiry in view of the economic failure of the present system. In the meantime a private enterprise in motor traction is doing something which may relieve these difficulties, while it is probably destroying the roads, and so entailing expenditure in another direction. No one with an elementary knowledge or memory of mythology or archœlogy can think of Cyprus without a hope that there may be recovered for this age some of the past glories of art and architecture which once made it their Island home. The conflicting claims of the excavator, the local museum, the museums of Europe, and the private collector are difficult to reconcile, but steps have been taken, by the erection of an Island Museum, and by expenditure on ancient buildings, to ensure that these priceless relics shall not be lightly dealt out to vandal hands. In Cyprus, as elsewhere, there are politics, and, as elsewhere, they produce at times acute contention between the interests of divergent parties. Such an event has recently happened in the Island. The Greek population have demanded a preponderance of representation in the Legislative Council over the Moslem population, which seemed likely to leave insufficient safeguards for the Turkish minority, and my inability to meet their views has led to what I hope may be only a temporary withdrawal of the Greek community from their legislative functions. A local disturbance, wholly unconnected with this political dispute, took place at at the end of last month, which resulted in the regrettable necessity of the use of troops and of some augmentation of the small military garrison, but order has been happily and rapidly restored.

Having disposed of the Mediterranean, I can now start on my Empire tour. As a preliminary, I would like to mention the changes, and they are few, which have taken place in the six years under review in representative Government and administration in the Crown Colonies and Protectorates. Legislative Councils with unofficial, as well as official members, have been established in Nyasaland and the East African Protectorate. In Ceylon the constitution has been remodelled by the substitution of the principle of election for that of nomination, so far as was considered possible, for the Legislative Council, and the first meeting of the reformed Council was held in January of this year. In the Malay Peninsula, in 1909, Siam transferred to the British Crown her Protectorate over Kedah, Perlis, Trengganu and Kalantan, over an area of 15,000 square miles, and in the same year an important step was taken in the consolidation of the Federated Malay States by the creation of a Federal Council, consisting of the High Commissioner and the native rulers, with the Chief Secretary and British Residents, and a number of unofficial members to legislate for the whole Federation. In the West Indies, in 1909, there was a lowering of the franchise in British Guiana. In Basutoland a National Council was finally established by Proclamation in 1910. But I must return on my tracks for a moment to the Nigerias, where by far the greatest change in administration is in process of gestation. Hon. Members listening to me are doubtless well aware of the location of Nigeria. Some of them may, however, have neglected the injunction of the late Lord Salisbury to study large maps. They may not be aware of the immense area of what appears as a comparatively small red patch in the Gulf of Guinea. The two Nigerias, however, represent a territory equal in size to the whole of France, Italy, and Switzerland combined—an area of 333,000 square miles, with a native population estimated at sixteen millions. It is true that a land stretching from the coast to Lake Chad on the North-East, and towards Timbuctu on the North-West, contains varieties of climate and diversities of population. From the mangrove swamps and the pagans of the South, to the Mahomedans of the plateaux of Zaria and Kano, there is a transition both of circumstances and of creed, but all who know that country best are agreed that there is an essential unity of their administrative future which demands both a method and a man. Happily the man is at hand, with a tried and proved capacity to supply the method.

Though I have been convinced ever since I came to the Colonial Office that this amalgamation was desirable, I frankly admit that I should not have thought the moment opportune unless I had happened to know and been able to command the services of the one man marked out for this great work, Sir Frederick Lugard. I have been able, greatly to the regret of Hong Kong, to induce him to leave that post, and to take up what will shortly become the Governorship of the combined Nigerias. Northern Nigeria is in the truest sense the product of his foresight and genius. He reclaimed it from the unknown; he gave it a legal code, differing only in its civilisation from the essential lines of native custom; he established a land system which, combining altruism with revenue, may well be a model and an inspiration to other Protectorates. Following on his footsteps, after his departure, came closer administration, commerce, agriculture, and railway development. On my earnest solicitation he returns now to the field of his early and brilliant labours to complete and consolidate what has proved, I think, to be the greatest tropical provinces of the British Crown. All the details cannot be settled now, but I shall hope that Sir Frederick Lugard will spend six months in the Colony and six months at home, but the six months at home will not be treated and will not become leave, though they will act, I hope, for part of the time in that capacity, but he will be in close consultation and work at the Colonial Office. In my survey of our tropical progress I shall recur to several matters affecting the two Nigerias, but in the meantime I would make—and ask the Committee to make—this reservation. I am sending Sir Frederick Lugard out for the moment—and for a comparatively short tour—as the dual Governor of both provinces. I am sending him, so far as I am concerned, with a free hand to examine the situation as to its developments since his last visit; to plan and to organise the amalgamation, to examine the administration, the financial, and the commercial possibilities, and then to return here and to discuss with me the probabilities of the future. There are many improvements and reforms in that district earnestly desired by Members on both sides of this House. I would beg them to believe that though I may not discuss them to-night, and though I do not desire to anticipate decisions which, with Sir Frederick Lugard's assistance, will hereafter be taken, they are none the less present to my mind and not, by this brief delay, less likely to be carried into effect.

Let us now turn to finance. I have already told the Committee what is the position as regards the Imperial Treasury and the cost of our contribution to the Crown Colonies as compared with six years ago. Then we were paying out £1,200,000; to-day we are paying only £800,000. But, of course, the lessened sacrifice here is due to the enhanced financial prosperity in the Dependencies. In the Gambia there is no debt; the invested surpluses have risen from £54,000 to £80,000, and the revenue (without increase of taxation) from £51,000 to £81,000. In Sierra Leone the excess of assets over liabilities is close on £250,000, and (again without increased taxation) the revenue has risen from £281,000 to £458,000 with, I am happy to say, an increase of remunerative expenditure, but still showing a surplus of revenue over expenditure of £26,000 a year. On the Gold Coast the revenue has risen from £586,000 to £1,113,000, and though the expenditure has naturally increased it is still £205,000 less than the revenue. Before we leave these three Colonies it may be worth while to glance at their trade as apart from their administrative finance. It may be well again to remind the Committee that all my comparisons are (so far as possible) of the years 1905 and 1911. In the Gambia the imports have increased from £305,000 to £807,000 and the exports from £280,000 to £682,000, or an increase of total trade from £585,000 to £1,490,000—and even after allowing for some abnormal movements of specie last year, the figures show more than a doubling of the trade. It is not unsatisfactory to note that imports of British cotton goods alone have risen from £47,000 to £105,000. In Sierra Leone the total trade has risen from £1,260,000 to £2,380,000, or nearly double, and there again the import of cotton goods has risen from £205,000 to £316,000. On the Gold Coast the total trade (evenly distributed "between imports and exports) has risen from £3,100,000 to £7,400,000. Imports of cotton goods have increased from £360,000 to £680,000; of machinery, from £86,000 to £243,000; of building materials, from £22,000 to £56,000; wearing apparel, from £51,000 to £105,000; and hardware, from £38,000 to £98,000. Passing to the Nigerias, we come to an area of later settlement and great future possibilities. In Southern Nigeria the revenue has increased by £867,000 and the expenditure by £661,000, and there is for the current year an estimated surplus of £120,000. The imports have risen from £2,800,000 to £5,200,000, and the exports from £2,900,000 to £5,300,000, or an increase of total trade from £5,700,000 to £10,500,000, and in both cases the figures are exclusive of coin and specie. The Committee should notice the close correspondence in the increases in exports and imports. The total trade, therefore, has nearly doubled, and in exports we find the value of cocoa more than six times what is was in 1906, and in imports the cotton goods have risen from £760,000 to £1,230,000 in value. Northern Nigeria has up to now been and still is a subsidised Protectorate, but whereas in 1906 the Grant-in-Aid (without any provision for interest on Railway loan) was £315,000, in this current year, after providing for such interest, the Grant-in-Aid asked for is only £156,000, or less than half, and with the amalgamation of the two Nigerias, of which I have already spoken, I hope that we may be able to set a short term to these Grants-in-Aid and at the same time relieve the Treasury from its liabilities and the Protectorate from Treasury control.

Crossing Africa somewhat south of this point, we come to Rhodesia, where the finances are a matter for the Chartered Company, but here, too, we find evidence of the almost unbroken prosperity of our tropical Possessions. In Southern Rhodesia the last year has shown large increases in both the trade and revenue returns, and the gold production has surpassed all previous records. In Southern Rhodesia for the last six years there has been a surplus of revenue over expenditure, and though this cannot be said of Northern Rhodesia the prognostications of future prosperity seem wholly favourable, subject to a scarcity of labour, on which I shall have something to say later. We have also a direct responsibility for the native Protectorates of Basutoland, Swaziland and Bechuanaland under the High Commissioner. In Basutoland the revenue has risen from £98,000 to £145,000, and the territory had last year a balance in hand of £136,000. Swaziland is only now emerging from a period of administrative confusion and of difficulties created by the profuse concessions of the Chief Mbandini. There is debt still to be paid off there, but the revenue shows a surplus over normal expenditure, and the country is approaching a position of financial stability. Bechuanaland is not yet self-supporting, but the annual deficit, which six years ago was £45,000, is now only £12,000, and the reserve balances in hand enable the Protectorate this year to forego any Grant-in-Aid, though it is likely enough that one will be required in 1913–14. The population of the five largest native tribes has increased in the last seven years from 64,000 to 81,000, and during the same period the number of head of cattle has grown from 139,000 to 324,000—a good test of present prosperity and future revenue. Diverging for a moment into the Indian Ocean, if we touch at Mauritius we find an island which has suffered much in past years from climatic vagaries and bad crops, but it is satisfactory to find that comparing 1906 with 1911 the revenue has increased by Rs.800,000 and the expenditure decreased by Rs.600,000 (the rupee being valued at Is. 4d.). A Royal Commission has recently reported on the administration of the island and the necessity for economy, and most of their recommendations have been, or are being, carried out. I shall deal with what is almost its sole export—sugar—when I come to the head of agricultural products of the Colonies.

Returning to the East Coast of Africa, we come first to Nyasaland, always hitherto a Treasury-aided Protectorate, but now in its turn rapidly emancipating itself from the shackles of our philanthropy. Its revenue has risen from £82,000 to £114,000, and our Grant-in-Aid has correspondingly decreased from £37,000 to £5,000. Nyasaland has recently undertaken a further liability for interest and sinking fund on a loan I have obtained for her from Imperial funds for the redemption of subsidy lands in connection with a new railway, of which I will speak presently, but I have no doubt that these liabilities will be more than liquidated by the prosperity produced by her new and improved access to the sea. A Land Tax of a halfpenny per acre has recently been imposed, and additional revenue of £8,000 per annum is expected from this source. Passing northward by the chain of the great Lakes we come to the contiguous, but widely diverse, territories of Uganda and the East Africa Protectorate. In Uganda the revenue has risen from £97,000 to £232,000, and the Grant-in-Aid has fallen from £112,000 to £45,000. The Customsreceipts have increased in the same period from £13,000 to £39,000. In the East Africa Protectorate the revenue has grown from £460,000 to £780,000, and the Grant-in-Aid has been steadily diminishing. It has fallen from £164,000 to what is practically nil this year, though Members will find in the Estimates a sum of £23,300 under this head, which is in fact a provision by the British Treasury of part of the sum they have undertaken to supply for the development of the Uganda Railway to meet the traffic on the branch line to the great Soda Lake at Magadi, and it should be noted that this sum is in no way due to the ordinary requirements of the Protectorate. We have arrived, therefore, at a point when we may hope, with ordinary good fortune, and in the absence of unforeseen disaster, that this Protectorate, like others of which I have spoken, will shortly become self-supporting.

Crossing now the Indian Ocean to Ceylon we come again upon a scene of great and increasing prosperity. Her revenue has risen from Rs.35,000,000 to Rs.44,000,000, her imports from Rs.113,000,000 to Rs.156,000,000, and her exports from Rs.110,000,000 to Rs.172,000,000. During this process and period the shipping frequenting the island ports has risen from 13¼ to over 15 millions of tons, nearly two-thirds of the whole being British. In the Straits Settlements the revenue has risen from $9,600,000 to $10,600,000, and the total trade—exports and imports—from $650,000,000 to $738,000,000. The shipping has increased in tonnage from 19,700,000 to 23,500,000, of which over 14,000,000 tons are British. In the four Federated Malay States the revenue has increased from $27,000,000 to $32,000,000; the imports from $51,000,000 to $53,200,000, and the exports from $81,000,000 to nearly $103,000,000. In Hong Kong the revenue has remained stationary, and has only been maintained by the imposition of Customs Duties on imported liquor, in order to replace the revenue lost, and, in my opinion, rightly lost, owing to the closing of the opium divans in accordance with the policy of His Majesty's Government. Owing to the absence of all other Customs dues the statistics of inward and outward trade in Hong Kong are very deficient; its advance, which is undoubted, can best—indeed can only—be estimated by the increase of shipping. The total tonnage of shipping entered and cleared has risen from 32¾ millions to 36½ millions, and of the shipping engaged in foreign trade 58 per cent. was British.

In order to complete my financial survey I must now conduct the Committee across the Pacific and Panama to our Carribean Possessions. The finance of nearly all the West Indian Colonies has shown a marked improvement in the last six years, and the majority of them are now in possession of considerable accumulated balances. I do not propose to weary the Committee with the statistical details of all the Islands of this extensive and numerous group. The rapid recovery of Jamaica from the financial and other effects of the earthquake of 1907 is most remarkable, and the trade of the Island has shown such vitality that, in spite of heavy capital expenses, her surplus at the end of this financial year is expected to exceed £200,000, and substantial reductions of taxation are being made. The Leewards have made considerable financial progress, and have accumulated balances of £50,000; and in Trinidad it is the rapidity of development of reproductive works which alone creates a temporary stringency in her finances. British Honduras is sufficiently prosperous to cope with an extensive programme of public works largely paid for out of revenue: and the financial progress of British Guiana up to the end of 1911 has only, I hope, been momentarily checked by the unfortunate and prolonged drought of this spring, which has now happily broken. There, of course, remains for future discussion and consideration the suggested reciprocity arrangement between Canada and some of the West Indian Islands, but I am precluded from dealing with that matter today by the expressed wish of the Dominion and of the West Indies that the terms of the proposed agreement shall not be published here before they are discussed there. I may, however, remind the Committee that the whole matter, so far as it concerns the West Indies, is subject to the final concurrence of myself as Secretary of State.

I have now completed my Crown Colony Budget, and I daresay hon. Members will be relieved to pass to other topics of lighter interest, if not—for they cannot be—of greater importance, and I shall try to illustrate a few of the other avenues of progress which are leading those for whose well-being we are responsible to a condition of greater freedom and prosperity. I suppose it is the frailty of human vanity which makes one sometimes wonder for what, if for anything, he will be remem- bered in his work, and his department. If it were my good fortune to leave any indentation on the record of Colonial life I would wish that it should be in the progress and development of railways and of tropical medicine. Each is, to a certain extent, the complement and the handmaiden of the other; either singly or a combination of both makes irresistibly for the spread of commerce by transport, and of civilisation by the possibility of White residence. Let us look then first at the recent extension of railways in the Crown Colonies and Protectorates. In Sierra Leone—a small colony—25 miles have been added in the last six years; 52 miles are now under construction and a further extension of 20 miles has recently been approved, but even on the existing system of 253 miles the net receipts have risen from £5,000 to £27,000. On the Gold Coast 20 miles have been added and another 36 miles are under construction, and almost completed, and on the present working mileage the net receipts have increased from £50,000 to £188,000. The interest on the capital expended is over 9 per cent., and I now have under consideration the question of sharing some of this profit with the customers by a reduction in the rates. In Southern Nigeria the mileage has grown from 131 to 307 and the net receipts from £24,000 to £131,000. Here also great harbour works are in progress at Lagos, comprising the construction of two stone moles each of one and a half miles in length; dredging operations are being conducted on a large scale, and, though the works cannot be completed for some years, already a steamer of 4,000 tons has crossed the bar in safety, though there are shifting conditions for which allowance must be made.

But the most important recent construction in West Africa has been the Baro Kano Railway, in Northern Nigeria, which has been laid and completed for 355 miles in little over three years. I believe it holds the record for track-laying in this class of railway, six and one-third miles having been laid in one day. The money was found for this work by a loan from Southern to Northern Nigeria, and the interest and sinking fund remain as a charge upon the Northern province. Then within the last twelve months a branch feeder line has been constructed from Zaria on the Baro Kano line to the tinfields of Bauchi. This, for purposes of economy, has been laid of a narrower gauge, and instead of following the most direct route it has taken a more northward one in order to traverse a populous and cotton-growing district. When in March of last year I took a Supplementary Estimate for this line, it was for 100 miles, at a total cost of £200,000. Some doubt was expressed of the wisdom of narrow gauge, and I was asked at least to make the culverts and bridges sufficient for a wider gauge in the future. I promised to see what I could do, and this has been done. I also said that I hoped that the line would be finished and open in twelve months, and this has been done to the extent of ninety miles, which is probably all that need be constructed at present. When I estimated the cost of £2,000 per mile, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for St. George's, Hanover Square, was contemptuous of my knowledge or my optimism, and he asked for further assurances as to cost; he said that no one who had experience of these matters would believe that it could be done at the price, and that to talk of such an amount was really ridiculous. I was then only able to answer to express a confident belief. I am to-day able to confront him with the facts, which are, that the ninety miles, including the wider culverts and bridges, have been constructed for £180,000, or precisely £2,000 a mile; that the railway was built within the year and is now open and earning profits—£3,700 were taken in the first ten weeks—and I should like, in passing, to pay a tribute to the splendid achievements of Mr. Eaglesome and his staff, who were responsible for the work. I do not regard this railway as having reached its final destination. I hope some day it may be possible to project it another fifty miles, so as to bring it on to the Bauchi plateau, which I regard in the future as a potential sanatorium for all West Africa.

In the six years under review the total mileage of railways open in the two Nigerias has grown from 150 to 900, and we are, I trust, nowhere near the end of that story. In Nyasaland also there is a new chapter opening in railway construction, which will be of the utmost value to the rapidly growing agricultural development of the Protectorate. As hon. Members are aware, there is now only a short piece of line from the headquarters of Government at Blantyre down to Port Herald on the Shire River. The Shire River has a very shallow bed and a very variable stream; the water portage of goods down this river to the Zambesi, and so to the sea, has therefore been very uncertain and unsatisfactory—often at its worst when most required for the transport of the harvest of various commodities. It was really heartbreaking to hear of sacks of maize, of bales of cotton, and tobacco actually rotting on the wharves because they could not be got to the coast. I therefore last winter entered on some complicated negotiations, now happily completed, but of which I need not give the details, by which the Imperial Government have made a loan of £180,000 to the Protectorate to repurchase the subsidy lands originally granted to the Shiré Highlands Railway, and at the same time the Protectorate Government are giving a guarantee of interest at 4 per cent. on £500,000 to the existing railway for its extension. The railway, instead of stopping, as now, at the almost unnavigable Shiré River, will be taken direct to the Zambesi, and south of the Zambesi again by another company down to the port of Beira. It is contemplated that the Zambesi will ultimately be bridged to join the two lines, and I have hopes that this work may be taken in hand before the completion of the railway, but even if left to the future it is not essential to the great and immediate benefits which will be conferred by this new construction on the agricultural prosperity of Nyasaland. I hope also in the not distant future that the railway system will be extended northwards up to the south end of Lake Nyassa itself, so opening up a rich country full of much future promise.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say when that railway will be completed?

I cannot say when it will be completed. It is not yet commenced, but it is going to be commenced immediately. I do not think the time will be very long. In Uganda, which only contains the terminus of the railway which bears its name, there have been other and useful developments of communication. In 1910 the Treasury made a loan to the Protectorate of £180,000 for a railway from Jinja, a port on Lake Victoria served by the Uganda steamers to Kakindu, on the Victoria Nile south of Lake Kioga. The original estimate was for 51 miles; it was found desirable to construct 7 additional miles to Namasagoli, but it will be a comfort to the right hon. Gentleman to know that the ultimate cost for the whole was £170,000, or £10,000 less than the estimate for the, original and shorter distance. Additional steamers and a tug have been ordered for Lake Victoria, and four of the existing steamers are being adapted to oil fuel. Two sternwheel steamers, six lighters, and a dredger have been ordered for Lake Kioga—some of which are already on their way—and I hope shortly to be able to deal more effectively with the very remarkable and promising production of serviceable cotton in the Uganda Protectorate. The Uganda Railway, which traverses and is almost wholly situated in the East Africa Protectorate, makes a steady and satisfactory progress. The profit on its working (not its capital cost) which six years ago was £56,000, is to-day £134,000, and I am now engaged in providing it with at least two new feeders. One is the branch-line, 93 miles long, to the Magadi Soda Lake (made out of private capital, but necessitating a Government expenditure of £350,000 on the main line.

A Mr. Samuel. He is making a private line, and the British Government is spending £350,000 on the main line to deal with the traffic, which is expected to be extremely profitable for the Exchequer.

Will that come out of the half million promised by the Chancellor of the Exchequer.

No. It was previously arranged. There is also a branch feeder line called the Thiks, or Fort Hall, light railway of 30 miles, traversing a very rich country northwards of the Uganda Railway towards Mount Kenia; the earthworks are in progress, and most of the material for the line has already arrived in the country. This line is being made at a cost of £60,000 as a part of the loan of £250,000 I secured under the Finance Act of last year out of the realised surplus of 1910–11. The remainder of that sum is being devoted as to £90,000 to a much required water supply for Mombasa, and £100,000 to a deep water pier at Killindini, the ocean terminus of the railway, by which we shall avoid the lighterage of all goods inwards and outwards from that port. Then, of course, there is in addition to all this the new loan of £500,000, announced a few days' ago by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which comes out of the realised surplus of last year. It will be devoted to the general improvement of the Uganda Railway and its connections and extensions, both on land and on the lakes, and for the improvement of the wharves and piers at the lakes and on the sea.

Yes, 3½ per cent. plus 1 per cent. for sinking fund. In Ceylon the actual working additions to the railway system in the last six years have been small, but within the last few weeks an extension of 27 miles of the Kelani Valley line to Ratnapara has been opened and a number of important extensions are being undertaken which will add about 130 miles to the existing lines. One of the most valuable is the line of 65 miles to Manaar, by which it is hoped that connection with India will be made next year; work is in progress on an extension of 27 miles from Negombo to Chilaw, and surveys are being made for extensions of 21 miles from Bandarawela to Badulla and 17 miles from Ratnapura to Pelmadulla. Here, also, at Colombo, was laid last month the last stone of the great harbour works which have been in progress for many years and which besides an enclosed harbour of a square mile in extent, include a graving dock, a patent slip and a coal depot. In the Straits Settlements, also, great harbour works are in process of construction at Singapore, including breakwaters and land reclamation, and a large graving dock capable of taking in a "Dreadnought" if one should ever find itself there.

The Federated Malay States by their great prosperity have been able to increase their railway mileage from 428 to 538 and to provide for this purpose more than 51,000,000 dollars out of revenue alone. A line of 120 miles has also been constructed through the State of Johore, which completes the through connection from Penang to Singapore, and extensions are being made to the Kelantan border with a view to an eventual linking up with the Siamese railway system. There are many other extensions either in progress or projected, by which on completion we may expect to place both Penang and Singapore in direct rail communication with Bangkok. Even the diminutive Colony of Hong Kong has joined in the railway fever, and by a line of 22 miles from Kowloon has established a through route to Canton for the benefit of her great entrepôt trade. In the West Indies there have also been activities in the same direction. I do not intend to specify them all, though there is opposite at least one hon. Member who would not object if I did so, but to whose "extensive and peculiar knowledge" (like that of Sam Weller) I could probably add nothing. In British Honduras the Stann Creek Railway has enabled fertile internal banana lands to be brought under cultivation. In Jamaica an extension from May Pen to Chapelton, at a cost of close on £100,000, will serve a well-settled and fertile district, and the fact that the Island within so short a time of the earthquake disaster is able financially to face such expenditure is an encouraging indication of its general prosperity. In Trinidad two extensions have been commenced, which between them will serve districts of 24,000 acres and 20,000 population. And lastly, in British Guiana funds have been locally provided for the survey of a railway which may, I hope, eventually extend into the interior, which offers scope for future schemes of great size and utility. The new Governor, Sir Walter Egerton, will carry with him there his knowledge and experience of the transformation effected by such activities in Southern Nigeria.

No. The money is being found for the survey by the Government. We have not got to any railway yet. I have now done with railways and must pursue my remorseless threat of taking the Committee to the subject of medicine. Our Crown Colonies enjoy, or suffer, not only all the ordinary diseases of the temperate zones, but they add for themselves most of, if not all, the pestilences of the tropics. With the modern advance of medical science we are happily able to look to and depend more on prophylaxis than on cure. When American care and genius has turned Panama into a health resort, there need be no limit to our hopes for the future. The discovery of the mosquito as the carrier of malaria, the study of its life history, and the methods of its destruction, have put a new engine of hygienic progress in the hands of our medical staff. The recent realisation that the stegomyia of yellow fever finds its favourite birthplace in the rejected and rain-filled jam pot has enabled elementary sanitation greatly to diminish this fell disease. In Ceylon ankylostomiasis (called here the Cornish Tin Miners disease), is being treated by prophylactic methods, and more than one West Indian Government is dealing or preparing to deal with the same disease.

Throughout most of our tropical possessions the natives are being dealt with, where and when possible, for the all-pervading and decimating disease of syphilis, both by the old mercurial and by the newer and more successful salvarsan treatment. This drug—till recently known as 606, from the number of the experiments by which it was procured, has occasionally and locally fallen into disrepute owing to some toxic mishaps arising from its arsenical origin, but on the whole its curative effects have been both rapid and permanent. It is not, however, a drug which can be easily exhibited to large numbers of ignorant natives; its full effect can only be obtained by intravenous injection, a more elaborate and delicate process than that of subcutaneous injection, and, in any case, it is found difficult, without compulsory powers, which do not exist, to retain the native for full and final treatment after the painful symptoms have subsided but before the cure is complete. I must, however, in relation to salvarsan, mention the extraordinary results obtained with it in Ceylon and Trinidad, in the treatment of a disease known as yaws (or framboesia, from the character of its pustular rash). The experimental use of salvarsan was suggested by the similarity of some of the symptoms to those of syphilis, though the origin and character of the disease is wholly different. We owe the discovery of its effects on yaws to Dr. Strong, of the United States service in the Philippines, and independently to Professor Castellani, of Ceylon. The credit of the definitive results are due to Dr. Rost, of the German navy, and Drs. Cleaver and Alston, of Trinidad. In the Yaws Hospital, in Trinidad, during last year 500 patients were treated with salvarsan for this complaint, and the cures amounted to close on 100 per cent., so that at last we are able to regard this distressing malady as a curable and preventable disease.

5.0 P.M.

In British Guiana experiments on leprosy with nastin and benzoyl chloride, which at one time gave much hope of success, have unfortunately belied their early promise. But in the Federated Malay States the Research Institute at Kuala Lumpur has attained the almost certain diagnosis of the cause of beri-beri. This disease seems to be the product of the consumption by an exclusively rice-eating population of a highly polished commercial rice, from which, in the process of polishing, the phosphorus pent-oxide has been removed with the pericarp. I hardly venture in the presence of some of my ultra-humanitarian Friends to mention an interesting and conclusive experiment by which you can practically kill a fowl by the prolonged administration of polished rice and revive it with a meal of the missing husk. Just now I referred to malaria, and I should like in passing to mention the steps which are being taken in the West Indies to deal with this disease. Those of us who have suffered from it (and I am one) are sadly conscious of the weary soaking in quinine till deafness supervenes, and the occasional alternative of arsenic with cumulative discomforts—insufficiently compensated by an improved complexion. In Jamaica and British Guiana anti-malarial measures have been vigorously and on the whole successfully applied: swamps have been filled; mosquito-infested bush has been cut clown; quinine has been imported by the Government and sold at cost price on sugar estates and at the post offices, and on many estates distributed free to the labourers; open drains have been cleaned and stocked with fish to eat the larvae; the empty sardine tins and the broken bottles have been buried or removed; water receptacles have been compulsorily screened from infection, and popular lectures, both on mosquitoes and the preventive use of quinine, have been delivered by medical officers and others. The results have well repaid the labour. In British Guiana the recorded cases of malarial treatment were, in 1907, 34,000; in 1911 they were 21,000—a reduction of 38 per cent., which appears to be entirely due to the anti-malarial measures which have been taken. But undoubtedly the most anxious problem of the present and the future in tropical medicine is that of sleeping sickness. For many years an obscure and happily not common disease, it has become either more patent or more diffused with the spread of commerce and civilisation, bringing, as both of them do, a new and unaccustomed mobility to the native populations. For some years it has been known that this disease was endemic in certain lake-side districts, which were the sole and particular haunt of that species of tsetse fly known as Glossina palpalis. The habitat was fortunately not widely diffused, and was dependent upon the contiguity of more or less stagnant water. Drastic, costly, and successful methods were adopted for its eradication: the scrub and bush surrounding the Central and East African Lakes was cut down or burnt; not only villages, but whole tribes were removed from the area of infection; the sufferers were segregated, and, if not cured (for that is as yet a rare and wonderful event), were at least prevented from becoming carriers to their fellows or to the fly. All seemed going well, with a hopeful promise of ultimate eradication, when Nature, as if irate at human control, dashed our hopes through the scientific discovery that Glossina morsitans, the most common and most pervasive of tsetse flies, was also a carrier of the infection, and many animals, both wild and domestic, have fallen under the almost proved suspicion of being life-hosts of the deadly trypanosome. The realisation of this horrible development has given rise to a too previous demand that all the suspect species of mammals should be ruthlessly destroyed. But the time is not yet, for the proof is not sure. Let me at once protest that my hesitation is not in the interest of so-called big game; indeed, it is quite likely that the infection is equally conveyed by small vermin.

It is true that as a naturalist I should be very loth to exterminate a species which can never be restored. Within the memory of living man the Great Auk has ceased to exist, and, still more remarkable, within a decade the passenger pigeon, which used to cover the United States with a migratory cloud, has been wiped out so completely that only one caged and living specimen is believed to exist to-day. But at the same time I would hesitate at no destruction of wild fauna if and when I was convinced that this holocaust was essential to the elimination of disease. In order to be sure of the facts and to secure scientific guidance for future action, however drastic, I have sent to Nyasaland a Commission of highly trained and distinguished men under the direction and personal supervision of Sir David Bruce I am receiving from them frequent reports: I am watching the almost daily development of their diagonsis, and I shall shrink from no action which may seem to be dictated by the data of ascertained facts. The Commission which the British South Africa Company has sent to Rhodesia is obtaining valuable results which will materially assist the Commissioners in Nyasaland. But many of the empiric cures suggested by those who are not on the spot appear on consideration to be as bad as the disease. To talk of the extermination of the wild fauna of a subcontinent is to talk wild nonsense. The suggestion is only possible from those who take their natural history and their geography from a school atlas. To give the natives power, permission, and material with which to drive back the game from the neighbourhood of their villages is both possible and desirable, but it carries with it in its train certain dangers. The game, if infected (and that is the only reason for their removal), will then carry with them the trypanosome to some now immune area, and if the natural incubator is removed the fly will be more inclined, and compelled, to attack both man and his domestic animals. The Acting Principal Medical Officer of Nyasaland, in his Report of last year, said:— morsitans goes. That is the specific inquiry upon which the Commission is engaged. In my present belief civilisation will best destroy morsitans, not by the removal of the wild game, but by the cultivation of the soil. Many additional precautions can be, and are being, taken pending the results of these inquiries. Some native villages are being moved, others are being amalgamated, because flies are more easily kept down in the ceinture of a large settlement. Flytrapping also may usefully be adopted, as its success has been proved in German East Africa; but I would beg the Committee for the moment to believe "with me that heroic measures founded on half-knowledge are a mischievous form of human folly. With the establishment of civilisation and administration intertribal communication increases beyond its ancient wont, and the risk of spreading sleeping sickness is enlarged; so, in the tropics at least, the institution of law and order is not always a blessing in disguise. West Africa has enjoyed throughout its history an evil reputation in matters of health, but I have recently been able to lay before the House a Return based upon statistics for the last nine years showing a most marked improvement in the hygienic conditions of that coast. In spite of outbreaks of plague, yellow fever and other pestilences, the death rate of European officials in those nine years has fallen from 21 to 13 per 1,000, and the invaliding rate from 56 to 25 per 1,000. This gratifying improvement is progressive, and is doubtless due both to sanitary care and a more careful mode of life by those whose duties compel them to reside there.

I cannot leave this matter without at least a few words on the subject of the study and pursuit of tropical medicine in this country. We owe a deep debt to the interest in this science of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham. It was largely due to his encouragement and activity that the Liverpool and London Schools of Tropical Medicine have reached their present status and efficiency. These schools render invaluable services to our Colonies, by the supply of competent and carefully trained students as recruits to our medical staff—of men who have had the opportunity of instruction in the specific diseases of the tropics, with which they will have to deal; and these schools also undertake a large amount of scientific research in tropical medicine, from the results of which we constantly profit. But the London School is much in want of further funds to extend its beneficent operations. I am glad to say we have recently secured a bequest by Lord Wandsworth of £10,000 for medical research, which has been allocated by Sir William Bennett to the provision of scholarships at the London School, but much more is needed, and I warmly commend this institution to the generosity of the public. During the last few years large sums have been spent in Uganda and Nyasaland in the investigation of tropical diseases there, and contributions have been made from Colonial funds to research work in connection with Malta fever, liver abscess in Fiji, vomiting-sickness in Jamaica, pellagra in the West Indies, and many other cognate matters. Permanent research laboratories have been established in the Federated Malay States, Ceylon, British Guiana, the Leeward Islands, and in Southern Nigeria.

In the Colonial Office itself, during the period of which I am speaking, much progress has been made towards a better knowledge and supervision of these subjects. I have now a permanent Committee to advise me on medical and sanitary matters connected with tropical Africa, containing such distinguished men as Sir Patrick Manson, Sir Ronald Ross, Sir James Fowler, Dr. Thomson (of the Local Government Board) and Professor Simpson.

There is also a Committee of Entomological Research, which was at first limited to tropical Africa, but I am now making arrangements by which the self-governing Dominions, India and the Crown Colonies generally, can avail themselves of its services. And last, but not least, there is the Sleeping Sickness Bureau, which I am about to expand into a bureau dealing with tropical diseases generally, whether of men or of animals. In relation to tropical medicine it is impossible not to record the great loss sustained in the recent death of Sir Rubert Boyce, who rendered great services to the West Indies and to West Africa, or to the impending loss we are to suffer in the retirement of Sir Patrick Manson, who has for many years been the guide, philosopher, and friend of the Colonial Office and the Colonial service. I make no apology for having detained the Committee at this length on the important subject of medicine, even at the cost of some compression of others matters, which I am still anxious to touch upon. I will now say a few words on the natural products—both vegetable and mineral—of some of the Crown Colonies.

The Gambia has practically only one export, ground nuts, and the value of this has risen from £170,000 to £388,000. In Sierra Leone the value of the export of palm kernels and oil has increased from £288,000 to £708,000; of kola from £76,000 to £192,000, and ginger from £8,000 to £33,000. With a view to further development of this valuable trade the Agricultural Department has been strengthened. A Forestry Department has recently been formed, and I am considering legislation for the better utilisation and conservation of the forests. On the Gold Coast there has been a boom in the production of cocoa, an industry which is entirely in the hands of the natives. The export has risen in quantity from 11,000,000 lbs. weight to 89,000,000 lbs. weight, and in value from £187,000 (sterling) to £1,613,000. Palm oil and kernels have risen in value from £167,000 to £346,000, and timber from £85,000 to £148,000. The greater profit on these commodities has prevented any development of cotton growing in this Colony. Here again the enlargement of the Agricultural and Forestry Departments has contributed greatly to the advance of these industries. In Southern Nigeria a new Agricultural Department has been formed, and, by the agency of the Forestry Department a most remarkable development of the growth of rubber has been produced. The Government supply the seed and the instruction, but the plantations are entirely in the hands of natives. In the Benin district alone there are seventy native "communal plantations" with over 1,500,000 young trees, some of which have-reached a "tapable" size. About 200,000 new plants are being added annually, and when they reach maturity there will be an immense addition to the prosperity of the province.

In Northern Nigeria the prospects of cotton are very promising. The British Cotton Growing Association has opened a ginnery at Zaria, on the Baro-Kano Railway and, whereas last year their purchases only amounted to 500 bales, they have this season already reached 1,600 bales, and a cautious observer on the spot confidently expects that the crop will very soon amount to 10,000 bales. It must be remembered, however, that there is much native competition in the purchase of good cotton for the local production of the fine Haussa cloth, which is so lasting that it passes in families as an heirloom and proves sometimes a serious rival to the products of Lancashire. This is not the last time I shall have to mention the British Cotton Growing Association, but I will take this opportunity to say how great has been the value already to the Colonies, and I believe in the future to Lancashire, of the work of this association, which is fully justifying the assistance which it receives from the British Treasury and the support accorded to it by our great cotton industry. In passing down the coast, I must say a word of the benevolent and successful work done in St. Helena to relieve the prevalent distress by the establishment of a lace school. Under the admirable management of Miss Girdwood over 4,000 yards of lace were produced last year, and over £500 was paid in wages to the workers. I would venture to suggest to hon. Members that they should encourage their lady relatives to extravagance in so laudable a cause. A flax mill is also running, with plenty of raw material and paying its way.

Nyasaland, as I have already said, when dealing with the railway, is showing very rapid commercial progress. The principal exports are tobacco, cotton, and rubber. Tobacco export has increased in weight from 400,000 lbs. to 1,700,000 lbs.; cotton from 500,000 lbs. weight to 1,700,000 lbs.; rubber from 18,000 lbs. to 63,000 lbs. The British Cotton Growing Association have already opened two ginneries, one in the North and the other in the South of the Protectorate, and they are about to erect a third at Chiromo. The export of tea may also largely increase in the future, for the acreage planted with it has almost doubled in the last two years, but the trees require several years to arrive at the stage of production. There is a considerable export of maize, which is likely to increase on the completion of the railway, unless a portion of it is ultimately used locally for the production of a commercial alcohol. If suitable motor engines could be devised for the use of crude alcohol a great impetus would be given to agriculture here, where the price of petrol is prohibitive. Sisal is proving a useful crop on land which is unsuited to more valuable products, and the Agricultural Department has taken a very necessary step in the discovery of suitable leguminous crops which, when ploughed into the cotton and tobacco lands, restore by their nodules the nitrogenous elements which have been exhausted.

In Uganda there have been great developments of rubber and cotton. The export of rubber, which has risen from £9,000 to £22,000, was exclusively wild rubber; the plantations are only just coming into bearing and are likely to swell the figures greatly in the near future. For the cotton industry special expenditure has been sanctioned and a special staff engaged to promote its growth on sound lines. The export has risen in three years from 17,000 cwts. to 83,000 cwts. But the most important question at this moment is the acquisition of the best type of cotton. Hon. Members may know that you may take the seed of the best sea island or upland or Egyptian cotton to Africa, but when it comes up it produces a wholly different type—even if it is a good one the seed which it produces may be of inferior quality and the subsequent crops degenerate to a coarse or short staple—so that experience has shown that each Colony has to create and to fix the best type which its soil and climate can produce. Great activity is being shown in the planting of coffee, which seems well suited to Uganda. There was a small export of 270 cwts. last year, but I should not be surprised if in the next five years this industry rivalled that of cotton. In the East Africa Protectorate a wise policy has been adopted of large expenditure on skilled agricultural advice to develop the industries, both of the settlers and the natives. The agriculture of the Protectorate varies greatly as between the highlands and the tropic areas of the coast belt and the Lake Nyanza basin. In the highlands a trade in maize and beans is being encouraged by special railway rates. The value of the export of maize has risen from nil to £7,000, and of beans from £300 to £5,700. Wheat is still a difficulty, owing to the necessity of procuring or creating a truly rust-resisting variety. The production of wattle-bark, used largely for tanning, is rapidly increasing. Two thousand acres have already been planted, and much more land is being prepared for it. With an export of raw ox hides, which has risen from £9,000 to £41,000 in value, I do not despair of seeing local tanneries established for the treatment of these products.

Sheep have largely developed in the highlands; a great improvement has been effected by the upgrading of native sheep crossed with Merino, and this is shown by a rise in the value of wool exports from £800 to £5,000. Pigs are doing well, and there is some hope of an export trade, even without any Imperial Preference on maize or bacon. Ostrich farming is a new industry, and exported feathers last year to a value of £1,300, but is suffering from the depredations of the larger vermin, if it is permissible to apply such a term to lions. In the tropical districts copra and rubber are largely increasing, especially the latter, which has an export of £21,000 in value, as against £2,000 only in 1908; and sim-sim, an oil seed of the Sesame species, has created a new trade export of £20,000. Cotton, the exports of which are now £7,000, as against £500, will probably be largely developed in the future on the Juba and Tana rivers. In Mauritius, sugar and its products account for something like 96 per cent. of the exports, and were of a value in 1910 of £2,350,000: of this amount nearly £1,600,000 went to India, and the remainder to other parts of the Empire, only a wretched £13,000 worth finding its way to all the other countries of the world.

In Ceylon the export of tea still progresses, though with somewhat sharp fluctuations; the value of the export has increased from Rs.61,000,000 to Rs.84,000,000; but rubber cultivation bids fair to displace tea. The area under rubber has doubled from 100,000 acres to 200,000 acres, and the export has risen in value from Rs.1,000,000 to Rs.24,000,000. The Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States tell the same story of rubber; the area planted with it has grown from 125,000 acres to 350,000 acres, and the export in the Federated Malay States alone has increased in quantity from 1,000,000 lbs. to 20,000,000 lbs. weight. In the West Indies the production and export of sugar has remained practically stationary, in spite of the results anticipated in some quarters from the Brussels Convention; but great progress has been made with other products, such as fruit and cotton. An Imperial Department of Agriculture has been established, which receives over £5,000 per annum from Imperial funds, and we have recently determined to continue this contribution for another ten years. From Trinidad the export of cocoa has doubled in four years, and now amounts to a value of £1,250,000, and the value of bananas exported from Jamaica alone has risen from £800,000 to £1,100,000.

On the mineral products I will only detain the Committee for a moment, though they are far from being unimportant. The export of gold from the Gold Coast has doubled, being now over £1,000,000 per annum. In Southern Nigeria there is good promise of the development both of coal and lignite, which latter requires briquetting to turn it into a serviceable fuel. In Northern Nigeria tin is being worked in the Bauchi district, and the cost of transport is being reduced by the new railway. It is no fault of the local administration if more tin is found in the prospectus than by the prospector, and I sometimes wish that the activities of Bauchi could rival those of the Stock Exchange. From Nyasaland there is a considerable export of mica, and the East Africa Protectorate hopes much from the great soda deposits at Lake Magadi. In the last three years there has been an important development of the oil industry in Trinidad. At the end of last year eleven companies were at work on the oil fields, and the production of crude oil has exceeded 16 millions of imperial gallons, and in the month of March nearly 1,000,000 gallons were produced. Recently, too, ordinances have been passed—one to regulate the pipe lines and the other to secure the right of pre-emption of these products to the Imperial Government in case they may be required for the Navy.

I want now to say something about native labour in the tropics. The basis of our policy is one which I shall always maintain, namely, that labour shall be fair and free for the employed, and, so far as possible, plentiful and profitable for the employer. It is unfortunately true that some tropical islands and colonies cannot be developed without imported Indian labour, but we take the greatest care that this importation is always under conditions approved by the Indian Government, which is rightly a most rigorous protector of its own population In Nyasaland there was in the past a considerable surplus of local labour which used to pass to farms and mines in Rhodesia and to mines in the Transvaal, but recently a shortage of labour has developed in that Protectorate, and is indicated both in the dispatches of the Governor and the report of the British Cotton Growing Association. For the last year or more, recruiting of labour for other Colonies has been forbidden, and the passage of natives out of Nyasaland has been discouraged. It has been found that the previous migration led to the dissolution of family and tribal ties, and often to the demoralisation of the emigrant; and the very high mortality of the Nyassa natives in the Transvaal mines has led to the total prohibition of their emigration for employment there. In Mauritius the introduction of indentured labour from India has been abolished, as has also the so-called "double cut" by which a labourer absent without leave for one day lost two days' pay. In the Straits Settlements also indentured immigration from India has been abolished, and after June, 1914, the present system of Chinese immigration for the purpose of entering upon indentures will come to an end.

In the West Indies for the last nine years British Guiana has set a good example by an arrangement under which the whole cost of the immigration of coolie labourers is put upon the employers. In some of the islands, however, a part of this expense has fallen till now upon the general community and taxpayer. I have been anxious to alter this, and I am glad to say that last year arrangements similar to those of British Guiana have been established in Jamaica; and at this moment the Governor and the Immigration Committee of Trinidad are working out a plan by which a like result will be attained. I may add that repatriation of the coolies from all three Colonies is now provided at the expense of the individual employer.

There is another matter cognate to labour which was discussed I think on the Colonial Estimates last year—I mean the "House Rule" system of Southern Nigeria. I have examined the matter very carefully, and I am by no means satisfied with the existing situation. Whether it will be possible eventually to abolish this system altogether I cannot yet say, but I think it may certainly be confined to a more restricted area, and probably only to the coast strip, where it originated, and where there are special reasons for its existence. I have asked Sir Frederick Lugard to report specially to me on this matter on his return from his tour of inspection, but, in the meantime, there was one aspect of this system the reform of which I thought would brook no delay. Till now a man who was once a member of a "House" was so for ever without power of release. I have given instructions that an Ordinance shall be immediately passed—indeed, it is, I believe, already law—by which any member of a "House" can purchase his discharge on easy terms, by instalments, whilst retaining the right to all his personal property. The whole transaction will be conducted through the British District Commissioner, who will fix the amount to be paid, and a provision is inserted that the amount, in the case of a member of the labouring class, shall never exceed £15.

Closely connected with tropical labour are the questions arising out of the sale and taxation or prohibition of liquor. I had looked forward with much hope to the discussions and decisions of the International Liquor Conference which met at Brussels last winter. Unfortunately, no agreement was reached and no report was signed. I was willing, however, to let matters rest there, and I considered what, failing international agreement, we could ourselves do to carry out the proposals we had supported, even though our neighbours are not yet prepared to go so far. With that object I have dealt immediately and drastically in the West African Colonies. I have given instructions that the importation of distilling apparatus for potable spirit shall be prohibited, and that all local distillation of such spirit shall be forbidden. The zone of prohibition in the Nigerias is to be extended over a new district of more than 3,000 square miles in Southern Nigeria. The Gold Coast has already the highest West African rate of duty on imported spirits, namely, 5s. 6d. per gallon at a strength of 50 per cent. centi- grade. I have directed that the duties in Sierra Leone and Southern Nigeria shall be at once raised to this figure, in spite of the lower rates current in the neighbouring possessions of other countries, and I am now in communication, through the usual channels, with other European Powers as to the possibility of their taking action on similar lines. In our Eastern Colonies duties are now for the first time imposed on imported liquors at Hong Kong; and in the Malay Peninsula the duties have been increased by some 35 per cent., and those which were formerly levied at so much per gallon are now graduated according to alcoholic strength, a direct and efficient encouragement to the consumption of less potent spirits.

In Ceylon a new Excise Bill has just been passed unanimously through all its stages by the Legislative Council. This Bill, on its first production, met with some criticism in Ceylon and with a good deal of agitation here. But from the moment that Bill was explained to the Council, in an extremely able speech by Sir Hugh Clifford, the opposition entirely disappeared in the Council, and all the unofficial as well as the official members supported it. I am not surprised that this should be the case when the real object and effect of the measure is understood. It was submitted to and approved by me before it was introduced, and I convinced myself, after examining it from the standpoint of a temperance reformer, that it would attain the object at which it aimed. There has been in the past far too large an amount of illicit sale, which the Bill will undoubtedly check; there has been too wide a diffusion of small distilleries, which will now be greatly limited, and, in addition to the total suppression of the illicit taverns, there will be a reduction in the number of those which will be licensed—a reduction which may be carried further in the future in accordance with the needs of the localities.

In the matter of opium, some advance has been made, though not—I am painfully aware—as great as is desired by some of my hon. Friends. I do not think we differ as to the road or the goal, but only as to the pace. Since the Government of the Straits Settlements took over the monopoly on 1st January, 1910, the price has been steadily and deliberately raised throughout the whole of the Peninsula, under British Administration, in order to decrease consumption without too immediate and excessive loss of revenue The price was $3 per tahil when it was taken over; it was raised by successive steps to $4.80, and as lately as last month to $5.50. In Hong Kong the number of chests allowed to the "farm" has been limited; the "farm" is let in triennial periods, and that which expired in March, 1910, was entitled to 1,200 chests; but on its renewal this amount was cut down by 25 per cent. to 900 chests, and all opium divans have been absolutely prohibited. In Weihaiwei opium is totally prohibited, except on medical certificate; and out of a population of 150,000 there are only forty licensed consumers, and the only importation of opium in the last three years was three chests in 1909. In Ceylon no opium shops are permitted: its use is limited to habitual consumers, who must be registered. They will, in the course of nature, die out, and have no successors; but they may not disappear so quickly as some would expect, for I remember that De Quincey's doctor said to my father, then a young man at Cambridge, that the effect of opium—or rather laudanum drinking, which was De Quincey's vice—tended to prolong life from the fact that it prevented wear and tear, just as your carriage would last longer if it never left the coach-house.

During last autumn and winter there was an International Congress at The Hague in connection with this traffic. The most important Articles of the Convention which was there happily signed are those dealing with morphine, cocaine and such drugs, and providing for an international control by the Powers over the manufacture, sale, and export of these poisons. We shall be prepared at the proper time to take legislative measures for this purpose in this country, and I have already sent dispatches to the Dominions, and to such Colonies as are not automatically parties to the Convention, asking that I may be authorised to agree to it on their behalf. In view of the grave and undoubted evils which have arisen from the compulsory reduction of opium leading some people in some places to the even more deadly vices of morphine and cocaine, I think that, until by international action we can check this, it might be unwise to proceed further to the desired goal—and it is a desired goal—of the total cessation of the opium habit.

In conclusion—and I assure the Committee that this is really the last lastly—I must say something on Land and Concessions. I am happily absolved from dealing at this moment with many of the controversial points which specially interest some of my Friends on this side of the House, because I have recently received a deputation from them and gathered much information and suggestion from the interview. Many hon. Members have a special admiration (which I admit I share) for the land system initiated in Northern Nigeria by Sir Frederick Lugard, and it will, I am sure, be a comfort and encouragement to them to know that he will in future govern both the Nigerias. But however excellent a land system may be, as applied to a new country not yet redeemed from barbarism, it is not always possible to apply it to other territories which have undergone the painful process of civilisation at an earlier period and, rightly or wrongly, adopted and developed a land system on different lines. I do not wish to argue that land reform is impossible in any country, however highly organised or conservative in its customs, but the pace must vary with the circumstances of the case and the inertia or toleration of the people. On the Gold Coast and in Ashanti much confusion has been caused by the unsuccessful attempt to validate doubtful concessions by native chiefs. Some doubt arose as to whether the Concessions Ordinance of 1900 sufficiently protected the rights of the natives, and, early this year, I sent Mr. Belfield—an officer with much experience of land questions in the Federated Malay States—to report on the whole matter. He has just returned, but I have not yet received or considered his report.

In the matter of the land system of Northern Nigeria I need say nothing; a Committee sat on this question in 1908; their Report was laid before Parliament, and their recommendations were ultimately embodied in a law of the Protectorate. My hon. Friend the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme was a Member of that Committee, and had the rare experience of signing a Report which was not only satisfactory to him, but to those to whom its recommendations were applied. I am now appointing a new Committee to consider how far some of the Northern Nigerian land principles can be applied, if at all, to other West Coast Colonies and Protectorates. It will consist of some of the officials of my Department, and will also have the assistance of the Member for Newcastle-under-Lyme and of Mr. Morel, who is so well acquainted with that coast. I have been lucky enough to obtain as chairman Sir Kenelm Digby, who occupied the same position on the former Committee.

In East Africa, though we are hampered by the obligation of some big concessions in the past, that policy has happily passed away, and it is now impossible, except under special circumstances, and with my express consent, that any grants above 5,000 acres should be made. On the coast strip of the East African Protectorate there has been and still is much confusion owing to the complexity of the land titles of native owners, but large sums are being spent in delimiting the Coast Land settlements, and I hope that, as a result, the Government of the Protectorate will find itself in possession of a considerable amount of land available for further development. When the Colonial Office took over the East African Protectorate from the Foreign Office in 1905 they found a land system which did not seem to be based on the most economic lines. Since that time the land law has been amended in a direction which I do not doubt will be to the advantage of the future inhabitants, of whatever colour. The system of freehold sales, except to a comparatively small amount, has been stopped; land is now being leased for a term of ninety-nine years, with a revision of the rent at intervals of thirty-three and sixty-six years, but with limitations as to the amount of possible increase of rent and of the basis on which it may be assessed. Further precautions may be necessary against "dummying" and the illicit accumulation of great acreages in few hands, and there is no inherent injustice in the theory that those who hereafter acquire new leases or concessions should contribute fully to the revenue of the Government which supplies them with law, order, and security.

And now I have done; not because I have exhausted my subject, but because I have exhausted my audience. If I attempted to tell them all I should like them to know they would have "fled full soon," like Bon Jean St. André, and I should find myself still speaking to empty benches at the hour of our adjournment. I can only apologise to the Committee for the draft I have made on their indulgence and thank them for the generosity with which they have met it. In conclusion, I should like to pay here, as I have done elsewhere, my tribute of unfeigned admiration to the splendid work of the whole Colonial Service from the top to the bottom. I am able to speak of them now both with knowledge and with gratitude. They spend a great period of the best of their lives on very moderate emoluments in distant and often deadly lands—lost to their friends, removed from public appreciation in the obscurity of the jungle, but, if they err, never spared from blame. They reap few rewards except the advantage of the native, the credit of the service, and their own good name; but they have at least the testimony of the civilised world to their probity and humanity. The Empire owes more than it will ever pay toiler exiled and strenuous sons. To one who is addicted to administration, the daily work of the Colonial Office ceases to be a labour and becomes an obsession; it has a fascination which is all its own and an absorption which is irresistible; the Colonial cobbler becomes addicted and attached to his last. I have to-night only tried to touch lightly some of the great problems which lie before us, and are-even now being moulded in our hands. I cannot pretend to have made the sketch an entertaining one, but if, in its recorded shape, it proves to be a pemmican of progress, I shall have achieved all at which I have ventured to aim.

There is a very interesting volume, containing a great quantity of statistics, of history and geography, on the Colonial Office list which is unfortunately printed in very small print. In that the information which the right hon. Gentleman has conveyed to us this afternoon can, no doubt, be gathered. But I think the House is indebted to him for having, in an agreeable literary form, presented to us much information which otherwise would have cost us considerable time and labour in getting. But I must remind him and the House that Supply days are days primarily instituted for criticism of the Department whose Estimates are under review. Without appearing to be ungracious towards the labour which the right hon. Gentleman has given towards preparing and presenting in agreeable form the somewhat colossal information which he has imparted to us, I would suggest that the better way would be that that information should be given to us in a Blue Book before we come to consider the Estimates, when we might for ourselves consider under circumstances of greater advantage that very interesting and valuable information. In truth, the speech of the right hon. Gentleman was more like a book of reference than subjectmatter for Debate. The right hon. Gentleman said at the very outset that be hoped and believed that in giving this information to us he was making himself a target for criticism. That may be so. But marksmen, one would think, like to see what the effect of the shot on the target results in.

I am afraid, owing to the private Bills which are put down for this evening at S.15, that very, very few critics of the right hon. Gentleman will be able even to develop their criticism; still less that he will have any opportunity to reply. I do not think that is a desirable thing. The true intention of these days is that the Department should listen to and reply to criticism. The right hon. Gentleman last year left a considerable quantity of matter entirely un-dealt with. After his speech of two hours, and having regard to the circumstances of these private Bills, I am afraid it will be quite impossible for him to answer those criticisms that will assuredly be made upon his Department. May I respectfully press upon him that if he has a statement of this volume to make in the future that he will place it in a Blue Book, so that we may have the opportunity of looking over it and have full time for discussing matters relating to it?

Very briefly and broadly I will touch upon one or two matters to which the right hon. Gentleman has devoted this largely statistical statement. He comments, I think in an interesting way, upon the great reduction there has been in the Grants-in-Aid, and in the requirements of the Crown Colonies. It is a reduction which, of course, everyone expected. The policy of my right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham, and those who followed him, was that expenditure should be made upon the Colonies, which in their first stages cost a great deal of money to acquire; that in their development money should be spent, and that money should be freely spent in the beginning with the assurance—that he always gave us—that the money would come back again. That process is now beginning. As the right hon. Gentleman informed us, in a good many of the Colonies of which he spoke there is now an actual profit; in others the revenue balances the expenditure, and in only a few cases, and those in a rapidly diminishing degree, is there still a necessity for subsidies towards expenditure from the Mother-country. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to the amalgamation of the two Nigerias, and to the position which I am delighted to find he has induced Sir Frederick Lugard once again to fill. Seven years ago when I was at the Colonial Office I completed a plan of which Sir Frederick Lugard was to be the first exponent, and which no doubt would have-made a very great difference in Colonial. administration.

One of the great drawbacks that our great Pro-consuls are under in the tropical districts is the complete loss of family life, because very seldom can their ladies accompany the Governors to these districts. You are also under the necessity, owing to the badness of the climate, of frequently bringing the Governors home. The old. system was to bring the Governor home six months out of eighteen. That six months was treated entirely as leave. The continuity of the Governorship was broken, and there was a lengthy correspondence which took place between the Acting-Governor and the Colonial Office. The system which I planned and completed and left for enforcement by my successors was that the Governor should come home from these tropical climates for five or six months in the year, and that he should bring all the more important questions upon which correspondence had hitherto taken place to the Colonial Office and discuss them in person with the Secretary of State and the permanent officials; thus much time used on the correspondence would be saved, and the family life of the Governor would not be so long interrupted, while continuity of administration would be preserved. That was the plan which, after a good deal of trouble, I left. The policy of my successors in the Colonial Office was to reverse everything which their predecessors had done. Throughout two Administrations this plan was left in entire abeyance. I warmly congratulate the right hon. Gentleman for having the breadth of mind to see that that plan was a good one, and to introduce it by way of experiment with so admirable an exponent as Sir Frederick Lugard. The right hon. Gentleman has referred to his great interest in the railways, on which I also certainly congratulate him. Without desiring to make any party hit upon this matter he will no doubt remember the scathing criticisms which were passed on Lord Salisbury by his opponents in those days for having built the Uganda Railway. That railway is an excellent example of the wise action taken by the right hon. Gentleman. The great prosperity of the country has enabled great advance to be made with its development, and I am delighted to find that he has used that prosperity as a means of pushing on the railways. He has had the finest example from his predecessors, especially that of Lord Salisbury, of that policy, and I am glad to find he has had the sense to take and learn the lesson.

6.0 P.M.

Again, let me thank him for the generous tribute he paid to the great exertions made by my right hon. Friend the Member for West Birmingham, in tropical medicine. The whole Empire, I am perfectly certain, feels profoundly indebted to my right hon. Friend for having started that school, and we are deeply indebted to the right hon. Gentleman for the interest he is showing in it, and for the efforts he has made for its continued development. Let me also associate myself with his reference to the late Professor Boyce, whom I have had the pleasure of working with, and also Sir Frederick Manson, that Colonial Nestor, that guide, philosopher, and friend of us in this great enterprise. 1 pass now to a less agreeable task, the task of some questioning and some criticism. The splendid record which has been unfolded this afternoon and which is so largely familiar to the House, Crown Colony administration and success, Is, of course, largely primarily due—as in the excellent tribute which the right hon. Gentleman paid at the end of his speech—to the men who work on the spot under great difficulties. I do not wish to underrate for one moment the great assistance which they get from the stored wisdom and knowledge of the permanent servants in the Colonial Office, but primarily the work is done by me on the spot, and is done in perilous climes, is done under exile, is done under circumstances of hardship and labour which I think the country does well to appreciate. I am grateful to the right hon. Gentleman for reminding the country of it. The prosperity of the Crown Colonies and the development which he has shown us in the course of these proceedings is emphasised by that contentment and efficiency of Crown Colony servants abroad. I am bound to point out that there is, and has been, through no fault of anyone, difficulties in the number and value of the appointments, which Crown Colony servants have a right to expect. Australia is practically now divorced from the field of promotion in the Colonial Office service. The salaries paid in those rare cases where large private means are possessed are too small. To such as hold these appointments Australia is practically divorced from their aspirations. As to South Africa, there have been within the last three or four years four governorships extinguished. That may be entirely right, but, speaking from the point of view of those in the Colonial Office, there is a diminution in the chances and prospects to which they might reasonably aspire. In this state of things the Governorship of Mauritius fell vacant, and Major Chancellor was appointed to this first-class Governorship. I have not a word to say against Major Chancellor; he was secretary to the Colonial Institute, and he is a member of the Royal Engineers, and we know that the Royal Engineers have been of great service in producing many admirable administrators for the Civil Service. But he only became a major in 1910, and so far as I know he had no experience in administrative work, and never held a position in the Colonial Service or in the Colonial Office, and his appointment came as a great source of disquiet and of grievance in the Colonial Service. Shortly afterwards Cyprus became vacant. There was moved to that an admirable public servant, who did great service in South Africa. But before the appointment was given to him it was offered—these things are not concealed and are well known—to a much younger man, a man of great ability and high character; but still a man who never held any administrative position in the British Colonial Service at all. These two facts, when they became known, caused a profound feeling of dismay and disquiet throughout the Colonial Service, and if they (the Committee) will not be surprised, consider the time, or if they cared to look back, they will see that a great number of able men, and indeed brilliant men, of long service, service such as the right hon. Gentleman referred to to-day, instanced in the case of Sir Walter Egerton, Governor of Nigeria, who in his administration doubled the trade of the dependency and increased it by 100 per cent. If one looks at these things, one can see it in a moment why promotion of the kind, such as I have mentioned, has naturally become a subject of grievance and of grave disquiet among men of such services, and to whom high compliments have been justly paid by the right hon. Gentleman. A question, asked in the House by an hon. Friend of mine in regard to this matter, elicited from the representative of the Colonial Office this very extraordinary answer:— That is a most amazing statement to me, having been at the Colonial Office myself, and, what is much more important, it is most amazing to people not only in the Colonial service, but to those who have been on the Colonial staff for many years. I mentioned this in order that an explanation of what I thought was an oversight might be made by the Colonial Secretary. I waited a decent time before raising the matter again to give the Secretary of State an opportunity of getting out of what I think was the absolutely false position which he had taken up. I practically repeated the question which was put before, and the Secretary of State said:— service of the Foreign Office or the Embassies of the State you were entitled to say, "So-and-So is a man of great ability and greater than anyone in the service, and therefore I shall appoint him to one of the foremost positions in the Foreign Office, or appoint him as Ambassador," you would have an outcry from members of the service and you would deteriorate that service, which is the last thing you ought to do.

I venture to say, therefore, that the old rule—and I have given myself great trouble to inform myself upon very many difficulties, consulting men acquainted with the practice of the Colonial Office for many years—ought to prevail when granting Colonial Governorships. Consideration ought to be given first to those in the service, to men who have passed their examinations, many of them severe examinations of the same kind as the Indian Civil Service, and who were not nominated as they used to be, men who are now matured and are in a position to occupy with success such positions. I do not for a moment desire to say that the practice has not existed in the past and ought not to exist in the future in some special cases of giving these appointments outside. There are occasions when you must have exceptions, but I ask the Secretary of State when he comes to reply to relieve the immense sense of grievance and apprehension and dismay which exists throughout the Colonial service by saying that the old rule shall prevail, namely, that these appointments shall first be considered from members of the Civil service and Colonial service, and that only on occasions of special exception shall other men be brought in.

I wish to refer to a matter of even greater importance than the well-being and efficiency of this great Service, immensely important though I think that is. There are certain difficult native questions in South Africa that have forced themselves upon my notice lately. I have I think—and the right hon. Gentleman or his predecessor will bear me out in saying this—ever since self-government was granted to that country—steadily refrained from any criticism which was avoidable, but inasmuch as I have dealt in the few remarks I have made with the efficiency of the Governors of the Empire, so I wish to bring to the notice of the Secretary of State a matter which I think is of great gravity in relation to the Governor of South Africa. First let me say I consider the principle of self-government in South Africa inviolate—inviolate, that is to say, so far as any legislative Act of this. House is concerned. I do not think you can ever over-rule by legislation the legislation of a Colony to which you have given self-government. But I would remind the Committee, because it is necessary to do so for the purposes of order, that we stand in a very peculiar position in regard to the South African Union. The natives in the Union of South Africa, who are numerically enormously strong, look to the King as their paramount chief, and look to him personally as their real Governor and King, and never think of the Parliament or the House of Commons at all. A considerable body of the British Army is still in South Africa, and would have to deal with any difficulty or movement which occurred there amongst the natives.

Further, great stress was laid, and I think justly laid, at the time of the Union Debates, when they took place in this House, upon the influence which the opinion of this House and the opinion of this country would have upon our fellow subjects in South Africa when respectfully brought to their attention. I may sum the matter up by saying that we have great responsibility to the native population in South Africa; His Majesty the King has a personal relation to them of great importance; and that we have an opportunity of conveying to the South African Government our views, not as I think by legislative Acts, but by diplomatic persuasion and influence. I hope I have correctly stated the relations that exist between the two Governments. Let me put to the Secretary of State a matter of great difficulty and delicacy in the position of the natives who are subject to the legislation of the Union Parliament. The natives were the original owners of the soil there. There is a vast amount of territory still not occupied or cultivated by these civilised people. The natives for centuries have lived in these territories, and have gravitated towards the best spots with the best soil and water open to them. The Boers about 100 years ago delimited into vast areas in these great territories. The natives have never been moved from any portion of that land at all. They have lived there for centuries with their flocks and families. They pay only a very small rent to the owners of the soil, amounting to about £2 a year. When we were discussing this question of the safety of the natives at the time of the Debate on the Union Act of South Africa, the late Sir Charles Dilke, a great friend of the natives in this House, said:—

It is quite obvious, therefore, that if this Bill went through, the effect is, and must be, what was intended, namely, to dole out the native squatters among the farming community and drive them out of the territory they have occupied for centuries into other countries, or else drive them into forced labour on the farms. That purpose is achieved by the proposed taxation. The alternative is, and only can be, that the native will have to clear out without any compensation. He will be evicted without compensation from the place he has lived in for centuries, or else he will have to come and enter himself under the employment of some farmer, and there is no provision made for the terms of that employment, and he may have to live as a serf for no less than six months which is to give him exemption. There is no escape. He must either work or go, and I ask is that forced labour or not? I do not think it can be denied that it is forced labour. I wish to make the position perfectly clear with regard to this Bill, and that is why I am asking for information from the Colonial Secretary. I think this Bill has been dropped for this year, but I want to know if we are to accept it as the settled policy of the Government of South Africa? I press most earnestly upon the right hon. Gentleman to use whatever diplomatic influence and persuasion he possesses upon the Government of South Africa as to what I think would be the unanimous opinion of this House in regard to this Bill, and still more important what the consequences might be if this Bill were passed. I am speaking with a due sense of responsibility for what I say, and I assert that there would be grave risk of a native rebellion. I do not think the natives will allow themselves to be turned out by taxation of a country they have occupied for centuries without the greatest possible disquiet and unrest. The responsibility of this matter lies very heavily upon this Government, because our Government is now maintaining a very large military force in South Africa, and that force would have to deal with any uprising of natives; and the responsibility of this Government for promoting without expostulation such a Bill as this, without endeavouring to point out the difficulties that may arise is very grave. Rather than submit to this the natives would trek into the towns, which would be a great disadvantage, because they would cause an increase in unemployment in those towns, or else they would go out of the country altogether, and that would cause a further shortage in labour.

In the history of the last three or four years those who have watched this question carefully know what has been the result of what we always prophesied would be the result, namely, a shortage of labour in South Africa. Hon. Gentlemen opposite objected to the system of labour set up by the late Government, but what has taken its place? People have brought over large numbers of Portuguese under convention from East Africa, and this has been sanctioned by His Majesty's Government. Those Portuguese have come with their families upon an indenture, and they are to be repatriated by the terms of the Article, not in three years, but in one year. The effect of that repatriation is, of course, not merely what hon. Gentlemen opposite objected to in the Chinese case, namely, that they never could become citicitizens of the country, but by this convention they are utterly incompetent to raise themselves; and as far as I can see every single objection poured out upon the Chinese immigrants by hon. Gentlemen opposite have recurred in the present case; but with this most serious and formidable difference that these Mozambique natives, and natives from Nyasal and, have died at the rate of 119 per 1,000, while the Chinese died at the rate of 15 per 1,000. I do not, however, wish to go back upon former controversies, because I know that there were honest men seriously aggrieved and concerned over the Chinese policy in South Africa, but I really cannot understand how the consciences of hon. Gentlemen opposite are so elastic as to enable them to sit for six years absolutely silent on that question, while an identical system, which in many important respects is considerably worse, is being instituted.

Hon. Members will recollect that for nearly two years the party opposite kept up a campaign against Chinese labour which I need not describe now. That is only a diversion. What I wish to urge upon the Secretary of State is that there is still plenty of time to use all his efforts by diplomatic persuasion and influence upon the South African Government to reconsider the policy which is happily inchoate. I mention it because this policy is embodied in a Government Bill, and has been declared as the Government policy. If this measure is put through I anticipate in South Africa profoundly grievous consequences, and for not expostulating in regard to this subject I should anticipate for this House and those responsible an even more serious burden. I have tried to describe this question with moderation because the passage of this Bill into law would in point of fact, as far as I can judge from the most careful study of its provisions, institute a system of forced labour which would cause the eviction of the natives from places which they have inhabited for centuries, and would inevitably impose upon them services which they dislike in places far removed from their homes —a state of things which, I believe, no Government has a right to impose upon them.

I have for some time taken an interest in the affairs of Hong Kong and the Malay Peninsula, and I had hoped, possibly in view of the prolonged discussions which have taken place between the right hon. Gentleman and myself, extending over some period of time, that he would have found it possible to devote some part of his speech to a reference to that matter, and to an exposition of many matters which are still dark and mysterious with regard to the policy which has been adopted there. I do not wish it to be thought that in the critical remarks I shall have to make with regard to the particular policy adopted in that part of the Empire I am blind to the vast and important work which has been done throughout the Empire as a whole, or to the great merits and beneficence of that work. I think no one could listen to the statement which has been made to-day without perceiving that so far as the Crown Colonies are concerned we have within the past decade entered upon a new conception of Empire in the tropics. We are no longer content merely to follow on the heels of traders who have no other interests but the exploitation of these regions; we have accepted the position of trustees, endeavouring to develop these regions in the interests, not only of ourselves, but also of the natives of these lands. The vast work which has been initiated during these last years and the credit for which I fully recognise, does not lie with one party, but also with the distinguished hon. Gentleman opposite, who occupied the Colonial Office with great distinction for many years, is attacking the barbaric forces not of man but of nature in the tropics, attacking them with the railway, with the microscope and with the test tube, and winning for civilisation vast regions which were hitherto defended against the forces of civilisation, not by the primitive weapons of savages, but by the terrible destructive forces of nature.

I particularly welcome the tendency which the right hon. Gentleman has markedly developed of recognising and influencing native customs. There is one custom to which he referred, a custom which had been previously developed in a dangerous direction. I refer to the house rule ordinance in Southern Nigeria, whereby a system of domestic slavery had been instituted, extended, and developed. I gladly recognise from his statement that he has been convinced of the demerits of that ordinance, and that he has already partially done away with the objectionable features of it by providing a means of escape for those domestic slaves and allowing them to buy their freedom at a price. He mentioned that the maximum had been fixed at £15 for labourers and canoe boys, but for other natives there is a maximum of £50 before they can buy their freedom from a form of slavery which has proved tyrannical. Even £15 for an African labourer or a canoe boy is an almost prohibitive sum. I had hoped that a smaller maximum might have been fixed, and it could easily with justice have been fixed, but he has clearly indicated that this Ordinance, even as amended, is only temporary and provisional, that the Colonial Office are dissatisfied with it, not only in its operation, but in itself, and that we may expect in the near future considerable changes in it.

With these remarks, I should like to come directly to the subject in which I have been chiefly interested and which covers only a very small portion of the Empire. Although it affects only a small portion of the Empire, a principle of the utmost magnitude is involved. The policy to which I object is embodied in a Regulation which has been passed by the Colonial Office, with regard to the Civil Service of Hong Kong, the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States. The Regulation is to the effect that no British subject is to be admitted into the Civil Service of these Colonies and States unless he is of pure European descent on both sides. This is not merely a perpetuation of an old bad system. I would have less to say against it if it were merely the perpetuation of an old bad system, but it is a reaction. It is a reversal of a tradition of Imperial Government, and, not only that, but it has been carried out in secrecy. When you have an important reversal of Imperial policy affecting the status of British subjects, one would expect it would be mentioned in this House before it is carried out. One would expect it would be mentioned in the Legislative Councils of the Colonies which are affected. It has been mentioned neither here in this Imperial Parliament nor in the Legislative Councils which are affected. So far as I have been able to understand, no member of these councils has been individually and no members have been collectively consulted with regard to this matter. I said it was a reversal of Imperial policy. There is no policy more plainly established with regard to India and with regard to the Eastern Colonies than the right of the native subjects of the Crown to have some share in the Government of these Colonies, some share in the lucrative posts. There is statutory authority for that. I would merely refer in passing to the Government of India Act, 1833, containing this Clause, which Macaulay describes as "that wise, that benevolent, and that noble Clause":

Perhaps the hon. Gentleman is ignorant of the fact that the Straits Settlements at the time that Proclamation was issued were part of the Indian Empire and were under the Government of the East India Company. It has never been withdrawn. Since that time the Straits Settlements have been transferred from the India Office to the Colonial Colonial Office, but is it suggested that the transfer from one Office to another involves the withdrawal of an Imperial guarantee and the solemnly pledged word of the Sovereign? These native subjects of the British Crown in the Straits Settlements received a personal guarantee from the British Sovereign:—

"That, so far as may be, Our subjects, of whatever race or creed, shall be freely and impartially admitted to offices in Our service, the duties of which they may be qualified by their education, ability, and integrity duly to discharge."

Since that guarantee or pledge was given they have been transferred from the India Office to the Colonial Office, but the mere transfer from one office to another does not in itself amount to a withdrawal of a guarantee, and, if that guarantee of the Sovereign is to be withdrawn, then it ought explicitly and definitely to be withdrawn by the Sovereign in the same solemn manner in which it was given, and not in secret by a stroke of the pen in the Colonial Office. Not only did that guarantee and the Proclamation of 1858 apply to the Straits Settlements, but the practice was observed after the transfer, and after the Straits Settlements came under the Colonial Office there was no exclusion of natives. There are at the present time natives in the Civil Service of the Crown in these Colonies and States, and they were admitted freely before this colour bar was erected in recent years. The practice of admitting natives continued till 1904, and then a change was introduced, secretly and silently without any announcement, in the regulations with regard to Eastern cadetships. Previously admittance to the examination was confined to natural born British subjects, but in 1904 the words "of European descent" were added. A few years later a Eurasian subject of the Crown applied for admission as he had every right to do even under that regulation. He was of European descent, only on one side, but he still came under the scope of the regulation as "a natural born British subject of European descent." There was consternation, a conclave was immediately summoned, and a new regulation was passed post haste, the words "of European descent" being altered to read "of pure European descent on both sides."

By the Colonial Secretary, who in these matters, of course, represents the Crown and occupies the position of a benevolent despot. [An HON. MEMBER: "When was it issued?"] By the present Colonial Secretary, two or three years ago. The first change was not made by the present Colonial Secretary. It was made in 1904, and it permitted the entrance of Eurasians. The new regulation made by the present Colonial Secretary specifically excluded Eurasians. I want to emphasise the extraordinary manner in which the change was made. This House was not consulted. The Legislative Councils were not consulted, and the people remained in ignorance of the existence of the regulation until this Eurasian presented himself for examination, and was told that he could not be admitted. The regulation appeared in a document which had a very limited circulation in Government offices, and even the compilers of the Colonial Office Year Book for some years were in ignorance of the fact that the change had been made. What are the reasons given for this sudden change? They are as extraordinary as the change itself. The first given by the right hon. Gentleman was given in November last to the hon. and learned Member for North-East Cork (Mr. T. M. Healy), and it was that the new regulation was passed The right hon. Gentleman will not give the name of anyone who has recommended this exclusion—the name of any Governor of the Straits Settlements, or any Malay ruler, or any prominent member of the Chinese community who has recommended the erection of this colour bar. He has even avowed that he has not consulted the leading representative Chinaman in the Straits Settlements, the Hon. Mr. Tan Jiak Kim, C.M.G., a member of the Legislative Council, whom the hon. Gentleman described as a personal friend of his own. He told me definitely that he did not think it advisable to consult this leading member of the Chinese community, and yet he relied on the advice of some anonymous members of that community. He said that the Malay rulers had made representations. We are not told who those Malay rulers were. There is this curious circumstance. These Malay Rulers are the Sultans of various States. They are not of pure European descent on both sides. They are natives, and yet it is represented that they are of opinion that no natives should be placed in authority over natives. If this policy were well-founded it would involve the immediate deposition of each of these Malay rulers and the appointment of some Colonial Office cadet as Sultan in their places. The Chinese and Malays, we are told, dislike and resent any non-European official being placed in authority over them. It is a curious thing that this objection, so far as the Colonial Office interprets it, only applies to the highly paid and lucrative posts. Chinese and Malays do not object to officials not of European descent being placed over them if they are poorly paid. Looking over the local newspapers recently, I saw a case in which a magistrate, Mr. Aloysius de Mello, who was appointed to his office before this regulation was passed, and who is a distinguished graduate of Cambridge, passed judgment upon a European member of the right hon. Gentleman's staff who had assaulted a native, and subjected him to a fine of 50 dollars. I suspect that instead of the Malays and Chinese objecting to native officials, the objection largely comes from Europeans, who resent being fined by natives, and so, on account of this alleged objection, all the magistrates are now to be of pure European descent! But what of the police? The rank and file remain exclusively Indian and Malay, and therefore we are asked to believe this altogether incredible proposition—that the Chinese and Malays of Hong Kong and the Malay Peninsula who have the strongest objection to being tried by a magistrate unless he is of European descent, have no objection to being dragged to prison by native Indian or Malay policemen. I do not know how the right hon. Gentleman can reconcile those two statements. We have been accorded no information at all as to who are the prominent members of the Chinese community who have advised the passing of this regulation. I have referred the right hon. Gentleman already to one of the most prominent members of the Chinese community, the Hon. Tan Jiak Kim, and I would refer him also to another gentleman, Dr. Lim Boon Keng, a man who won the highest distinctions in the University of this country, who served for eight and a half years on the Legislative Council of the Straits Settlements, and who has since entered the service of the new Chinese Government, has occupied the highest medical post under that Government, and is universally revered and respected throughout the Straits Settlements and throughout the East. This man only the other day addressed a representative meeting of the natives of the Straits Settlements, at which were represented the Chinese, Malays, Eurasians, Indians, Armenians, and Ceylonese; and distinguished members of those races passed a strongly felt but moderately worded resolution protesting against the indignity inflicted upon them by the enforcement of this regulation. I will let the alleged reason given by the right hon. Gentleman pass and come to an extraordinary piece of self-contradiction—to a statement which absolutely throws aside the alleged reason. The right hon. Gentleman told us that the regulation was passed because the Chinese and Malays objected to non-European officials. That is a clear and definite objection on racial grounds. I have said I do not accept it, because all the evidence I have been able to obtain is exactly contrary to it, but I will accept it for the moment as a racial objection. What were the right hon. Gentleman's next words? They were:—

The racial objection is abandoned here. We are now confronted with an objection on the ground of intellectual inferiority and incapacity to pass the examination, and that is put forward as somewhat extenuating or mitigating the harshness of the regulation. It has been so quoted by Government officials in the Straits Settlements to those natives who protested against the regulation. The right hon. Gentleman is willing to consider the admission of these men to the service if satisfied that they can pass the examination. Is not that adding insult to injury? If the right hon. Gentleman were open to conviction with regard to the capacity of our Chinese fellow-subjects to pass examinations, he need only look at the record of the many distinguished men from these Colonies who have held Queen's Scholarships and graduated in British Universities. I have a small list of them here. There is Dr. Lim Boon Keng, a graduate of Edinburgh and Cambridge; Mr. Wu Lien Teh, a graduate of Cambridge; Mr. Sze Jin Chan, a graduate of Cambridge, Mr. G. S. Yeoh, of Cambridge; Mr. Song Ong Siang, one of the leading members of the Bar of the Straits Settlements; Mr. Chan Sze Pong, who is now in the service of the Chinese Government; Mr. Koh Lip Teng, and Mr. Tan Seng Suan. I wonder if the right hon. Gentleman has ever passed any of the examinations which these distinguished men have passed. Even so, what a ridiculous position he places himself in, as I pointed out in a supplementary question the other day, for by what means does he propose to judge their capacity to pass examinations if he refuses to admit them to the examinations? If he is convinced that they have no chance of passing examinations, what harm is there in admitting them to the examinations. This regulation, moreover, is one which it is impossible to administer fairly. It is not framed precisely. What is the meaning of the words "of pure European descent on both sides"? There is no definition in the regulation, and a whole group of perplexing problems at once arises. For how many generations must an Asiatic family reside in this country before it acquires a purely European descent? For how many years must a European family reside in Asia before it loses its purely European descent?

The right hon. Gentleman may laugh at these questions as far-fetched; they are not. Many Asiatic families have settled in this country and an Indian Prince has married and has become a landed proprietor in this country. When did their descendants acquire pure European descent? Families from Baghdad have settled in this country. Some of them have become Members of this House, and have been among the most distinguished and honoured Members. Did they or their descendants acquire pure European descent on both sides? How about the occupants of the Front Bench who are of Jewish descent, and who are proud, and rightly proud, of their Jewish descent. When did these families acquire pure European descent? Is an Armenian a person of pure European descent on both sides? The right hon. Gentleman says he will judge that question when it arises, but it has arisen, because there is an Armenian already in the Straits Civil Service who obtained admittance before the Ordinance was passed. There is an Armenian who is a son of a distinguished barrister in Singapore and who is now studying for the Indian Civil Service but who is excluded from the Civil Service of the Colony of his birth. It is a monstrous proposal that the right hon. Gentleman should pass a Regulation which has to be interpreted ad hoc. If the Regulation is to be fairly administered, it must be in definite and precise terms; it must not be left to the caprice or prejudice, or perhaps ignorance, of some casual official. The right hon. Gentleman said he could often judge by looking at persons as to whether they were of pure European descent. That is typical of the unscientific methods which the right hon. Gentleman has adopted in reference to this question.

There is the cognate subject of the Queen's scholarships in the Straits Settlements. Every Colony throughout the Empire has enjoyed for a long time scholarships for the purpose of bringing competent native students from the Colonies to the universities of this country. I have already given a list of some of the most distinguished holders of those scholarships. Suddenly these scholarships are abolished in the Straits Settlements, though not in other Colonies. They have been abolished at the dictation of a small, narrow European section of the community. They have not been abolished in accordance with the views of the natives of that Colony, who are almost unanimous against this policy. The right hon. Gentleman says, "We have done differently from what we did in the case of the Regulation; here we have consulted the Legislative Council, and the Legislative Council has recommended the abolition of these scholarships." Yes, but by a European majority. The majority which recom- mended the abolition of these scholarships was of pure European descent on both sides. The only member of the Council who is of native descent is the right hon. Gentleman's personal friend, Mr. Tan Jiak Kim, who voted against the abolition of these scholarships. This is not the first time that the abolition of these scholarships has been proposed. In the time of the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor, the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham (Mr. J. Chamberlain), it was proposed that these scholarships should be reduced. But the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, very wisely and properly, asked for further information, and decided that he would not reduce these scholarships. What does the Colonial Secretary do? He signs at once all that he is requested to sign. He says it is a matter for the Legislative Council alone, and he does not propose to interfere. Where does he draw the line? He did not let the Legislative Council have a look in in the matter of the Regulation, but in this matter he leaves it to the discretion of the Legislative Council. Before he made that resolve he would have done better to have followed the example of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for West Birmingham, and to have made local inquiries. He would have found out that this abolition was against the advice of the Director of Education in the Colony. I should like to read to the Committee what the Director in the Straits Settlements has to say in this matter in his Annual Report for 1908. He says:—

It was written just recently. It is dated 29th May, 1912, and if the hon. Member thinks it material, the remark is in the postscript. The right hon. Gentleman has erected this colour bar. He says that he is willing to reconsider the question of admitting Chinese or Malays if he is convinced that they have a chance of passing the examinations, and at the same time, with a stroke of his pen, he abolishes and destroys the machinery whereby they formerly prepared themselves to pass such examinations. I should not accuse the right hon. Gentleman of prevarication; I should not accuse him of sharp practice, and I should not accuse him of double shuffling, because these are things which no one would believe of the right hon. Gentleman; but I do say this: that when he is driven to these methods and to explaining these methods by such contradictory reasons it shows the straits to which a man of his ability is driven. That is all I intend to say so far as these Colonies and States are themselves concerned. Some hon. Members may think that these are trifling affairs with which to worry this august Assembly. I dare say they think this is not the parish, but the Imperial pump. I will try to relate this particular item of policy to a great Imperial issue, and to show that here there is a question raised which is material to the future greatness and prosperity of the Empire. I would relate it; first of all, to India. In India we must employ natives in the Civil Service. The educated class is so strong that we have got to find some means of identifying them with the Government, or giving them a stake in the country. There are undoubtedly risks in taking natives into the Civil Service, but those risks have to be faced for there would be a greater risk in refusing to do so. It is true that in the Malay Peninsula we are overwhelmingly strong. These are but small Colonies, and we have the strength of a giant. We need not lose any sleep because the people are discontented. We could crush any disaffection with our giant's strength, and therefore we have chosen not to take the small risk of including them, but to take the greater risk of excluding natives altogether. But what an opportunity we have missed just because of our overwhelming strength. In these small Colonies and States we might have worked out and solved the problems that confronted India. We might have tried experiments which would have been useful to India. We might have paved the way with regard to a policy which we are bound to adopt in India. Then I should like to say a few words on this matter so far as it affects China.

I think so far it has been part of a connected argument, and I do not think I should rule the hon. Member out of order. I will only just say that there is a great number of hon. Members wishing to address the House, and I hope he will have consideration for them.

We see the development of a mighty Power in China. In whose hands is the development of China? It is in the hands of men with European education and with European culture, men like Sun Yat Sen and Dr. Lim Boon Keng, men who have obtained their culture from British sources and with a British bias. Because we occupy these States and Colonies of Hong Kong, Singapore, and the Malay States, with a population mainly Chinese, or at least half Chinese, we have an unexampled opportunity, as compared with other European Powers, of influencing the development of China and seeing that China is developed with ideals which are in sympathy with British ideals. We have an unexampled opportunity of benefiting the Empire. How have we chosen to avail ourselves of it? We have chosen to impose contumely and contempt upon our Chinese fellow-subjects. They are going back to China in large numbers, and they are not going back with the kind of feeling which they used to have. Here is the view of a man who is a type of all that is best in the Chinese community in the Straits, a man of whom we ought to be proud, a man who was formerly proud that he belonged to the British Empire, and that he was a British-born subject. At a meeting of non-Europeans in Singapore on 1st May, which was held to protest against this Ordinance, which was said to have been passed as the result of the demand of native opinion, Dr. Lim Boon Keng delivered this utterance:—

"Gentlemen, you may as well cease your agitation You will not get a fair hearing. The newspapers will jeer at or ignore you. You will achieve nothing. I would advise every one of you to teach your children, to spend your money in educating your children, not it this unfavourable country, but anywhere else where a good education can be found. This is my native country. I have an affection for it as such. I would fain have continued to call it mine, to abide in it and serve it. But I now realise that I must leave it, because, however able and however worthy my posterity may be, they will never be allowed to be more than the most subordinate servants, clerks, and so on, under men who think their white skins are the sole sign of born rulers and administrators, and who have the impudence to declare that we prefer them in authority over us before all others. It is a lie. Chinese and Malays do not dislike and resent officers of other than pure European descent being placed in authority over them. It is a statement absolutely without foundation, and the House of Commons should be so informed."

These men, the best native brains in these Colonies and Settlements, are going to other places for their Western culture. They will go to Germany, to America, to Japan, and we have not only excluded them from our Civil Service, but we have destroyed the machinery which gave them higher education. I cannot but think that the right hon. Gentlemen will see on reflection that this will have a most disastrous result upon our prestige in the new China that is arising. I hope he will find it possible to reconsider this question, and to come to another determination.

I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.

I cannot promise the hon. Member that I will assist him in attacking the Colonial Secretary concerning his friend Lim Boon Keng, but I have a score of my own to settle with the Colonial Secretary, and in that respect I shall be supporting him. The right hon. Gentleman this afternoon instituted a new procedure regarding the Debates on the Colonial Office Vote. I am satisfied that in the main his idea is a good one. I firmly believe that if a general survey is taken once a year on this Colonial Vote of the progress of our Oversea Dominions, whether they be Grown Colonies or Dominions, the Colonial Secretary dealing with the great questions with which he is permitted to deal, the effect upon the Oversea Dominions will be all to the good. I am satisfied that any reference to a single Crown Colony made this afternoon will make a chord of sympathy ring in those Colonies, because the officials and others who are working there, and the Colonists themselves, will be gratified at having their own affairs discussed and referred to in such important terms by the Colonial Secretary. But while I believe that the idea is a good one, and sincerely hope that it will be carried out in the future by all Colonial Secretaries, I am not certain that the right hon. Gentleman himself is satisfied that the method that he pursued this afternoon was one which ought to become permanent in the hands of his successors. The information which he gave us—I do not say this in any mean spirit—particularly the figures, might very properly be detached, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer detaches them, from his speech, giving us in a compendious form all the main facts and figures with which he dealt in his speech. With those facts and figures in our hands in a compendious sheet, his comments would be understood by us all, and he would save to this House at least an hour of valuable time for those who came after. It is a thing which can be corrected, and I congratulate him on making an attempt to do this big thing of giving a survey of our Colonial affairs in an important speech on the discussion of the Colonial Vote.

But I have a score of my own to settle with the right hon. Gentleman, and I must ask the Committee to bear with me while I go back several months to a question which arose several months ago, and upon which we have not had a single discussion in this House, thanks to a blocking Motion preventing the discussion of the composition and reference to the Imperial Trade Commission. I have been charged in the Press, and the right hon. Gentleman might properly charge me, with myself having put down a blocking Motion in 1904 regarding Chinese labour. The difference between the two things is that my blocking Motion was put down when that grave question had been discussed again and again, but this blocking Motion was put down when the question had never been discussed. I call the right hon. Gentleman's attention to the fact that on the date on which he announced the composition of this Commission and the reference to it, there was no one of us qualified to discuss the composition of that Commission for the simple reason that there were names upon it which it is not invidious to say and it is not disagreeable to say, were not known to Members on either side of the House. I listened very carefully. I knew the names of most of the representatives, but there were two whose names were wholly unknown to me and to Members on this side who come from parts of the country where these gentlemen live. Because of that we could not properly discuss the composition of the Committee, and the terms of reference I did not wish to discuss until the whole thing could be discussed. I therefore relied upon further opportunities. Now these further opportunities—and I consider this a matter of great gravity—were denied. The right hon. Gentleman has a great capacity for using the naive simplicity of Don Quixote and the matured deliberation of Machiavelli, not to say the very close dealings of a master of arts and crafts in influencing people by whom he is surrounded. He did that with the Imperial Conference with very considerable skill. By processes which he would deny are occult but which belong to the magic of his own personality he was able to get his own way and to accomplish what I believe was a thing that ought not to have been accomplished, and that is first the change in the terms of the Resolution which was passed at the Colonial Conference and finally the change in the terms of reference to the Commission. In the seclusion behind the Speaker's Chair he, in effect, promised me that adequate time should be given to the discussion of this question and the right hon. Gentleman (Master of Elibank), also agreed that adequate time should be given. It is because adequate discussion was not given or proffered that I raise this question now. I regret to have to raise it, because the Commission is sitting, but it is the only time the question could be raised, unless I had accepted the right hon. Gentleman's way out, and that was by having a discussion of this grave question affecting the welfare of this great Empire after eleven o'clock in a depleted House. He knows that my own Friends would have cursed me for my maladroitness, while his friends would have supported him strongly on the occasion, because I was keeping them out of their little English beds. The right hon. Gentleman accomplished his purpose by acting through the Patronage Secretary, and the kind services of the hon. Member for Lincoln (Mr. Charles Roberts) and there was no discussion of this question before the Commission sat.

It may be thought that it is indiscreet now to refer to it. I cannot accept that position. I shall refer to the Commission if the Committee will allow me in terms which, I hope, will not offend good taste, but certainly I shall speak plainly of some of the elements that concern its appointment, and of some of the changes which have been made in the terms of reference. There is one very grave omission from the composition of that Commission. While recognising the abilities of the gentlemen on the Commission, whether they be overseas representatives or those appointed by this Government, I say there is one great gap which I should have thought might have occurred to the Secretary for the Colonies and the Prime Minister in making the appointments. We have all reference to tariff and fiscal laws, and to the effect of fiscal laws, excluded from the purview of the Commission, and no evidence can be taken directly, though I fancy it will be taken indirectly, upon the effect of any fiscal laws. Therefore, so much more is it the case that there should have been appointed upon the Commission a great statistical authority—one like the late Sir Robert Giffin. I would not care what his politics were. I would not ask what his politics were, because the honour and pride of his profession would cause him to form a sound judgment, and not only make him collate figures as only a great expert can do, but also make him give the result of his consideration of those figures, and his view of the tendencies on trade which the figures showed. I consider that is a matter of very great gravity.

The right hon. Gentleman a day or two ago said in this House—it may have been the Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Trade who made the statement—that the officials of the Department of the State were always at the disposal of a Commission of this sort. The right hon. Gentleman knows, and we all know, that the services of the officials of our public departments are beyond praise, because these officials bring not only assiduity and thoroughness, but lucidity and knowledge to bear on the subjects with which they deal. But no one can say that the representatives of those offices are any substitute for an absolutely independent Commissioner, whose relations have nothing whatever to do with the right hon. Gentleman or any officer of State. You might as well say that a Departmental Committee formed by this House was a congregation of experts and was as important as a Royal Commission appointed absolutely outside of the Department to make inquiry into a matter of gravity and importance. The right hon. Gentleman has, I believe, in his administrative capacity omitted to do what I am certain the Commission will find, before they have concluded their work, ought to have been done, and that is, to have given the Commission a statistician of authority and absolutely independent of party politics who could give in the final findings to which the Commission must come in their Report decisions, conclusions, and inferences which would be of immense value to all of us in Parliament who desire to inform ourselves, and to all outside Parliament, both in the Empire at large and in the United Kingdom, who desire to see the Commission produce something that will be instinct with information and authority. I have nothing to say about the individual merits of the Chairman of the Commission and his colleagues. They undoubtedly have done services to the country in their particular positions in life. But the services of the Chairman of the Commission have been largely official. He has been identified largely with India. He was employed by the Government for the purpose of putting up a case for the Government at the Colonial Conference upon one single aspect of a question which has been omitted entirely from the purview of the Commission. I find no fault with the Chairman of the Commission, except that, I think, there might have been chosen a more independent person to occupy that position—one who had not been closely identified with the special views of the Government with regard to the fiscal question.

I remember the West Indies Commission. It was a Commission appointed by the present Government, and let me say frankly—although I do not see how they could help themselves in the matter—that they showed an elasticity of mind and an instinct for selection which did them credit, with the result that we had, as I believe, an absolutely unbiassed conclusion on the part of that Commission. I do not say that there will not be an unbiassed conclusion on the part of this Commission. I believe there will be an absolutely unbiassed conclusion, but I think the Commission would have had greater authority in this country and overseas if there had been added to it some one of greater authority than anyone upon it at the present time. There is another member of the Commission whom I did not know when he was appointed, and whose name, I believe, is of considerable weight in the county where he lives and has carried on business, but whose identification with Imperial questions has also an Oriental flavour, because his chief work was to assist the Government in regard to Excise duties upon cotton in India to meet the duties placed upon Manchester cotton. I am narrowing the thing down to the public services in respect of which those gentlemen were elected.

Then there is Sir Edgar Vincent. No one can dispute the position which he occupies in the commercial world, but again his position is that of one who has worked in the realm of high finance and banking finance, which is somewhat apart from the kind of finance which, for instance the Finance Minister of Canada represents on the Commission. Sir Edgar Vincent was associated with banking institutions in Constantinople and Egypt, and with official or Governmental finance there. These three gentlemen, after all, give a very narrow representation of our commercial and financial interests from the standpoint of a great Empire on a trade Commission whose work will be of such a wide character and of such a varied nature. I want to say that the appointment of Sir Eider Haggard is not only defensible, but one which we can wholly compliment the Government upon. I do not know in the least what his politics are, but he has special knowledge of agriculture, and no better appointment could have been made. But I do complain of the Commission in this particular, that we ought to have had on it not only the Gentlemen who are there, but at least one important public person whom the public would regard from the standpoint of a non-official, and as one who has never had, as it were, any connection with bureaucracy. Finally, with regard to the composition of the Commission, I suppose it is too late for the right hon. Gentleman to take into consideration the question of the appointment of a competent statistical official of authority. I say that is a serious omission of which all who understand the gravity of the question concerned will take due note.

I wish to say a word about the change in the terms of reference. The right hon. Gentleman endeavoured to make the House believe that he, in the terms of reference, has carried out very carefully the wishes of the Conference. I repeat what I said at the beginning, that the Conference, when it knew what was the attitude of the Government, was likely to take what it could get. But the Resolution as finally passed was not the Resolution which was in the minds of the Prime Ministers of Australia and Canada. The terms of the Resolution as printed are not the terms of Mr. Fisher's Resolution, which included the whole question of trade development between the different countries of the Empire, and also the question of special advantages to British shipping. I would ask the Committee to listen to what Sir Wilfrid Laurier said:— cerning the trade of the United Kingdom, and therefore it was not necessary to make any inquiry or to summon evidence in the United Kingdom as to the trade relations between this country and the Oversea Dominions. It is evident that the only information and the only evidence which will be asked for is that concerning the Oversea Dominions. I venture to tell the right hon. Gentleman that there is just as much information in the trade departments of the Governments of Canada and Australia as there is in the trade departments of the United Kingdom, so far as their own particular countries and spheres of influence are concerned; and if we are going to establish that principle then you will be obliged to omit the Dominions themselves from giving statistical evidence upon the questions in which they are interested and in which the Commission would be interested.

The Commission does not fulfil the intention of those who sought to establish it in the Imperial Conference. So far has the Government changed the original intention that it has even altered the name of the Commission. It is no longer an Imperial Trade Commission. It is a Dominions Commission, which is confined absolutely to the Dominions. The cloven hoof is shown throughout the whole of these dealings. That it is most delicately shown is true, as the right hon. Gentleman is particularly skilled in getting what he desires without much friction. The right hon. Gentleman treated me with, I will not say considerable scorn, but with a lack of consideration when I appealed to him to appoint a second Trade Commissioner to make inquiries into these sources of our Crown Colonies and the Indies. How can we ever come to a conclusion regarding the existing trade of our Empire unless we have authoritative information concerning the Indies, East and West, and all our Crown Colonies? That has been absolutely ruled out by the right hon. Gentleman. I venture to say that there is no person in the Oversea Dominions, whether belonging to one of the Crown Colonies or one of those which have full responsible government, but will feel that a grave omission has been made, and that the right hon. Gentleman might well have complied with my request to appoint a separate and distinct Commissioner to inquire into the trade resources and relations of our East and West Indies and our Crown Colonies. Why not It is not the expense, because the right hon. Gentleman and his Government have plenty of money. The right hon. Gentleman gets £500,000 for railways in Uganda and elsewhere. I do not grudge it to him. He is welcome to it, and he is fortunate in having produced not only a trade effect but a political effect. The £500,000 which is going to facilitate the passage of cotton over railways corresponds to the free carriage of cotton over the railways of Nigeria, which synchronised happily with the necessities of an election in Lancashire, and the right hon. Gentleman has now repeated a performance which was very effective before.

I congratulate him again on completing a performance with so much skill, but I do say this, that this country is not quite prepared to take the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues as true exponents of our Imperial system. I think that the whole proceedings in connection with that Imperial Commission and the Imperial Conference produced in the minds of those who are really deeply interested in the progress of our Empire a feeling that the service of the right hon. Gentleman and his colleagues is to a large extent lip-service, and that they have not yet come to the real understanding of, and the real confidence in, the Colonies which they profess to have. A great man on that side of the House once said that to say that our Colonies were a source of strength to this Empire was as great a delusion as could be imagined. I do not think that the Liberal party has yet freed itself from that policy, or that as yet in its dealings with the Oversea Dominions and in its efforts for Imperial advancement it pays due regard to the calls of the Colonies, but that it favours a policy of laissez faire and a policy which ties its own hands and prevents it from having free intercourse, whether upon trade or fiscal questions, with our Oversea Dominions. I make no apology to this Committee for having, at the first moment I was able to do so, raised the question of this Commission, its composition, and the terms of reference, because it is the first opportunity we had, and I cannot congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on the treatment of those in the past few weeks who have endeavoured to raise the question of this Commission before it was appointed, and therefore be free from any imputation which he and others might make of not using sufficient discretion and tact in bringing the question up after the Commission was appointed. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman realises that what I have said is because of my sheer belief in the statements which I have put forward, and that I am not disposed to change my attitude on things regarding which I have made such strong protests in the past.

8.0 P.M.

(who was imperfectly heard): I desire to congratulate the Colonial Secretary upon the very clear and. comprehensive survey which he has given of our Colonial Dominions. I think we are very much indebted to the right hon. Gentleman for having taken this survey in the way he has done. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Hanover Square has suggested that it would have been just as profitable if all this information had been embodied in the pages of a Blue Book. I would appeal to the right hon. Gentleman whether he thinks the audience and readers of a Blue Book could in any way be compared with the audience to which the Secretary to the Colonies will appeal by the statement which he has made to-night. It will help us to realise the enormous area and value not only of our self-governing Dominions, but also of the Crown Colonies. In our Crown Colonies we have an enormous and valuable property, and we have a most valuable work to do in developing them with the aid of a most able set of officials. Our Possessions in the Tropics, in my recollection, were at one time regarded as of comparatively small value, but to-day they are recognised as being much more valuable than was for a long time supposed. They produce oil, sisal, rubber, cocoa, coffee, and cotton, and the increase production of these articles leads to an immense stimulus to the development of these Colonies. That very fact increases the difficulties of governing them, because the rate of development is now very much more accelerated, and the natives, as a rule, are adverse to change; move slowly in ideas, and cannot be hurried. Yet we have development taking place and being very much stimulated by the value of these products. As regards the native population, there is now greater responsibility on the officials who have to administer these Possessions. Immense demands are made on these administrators, and they are responding to them with great effect, and their efforts ought to be recognised by this House, for they are doing a very great work in these Crown Colonies. In regard to the diseases to which the right hon. Gentleman referred, they exist in South Africa to a greater extent than in any other country, and South Africa seems capable of bringing forward those diseases to resist the march of civilisation in that country. You have the diseases of sleeping sickness, of malaria, of blackwater fever, and other horrible diseases, and it is the duty of the men who are working there to relax no effort in the study of those tropical diseases. Our officials are doing admirable work, and nothing should be spared which will reduce the risk to their lives and health. The attitude of the Colonial Office and of our Colonial officials has been entirely changed. At one time, Colonial officials merely looked to their salaries as a first mortgage on the revenue of the Colony; but to-day our officials respond to all the demands made upon them, and, as the right hon. Gentleman pointed out, they not only initiate but carry out great works; they manage steamboats, piers, and harbours, and they discharge high public duties. I think we ought all to pay our tribute to these men on an occasion of this kind. I would like to turn to the other function of the right hon. Gentleman, that of harmonising our relations with our great Dominions, and in that connection I wish to refer to the proceedings of the Union Parliament in South Africa. In this House I have always been a strong advocate of responsible Government for the Colonies—government as full and complete as it is possible to make it.

But I am, if possible, a stronger advocate of the policy of allowing this country to manage its own affairs completely and fully without interference from outside. It is from this point of view I wish to examine one or two recent Acts of the Union Parliament. I have observed in some recent legislation an attempt to legislate in such a manner as to affect our interests in this country and to tax us for their benefit. If it were dangerous for us to attempt to tax the Colonies for our benefit, it is surely more dangerous for the Colonies to attempt to tax us for their benefit. Yet that is what is being done in South Africa. The House will be surprised to learn that large revenues are being collected by the High Commissioner for the Union of South Africa and transmitted to South Africa by him. In the first place, in regard to taxation in South Africa, the Government of the Union so far have refused to reciprocate in any way with us. While we have passed the necessary legislation in our Finance Act of 1894, they have refused to insert a similar provision in their Act, and the result is that double Death Duties are payable by persons who have property in the Union. The scale proposed recently would have meant in some cases 35 per cent. of the estate under the combined duties. Last year a Transfer Duty was laid upon the transfer of stock, and this is to be to the detriment of stock holders. It is proposed to impose a burden upon stock which ought not to exist—stock which enjoys the benefit of the Trustee Act, and which only come under the conditions which were imposed under the Colonial Stock Act of 1900. In order to make it quite clear I will just read the Clause which has relation to the proceedings of the Union Government, and if I read the Act aright we have power of veto. The provision of the Colonial Stock Act, of 1900, is as follows:—

"The Colonial Government shall place on record a formal expression of their opinion that any Colonial legislation which appears to the Imperial Government to alter any of the provisions affecting the stock to the injury of the stock holder or to involve a departure from the original contract in regard to the stock would properly be disallowed."

I draw the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to that Clause, and I would ask whether the matter will be considered, and whether any action will be taken to disallow a provision which alters the conditions of the stock. I would remind the House that it is now becoming usual ins regard to foreign loans brought to this country that the stock and the coupons of those loans are free from all existing or future taxation of the country borrowing the money, and I would venture to suggest that a similar clause should apply in the case of Colonial Stock, so that the matter may be made perfectly clear to those who are concerned in this country. The Estates Bill of the Union Government proposes to tax any company incorporated in this country and which incidentally carries on business in South Africa, with a 5 per cent. duty on the shares of that company. How do they propose to do this? Any person or individual who acts as an agent in that country for the company can be held until the duty of 5 per cent. is paid. Supposing a shipping company trades with a portion of South Africa, a seizure can-be made until the 5 per cent. is paid upon the shares of the company, or the estate of any person holding shares in the company. This legislation differs from ours in that it does not take into consideration either the situation of the shares at the time of their holder's death or his domicile, as a test of the question whether the duty is payable on them, but the situation (that is the locality of the operations) of the company in which the shares are held.

Protests against this have come from the Governments of London, Berlin, Paris, and, I suppose, many other places. But even these instances do not exhaust the objections which may be taken to the legislation proposed in the Union Parliament. It is proposed to deny access by the taxpayer to the Courts of the Union. There are to be no judges in the matter, and no appeal is to be allowed in any Court of Justice. In fact we are to have this differential taxation against persons in this country, and there is to be no appeal by those persons to the Courts in South Africa or elsewhere. This is a case of taxation without representation. The persons here are not represented, nor have they any means of being represented in Parliament, yet, at the same time, they are excluded from the Courts in South Africa. The elementary principles of security are being denied in that country. Last year an Act was passed embodying special legislation directed against shipping companies, and it made the Government in South Africa judges in their own cause with power to penalise those who come under their ban, and which threatens with penalties shippers and shipowners in this country if they conduct their business here in a way which appears good to them, but which does not please the autocrats in South Africa.

And, it being a Quarter-past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further proceeding was postponed without Question put.

Private Business

LONDON AND NORTH-WESTERN RAILWAY BILL [Lords.—By Order.]

Read a second time, and committed.

KENT AND BELA FISHERIES PROVISIONAL ORDER BILL [Lords.—By Order.]

Read a second time, and committed.

Supply.—[Eleventh Allotted Day.]

Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1912–13

[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

Postponed proceeding resumed on Question proposed on consideration of Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £39,075, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, including a Grant-in-Aid of certain Expenses connected with Emigration."

[Note.—£21,000 has been voted on account.]

Question again proposed, "That Subhead A (Salary of the Secretary of State for the Colonies) be reduced by £100."—[ Sir Gilbert Parker. ] Debate resumed.

At the interruption by Private Business, I was venturing to point out that an Act had been passed last year in the Union Parliament of South Africa which interfered with us in this country and penalised us if we conducted our business in this country in a particular way, not in South Africa, but in this country. Those penalties were proposed to be put upon us unless we conducted our business in a manner laid down by the Union Government. That is a very strong step, and if once admitted may be indefinitely extended. You may have any kind of penalty imposed on us in this country if the Union Government has the right to interfere with us and penalise us. I need hardly say that protests, and very strong protests, were made to the right hon. Gentleman, and to the President of the Board of Trade, and to the Postmaster-General, but so far without results. The direct consequence of that action by the Union Government was the withdrawal from shipping enterprise in South Africa in one case alone of more than five millions of British capital. Another feature in the situation is the proposal of the Minister of Finance of the Union Government with regard to Cape annuities. While no doubt South Africa will be the greatest sufferer if this kind of policy is pursued, yet companies and individuals here are severely hit by legislation of this kind. I think they are entitled to ask the Colonial Secretary to afford them protection or to arrange that legislation of this kind ought not to be carried and ought not to receive our sanction. If the Union Government are to receive the benefit of our Trustee Acts, and of having their stocks invested in by large trustees here, surely it is reasonable that we should say to them adequate security must be provided for investors in this country. As well as that, the taxpayers of this country have been paying large sums towards maintaining a garrison in South Africa, because South Africa has not organised any garrison. It seems very hard that that same taxpayer should have double taxation placed on him while at the same time he is contributing large sums for the benefit of South Africa. I only ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider these matters, and to use his persuasive influence, as he did in the Imperial Conference, with the representatives of the Union Government and in the interests of investors in this country as well as of South Africa.

I think I could not do better than commence my remarks by saying how very much I appreciated the interesting and brilliant speech with which the Secretary of State opened this Debate. I was interested in the survey that he gave of the progress of the Empire, particularly in so far as it referred to the Crown Colonies and Protectorates during the last few years. To me it is a welcome change to see the Colonial Secretary spending the whole of his contribution to the Debate in dealing with questions relating to Crown Colonies and Protectorates rather than to the larger Dominions, Commonwealths, etc. I take that view not because I do not realise the importance of our Dominions, but because I believe they are more able to take care of themselves, standing as they do in a sort of transition stage between the Colonial period and the period when they will become full-blown nations. Therefore I think it is only right and proper and in accordance with the fitness of things that the Colonial Secretary should bestow his greatest care upon those parts of the Empire which by the nature of things are least able to take care of themselves. I was interested in what he said about railway development, about agriculture, cotton, and many other things, and especially was I interested in the question of tropical research in regard to medicine. I think it is cause for congratulation that so much effort and energy, and I might say brilliancy, has been brought to the pursuit of knowledge whereby successful habitation in those tropical countries has been rendered more comfortable and better from the point of view of health and life than at the present time.

But, after all, that is not the chief thing that interests me. The thing that interests me more than anything else is those questions relating to labour and the relationship and representation as affecting those questions. I did want to say a few things and press certain points of view upon the Colonial Secretary in regard to the conditions of labour, although after what the hon. Member for Gravesend (Sir G. Parker) said in regard to the astuteness of the Colonial Secretary and the magic of his personality and all the rest of it, perhaps anything I may say will make, after all, very little difference. I was interested, however, in his declaration that the time had not, in his opinion, arrived when indentured labour could really be dispensed with. Personally, I was sorry to hear that, because I think all the Members of the party with which I am associated are up against the system of indentured labour wherever it may be found. Not only in regard to the West Indies, but wherever it may be found within British Possessions we protest against its continuance, and hope for the time when an enlightened public conscience will prohibit that continuance. I, for my part, cannot help thinking that I am addressing the House during the régime of a Liberal Government. How very sarcastic and how very indignant Members of the present Government were during the last Administration. I was not of course a Member of this House at that particular time, but I remember the newspapers being full of those denunciations, and how they made sport with what they called yellow slavery and Chinese slavery in South Africa. I am bound to say I think that was the correct term to apply to it. My complaint against the Members of the present Liberal Government is not for what they did then, but rather for what they are doing now. That is to say, I wish they had been a little more consistent by putting into effect, when they had the reins of office in their hands, those principles which they preached so admirably while in Opposition.

The Sanderson Report is an interesting document. The composition of the Committee led those who held my views to have very little hope indeed that the Committee would come down on our side of the question. Having regard to the work it had to do, it was, in my opinion, in the worst sense of the term, a packed Committee. It was to study labour conditions, but there was not upon it a man who, from either the Colonial or the home standpoint, had any first-hand knowledge of labour conditions. What is true of the composition of the Committee is equally true of the witnesses called before it. Out of the vast number of witnesses called only five at the outside could be said in any sense to speak for labour, and three of those were not men who had any real or close connection with the labour movement at home or in the Colonies. Yet in spite of these initial difficulties, the Committee state, on page 3 of the Report, that the system of indentured labour partakes of the nature of slavery. This statement refers generally to the Crown Colonies and Protectorates. It is satisfactory to have got that declaration, at any rate, from the Committee. In spite of the flag-wagging of the party opposite and occasionally of those who sit behind the Government, and the declaration that slaves cannot breathe under the folds of the British flag, that state of things obtains all over the world, and British Liberalism is actively engaged in perpetuating what I believe is nothing short of a scandal. As to the difference in the degree of culpability of the party opposite, who commenced a new system of indentured labour in South Africa, and the party now in power, who are continuing an old system, although the latter may be said to be not quite so culpable, I see very little difference between them. All I am concerned about is to hasten the time when it will be impossible for the system to continue. The Committee must have been of that opinion, because on page 101 of the Report they state that the time must come when such immigration must cease. That statement refers to Trinidad only, but I think the same argument and logic apply in other cases. Why should that time come if the system is all that can be desired, and if in the interests of the Empire it is necessary that it should continue? Unless we are to assume that conditions are going to change, I fail to see why the Committee should have foreshadowed any alteration of this nature.

The Committee also deplore that under the conditions operating in our Protectorates and Crown Colonies the children receive very scant attention, and that where indentured labour is the rule no limitation of the hours of work of children is attempted. That, I think, every one of us will unite in condemning. The only point on which we should differ is whether the children are more important than the development so-called of a Crown Colony or Protectorate. Personally I do not believe that the development of a Colony really depends upon indentured labour. I have been interested in looking at the development of three typical West Indian Colonies, namely, Trinidad, British Guiana, and Jamaica. Notwithstanding the fact that all these Colonies which adopt indentured labour have a different method of calculation so far as the contribution by the planter is concerned, there does not seem to be anything to indicate that where the contribution of the planters is the highest the prosperity of the Colony is the greatest. We might have expected that something of that sort would happen. If we had two Colonies with a similar trade, similar surroundings, similar climatic conditions, and points of similarity in other respects; and if in one of the Colonies the planters made a considerable contribution towards the cost of introducing and repatriating indentured labour, and in the other a much smaller contribution was made, it is only fair to assume, if indentured labour does so much for the development of a Colony that the Colony where the planters made the larger contribution would show a difference as compared with the other. I understood the Secretary of State to say that in British Guiana the full cost fell upon the planters. That hardly seems to square with the facts.

As far as I can ascertain, the direct contribution made by the planters in British Guiana towards the average cost of £27 per head of indentured labour is £14 16s., the difference being made up by a tax paid by all planters, whether they use indentured labour or not. I have not been able to determine how many of the planters of British Guiana are not using indentured labour. That would of course materially affect the statement of the Colonial Secretary. In Trinidad the contribution is rather different. The planters contribute about 53 per cent. of the cost, and the general community have to pay the remaining 47 per cent. In Jamaica there is a contribution by the planters of two thirds of the cost. I quite appreciate the efforts the right hon. Gentleman is making to put upon the planters the whole cost of that indentured labour which they contend is so very necessary for the development of their business. I want also to deal with the question of representation. I was sorry to hear the right hon. Gentleman say that he was not in a position to materially alter the electoral conditions in the various Islands. For my part I try to look at this question in a reasonable sort of way. I do not, of course, presume to think that an East Indian labourer or a Creole labourer in Jamaica or Trinidad is as well able to exercise the franchise as is a labourer in this country. But I am anxious to avoid the opposite extreme. I have a perfect abhorrence of that idea held, I believe, by so many Englishmen that the negro, in fact that all coloured men, are of a different kind of human clay, as it were, from the European, and especially from the Englishman. I rather like to look upon it as a case of the childhood of a nation, a nation which has in it the making of something very much better, higher, and nobler than we see at present. If that be the case I can conceive it to be the duty of this country to take that nation by the hand, to try and help it along to a higher civilisation; to lead it into those civic duties which it is the proud boast of England that she exercises beyond any country on this earth.

I cannot conceive any policy of stagnation in regard to any elective body. It must grow from its present position to something much better. When I see so many of our Crown Colonies in this position where they have nominated members, and even those members are in a minority, I want us to ask ourselves how can we expect these people to exercise civic intelligence unless we give them some encouragement to exercise the powers they now possess, with a hope to go on to something better and higher than at present.

I would direct the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to the fact that several of our Colonies have been going backward rather than forward. Note the suspension and the suppressions of the municipal town powers of Port of Spain in Trinidad. It is a long story, and I cannot go into it. Suffice it to say that when they had a population of less than they have now, that is 60,000, their municipal powers were taken away from them. For a time Commissioners were appointed to do the work. Then a nominated town board was appointed, and that town board has been doing the work of a municipal authority for some few years. After this lapse of time there are people who want to know when they may look for the restoration of their municipal powers. Do not forget—hon. Members, perhaps, have not quite realised this—that while Port of Spain has a population of 60,000 and no municipal powers, neighbouring towns—San Fernando, with a population of 10,000, and Arima, with a population of 4,000, enjoy municipal powers, and I think we can all see that that is not a very palatable position to be in for the premier town of a Colony. It is hard that they should have had ruthlessly stripped from themselves for a mistake—you may say it was corruption—their municipal powers, without the punishment being extended year after year, and no opportunity given to the town of rehabilitating itself in the eyes of the people who are watching it. So far as I can gather from a careful perusal of the newspapers in Trinidad, and closely following this discussion of the town board itself, that board is perfectly willing at any time to abdicate its powers and to make room for a properly elected municipal body. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will not insist upon the policy which I believe he has been following up to now, namely, that of declaring that he is going to make no change; that the Colonial authorities are not going to be moved a step until the people in Trinidad—I will not say force his hand—but at least give some indication as to their intentions. I would suggest to him that the people who have the power to move are just that class of people who have the least intention of moving, and upon whom the present position falls very lightly indeed.

Just one other point, and that is in regard to the Island of Malta. I do not want to arouse any controversial point unduly, neither do I want to hamper the right hon. Gentleman in his position, as I know he has given very serious attention and consideration to the Report that has just been published, but I do venture to urge upon him once again the question of elective Chambers in Malta. He knows much better than I can possibly tell him the conflict there has been going on between the authorities and the elective members. He knows how for the last six or eight years the elected members have resigned repeatedly. They have been elected one day and resigned the next day, and so on. Such advice as I have been able to give them—advice never offered until asked for and until my opinion was sought—has been to refer them to the splendid fight that our own Irish party here has made; not a fight that has consisted in running away when elected, but has had with it the grim determination to stick until the object sought was secured. I press upon the Colonial Secretary the advisability of really giving some hope to the people of Malta that the very unsatisfactory elective system that they have now may be altered within a very short space of time.

If you will give that indication I feel sure that the elected members, who are even now on strike and will not take up their elective duties, will be induced to go back again to their work and work loyally in the interests of Malta alongside the officials. I must say that, in my opinion, the Colonial Office have shown a disinclination to do what appears to me to be the obvious thing, namely, to separate that portion of the administrative Island which has reference to its strategical position and the question of the naval and military forces from what may be called the home or the domestic branch. I think it might well be separated, so that the Maltese would feel that they had control of their own domestic policy, while leaving the Imperial authorities more freedom in regard to the strategic position of the Island and the disposition of the naval and military forces. This would allow the Maltese to think that they were at least of some consequence where their real domestic affairs were concerned. I wish again, as the right hon. Gentleman is now in his place, to say how much I appreciated his splendid survey of the position, and the really delightful speech he gave those of us who were privileged to hear him. Some matters at least which I have mentioned have been like the fly in the ointment. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be in a position before long to remove the fly, and so give us the full benefit of the flavour of the ointment.

9.0 P.M.

Unfortunately I was not able to be here this afternoon for the opening of the right hon. Gentleman's speech, but I understand he mentioned, and only mentioned, the question of Ceylon and its new Constitution. He also mentioned that rubber would oust tea in the country which I did not quite understand, because it is well known that rubber cannot grow above a height of 2,200 feet, and that tea is almost entirely grown above that height. I do not labour that point at all. What I want to refer to is the Constitution. It was not in the right hon. Gentleman's time that this matter came up, but in the time of the Noble Lord who is now Secretary of State for India. The matter came to be introduced by Mr. Peiris and Mr. Perera, who sent a memorial to the Government asking that a new Constitution should be given to Ceylon, "as that at present existing is inadequate and unsatisfactory." I take as an answer to that, and to other allegations put forward to people who wrote to the Government from Ceylon the letter of 26th May from Sir Henry McCallum to the Government, which voiced the feelings of the whole of the European dwellers in the Colony. His answer to Mr. Peiris's statement that "the Constitution was inadequate and unsatisfactory" is that the qualification he proposes should be given to the new electorate was the qualification that is now adopted in the case of jurors with certain modifications made in the basis of the franchise, and it is pointed out by Sir Henry McCallum that taking that as the basis of franchise would mean that out of a whole population only 4,795 are on the jurors' list, which is but a small number out of the whole population of the western province of Ceylon. But the main question in the whole of this new franchise is the treatment of the men who were appointed by Sir Henry McCallum practically at the orders of the Government in London to investigate the question of the new franchise for Ceylon. Among the set of questions adopted to be put to witnesses before that Commission were Questions Nos. 3 and 4. Question 3 was— brought forward a set of questions to be put by himself, and he stated, as it appears from reports which appeared, that he considered these questions three and four were absolutely necessary to the findings of the Commission in order to answer the questions they had to settle. These four men, the representatives of the Europeans in the country were absolutely stultified by this extraordinary order that these two questions were not to be put; and not unnaturally, when it was found that these two questions were not to be put to the witnesses, these four gentlemen retired from the Commission. There were two witnesses, who certainly refused to answer any further questions put to them, because they considered the Commission could do no good, and these two witnesses were not Europeans, but one of them was a member of the Burgher community and another was a Cingalese. The whole question of elective Government and of elected delegates in Ceylon is in this position. To begin with a very large number of the population are people who come there from the South of India to work at the tea and rubber plantations. The Cingalese community is divided by a single line between the educated Cingalese and the uneducated or lower branch of the population. The difference between these two classes of the population is emphasised by a very natural and common fact among native races which is that the educated class look down with contempt upon the uneducated and the uneducated look on the educated with hatred and a sense of deep and growing suspicion. Mr. Peiris, in his memorial asking for the franchise, stated that there is the greatest harmony among the races, and he gives that as an example and testimony of the fitness of Cingalese for representative Government. Sir Henry McCallum says that the first thing that will happen if you give them representative Government is that political faction would immediately make itself prominent and that fighting and excitement, and I will not say riots, would break out during elections, and possibly would produce a very serious state of affairs in that country. One of the great points it is difficult to understand is why the Government ever listened to any of these people or ever took the slightest cognisance of any of the memorials sent to them. Mr. Peiris is a native whom hardly anybody in the Colony knows and I had to ask four or five different people about him. Mr. Perera, another member, is also of the same obscurity. Sir Henry McCallum, in his dispatch of the 26th May, 1889, said:— sine qua non for the planters, because if there was not a Chamber of Commerce in Colombo it would be impossible for any of the produce to be exported. The question was whether a third representative should be appointed to represent the general community. The abolition of the third member which came under this new Constitution was never asked for by a single member of the European community. It was asked for by some of those extraordinary memorialists whom few people in the Island have heard of, and a large number of natives of the higher class were also against the removal of the third member representing the European community. As a protest against the new Constitution, the whole of the Chamber of Commerce refused to vote when it came to their being allowed to use the franchise. The result is that a shopkeeper is now a delegate on the Council of Ceylon to represent the mercantile industry of that Island. If there had been no question of the removal of the third European member a shopkeeper could have sat on the Council, and the rest of the community would have returned him, leaving, one European member to look after the planters, a second to look after the mercantile interests, and a third one to look after the general interests of which I have spoken. I am afraid it is out of the question even to ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider another Constitution for the Colony, but what he could do would be to take into consideration the putting of a third European on the Council, and that would give the liveliest satisfaction to the Colony, and would increase its already extraordinary high standing of loyalty, and it would show to the people in that Colony that they were being cared for and looked after by the Government.

The result of all these elections and the franchise. as far as the voting has gone is that you have got two natives on the Council, one is a gentleman who rejoices in the name of Mr. Ramanathan, and he was on the Council twenty or thirty years ago, and he unfortunately had to leave that exalted position on account of his behaviour. The other is Mr. Van Langerburg. I was told by a high official that at the first meeting of the Financial Council business which could have been carried through in half-an-hour took over three hours, and both these gentlemen were characterised as worthless windbags. When providing the suffrage for the people of this Colony the Government ought to have given it on a proper basis. There is very little more that I wish to say on this subject. I am not sure whether the right hon. Gentleman himself has been to Ceylon, but I know that Lord Crewe was there during one of his inspections. I submit that great things might be done for the better government of the Crown Colonies of our Empire if a Crown Colony Committee or some such body could be appointed to sit in London, the Colonies to send their own representatives elected by themselves, who could discuss the things and the laws which were required for the benefit of the Crown Colonies with the Government, instead of sending out orders as the Government did in the case of Ceylon, without allowing a deputation to come and speak to them and without taking the slightest cognizance of anyone in the Colonies except natives who were not even well-known amongst their own community. If they would take the advice of natives who are well-known and who are respected by everybody in Ceylon—there are many such, and I had the pleasure of meeting several when I was there—then they would know more of what the Colony needs, but in this case no advice was taken, and even the advice in some of the dispatches published from Sir Henry McCallum was totally and absolutely ignored. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to turn his attention to this Colony and help it in a time when it sorely needs a little more careful attention in order that a very great disaster may not happen.

I desire, in the first place, to join in the chorus of thanks to the Colonial Secretary for the very interesting account he has given us of our Crown Colonies. It seems to me peculiarly appropriate that we should have had a review of a kind we have never had in this House before. I wish to say, as a Lancashire Member, how grateful we are to him for obtaining that advance of £500,000 for the development of East Africa with a view to the greater cultivation of cotton. It will not merely be a benefit to Lancashire, but I believe it will also turn out, as many of these other investments in tropical Colonies have, to be a good investment from the Imperial point of view. I want to say a few words about the continued participation of the Governments of our Eastern Colonies in the abuse of opium. I say "the abuse" advisedly, and not "the use." Let it be clearly understood that no one is more alive to the use of these drugs than those who know most about their abuse. I believe the public of this country is under a vague impression that the opium question is disposed of. Even if that were the case with the Indo-Chinese aspect of it, it is not so in our Eastern Colonies, dependent upon us in every sense of the word except financially. The Eastern Colonies, and particularly the Straits Settlements, are doing uncommonly well financially out of this traffic. It is six years since this House unanimously condemned the Indo-Chinese opium traffic as morally indefensible. I have been reading the speeches then made, and particularly that of the Secretary of State for India (Lord Morley). The condemnation was not mainly because it was and is still absolutely unjust for one nation to force upon another at the point of the sword any article of commerce at a low rate of duty, but because the article so forced is injurious and because of the immorality of the traffic itself. If it was immoral then, it is immoral still. I have no doubt it is the view of the present Colonial Secretary as of the former Colonial Secretary and the Secretary of State for India that this is an absolutely degrading and immoral habit. I am going to assume that. I would like to remind the House of the words used by the late Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, now Minister for War (Colonel Seely), in this House three years ago. Speaking on our duty to our Eastern Colonies, he said:— buying any quantity of opium and smoking it in their own homes. There has been no attempt whatever to stop opium smoking, and, as many attempts have been made in China to stop the practice, and as very drastic and successful measures for the time being have been taken there—I believe time will show they will be successful in the future as soon as there is a strong Government in China—our inaction contrasts very unfavourably with the action of the Government of China. The main reason for our laggard action must be that we derive yet a considerable portion of the revenue of the Colony of Hong Kong from the opium traffic. The farming system given up almost everywhere else in the world—given up by Germany in Shang Tung, by Holland in Java, by Japan nominally in Formosa, and by ourselves in Ceylon, the Straits Settements, and the Federated Malay States—we are carrying on still in Hong Kong. Two years after the Resolution was carried in this House condemning our own Colonial opium traffic, in March, 1910, there was a new lease to an opium farmer at Hong Kong, let for over a million dollars a year. That lease will come to an end next March, and I hope to hear that the Colonial Secretary does not intend to renew it to that farmer, or, if it be so intended, that the conditions will be changed in order to enable the Government to bring the habit of opium smoking to an end in a short period of years. The farming system is bad as a system of taxation, as every civilised Government realises; but it becomes very much worse when the subject of taxation means the letting out of revenues to private individuals based on taxes upon an article like opium, which, as we all know, is the great national vice of China and of the Chinese in our own Colonies. We have made certain declarations in this House during the last six years, but we have gone little further in stopping, in Hong Kong, the actual abuse of opium.

To appreciate the bearings of the opium question at the Straits Settlements and Hong Kong, we must remember that this evil is mainly a vice of the Chinese race. As we all know, the Government of China has for some years been making heroic and costly efforts, at the expense of revenue, to put down the vice. Not only is the population of Hong Kong Chinese to the extent of 90 per cent., but the population of the Straits Settlements is largely Chinese also. According to the last figures I have, for 1910, the population numbers 653,853 in the Straits Settlements, and in the five years preceding 1910 the immigration of Chinese was about 185,000 per year. If we say that the influx of Chinese who remained in the Straits Settlements has ranged from 50,000 to 100,000 every year, it is easy to realise the importance of the fact. According to the last Report the total population of the Federated Malay States exceeded one million, and whilst 65,000 Chinese went into those States in 1910, 57,000 went out. The population therefore of the Straits Settlements and of the Federated Malay States largely consists of Chinese, probably one-third or one-half, and it is a population continually changing, as coolies are continually coming in to work in the mines and on the plantations. It is, in fact, a circulatory population between Hong Kong and China and the Straits Settlements and Federated Malay States and China.

If we want to help China in her heroic struggle with her great national vice, we should have some regard to the effect on her population of the habits they acquire when they come into Hong Kong, the Straits Settlements, or the Malay States. In Hong Kong this monstrous vice is particularly objectionable. It was, and geographically it is, Chinese territory, but we took it over from China in our first opium war, and Hong Kong was part of the bargain under which, by the same treaty, we obtained the right to send into China opium as well as our missions, thus providing, in one treaty at the same time damnation and salvation. In the Federated Malay States there is a particularly strong case for giving up this revenue at once. There is no financial reason to be advanced in favour of it. The financial report for 1910, the last one I have, gives a total revenue of the Federated Malay States as $26,500,000, and the expenditure is $23,500,000, or a surplus of $3,000,000. Because of a long series of years during which there has been a surplus—it is one of the most shining examples of finance in all the countries of the world—this country has a large invested surplus from past years, amounting to $42,000,000, and that includes $20,500,000 in cash and in good securities. Really it is just as if our own Chancellor of the Exchequer had a surplus in hand at the Bank of England of £180,000,000! There is consequently no financial excuse for keeping up this opium traffic. In consequence of a Commission, appointed in 1907, both the Federated Malay States and the Straits Settlements, at the beginning of the year 1910, took over the opium traffic, which had been farmed out to farmers and contractors prior to that time. It was taken over along with the liquor trade, and I am sorry to see that in the Report on the Straits Settlements the Acting Colonial Secretary, under date September, 1911, says:— power as they need in their hands to prevent the importation and use of these dangerous drugs. All that is wanted is to make strong laws against smuggling, just as we have in this country strong laws against the smuggling of saccharine.

As it is the declared policy of the British Government to put down the smoking habit and not to keep it alive, and as that is now the declared policy of the civilised world, it is time that we took more drastic action against opium smoking in these small States than we have yet done. In the Federated Malay States there is no public opinion in favour of this habit, not even amongst the population who smoke. Over and over again there have been very strong declarations of public opinion by all the influential Chinese, and by great numbers of the Chinese. As to the Europeans, there is no European gentleman or lady who would like to be called an opium smoker. It would be an insult to anyone to have such an epithet thrown at him. The Commission which was appointed in 1907, and whose mild report has resulted in this mild action, was not a Commission prejudiced against opium smoking. The Chairman of that Commission was the head of a large local firm, which dealt in opium, and from which the Straits Government to-day buy half the opium they get. I do not say that there is no improvement, in one sense of the word, in the Government carrying on the traffic rather than farming it out. I do not know what kind of satisfaction the Government can obtain from it, but I can derive no satisfaction from the fact that a British Government in these Colonies has undertaken and is carrying on the function of pandering to a degrading vice. No doubt it is hoped and believed that some day some good will result, but we are not going quick enough. The years keep going on; six years ago this House unanimously declared, in speeches from all quarters of the House, against this vice. It is said to be a very difficult thing to put down. That is no excuse for not doing it. All the best things in the world are difficult. Difficulty is the test between a weak man and a strong man, and the test between a weak Government and a strong Government. The right hon. Gentleman apparently holds that we are justified in pandering to this vice because there are other vices that are difficult to suppress. None know better than those opposed to the opium-smoking habit and traffic the evils of these other drugs. Any man with medical knowledge and experience knows how evil the morphine and cocaine habits are in this country, and the people who know the inside of these things know that they are terrible habits in many countries and that we ought to stop them wherever we have the power. No one has pressed more upon this Government and upon other Governments than those who are opposed to the opium-smoking habit that the real question at issue is not that of one dangerous drug only, but that all dangerous drugs should be under strict medical supervision.

Two recent international conferences—one at Shanghai, three years ago, and half a year ago at The Hague—have put the stamp of international approval, as well as of scientific authority, upon the condemnation of the opium-smoking habit, which is no longer looked upon as innocuous. The policy we press upon the Government is a clear and definite request that they shall fix a date after which opium smoking shall be illegal in these Colonies, and that they shall not be behind the action of Japan, Australia, New Zealand, Canada, and the United States in the Philippine Islands. The policy which some of us have pressed upon the Government more than once of registering existing smokers and not allowing any others to indulge in the habit is a humane, a tolerable, and a liberal policy, which does not bear hardly upon any man who has not begun the habit. What was the policy that the United States adopted very successfully in the Philippine Islands? When they took over the Islands they found the habit deeply rooted there, and they appointed a Commission, with Bishop Brent at its head, which in 1904 reported strongly against the opium habit and in favour of the adoption of the principle of registering existing smokers and prohibiting any new smokers. They gave three years to the smokers. The result was very successful, and although, no doubt, opium smoking may go on in a sly way, just as drug-taking will go on, and just as crime goes on in spite of the law, yet it is not the habit of so great a number of people there as it was. By whatever means the right hon. Gentleman thinks the best, I beg him and call upon him to carry out more rapidly and thoroughly than he has yet done, the policy to which we are as a nation pledged, namely, the stamping out of existence, so far as law and administration can do it, this body and soul-destroying vice. That is the only policy consistent with the repeated decisions of this House, with many declarations of the Government itself, with the interests of the people over whom we rule, and with our honour among the nations of the world.

The speech of the Colonial Secretary, despite its length, was one which I listened to with the very greatest interest, chiefly because he placed various questions in a manner which some of us have not listened to before, but also because these Debates are worthy of an opening speech. The only criticism I would offer is that the speech itself proves the utter inadequacy of a one day's Debate, especially when Members of the coalition spent no fewer than four and a quarter hours out of the six we have had, which makes it extremely difficult for one to do anything but cut one's remarks down, and deal with very few of these all-important questions. We heard a great story when the right hon. Gentleman took us round the Empire as he said, but round the Crown Colonies, Protectorates, and Dependencies, as he meant to say, but when we see this great increase in the prosperity of all these Possessions overseas, notwithstanding the fact that we ought to be so closely associated in trade and commerce with them, and that the foreigner has something like 40 per cent. more of the trade which these Protectorates and Dependencies are purchasing, than the United Kingdom, it must cause the right hon. Gentleman, whatever his fiscal views may be, to think how that trade (which, above all other trades, should be kept as far as possible to this country) can be improved either by consular agents or by any other method that he may devise. Everyone was pleased to hear of the Grant which is to be given to British East Africa and to Uganda. Notwithstanding the fact that it may, although not sufficiently for the purpose, but partly, influence the coming by-election, we welcome that expenditure because we believe that it will be money well loaned, and that this country will see its money returned many, many times in the way of trade with these Protectorates. I would point out one peculiar fact in connection with the sum that has been decided upon. The amount of money granted for the development of these two Dominions this year is exactly the same amount as would be the cost of laying an Atlantic cable between this country and Canada, and we can therefore realise that it is still not impossible that the Colonial Office will consider this policy, which has been demanded by all the Dominions overseas, and which would be of enormous trade advantage to this country but to which hitherto the right hon. Gentleman, under the baneful influence of the Postmaster-General, has turned a deaf ear. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he can tell us what the Government has done to carry out his own words at the Imperial Conference, when he proposed a resolution in the following form:— future of the traders and workers of the country, and it can be the only lasting solvent of the industrial unrest and the social backwardness which exists in this country. That is indisputable. The figures that the right hon. Gentleman gave show the enormous wealth of the workers of this country and of the Crown Colonies and Dependencies, but he did not mention the Dominions, and he was right, because he does not represent them. I do not think he is in sympathy with the chief policies of most of the Dominions, and he was right to keep this question out of discussion, but he gave us a wonderful survey of the trade prosperity in the Crown Colonies and Dependencies, which means an enormous wage bill to the working classes. The hon. Member (Mr. Wedgwood), who has always had one pet bee to pursue around, would then realise the enormous amount of potential work there is for the workers of this country if we only organised the resources of the Empire. In this respect we find that the right hon. Gentleman treated the opinion of Members of the House with very little regard. The hon. Gentleman (Sir G. Parker) has proved that it was imperative that the very best brains of our country should have been put upon that Commission, and they should have been independent men. In this respect the right hon. Gentleman has certainly failed in his duty to the country. He told us that the Members appointed to that Commission would be non-political. I think he said for that reason they would not be Members of Parliament. They would be people without political bias. What did he do? He searched from Land's End to John o' Groats, and he found the three most fanatical Free Traders that he could in this country and placed them upon that Commission, when he is well aware that there is a majority against the views which he holds in this House at this very time if the Home Rule question were settled. Even if that were not so, three nights ago we found a majority of only 22 against Imperial Preference, which hon. Members cared so little to oppose that they stayed away in large numbers.

With regard to the terms of reference to the Commission it was perfectly clear, from the official Resolution at the time of the Colonial Conference, that he hoped for a real inquiry into the trade relations of the various parts of the Empire. It is equally certain that Sir Wilfrid Laurier had this idea in view when he proposed that there should be an inquiry into trade resources. I think it was an unfortunate thing when the right hon. Gentleman added those fatal words which made the Commission of so little real value in the future. The Government by pressing those words on the Conference destroyed at one blow the whole of the real value of that inquiry. If you want to improve business you would not instruct your agents to go round the world and yet not to inquire into the business matters which you find there, not to consider questions of competition and not to consider your system of trade. That would be regarded as a policy of madness in any ordinary business, and the shareholders would say, "Oh, for a business manager!" in the mournful if somewhat hackneyed phrase which we have frequently heard in this House. A business man instructs his agents to report how he can improve his chances of trade, and how the various branches of his business can be co-ordinated, and yet the Government, which could make this Empire the greatest business concern in the world for the British race, is deliberately muzzling its agents, and, in sending them forth, is telling them to see everything they can, but for heaven's sake not to come back and tell the truth! I maintain that it is a policy of organised stupidity, and that it is a blow at the true spirit of Empire fraternity, especially when we remember the policy adopted by all the Dominions. The right hon. Gentleman tells us that there was a very good reason why they should not have allowed fiscal questions to be discussed by the Commission. It was because the Commission might have recommended the Dominions to adopt Free Trade. If the right hon. Gentleman believes that Free Trade is right for the British Empire, why did he withhold the rare and refreshing fruit we possess in this country from the Dominions Overseas? I think the representatives of the Dominions desired that this should be so. They were willing to risk an adverse report. When we remember that the Government have carefully packed the jury, they really need not have much to fear from the inquiry of the Commission. It appears that the Empire trade has been subordinated in this case to the party's good, and for the sake of economic formulae. A question which involves the whole future trade relations of the British Empire was not one which should have been treated in this manner.

The business Parliament of the Empire has just finished its sittings. The Chambers of commerce all over the Empire met in London, and the Prime Minister regarded the Conference as of more importance than some hon. Gentleman opposite seem to do. I find that a difference of opinion is growing up between the right hon. Gentleman and those who sit behind him. The Prime Minister told the representatives of the Chambers of Commerce who came from the uttermost parts of the world that the conclusions they arrived at would carry the greatest weight and influence with the Government. The right hon. Gentleman is aware that they carried a resolution by an overwhelming majority in favour of Imperial Preference, and yet the right hon. Gentleman has closured the members of the Trade Commission before they have started on their labours. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it would not be wise, even at this late hour, to consult with the heads of the various Governments as to whether the scope of this Commission could not be widened. Mr. Borden will be here in a few days, and the right hon. Gentleman will have opportunities of ascertaining very quickly the views of the Dominions. The reason I urge this upon him is because his colleague, the First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Churchill), has recently been making certain appeals to the Dominions which we all hope and pray may receive a favourable answer. He has suggested that great sacrifices should be made by the Dominions.

Here we have a Commission appointed to inquire into the trade relations of the British Empire, and you have an opportunity of showing to the Dominions that you are prepared to meet them, and that if it is found that another system is right for the Empire as a whole, you would be prepared to consider the question. For that reason I suggest that the right hon. Gentleman should ask the Dominions whether they wish that the Commission should be widened in its scope. I believe there never was a time in the history of the British race when it was more necessary to show to the self-governing Dominions how much we value in this country the part they have taken in the building up of the Empire. I believe that is a way by which the right hon. Gentleman could strike the imagination of the Dominions overseas. If he were to meet them in this way, I believe he would find that the Dominions would be only too ready to do everything in their power, and even to do far more in proportion than we do, towards the defences of the British Empire. I trust the right hon. Gentleman will really consider this question. If he can possibly see his way to make a promise, even this evening, although not much time has been left for him to reply, that he will consult the Prime Ministers of the Dominions on this matter, we will promise not to give his party another fright by going to a Division on this Amendment.

I need hardly say that I endorse everything that has been said by my hon. Friend (Mr. Croft) as to the Trade Commission, but I hope he will forgive me if I do not go into that subject. I want to bring before the Committee a specific matter which, though it may seem small, is somewhat important. It is the question of cable communication with the West Indies and the Western part of the Atlantic generally. Let me explain to the Committee that there are two cable questions at the present moment which require consideration. There is the problem of the Transatlantic cable, which does not affect the Colonial Office, and there is the question of what, I shall call the Carribean cable communication, for want of a better word. That is the cable communication between Canada and the West Indies. At the present moment the service of cable communication between Jamaica and this country and between Jamaica and Canada leaves, comparatively speaking, little to be desired. It is a comparatively good service, because it is a service provided by competing companies with communications to the West Indies generally and Jamaica. The other West Indian Islands are served through Jamaica. They are served by two companies—the Halifax and Bermuda Company, with its ally, the Direct West India Company, which possesses a cable which was laid in 1898. There is another system consisting of three companies, namely, the Western Union Company of America, the Cuban Submarine Company, and the West Indies and Panama Company. These three companies work on a somewhat peculiar basis. They work under an agreement dating back to 1870, their cable having been laid in 1868. That agreement provides that all messages sent through Jamaica to anyone-North of Jamaica have either to pass over the lines of the Cuban Submarine Company, or, if specifically directed to be sent by the other route, a toll has to be paid to the Cuban Company, whether or not it goes over their lines. It will be seen that the traffic is worked under considerable difficulties, and in point of fact the result is that while in the case of Jamaica, comparatively speaking, little trouble exists, in the case of the other West Indian Islands the service is both extremely costly and ineffective.

I know that hon. Members in some quarters of the House have said, "In the West Indies you are very unprogressive people." My reply is that it is very difficult to be progressive when you labour under commercial disadvantages, such as are indicated by the figures which I am going to read. The cable rate from London to Siam at present is 3s. per word. That is for plain messages. To Australia it is 3s. a word, to Japan 4s. 10d., to Barbadoes 4s. 9d., to Trinidad 5s. 1d., and to Demerara and British Guiana it is no less than 7s. The Committee will agree that I am right when I say that whatever else it may be, the cable service at present to the West Indies is excessively costly. It is also very inefficient, because as regards one branch of it, between Trinidad and British Guiana, the chairman of the company, giving evidence before the recent Royal Commission, said that the present cable, which was only 344 miles in length, had been interrupted and repaired no fewer than thirty-three times during the eighteen and a half years it was laid, or, roughly speaking, once every six months. And the Royal Commission went on to say that on very many of these occasions traffic was suspended for months at a time. I remember on one occasion taking out figures which showed that in 1908 for the first six months the service was suspended one day in every four, so I am justified in saying that the service is not only costly but is extremely inefficient. Complaints have been made frequently, and many inquiries have taken place. An inter-Departmental Committee in 1902 was held on the subject. There was a second Committee in 1903 under the chairmanship of Sir John Anderson. There was a third inter-Departmental Committee in 1906 under the presidency of the First Lord of the Admiralty. In spite of all these inter-Departmental Committees the cable service continues exactly the same, the rates are as high as ever, and the interruptions are as numerous as ever. I would ask whether the Colonial Office do not think that the time has come when something ought to be done?

10.0 P.M.

Two different sets of remedies have been suggested. One is a system of wireless communication, embracing all the West Indian Islands and reaching right up to Bermuda. That is the suggestion which apparently is put forward, by I think, the evil counsellor in this matter of the Colonial Office, the Postmaster-General and his officials; and that is the suggestion which apparently, so far as I can understand what I think is the very regrettable decision arrived at by the Colonial Office in their letter of January this year to the Governor of British Guiana, finds favour at the moment with the Colonial Office. I think it will be very regrettable if dependence were to be placed entirely upon wireless telegraphy for communication with the West Indies. I am not going to speak disrespectfully of wireless telegraphy, but they have a system of wireless telegraphy working in Jamaica which experience shows not to have been entirely successful. I have some confidential reports here as to the working of wireless telegraphy there, and I find that the last report of the year's working in Jamaica, where they have two systems of wireless transmission complete, and an efficient staff, shows that the loss of the station on the year's working was over £600. Further, there are some reports of the working of similar stations in other islands, and I am told that working is only possible between 7 a.m. and noon, and that even with a seventy kilowatt station, only 1,500 words a day, or five words a minute, can be passed, and that frequently each word had to be repeated two or three times, and frequently the repetitions have to be repeated two or three times. These physical difficulties of atmosphere, or whatever they may be, go to show that it would be perfectly ridiculous to place dependence upon wireless telegraphy as the sole means of communication between these islands and Canada, and so to Great Britain. The United States have already made the experiment of wireless telegraphy in those regions. They started a system of wireless telegraphy between Pensacola and Puerto Rico and abandoned it, and they also had a system connecting Puerto Rico with Colon and abandoned that. I hope the Colonial Office will not forget that these localities, or certain portions of them, are specially subject to hurricanes, and if there is one form of apparatus more than another which specially lends itself to destruction by hurricanes it is a wireless telegraphy mast.

Therefore I hope that that consideration will be present in the mind of the right hon. Gentleman before the Colonial Office finally decides against a system of cables and in favour of a system of wireless telegraphy extending all over these islands up to Bermuda. The other suggested remedy is to have a cable laid from Bermuda to Barbadoes, and then on to Trinidad and Demerara, with wireless stations feeding that cable from the different West Indian islands. That suggestion is really deserving of more serious consideration than apparently it has yet received from the Colonial Office. And I sincerely hope that it will receive very full and careful consideration, and that the refusal which the Colonial Office has so far given to entertain it will not be taken as final. The reason why I think it deserves very careful consideration is that not only was it recommended by at least one of the Interdepartmental Committees which I have spoken of, but the Royal Commission appointed by the Government itself in 1909, which went out to the West Indies and took evidence and sat to consider the matter very carefully for some time, presented a Report in which it declared in the clearest and most unequivocal manner that in this, and this only, the laying of a cable of this kind from Bermuda to Barbadoes and thence to Trinidad and on to British Guiana, was any solution of the existing difficulty to be found. Not only did the Royal Commission report in favour of that, but within the last few months the West Indian and Canadian Conference at Toronto passed a resolution. The right hon. Gentleman said he did not want to discuss it, and therefore I will only mention it now, though the proceedings at the Conference are no secret, and the resolution to which I refer has already been published in Toronto. The resolution says that this Conference declares in the plainest and most unequivocal terms in favour of the institution of this cable. that the Conference have considered the reports of the Commission and the expert views therein contained, and, in their opinion, in the interests of Colonial and Imperial commerce, administration, and defence, improved and cheaper communication by cable is urgently required, and should be secured at the earliest possible moment.

They went on to say that it was desirable, and that in order to secure it the Canadian Government should enter into communication with the Secretary of State for the Colonies. I hope when those communications are entered into the right hon. Gentleman will give the recommendations the attention which they deserve. The Congress of Chambers of Commerce of the Empire passed a very strong resolution in favour of dealing with this question, and urging on His Majesty's Government the desirability of giving effect to these recommendations for an all-British cable on the grounds of Colonial interests and Imperial commerce and defence. In view of these resolutions, this proposal really deserves very serious consideration. There are only two objections raised—one financial and the other physical. The financial objection urged by the Colonial Office is that it is very doubtful whether it would pay to take over the existing means of cable communication and to deal with this proposed cable. I would point out to the Committee and to the right hon. Gentleman that if the step recommended were taken I firmly believe it would result, not in increased expenditure by this country, but in a great saving. Take the Royal Commission's figures—the Royal Commission appointed by the present Government. They estimate the cost of buying up the existing companies at £575,000; the cost of the new cable would be £200,000, and the cost of wayleaves and so forth would cost £225,000, making a total of £1,000,000, and £1.000,000 means at 4 per cent., and with a sinking fund of 1 per cent., £50,000 a year.

The earnings of this system are £24,000 a year, and I think I am within the mark in saying that if you had a system under one single management there would be a saving effected of at least £8,000 a year. That is £32,000, leaving to be found £18,000. I said we should effect a saving. Our present subsidies from this Government and the Colonial Government are not £18,000 per annum, but £19,320 per annum—£8,000 from the British Government and £11,320 from the Colonial Governments. Therefore, without taking into account any increase in trade—I believe a large increase of trade would take place—I think that on these figures alone—and I have been very conservative in my estimate—the result would be not a loss but a saving to the British Government. Dealing with the other objection, I know the suggestion affects some minds that it would be unwise to have a cable in these regions, because of the physical difficulty of volcanic shocks, which break the cables. I would point out that the cable from Bermuda to Barbadoes is beyond the reach of shock, and the Trinidad and Britsh Guiana section of the cable would lie on a bed similar in formation to that on which the Western Telegraph Company's cable lies further south; and even in regard to the section which does lie, possibly, within the reach of shocks, the section between Barbadoes and Trinidad, it is a very short stretch of cable, and the danger of interruption and delay would be comparatively small. I only want to impress upon the right hon. Gentleman that it is a matter of great importance to the West Indies. It makes a great difference when one is selling or buying any commodity in the West Indies, a commodity like sugar for instance, in which the market changes as much as 4d. or 6d. in the day, whether a cablegram gets through at once or whether it is delayed thirty-six hours.

In former years in the sugar market of British Guiana, it took a fortnight to communicate with that country. It is of the greatest importance that we should have this cable in the interests of commerce, and of cheaper and easier communications. In regard to an All-British cable, I think it is very desirable in the strategic interests of this country, and, administratively, also, I think it is very desirable. A great deal is said about the federation of the West Indies, but federation is perfectly impossible without cheaper and easier communication between the Islands and the central Government, and between the central Government of the Islands, if it were set, and the British Government. On all grounds, commerial, strategic and administrative, I think the necessity for the provision of new communications with the West Indies is completely and entirely proved. I earnestly hope that the door is not finally closed by the Colonial Office against the laying of a cable of this character in the near future. I trust that the representations which I understand have been received from the West Indies and Canada who met in confernce at Toronto, will receive—as I think they surely will—from the right hon. Gentleman that attention which they certainly deserve.

I desire to ask two or three questions in connection with the position of the natives in our African possessions and protectorates: the first has reference to the Colony of Gambia. I hope the Colonial Secretary will make a brief statement on the point, and so set at rest the anxiety which has been prevalent during the last year among the natives of the Gambia. There has been a series of rumours, the tendency of which apparently goes to show that the Colony of Gambia is to be ceded to a friendly Power. That naturally has aroused very great anxiety among the natives there, and I hope the Colonial Secretary may be able to set that anxiety at rest. I do not think myself that it is at all well founded, but if it is made clear that there will be no steps taken in that direction until the House has had an opportunity of discussing the matter, I think the existing anxiety will be very much allayed. The second matter has reference to the Committee on the alienation of native lands in West Africa, which I rejoice very much to see has been set up. I think many of us on all sides look forward to the results of the deliberations of that Committee with very great expectations, but if justice is to be done to the question, it is of very great importance that native evidence should be heard by the Committee. I want the Colonial Secretary to be good enough to assure this Committee that native evidence will be heard, and not only native evidence, but native evidence which by its character will clearly appear to the ordinary native to be unprejudiced. It is very important therefore that the natives who may be heard by that Committee should not be merely members of the various nominated Councils or natives connected with the Government, but that there should be a number of natives who have no such official positions. I do not wish to say that the evidence of the others would not be unprejudiced, but it would not appear to be, and it is important to have those natives whose evidence would appear to be completely unprejudiced. There exist in various Colonies in the West Coast of Africa agencies of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. That society will be glad to take the steps necessary to secure reliable native evidence, which can be given before that Committee, if there is an assurance that such evidence will be heard. I think it is quite clear in the interests of equity that this is a desirable course, and it is equally clear, whatever the decisions of the Committee may be, that on grounds of expediency alone it is very important that natives generally should feel certain that their views have been properly expressed to the Committee, not only through official channels. The decision of the Committee will carry far greater weight, and is more likely to be accepted with unanimity if the evidence on which its conclusions are based is really representative.

The third point to which I desire to refer is in reference to the question of Masia, in British East Africa. I regret it has seemed necessary to transfer the Northern settlement of the tribe of the Masai to the Southern Reserve. While I regret it very much, and fear some of the results which may follow, I recognise it has been sanctioned by the Colonial Office in the belief that it will be for the benefit of the Masai, but I do want to ask the Colonial Secretary, now that the transfer is taking place and a new enlarged Reserve created, that some definite departure may be made in the interests of that tribe of natives by granting them some opportunity for education in the best sense of the word. It is not satisfactory simply to shut up a savage tribe in Reserves when their whole wealth consists in the accumulation of cattle. If they are to be left there with cattle accumulating without any further civilisation than they have already received, and with no other form of currency, it is quite easy to see that in the near future evils such as have been felt already will recur. I desire to suggest that wool-bearing rams might be given to the Masai, and they might be encouraged to become a trading tribe as well as a pastoral tribe. If a further cattle tax is placed upon them the proceeds of that tax might to some extent be spent in providing them with education suitable to their needs. I recognise the great difficulty of dealing with a warlike tribe that was and is in a savage, pastoral state, and recognise that the measures that are to be taken must be taken step by step. I ask that some new departure may be made in that direction, and I hope the Colonial Secretary will give the Committee an assurance on the point. We on this side greatly appreciated the remarks with which the right hon. Gentleman began his luminous survey of the Crown Possessions and Dependencies. He said that he wished to see his Secretaryship marked by the extension of railways and the spread of preventive medicine. All quarters of the House recognise the beneficent results that would follow the adoption of those two improvements. At the same time we do not wish to see merely material progress in the Empire. We very greatly cherish our position as an Empire in safeguarding the rights and privileges of the native races in a way that no other great world-Empire has ever done, and we look to a Liberal Colonial Secretary to cherish with peculiar regard that heritage, so that even the most backward races in the Empire may be given an opportunity to go forward, each in its own way, to develop, not a cheap imitation of our civilisation, but some healthier stage which will naturally follow on their own. On that ground especially I beg to commend the points I have mentioned.

I wish to refer to the remarks made by the right hon. Gentleman in regard to the Mediterranean. Before doing so I should like to offer a vigorous protest against the very short time given us to discuss so immense a subject as the Colonial Office Vote. When it is recollected that to-night it was intended that two private Bills should interrupt the discussion, and that it was only by a matter of private arrangement that those Bills were settled outside this Chamber, I think it is time that the Opposition, who have had their Supply days cut into more than once before, offered a protest. It is ridiculous that we should have to discuss the whole of the Crown Colonies of the Empire in four or five hours, or, at any rate, that only one day should be given to the discussion. The Colonial Secretary began his most interesting speech with a reference to Malta and Cyprus. He referred to Malta as a fortress and a naval base. It seemed to some of us on this side rather like an echo of what is past, and what we wish would recur in the early future. I cannot see how the very unfortunate financial situation of the people of Malta is going to be much assisted by the present programme of the Government. With regard to Cyprus, I greatly deplore the remark which the right hon. Gentleman saw fit to make. We have had a contented Island under British administration for many years. It is not disputed that our administration in Cyprus has brought an immense amount of prosperity to both the Greek and the Turkish populations. Yet the right hon. Gentleman, for some reason best known to himself—I may be mistaken in my interpretation of his utterance—saw fit to express regret that we had ever gone there.

I must be allowed to correct that. What I said was that if Lord Beaconsfield had never taken Cyprus it might have been better for the British Treasury, but worse for the population of the Island.

I must say that I mistook the expressions of the right hon. Gentleman. My only object in alluding to Cyprus was that at this moment all the islanders in the Ægean are particularly unsettled, to put it mildly, in regard to their own position. I think it would be very unfortunate if the people of Cyprus, the Greeks, or Turks themselves have any doubt whatever of our determination to continue the good work of the past in the future, and I am very glad of the acknowledgment of the right hon. Gentleman. I pass from that to the question of railway development in East Africa. The right hon. Gentleman has with the Chancellor of the Exchequer come to an arrangement—an entirely fortunate arrangement, as I think—though very tardy that railway development in East Africa should have an impetus this year. But I understand that the Grant-in-Aid of East Africa has been reduced, according to the right hon. Gentleman's speech, from something like £164,000 to practically nil at the present time, and the Government are taking great credit to themselves for this state of things. I wonder if it is realised on the other side of the House that the raw material of cotton has been burnt in Uganda and East Africa, because the Government have not been able to get from the Treasury sufficient for railway development? Was there ever a more pitiable instance that a great country should consider—just because we cannot give a Grant-in-Aid, all this raw material for one of our greatest industries, badly needed for its development, should be literally burnt in Uganda—for lack of transport. It is a fact that if only the Government could see their way to expedite to a greater degree the development of the Uganda Railway and the provision of rolling stock for East Africa, there would be produced an immensely increased amount of foodstuffs for this country, and raw material for our industries. A reduction of a Grant-in-Aid points obviously to independence and prosperity on the part of the Crown Colony, but in this one particular case I regret very much that the Grant-in-Aid is being reduced, for I think we might instead of reducing increase our Grant-in-Aid and continue it long after the Colony has become independent of aid from this country.

There is one other matter which I should like to allude to in connection with the railway. The right hon. Gentleman took to himself, I think, an entirely unmerited credit with regard to some of this railway development. He referred to railway development in West Africa. Would he allow me to call his attention to what passed at the Chamber of Commerce recently? The West African section of the London Chamber of Commerce met on 25th April, and a cable was read as to the Nigerian Railway. It stated:—

The right hon. Gentleman takes full credit to himself for the opening up of railways, and when he says he wishes his administration, which will doubtless be conspicuous in other ways, to have particularly the impress of railway development stamped upon it, I think he might bear the cases of East Africa and West Africa in mind.

I must reply now if I am to hope to cover the numerous points put to me. First of all I should like to thank the Committee for their toleration of the infliction they suffered to-day from me, and I shall note the suggestions made for the better reduction of such infliction if ever attempted again. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for St. George's, Hanover Square (Mr. Lyttelton) attacked me for having departed, on a single occasion, from what he regarded as the inflexible rule of the Colonial Office, that in the appointment of Governors to Crown Colonies no departure should ever be made from the names of those now in the service.

No, I expressly said a departure should not be made except for special reasons. I quite admitted there might be special reasons.

So long as it is admitted that such departure could be made for good reasons in special cases I have not much to dispute with the right hon. Gentleman, except to say that the gentleman I did appoint to Mauritius was a gentleman of special qualifications of a standard up to the ideal of which the right hon. Gentleman spoke. The right hon. Gentleman spoke of Mauritius as a first-class Governorship. I do not know whether he was aware that from the moment of the appointment of Major Chancellor I reduced the salary from £5,000 to £3,000, and altered the status of that Governorship. But I do feel, that in future, I and every Colonial Secretary-must feel, free in certain circumstances and certain interests to select a distinguished man from outside the service if it is considered essential. I have never said there was any presumption of preference over a man in the service. My particular wording of a sentence which I know has distressed the right hon. Gentleman may have been clumsy on my part; but it has always been my intention to press forward and consider all possible candidates within the service whenever a vacancy occurs, and I hope that assurance of my invariable habit will be satisfactory. But in defence of my appointment of a distinguished man like Major Chancellor I would like to tell the right hon. Gentleman that Major Chancellor was Secretary to the Colonial Defence Committee and had especial qualification at all events in that way. To listen to the right hon. Gentleman's argument one would imagine such a thing never occurred before, but I should like to remind the right hon. Gentleman that from 1895 to 1900 Sir West Ridgeway, Sir Robert Murray, Mr. Stern-dale, and Sir Mathew Natham, who occupied immediately before his appointment precisely the same post which Major Chancellor did, of Secretary to the Colonial Defence Committee, were appointed to Colonial Governorships, so that I think the right hon. Gentleman and I may cry quits on what I am not prepared to regard as faults on either side.

The right hon. Gentleman made some interesting observations on a Bill which I think has recently been under discussion, or at all events was published, in the "Gazette "of South Africa, to regulate the residence of natives. I am told it was never introduced, although the preliminary step was taken of publishing the notice. The right hon. Gentleman said its effect would be to convert natives into serfs and drive them into forced labour, and he indulged in a good deal of criticism of the South African Government for venturing to put forward such a Bill. The right hon. Gentleman also asked me to use my diplomatic influence, whatever that may be, to induce them to drop such a proposal. If the right hon. Gentleman is right that there would be grave risk of native unrest from the passage of this Bill I am quite sure he can rely upon the South African Government to act rightly, even without any diplomatic influence of mine. That is a matter entirely within the competence of the Union Government of South Africa. Nobody knows better than the right hon. Gentleman the caution which is exercised in regard to any interference with the government of our Self-governing Dominions. If the dangers are such as the right hon. Gentleman seems to expect or suppose, I may say that any diplomatic influence which can be exercised by me will be used in the direction desired by the right hon. Gentleman. The hon. Member for Bridgeton (Mr. MacCallum Scott) has returned to a subject which I am afraid the House may be a little weary of, namely, the exclusion from the Civil Service in the Federated Malay States and the Straits Settlements of those who are not of purely European descent. There is no secrecy about the change. The hon. Member seems to think it has been done in a hole-and-corner way, but, as a matter of fact, it was made while the right hon. Gentleman the Member for St. George's (Mr. Lyttelton) was in office, and he was the person who introduced the words "European descent." It was I who had to amend the right hon. Gentleman's literary style by adding the word "purely" in justice to those who might otherwise be misled by the phraseology he used. That is exactly how the matter stands. The Civil Service in the Federated Malay States is open competition with a single restriction to those of purely European descent. The Chinese and Malays despise mixed blood being put in authority over them. That has been the experience of all the people who have any knowledge of those States.

That may be so in regard to mixed blood, but does the restriction not also apply to people of pure Chinese blood and Malay blood.

It was found difficult to provide suitable employment for Eurasians, and the system was changed by the right hon. Gentleman opposite in 1894. The Malay States before Federation in 1898 would not consent to any Eurasians or Indians being admitted to the service there, and consequently any Indians or Eurasian had to go to the Strait Settlements when the federation took place. It was impossible to appoint men who could not serve in the Federated Malay States to serve in one corner of the amalgamated service. No Chinaman has sat for examination in the Indian or the Home Civil Services, though they are eligible. It is the object of the Government to train Malay gentlemen for service in administrative posts, and arrangements are being made with a view to those previously held by cadet officers being filled by Malays when they qualify. Up to 1904 the officers of the Malay police were selected by patronage, the object of the office being to assure they were always of European descent. When they were thrown open to competition those words were necessarily inserted to show what was the habit. In Ceylon Asiatics and Eurasians can enter the Cadet Service. As to local opinion on the subject, I will quote a few words from the "Straits Settlement Times" of 4th March:—

" The Chinese are furious when Indians are put over them, and the Indians are equally furious when the Chinese are put over them, but both accept pure bred Europeans as the natural order of things. There is not even a shadow of reflection cast on the capacity of men of pure Asiatic blood or of mixed nationality… There is no Government under the sun readier than that of Great Britain to use all men equally whenever possible to the advantage of the body politic."

My hon. Friend also raised the question of the abolition of the Queen's Scholarships. They were not abolished by me. I have maintained the abolition which I found in operation when I came to the Colonial Office. I have gathered there is a general consensus of opinion among most of the educationists there that this money is being better used in other ways. It is being used, among other things: Senior Cambridge local classes, for Grants-in-Aid of commercial classes, for commercial scholarships, and for scholarships for girls. I do not think it can be contended the money is not being used for good educational purposes. The hon. Baronet the Member for Gravesend (Sir G. Parker) referred to the Conference of last year, and the recently appointed Commission. He complained that my absence on the day of the Adjournment for the Whitsuntide holidays had prevented the discussion of the composition of the Dominion Royal Commission at an earlier date. I am sorry that should have been so, but the hon. Member knew it would be impossible for me to be in the House on the day of the Adjournment, owing to the fact that I had already been obliged to leave London.

I prefaced my remarks by an expression of regret at the cause of the right hon. Gentleman's absence, but I should have spoken if the blocking Motion had not still remained on the Paper.

At any rate, the hon. Gentleman raised his complaint on the Adjournment. The moment we returned from the Whitsuntide holidays I took pains to put myself, through the usual channels into communication with the Opposition, and said I should be delighted to take the Colonial Vote on the earliest possible day, in order that those Members might have an opportunity of making their protest—

Does the right hon. Gentleman suggest that an effective protest could be made after the Commission had started its labours?

I think an effective protest—or a protest of any kind—could now be made just as well as at the time suggested. The Commission was already in existence at that time, and although it had not actually held its first sitting, I do not see that the holding of that first sitting can make any difference when you are proceeding to attack the composition of the Commission and the capacity of the Com missioners. The hon. Member spoke of the need for a great statistician on the Commission, but I have already taken steps to ensure that they shall have special expert assistance in their statistical work from a person trained in such work at the Board of Trade. I foresaw that they would like to have such assistance for the arrangement of statistics. The hon. Member also raised some objection to Sir Edgar Vincent, another member of the Commission, whose finance, he said, was too high, while as to the Chairman—

I do not think the statement of the right hon. Gentleman is quite fair. I think I gave reasons why I did not think the Chairman fulfilled all the requirements for such a position. I said his career had been somewhat bureaucratic, and that he had been closely identified with the Government officially as representing them on the question of tariffs. I said he was an official pure and simple, and was not in my mind or in the public mind such a representative authority on the questions the Commissioners would be called upon to discuss as could be desired.

The hon. Member having repeated his statement I think it is only right I should say that in the opinion of the Government, and in the opinion of a very large number of people, the Commissioners have been extremely fortunate in having a Chairman like Lord Inchcape, a man so distinguished in life, character, experience, and work. Allusion has also been made to the terms of reference. They seem clear enough, and we made them perfectly clear at the Conference. There seems to be a suspicion that the Home Government have attempted to exclude any inquiry into the resources of the United Kingdom. I can assure hon. Members that there never was any intention at the time of the Conference that the inquiry should extend into the resources of the United Kingdom, because it was recognised that those resources were so well tabulated and would be available here for the Commissioners to be used by them for the purposes of their inquiry, as it was specifically understood there would be an enormous number of sittings taken for the purpose of inquiring into the resources of the United Kingdom, especially in view of the Census of Production, which is now being got ready and will be placed at the service of the Commission. The Crown Colonies were mentioned in this connection. The Commission has been set up by a Conference of the Dominions to inquire into the trade of the Dominions, and not to inquire into the trade of the whole Empire, or of Crown Colonies, or of India. My hon. Friend the Member for Dumfriesshire (Mr. Molteno) complained of the Parliament of the Union of South Africa having enacted arbitrary legislation in regard to finance. He complained of the Transfer Duties which were imposed last year, and he thinks they might have been properly disallowed by the Treasury Rules. That is a matter for the Treasury, on which I am making further inquiry. The Death Duties Bill to which he referred was not proceeded with, and the Bill has now been dropped. The hon. Member said there had been a withdrawal of capital of something like £5,000,000 from South Africa recently, and that there would be a refusal to invest money in South Africa if the Union Government continued their present system of financial legislation. If that is so, I think that their own proceedings are likely to cure the dangers which the hon. Member foresees. I am quite sure that the views expressed by him will be cabled out to South Africa, and I have no doubt that they will receive all the consideration they deserve.

The hon. Member for the Attercliffe Division (Mr. Pointer) complained of the indentured labour employed in British Guiana. [HON. MEMBERS: "Speak up."] I will do my best; my voice has been tried. I welcome the appreciation expressed by the hon. Member of the efforts I made for an improvement in the system of indentures, but, as I explained in my earlier speech, it is not possible to hold out any hope of dispensing with the employment of indentured labour. It seems, on the whole, to be giving satisfaction to the public there, because we have seen for the last two or three years in the Legislative Chamber that the unofficial members have not been willing to move in any way for its abolition, although the subject has been left to the discretion of the unofficial members. The Noble Lord (Lord Ninian Crichton-Stuart) made an attack upon the franchise and the representative system of Ceylon. He has the advantage of a longer sojourn in that island than I had, but I think, as the partly elected Council has only just been established and got to work, he might be content to give it time to see whether it justifies the terrors with which he has already invested it.

The hon. Member (Mr. Theodore Taylor) spoke of the farming of opium in Hong Kong. I think I mentioned that the farm is renewed, but the amount which it is entitled to sell was reduced by 25 per cent. When the farm again comes up for consideration I will consider whether it can be wiped out altogether or whether, if it is renewed, some reduction can be made in the quantity. I hope the policy will be a progressive one. In the Straits Settlements my hon. Friend said there is a constant influx and efflux of Chinese and others which would make any approach to registration of the opium smokers extremely difficult. In my opinion in this matter we must go cautiously until we have dealt with the morphine and cocaine importations into these places and dealt still more with the manufacture and export and importation of cocaine here. I am sorry to say there is no doubt the population are taking to these poisonous drugs. There is no step I would not take, as far as I can, to prevent all access to these vicious poisons, but I would not venture to fix a definite date for the total abolition of the opium smoking habit in our Colony until I have seen what we can do by international action and by action in this House to check the sale, production, and export of these poisons which may be carried in so small a space. The hon. Member (Mr. Mitchell-Thomson), who is an expert in Caribbean cable communication, has pressed me very strongly to agree to a very large expenditure on a new cable in that district. My leaning is rather towards an extension of wireless telegraphy in those islands. I know what his objections to that are, but I think he has exaggerated the difficulties of the system. I am certainly not proposing that wireless should be the sole means of communication with Canada from the West Indies, but I do not, as at present advised, think the cable which he has mentioned would supply traffic sufficient to warrant that great expenditure. I will consider the representations which he says are to be made to me, especially in view of his very rosy financial calculations. I hope the House will be inclined now to allow me to have the Vote.

Question put, "That a sum, not exceeding £38,975 be granted for the said service."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 112; Noes, 200.

Division No. 121.]

AYES.

[11. 0. p. m.

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Fell, Arthur

Norton-Griffiths, J. (Wednesbury)

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Anstruther-Gray, Major William

Goldsmith, Frank

Perkins, Walter Frank

Archer-Shee, Major M.

Grant, J. A.

Peto, Basil Edward

Ashley, Wilfrid W.

Greene, Walter Raymond

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Gretton, John

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Balcarres, Lord

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Baldwin, Stanley

Haddock, George Bahr

Rees, Sir J. D.

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Royds, Edmund

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Hamilton, Lord, C. J. (Kensington, S.)

Sanders, Robert Arthur

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Harrison-Breadley, H. B.

Sanderson, Lancelot

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)

Sandys, G. J. (somerset, Wells)

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Bird, Alfred

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Hill, Sir Clement L.

Stanier, Beville

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Hills, John Waller

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Boyton, James

Hoare, S. J. G.

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Bridgeman, W. Clive

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Stewart, Gershom

Burdett-Coutts, W.

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Kuntsford)

Burgoyne, Alan Hughes

Hurt, Rowland

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Ingleby, Holcombe

Talbot, Lord E.

Campion, W. R.

Jackson, Sir John

Terrell, George (Wilts, N. W.)

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Kerry, Earl of

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Thomson, W. Mitchell- (Down, N.)

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Touche, George Alexander

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Courthope, George Loyd

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Macmaster, Donald

Weigall, Capt. A. G.

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Williams, Colonel R. (Dorset, W.)

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Croft, H. P.

Mount, William Arthur

Worthington-Evans, L.

Dalrymple, Viscount

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Denniss, E. R. B.

Newman, John R. P.

Yate, Col C. E.

Doughty, Sir George

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Duke, Henry Edward

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Sir G. Parker and Mr. G. Lloyd.

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Nield. Herbert

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

George, Rt. Hon.

Acland, Francis Dyke

Cowan, W. H.

Gill, A. H.

Adamson, William

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D.

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Alden, Percy

Crooks, William

Goldstone, Frank

Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbartonshire)

Cullinan, John

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

Armitage, Robert

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Greig, Col. J. W.

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)

Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward

Barnes, G. N.

Dawes, J. A.

Griffith, Ellis J.

Barton, William

De Forest, Baron

Guest, Hon. Major C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Beale, Sir William Phipson

Delany, William

Gulland, John William

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Dewar, Sir J. A.

Hackett, John

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts., St. George)

Doris, William

Hancock, J. G.

Bentham, G. J.

Duffy, William J.

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)

Burke, E. Haviland-

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds.)

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood)

Elverston, Sir Harold

Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N. E.)

Chancellor, Henry George

Esslemont George Birnie

Harwood, George

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

Falconer, James

Haslam, James (Derbyshire)

Clough, William

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Clynes, John R.

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

Hayward, Evan

Collins, G. P. (Greenock)

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

France, Gerald Ashburner

Hemmerde, Edward George

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Meagher, Michael

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Henry, Sir Charles

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Roche, Augstine (Louth)

Higham, John Sharp

Menzies, Sir Walter

Roe, Sir Thomas

Hinds, John

Millar, James Duncan

Rowlands, James

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Molteno, Percy Alport

Samuel, J. (Stockton)

Hodge, John

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Samuel, Sir Stuart M. (Whitechapel)

Hogge, James Myles

Montagu, Hon E. S.

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas, Bridgeton)

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Morgan, George Hay

Sheelty, David

Holt, Richard Durning

Morrell, Philip

Sherwell, Arthur James

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Morison, Hector

Shortt, Edward

Hudson, Walter

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Hughes, S. L.

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

John, Edward Thomas

Neilson, Francis

Spicer, Sir Albert

Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Sutherland, John E.

Jones, H. Haydn (Merioneth)

Nolan, Joseph

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Nuttall, Harry

Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)

Jones, W. S. Glyn- (Stepney)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Tennant, Harold John

Jowett, F. W.

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Thomas, J. H. (Derby)

Joyce, Michael

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Kellaway, Frederick George

O'Dowd, John

Toulmin, Sir George

Lamb, Ernest Henry

O'Grady, James

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton)

O'Malley, William

Wadsworth, John

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Lansbury, George

Parker, James (Halifax)

Walters, Sir John Tudor

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, W.)

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Wardle, George J.

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rlnd, Cockerm'th)

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Levy, Sir Maurice

Philips, Col. Ivor (Southampton)

Webb, H.

Lewis, John Herbert

Phillips, John (Longford S.)

White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston)

Lundon, Thomas

Pointer, Joseph

Whyte, A. F. (Perth)

Lyell, Charles Henry

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Wilkle, Alexander

Lynch, A. A.

Power, Patrick Joseph

Williams, P. (Middlesbrough)

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Wilson, Hon. G. G. Hull, W.)

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Pringle, William M. R.

Wilson, John (Durham, Mid)

Macpherson, Jame Ian

Radford, G. H.

Wilson, Rt. Hon. J. W. (Worcs., N.)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

McCallum, Sir John M.

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

M'Laren, Hon. F. W. S. (Lincs., Spalding)

Reddy, Michael

Young, William (Perthshire, E.)

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Yexall, Sir James Henry

Manfield, Harry

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Markham, Sir Arthur Basil

Roberts, G. H. (Norwich)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Captain Guest.

Marshall, Arthur Harold

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)

Original Question again proposed.

Sir F. BANBURY rose— And, it being after Eleven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his Report to the House. Committee report Progress; to sit again on Monday next (1st July.)

High Court of Calcutta (District Magistrate of Mymen-Singh)

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn.—[ Mr. Wedgwood Benn. ]

I wish to make a brief apology to the hon. Gentleman and the House for my absence last night, which was due to an entire misunderstanding, and I deeply regret that he or any Member of the House came here on the understanding that I was going to bring this matter forward. The subject I wish to bring before the House, I venture to think on public grounds, has reference to an answer given by the Under-Secretary for India to a question which I put to him the other day. That answer was entirely unsatisfactory. It happens that within the last few days the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council gave judgment in the case of a district magistrate in India, who had issued a search warrant during the troubles which occurred between the Hindus and the Mahomedans in Bengal, and then was sued by the person whose premises were searched for criminal trespass. The late Chief Justice of the High Court of Bengal and a barrister judge, Mr. Justice Fletcher cast this district magistrate for criminal trespass, and fined him 500 rupees. An appeal was made from this by the magistrate. A bench of the same Court of two judges, both barrister judges, and a civil service judge dissenting, dealt with the appeal, and the consequence was that this district magistrate, an Indian Civil Servant, a capable officer—

Attention called to the fact that forty Members were not present. House counted, and forty Members being found present—

When a case is brought forward here on behalf of some agitator, the benches are crowded, and when the case is only that of a loyal and honest Indian Civil servant and his devotion to his duty, I must be glad to think that there are still forty Members to listen to that case. This magistrate suffered in purse, in reputation, and in credit for four years in India until the case came before the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, when Lord Macnaghten, in delivering judgment, said:—

"The case is one of grave importance, and their Lordships are compelled to add that, in their opinion, there has been a serious miscarriage of justice in both courts which dealt with this matter in India."

It is not my object to make a speech now, but to hear the Under-Secretary make a speech, and so I will not go further into the judgment of the Privy Council which dealt with the original judgment and the appeal judgments of the High Court of Calcutta in what I can only describe as a most contemptuous manner. I myself for some time was a Deputy Registrar in an Indian High Court, and I declare that I never remember seeing so humiliating and so contemptuous a reversal of a judgment as that which was experienced in this case. Who runs the Government of India? Is it not the heads of districts. This was the head of a district of whom, in the words of the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, it is written:—

"The result is that a magistrate, placed in a very difficult position and called upon to act in a sudden?emergency, has been adjudged guilty of trespass and subjected to a fine, though he seems to have acted properly, with courage, good sense, and strictly in accordance with the powers committed to him."

Never have I seen such a case. I put a question to the Under-Secretary of State and I take grave exception to the answer given to me. In the exercise of my duty as a Member of Parliament, and also an old Civil servant, referring to a case in which a brother officer was badly treated, I am quite as capable of judging as the Secretary of State for India on a matter like this. He takes upon himself, through the lips of the Under-Secretary, to rebuke me, actually rebuke me in this House while ease after case is brought forward in which his colleague the Home Secretary contemptuously reverses the judgments of magistrates and judges here in this country and refuses to act upon their recommendations! The Under-Secretary, because it is a case in India, takes it upon himself to rebuke me for bringing this forward. He says if I had reflected that the Judicial Committee contained two distinguished ex-barrister judges of the Indian High Courts I would not have attempted to draw the inferences contained in the question. I do not know what that remark means. It seems to be entirely irrelevant. I submit there never has been a bench whose judgment was so completely and contemptuously reversed as this. I will not shrink from this. I well remember those benches opposite were crowded in order to bring charges against Mr. Justice Grantham, imputing to him partiality in the exercise of his judgment, and because I bring forward this case—and it is notorious that the High Court of Calcutta has taken up an attitude adverse to the Executive Government—the Under-Secretary is actually put up to rebuke me. He says:—

"The composition of the Court is determined by Statute,"

as if I did not know—I, who have been an officer of one of these Courts. Then he says:—

"And the Secretary of State desires to deprecate most strongly the comments on the bench made by the hon. Member."

When I sat on the benches opposite I was most anxious to protest against the charges made against one of His Majesty's judges, Mr. Justice Grantham. Now, with an equal sense of responsibility I declare that right through this business the barrister judges of the High Court of Bengal—I do not, like the hon. Gentlemen opposite in the case of Judge Grantham, impute to them any partiality in the exercise of their functions, but I do declare of this particular judge who passed this judgment, that his political feelings are so strong that—

The hon. Member, if he is going to attack the Judiciary in India, should bear in mind the rule which obtains in this country. If an attack is made on the Judiciary here it must be made in due form after notice and on a separate Motion. The hon. Member referred just now to the criticism passed upon Mr. Justice Grantham. That was passed after due notice had been given and on a special Motion calling his action in question. I think the same procedure might properly be applied to judges in other parts of the Empire.

I will at once leave that and return to the safer ground of my objection to the tone of the Under-Secretary's reply. If I have shown some little warmth in defending my brother officer, who has been so harshly and unjustly treated, I trust the same consideration which is accorded to others in this House will be accorded to myself. I maintain that these district officers are those who actually carry on the British Indian Empire, and that the judgment of the High Court in this case has caused the utmost alarm and apprehension throughout that Empire, and has seriously impaired that independence and courage on the part of the magistrates which is one of the greatest factors in our Administration. In Order to allow the Under-Secretary to reply before half-past Eleven, I will sit down, though I confess I long to dwell upon the features of this case.

I think the hon. Member opposite quite misunderstood the reason for the answer which I gave him the other day. Nobody, least of all myself, resents the zeal which the hon. Member invariably shows in helping his fellow Indian Civil servants in matters which affect them deeply, but in this particular case there was no necessity for his assistance. I expressed, in the very answer of which he complained, the satisfaction that we all must feel that a highly respected Civil servant had at last been cleared of the charges made against him, and that the highest Court in the land—I am quoting from memory—had uttered such signal words of praise of the action which he took in extremely difficult circumstances. What more could we possibly do?

Perhaps the hon. Member will listen to me with the patie1nce with which I listened to him. The very moment the judgment was given by the Committee of the Privy Council we telegraphed to India giving them the result, and we asked the Governor-General what compensation he proposed to give, or what he thought would be the proper course to take in the case of a Civil servant in that position. I told the hon. Member we were in communication with the Government of India on the subject of compensation. It is impossible a few days after the judgment is delivered for the Government of India, from whom the first action must come, to have the judgment before them or to have more than a telegraphic summary of the result. I could not do more under the circumstances than tell the hon. Member how satisfied and proud everyone connected with the Government of India was that Mr. Clark's name had been cleared, and that we had communicated with the Government of India on the subject of compensation. All I complained of and all I complain of now in the hon. Member's question was that he took advantage, in the form in which the question was drafted, of Mr. Clark's case to make both by insinuation and by comment reflections upon the Bench in Calcutta and upon the position of the High Court in India. That is the only part of the question I deprecated; that is the part of the question I deprecate still.

The hon. Member is not entitled to make two speeches.

Question put, and agreed to.

Public Offices (Sites) Bill

Ordered, That the Order [10th April] that all Petitions against the Bill presented Five clear days before the meeting of the Committee be referred to the Committee, be suspended in the case of the Petition of the Most Noble William Henry Walter Montagu-Douglas-Scott, Duke of Buccleuch and Queensberry, against the said Bill, and that the said Petition be referred to the Committee on the Bill, and that the Petitioner may be heard by himself, his Counsel, or Agents against the said Bill.—[ Sir Edward Beauchamp. ]

Adjourned at Twenty-six minutes after Eleven o'clock.