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Commons Chamber

Volume 40: debated on Monday 1 July 1912

House of Commons

Monday, July 1, 1912

Private Business

Private Bills [ Lords ] (Standing Orders not previously inquired into complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, originating in the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders not previously inquired into, and which are applicable thereto, have been complied with, namely:—

Great Northern Railway Bill [ Lords ].

Bordon and District Gas Bill [ Lords ].

Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time.

Annfield Plain and District Gas Bill,

Dublin and South-Eastern Railway Bill,

Great Eastern Railway Bill,

Lords Amendments considered, and agreed to.

City of London (Various Powers) Bill [ Lords ] (King's Consent signified),

Bill read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Lea Bridge District Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],

Maidenhead Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],

North Middlesex Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],

Southgate and District Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],

Stockport Corporation Bill [ Lords ],

Tendring Hundred Water and Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Bill [ Lords ],

As amended, considered; to be read the third time.

Bishop's Divorce Bill [ Lords ],

To be read a second time To-morrow.

Tramways Provisional Orders Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Local Government Provisional Orders. (No. 8),

As amended, considered; to be read the third time To-morrow.

Norfolk Fisheries Provisional Order Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Thursday.

National Insurance Act, 1911

Copy presented of second list of societies approved by the National Health Insurance Joint Committee and by the National Health Insurance Commissioners for England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) as to the determination of questions under Section 66 of the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Imperial Revenue

Return presented relative thereto [ordered, 23rd April; Mr. Joseph Pease ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Return presented relative thereto [ordered, 12th June; Mr. John O'Connor ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Superannuation Act, 1884

Copy presented of Treasury Minute, date 18th June, 1912, declaring that Henry Robert Newing, telegraphist, General Post Office, was appointed without a Civil Service certificate through inadvertence on the part of the head of his Department [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Post Office Savings Banks

Accounts presented of all deposits received and paid during the year ended 31st December, 1911, together with a state- ment showing the aggregate amount of the liabilities of the Government to depositors in the Post Office Savings Banks on the 31st December, 1911, and the nature and amount of the securities held by the Commissioners for the reduction of the National Debt to meet those liabilities at that date [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, And to be printed.

Board of Education

Copy presented of Code of Regulations for Public Elementary Schools in Wales (including Monmouthshire), with Schedules, 1912 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Universities of Oxford and Cambridge Act, 1877 (Oxford)

Copy presented of Statute made by the University of Oxford on 5th March, 1912, and sealed on the same day, amending Statute Tit. VI. Section 1. E. § 2, "Concerning the Nomination of Examiners" [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Wood Distillation (Forest of Dean)

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether the plant and machinery ordered by the Government for the Wood Distillation Factory in the Forest of Dean is of German manufacture; and, if so, why British manufacturers of such equipment were not given a preference over their foreign competitors?

The order was given by my predecessor to a German firm after full inquiry into the comparative merits of the various processes in use. He would have been very glad to give a preference to British manufacturers; but the plant and machinery for what he was advised is the best and most suitable process for Dean Forest could only be obtained in Germany.

May I ask whether it is not a fact that British machinery is quite as good if not better than that of Germany?

The advice we received from men competent to speak on the manufacture of the material that was required for our purpose said that the best and most suitable process is that which can be carried out by German machinery, and not by British machinery.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there is at present most excellent plant and machinery being used for exactly the same purpose by private manufacturers in the Forest of Dean, plant entirely of English manufacture?

I am quite well aware of that, and we hope to manufacture this rather more profitably than private manufacturers.

Mr. HUNT rose—

Government Cattle Testing Station

asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether the proposed Government cattle-testing station, near Pirbright, will be available for the testing for freedom from tuberculosis of the livestock of all private owners by a Government expert prior to their export to Argentina, South Africa, and other places abroad; and, if so, whether he has any official information showing that the agents of foreign and Colonial purchasers will accept such official test as adequate and conclusive, and render unnecessary any further or other test on behalf of such purchasers or the Government of the country of destination?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. The Board are in communication with Colonial and Foreign Governments with a view to ascertain whether they will be prepared to admit animals certified by the Board to have satisfied the official test for tuberculosis without quarantine or other restrictive conditions. I cannot say whether private persons residing abroad who purchase through agents in this country would accept the Board's certificate as sufficient, but it is reasonable to expect that they would be satisfied by any test which is considered sufficient by the Governments of their respective countries.

House of Commons

Pictures

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether the picture now exhibited in the Royal Academy, and entitled the Tumult in the House of Commons, is to be placed in St. Stephen's Hall; if so, whether the subject, title, and treatment were approved before the picture was exhibited; when the picture will be placed on the walls of St. Stephen's Hall; and whether this picture is part of a preconceived plan for the decoration of that historic spot, or is to be regarded as an experiment?

My hon. Friend is throughout correct. The picture is the gift of the Royal Academy, to whom the thanks of His Majesty's Government are due. It has been painted by an eminent member of the Academy, and will be placed in position when their exhibition is closed. The offer was accepted in continuation of the general scheme for the decoration for the Houses of Parliament of which the frescoes so recently placed in the passage from the Central Lobby to the grand staircase are so successful a part. A number of subjects for treatment have been selected by some historical experts, and I shall be happy to send the list to my hon. Friend if he would care to see it.

Will the same artist continue this series of subjects, and is the hon. Gentleman aware that the style and colouring are totally different to those pictures to which he has favourably referred?

No, Sir, I do not think the artist for the other subjects which have been selected has been chosen. I would remind the hon. Member that the picture in question is intended to go into St. Stephen's Hall, which is some distance from the corridor where the other pictures are.

Mr. KING rose—

I would remind hon. Members that there are over a hundred questions on the Paper. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."]

Division Bells

asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he is aware that the Division bells ring in a certain Conservative club; and, seeing that this gives a party advantage to unpaired Conservative Members who are thereby enabled to take part in Divisions without being within the precincts of the House, whether he will immediately take steps to have the arrangement terminated?

I believe my hon. Friend's statement is correct. The Office of Works, however, is not concerned in the provision of Division bells, which are installed and maintained by the Postmaster-General.

Public Monuments (London)

asked whether a bronze statue of Lord Clive is to be erected in Whitehall; if so, on what grounds the decision was taken to erect another monument in this much-used thoroughfare; and whether the exact site chosen can be indicated?

The statue is to be erected temporarily in the garden attached to Gwydyr House. Afterwards it is proposed to remove it to the west end of King Charles Street. It seemed a pity not to exhibit this fine work of art before the completion of the public offices.

asked whether any application had been received to erect a monument in London to Captain Cook, the great navigator and discoverer of Australia; and, if so, what answer had been given?

Yes, Sir. Permission has been granted for the erection of the statue on the west side of the Admiralty Arch and in close proximity to it. It will form part of the general scheme of decoration. Sir Aston Webb always intended to place a statue on this spot.

Questions

Conviction of Crowsley (Soldiers at Aldershot)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is, now in a position to state the result of his inquiry into the case of Crowsley, recently sentenced to four months' hard labour for offences connected with the distribution of a pamphlet advising soldiers not to shoot?

also asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he can yet make any statement as to the sentence passed upon Frederick Crowsley, at Winchester?

In view of the reduction of the sentences recently passed on other persons in connection with the publication of the pamphlet referred to, I have decided to advise His Majesty to reduce the sentence passed on Frederick Crowsley from four months to two months.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of giving this prisoner the benefit of Rule 243A?

Is it not a fact that this man was only sent to prison because he would not promise not to offend again? Would it not be possible for him to come out now if he gave the necessary promise?

The man was sent to prison because he offended against the law. If he had undertaken at the time, notwithstanding his offence, not to repeat it I believe the Judge would, in fact, have discharged him, but as he did not give the undertaking he will have to bear the consequences.

Established Church (Wales) Bill

Churches and Chapels (Cardiff)

asked what is the number of Established churches and mission halls; what is the number of Calvinistic Methodist chapels and halls in Cardiff; and whether the figures given take account of separate self-contained buildings only or also include rooms in other buildings?

The Church of England had twenty-five churches and thirteen mission rooms in Cardiff in 1906. The Calvinistic Methodists had eleven chapels and twenty-two Forward Movement halls and schoolrooms. Of these twenty-two, eight are also chapels but ate not included in the eleven already men- tioned. The remaining fourteen halls are schoolrooms in which services are held simultaneously with the services in the eight halls and eleven chapels. These eight halls and fourteen schoolrooms in which simultaneous services are held do not include classrooms attached to the halls. I cannot say whether these are all separate self-contained buildings, but their size and importance may be inferred from the fact that the total accommodation provided in the twenty-two halls and schoolrooms is 10,335, an average of 470.

Is it not a fact that these halls are the largest in the whole of Cardiff?

Well, Sir, I think some of them are as large as the largest, but I cannot answer the question without exact examination.

Questions

Gross Neglect of Children

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether he has received a memorial from the vicar of St. Mark's, Old Ford, asking him to release George Johnson, who was convicted on 10th June and sentenced to one month's imprisonment for alleged cruelty to his children; whether he is aware that this man is a sober, steady workman whose wife died under distressing circumstances, leaving him with the care and responsibility of five children; and if, under the circumstances, he will accede to the wishes of the memorialists and at once order the man's release?

On inquiry I find that the evidence disclosed a case of gross neglect continued after several warnings and causing much suffering to the children. The magistrate informs me that he gave full consideration to the extenuating circumstances urged by my hon. Friend, and but for them would have passed a severer sentence than one month's imprisonment. I find no reason for advising any interference.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether if he and the Government will consider what, in these circum stances the man is able to do, earning very low wages, with no one to mind his five children, as he has lost his wife through suicide, and a girl of fifteen years of age has neglected his children, and now the whole family have no one to look after them?

Motor Omnibuses (London)

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether his attention has been called to the fact that the motor omnibus companies in London intend to place 2,000 more motor omnibuses on the streets; and whether, having regard to the high proportion of fatal accidents caused by these vehicles in comparison with those caused by electric tramways, the Home Office, as the police authority for the Metropolis, contemplate any steps to secure for London the same control over this traffic as is possessed by the citizens of great provincial municipalities?

I have seen in the Press the announcement referred to. The Town Police Clauses Act, 1847, empowers the licensing authority to licence such number of carriages as they think fit. The Metropolitan Carriage Act, 1869, which, with the Metropolitan Streets Act, 1867, contains the law applying to London, gives no similar power to the licensing authority.

Would not the right hon. Gentleman's Department take some steps to provide some piece of machinery on the cow-catcher principle to prevent people being run over in the streets?

Yes. The Home Office will be very glad to consider any instrument of the kind, but I understand, so far, no effective means has been discovered of attaching anything on the principle of the cow-catcher to those' buses.

asked the Secretary of State if he can state whether, after taking into consideration the growth of traffic in the Metropolis, accidents caused by mechanically-propelled vehicles show any increase as compared with those years previous to the adoption of such vehicles?

The number of accidents caused by vehicles in the Metropolitan Police District has, with some fluctuations, shown a progressive increase in recent years since motor traffic was introduced. The volume both of pedestrian and of vehicular traffic has greatly increased during this period, but there are no statistics available of vehicles and their mileage from which any trustworthy comparative table can be compiled.

Shops Act

asked whether the Government do not intend to enforce the provisions of the Shops Act; and whether, if that is so, he can give the House any information as to whether the Government will be prepared, in case similar difficulties should arise in carrying out any of the provisions of the National Insurance Act, to express their willingness not to enforce those provisions?

The duty of enforcing the provisions of the Shops Act is placed by the Act on the local authorities, and not on the State.

May we assume that the statement in the Press is correct that the Home Office or any other Department concerned does not intend to enforce the Shops Act? Is that statement accurate or inaccurate?

In accordance with the provisions of the Act the Home Office will certainly enforce the Act, but the initial responsibility for enforcing the Act rests with the local authorities.

Suffragist Prisoners

Holloway Gaol (Visitors)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that Mr. M. M. Terrero, who had a permit to visit his wife in Holloway recently, was refused admission on medical grounds; whether the superintendent had been authorised by the Home Office to cancel the permit; and, if not, what were the grounds upon which admission was refused?

Visits to prisoners who refused food were suspended not only on medical grounds, but also because by refusing food—which is an offence against prison discipline—a prisoner forfeits for the time being the right to receive visits. Notices were sent out to persons to whom visiting orders had been sent, but in Mr. Terrero's case there was no time to inform him before he came to the prison.

Forcible Feeding

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman has received the Report from the governor or medical officer of Holloway Prison concerning Mrs. Myra Sadd Brown; whether he is aware that, when forcible feeding was about to be resorted to, she informed the medical officer that, owing to a fracture of the nose, forcible feeding by the nose-tube would not be possible; that the doctor refused to pay any attention to her statement but ordered three wardresses to hold her in a chair; that the feeding-tube was forced three times up the nostril but returned by way of the mouth; whether he is aware that on the following day she informed the governor of what had happened, and that she had been operated on for nose and throat trouble, and that the forcible feeding on the previous day had caused bleeding from these parts; that a few minutes after giving this information she informed the deputy medical officer to the same effect; but that, despite this, no examination of the organs was made, and that four attempts to force the tube through the nostril were made and failed; whether he is aware that all this involved mental and physical suffering; and what action he proposes taking to prevent a recurrence of such treatment?

I have only to add to the answer given to my hon. Friend on Thursday last that on the first day the nasal tube was passed three times, and again three times on the second day.

Questions

Creosote Solution (Use in Brickyards)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman has under consideration the disease which is caused by the use of creosote in brickyards by workmen whose special task it is to impart a certain finish to bricks by dipping them in a creosote solution; whether he is aware that when the fluid dries upon the hands blisters form upon the skin, which develop into a kind of wart eating into the flesh and finally forming open wounds; whether be is aware that some men have had to have hands or arms removed for this reason; and, if so, whether he can see his way to schedule this particular form of industrial poisoning?

My attention has been called to cases of disease in brickyards due to the use of creosote, and I have caused inquiry to be made. It appears that bricks are not dipped in creosote, but creosote is used for lubricating the dies of the brick-making machines, and some of it is liable to get on the hands and arms of the workers. The disease is already scheduled as epitheliomatous cancer, or ulceration, in the Home Office Order under the Compensation Act. Only one case is known in which the disease has resulted in the loss of a hand or arm. Frequent washing is the best precaution against the disease, and washing accommodation is being provided at the works.

Pitch and Toss (Conviction of Boys)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that two lads, both under seventeen years of age, were sent to Wandsworth Gaol on 10th June instant by Mr. Israel Symmons, the Greenwich stipendiary, for playing pitch-and-toss in a public place; will he say what was the nature of the game they were playing; whether he is aware that the prisoners had the option of a small fine which they were unable to pay; whether time was allowed for payment; whether he is aware that both boys were first offenders; and when the House may expect the short Bill promised by the former Secretary of State for the Home Department two years ago, designed to secure a short time for this class of prisoners to pay any fine that may be inflicted on them?

I have not previously heard of this case, but I am making inquiry. The Metropolitan Police magistrates are fully aware of the provisions of the Probation of Offenders Act, but they have to use their discretion in applying them to cases that come before them; and in regard to these cases of gaming in the streets I would refer my hon. Friend to the answer which I gave to him on 2nd May last.

I am afraid it is quite beyond hope to introduce the short Bill referred to this Session, but I hope to be able to do so next Session.

Can the right hon. Gentleman give us some assurance that he will make some effort to carry out the promises on this subject made by his predecessor?

Oh, yes, Sir. I am quite as anxious as my predecessor was that this question should be dealt with.

If such a Bill were non-controversial, could it be introduced this Session?

I doubt whether such a Bill would be considered as non-controversial. It is one of considerable importance and I do not think there would be time to take it this Session.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consult the hon. Baronet the Member for the City of London on this subject?

National Insurance Act

Manual Workers in Gasworks

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman can state if gas-stokers, gas-fitters, labourers, and other manual workers employed in and about gasworks will be compulsorily insured under Part II. of the National Insurance Act; and whether a deputation from various gas companies has waited upon him with a view to being exempt from the operation of the Act; and if he can state the decision arrived at?

By Section 91 of the Act any question whether particular workmen or classes of workmen come within the scope of this Part of the Act, is to be decided, not by the Board of Trade, but by the Umpire appointed under Section 89. The Umpire has not yet given any general decision with regard to the classes of workmen referred to by my hon. Friend, and I would accordingly suggest if any doubt is entertained on the point that an application should be made at once to the Umpire for a decision. I have not received any deputation from gas companies with regard to this matter.

Has the right hon. Gentleman received any approaches from municipal bodies on this question?

Colliery Employés

asked whether fitters, smiths, carpenters, and masons, who are regularly employed as such in collieries, are included in the list of those who are compulsorily insured under Part II. of the National Insurance Act?

Decisions as to whether any workman or class of workmen is included within the scope of the scheme of Unemployment Insurance, embodied in Part II. of the National Insurance Act, rest, not with the Board of Trade, but with the Umpire appointed under Section 89 of the Act. Applications have been made to the Umpire in respect of certain of the classes of workmen referred to by my hon. Friend. These applications, numbered 172 and 173, were published on page 726 of the issue of the Board of Trade Journal for 27th June, of which I am sending my hon. Friend a copy.

Can the right hon. Gentleman see his way to send a copy of those instructions to the collieries concerned in view of the uncertainty prevailing?

I cannot say exactly which collieries are concerned. If the hon. Member will tell me the collieries to which he refers, I shall be glad to do so.

Would it not be more satisfactory if the right hon. Gentleman would issue a pamphlet saying which men are liable and which are not, because if he sends to each individually the "Board of Trade Journal" it is a very unsatisfactory way of finding out?

In those cases a decision has not definitely been come to. An application has been made to the Umpire, and I will consider, when the Umpire has given his decision, how far it should be made public.

Employers and Workmen

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that at Messrs. Price and Company's oil works, Belvedere, workmen are being required to attend at the company's office individually to answer various questions and are being requested to state the name of their approved society for the administration of the National Insurance Act; and whether, if the company is not justified in seeking such information, he proposes to take any action?

also asked whether certain employers of labour in Halifax have issued circulars to their workpeople in connection with the National Insurance Act inquiring as to the age of each employé and the name of his approved society, and in one case the employé is asked whether his approved society is a trade union; and whether any steps can be taken by leaflet or otherwise to assure persons who are to become insured under the Act that it is no concern whatever of employers what the ages of their employés are and the names of their approved societies?

at the same time asked the right hon. Gentleman whether his attention has been drawn to the references made at the first meeting of the State Insurance Provisional Committee for Sheffield to the manner in which Sheffield employers are requiring a workman to give them more information than the law permits them to ask for; and what action he can take to protect men against the pressure being used by employers to prevent men freely choosing their approved society?

I have seen a newspaper account of the meeting at Sheffield. A circular requiring the ages of all employés or exercising pressure as to the choice of a society, especially with threats of £10 fines, would be entirely without excuse under the Act, and I will certainly endeavour to take all possible steps to communicate information to this effect to any who are concerned. Employers have no right or excuse under the Act for exercising any pressure, direct or indirect, on their employés to join a particular society, or for requiring to know what society they have joined. The Commissioners have refused to allow a system of stamping cards by an approved society or anybody in connection with which an approved society or approved section is formed. They have also taken the greatest care that neither the cards nor any other paper or requirement under the Act will disclose the workmen's society to his employer. Employers' funds cannot under the Act be approved if it is made a condition of employment that workmen join them, nor would the Commissioners approve of any such fund if they had evidence to show that any pressure is being exercised to induce the employés to join it in preference to other approved societies.

May I ask whether in case of where employers act in defiance of the statement now made, the right hon. Gentleman will take steps to amend the Act and compel them to conform to the law?

I cannot promise anything concerning amendments of the Act at present, but I hope that the publicity given to such instances as these will prevent employers doing such things.

If large employers are circularising employés in the manner described, will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to circularise them?

Printing Contract (Wales)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that the National Health Insurance Commissioners (Wales) are having printing work carried out by firms whose shops are closed to trade unionists in consequence of the recognised rate of wages not being paid; and whether he intends taking action in the matter?

I think the hon. Member must have been misinformed. The printing work for the Welsh Insurance Commissioners is being done by one of the oldest trade union houses in South Wales, and the wages paid are in accordance with the trade agreement between the provincial employing printers and the provincial unions.

Employers' Contributions in Joint Employment

asked where a woman is employed as housekeeper by the tenants of eight sets of chambers in the same building, which of the tenants is bound to pay the employer's contribution for her insurance?

The case of persons employed by more than one employer in the week is dealt with in Regulations which are about to be presented.

There certainly will be a Regulation in connection with current employment, as I promised the hon. Member for Barkston Ash, but I am not quite sure whether it is included in this special class of Regulation.

Wife's Liability to Insurance

asked if a husband is in receipt of income by way of salary as a clerk exceeding £160 but his wife has no separate income apart from her husband, will the wife be treated as liable to be insured if she becomes employed as a caretaker or housekeeper?

The fact that the husband's salary exceeds £160 per annum does not affect the liability of his wife to be insured if she becomes employed.

Workmen's Assistants

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether a workman who undertakes work by the piece or by the day, and who is assisted by another workman provided by him for the purpose, is liable to pay the employer's contribution for his assistant, or whether the person from whom the work has been obtained will have to pay the employer's contribution for both men?

The answer to this question must depend as regards Part I. of the Act on the relationship in which the workman undertaking the work stands to the person from whom the work has been obtained, and on the nature of the employment. The facts stated in the question are not sufficiently precise to enable an answer to be given in this particular case, but I will send the hon. Member a copy of the regulations which have been made with reference to intermediate employers, which may give him the information he requires.

Feeble-Minded Rural Workers

asked if the Insurance Commissioners have power to make regulations for the exemption from the provisions of the National Insurance Act rural workers who are feeble-minded, epileptic, infirm, or otherwise only partially capable of earning a livelihood; and, if so, whether they propose to exercise those powers?

The Commissioners have no general powers of the kind suggested in the first part of the question. Apart from the special provisions of the Act such as those relating to out-workers or inmates of institutions, persons who are actually employed must be insured under the ordinary conditions and the Commissioners have no power to exempt them by regulation. The second part of the question does not therefore arise.

Deposit Contributors

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the fact that no person need become a deposit contributor for three months after the National Insurance Act comes into operation although he may not have joined an approved society, he will publish a correction of the N. H. leaflet issued by the Insurance Commissioners which states that it is of the greatest importance to every employed person that he should join an approved society without delay and so avoid becoming a deposit contributor?

The advice given in the N.H. leaflet to which the hon. Member refers is entirely justified. Until a person has been accepted as a member of an approved society he risks prejudicing his admission either through breakdown of his health in the meantime or through the possibility of the conditions of admission being made more stringent. Neglect to look for a society now may easily continue until the opportunity is lost unless specific warning is given of the need for early action. Full advice as to his position and rights under the Act will also be most readily obtained when the individual has behind him the assistance of an approved society of which he has become a member.

Will the right hon. Gentleman have that answer printed as an addendum to the leaflet?

The leaflet is perfectly clear. It urges members to choose their society without delay.

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the fact that persons between sixty-five and seventy have to pay full contributions under the National Insurance Act and cannot become insured, but can only get benefits at the discretion of the societies to which they may belong, he will publish a correction of the N. H. leaflet issued by the Insurance Commissioners, which states that all persons in the service of an employer between sixteen and seventy must be insured?

The leaflet to which the hon. Member refers is perfectly correct. Persons between sixty-five and seventy who are employed persons at the commencement of the Act are required to be insured, though under the Act they form a special class of insured persons, and as such are not entitled to the ordinary benefits, but to such special benefits as can be provided.

Is it not the fact that the only benefit they can get lies at the discretion of the society?

If the hon. Member will make himself familiar with the tables we have issued he will see a series of tables showing the benefits that can be given between the ages of sixty-five and seventy.

But is it not the case that they can only be given at the discretion of the society?

How can men between sixty-five and seventy join a society. Is it not a fact that no society will take men of that age?

The benefit that can be given in such cases is an actual, sound benefit.

Voluntary Rates for Male Insurers

asked the Secretary to the Treasury if the table of voluntary rates for male insured persons entering into insurance on and after 15th January, 1913, as shown in Cd. 6172, is the same as the compulsory rate for such persons entering on or after 15th July, 1912?

The answer is in the negative. Voluntary insured persons entering on or after 15th January, 1913, pay increasing rates—according to their ages on entrance, but receive full benefits. Compulsorily insured persons entering on or after 15th July, 1912, pay the ordinary rate whatever their age at entrance, but receive reduced benefits if they enter over the age of 50, or after 14th July, 1913.

Approved Societies (Advertising Expenditure)

asked the Secretary to the Treasury, if his attention has been called to the sums being spent in advertising by certain companies to try and secure members for their approved societies under the National Insurance Act; and if this expenditure can be charged in any way to the funds of these approved societies, either directly or indirectly?

Advertising expenses incurred in getting up a society may be treated as part of the administration expenses of the society, the total amount of which, out of the Insurance funds, is limited to 3s. 8d. per member per year, with the addition of 1s. for preliminary expenses during the first half-year.

Reduction of Wages

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he is aware that the motor company at Stamford has announced that, on account of the National Insurance Act, the working hours will be increased from 54 per week to 55¼, and that 2½ per cent. will be deducted from piecework prices; and whether he can now propose an amendment of the Act to prevent this penalising of workmen in connection with a new law?

There is no law at present to prevent an employer attempting to reduce wages at any time at the expiration of a contract except where a minimum wage has been fixed under a statute.

In these instances do not the firms state that these men will be engaged under the National Insurance Act?

I should like notice of that. Of course any employer can reduce wages at the end of any contract under any excuse he chooses.

Exempted Persons

asked why an employer's contribution is payable in respect of an employé who claims and obtains exemption, and to what purpose the contribution, exacted without consideration from the employer, is devoted?

Questions

Contributions from employers of exempted persons are required by the Act in order to prevent discrimination against persons who are compulsorily insured. Such contributions are to be dealt with in accordance with Regulations, which may provide for applying them for the benefit of the employés in respect of whom they have been paid in the event of their subsequently becoming employed contributors.

What reason or justice is there in making an employer contribute for the insurance of a person not insured?

That was decided in a Parliament in which, unfortunately, we had not the presence of the hon. Member.

Had not the right hon. Gentleman better abstain from airing his wit and answer the question?

The question was answered. The hon. Member will find it in the Act of Parliament, Section 4, Subsection (4).

With due submission, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman what consideration an employer gets in such a case?

It is too late to ask that. It is in the Act of Parliament. The hon. Member, on referring to the Debates, will find the reasons stated.

Loss of White Star Liner "Republic."

asked whether a Board of Trade Inquiry was held into the loss of the White Star liner "Republic," which foundered after collision in the Atlantic?

The "Republic" sank after collision with the Italian steamer "Florida" in American waters on the 23rd January, 1909. No formal investigation was ordered into the case, as there was no power to compel the attendance of witnesses from the Italian vessel; and, in their absence, any public inquiry would have been of an ex parte character, and possibly prejudicial to the interests of the British vessel. Actions were entered in the United States District Courts.

Deck Passengers (Board of Trade Requirements)

asked whether, in view of the fact that the Board of Trade are unable to enforce their own requirements as to the number of deck passengers taken on board ship after a ship has cleared a British port, the right hon. Gentleman will consider the steps necessary to be taken to secure trustworthy evidence from the official logbook?

The matter raised in the question is receiving careful consideration along with others germane to it, and if it is found that the present powers of the Board of Trade are not sufficient to enable them to deal with the matter, I will consider the advisability of seeking an extension of those powers.

Railway Accidents (Representatives of Employesés)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that the South-Eastern Railway Company have refused to allow a representative of the men to visit the scene of an accident in company with the Board of Trade inspector appointed to investigate the same; and, having regard to the fact that the cause of any accident can only be ascertained after a visit to the place of the accident and with a view to fair treatment of the employés involved, whether he will take steps to ensure the right being accorded to the men's representative?

The Board of Trade have no power to require railway companies to allow men's representatives to visit the scene of an accident, but the inspecting officer to whom the investigation of the cause of the accident is entrusted invariably visits the locality, and has full power to do so.

Liverpool Overhead Railway (Accident)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that, at an inquest held on a passenger who was killed at Herculaneum Dock Station, Liverpool Overhead Railway, on 12th June, 1912, owing to insufficient staff on the platform, the jury recommended an additional man at this station, and that this recommendation has not yet been acted upon; and will he inquire into the system of working the traffic on this railway, both in the interests of the men and for the safety of the travelling public?

The return of this accident rendered by the coroner does not mention any recommendation as having been made by the jury at the inquest, but if my hon. Friend can supply me with particulars I will look into the matter and consider whether there is sufficient ground for a Board of Trade inquiry.

Board of Trade Inquiry (Faversham)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that at a Board of Trade inquiry, held at Faversham on the 26th instant, to inquire into an accident which happened on the 19th June, and which was conducted by Inspecting Officer Major Pringle, R.E., a representative was present to watch the interests of an employé affected, and after giving the recognised authority for his attendance this was not accepted until after the employé had been called in and asked in the presence of his employers whether he required the attendance of his trade union official; and, having regard to the fact that this action is calculated to prejudice the position of the men and is contrary to the intention of Parliament when deciding the necessity of representation for the men that such representation would not prejudice their rights, will he say what action he proposes to take?

I have inquired into the matter, and find that the incident referred to in the question was due to a misapprehension, which I do not think is likely to occur again.

Railway Companies (Transit Risks)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman's attention has been called to a recent decision of Judge Mackarness, at Hayward's Heath County Court, where he refused to allow a claim for damages against the London, Brighton, and South Coast Railway Company for loss occasioned by the death of a cow, which was being conveyed from Ayr, Scotland, to Hayward's Heath at the company's risk, to go to the jury on the ground that material evidence had not been called to show any negligence by the railway company; whether, as it is practically impossible in such cases for farmers to obtain evidence, he will consider the advisability of introducing legislation to so amend the law that when cattle are consigned at the company's risk the company should be liable for damages in the same way as in the case of merchandise, without the necessity of the owner having to prove specific acts of negligence on the part of the company's servants; and whether he will endeavour to arrange by such legislation for railway companies to quote a rate under which the company takes all risks of damage during transit?

The hon. Member has furnished me with a summary of the proceedings in this case. The exact grounds of the decision are not clearly stated in this summary. I understand, however, that in the case of livestock the consignment note usually contains a Clause providing that the railway company shall not be liable for loss or damage except on proof of negligence or default on the part of the railway company or their servants. Whether such a condition is just and reasonable is a matter which under Section 7 of the Railway and Canal Traffic Act of 1854 can be decided by the Court, and any condition held not to be just and reasonable is invalid.

Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the possibility of revising these Regulations?

British Ships in Foreign Waters (Pilotage)

asked what foreign countries permit British pilots to navigate their waters with or without pilot certificates; and also in what countries is such navigation prohibited?

British pilots are not permitted by the conditions under which they hold their licences to pilot ships beyond the districts specified on the licences. As regards the right of British masters to pilot their own vessels in foreign waters with or without pilotage certificates, I am having the information obtained by the Pilotage Committee in 1910 printed with the Votes.—[ See Written Answers this date. ]

May I ask if these pilots can obtain this permission from foreign countries?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman when that Return will be issued and available?

Royal Navy

Fleet in Chinese and Indian Waters

asked whether, following upon the concentration of our naval strength in the North Sea, any addition will be made to the Fleet in Chinese and Indian waters?

No, Sir, not at present.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask whether there is any ship of a higher class than a second-class cruiser in Chinese and Indian waters, and whether he considers the Fleet in these waters of sufficient strength?

The answer is in the affirmative. The armoured cruiser "Defence" recently took the place of the protected cruiser "Astræa," and we consider the ships in Eastern waters quite sufficient.

Arising out of that answer, having regard to the possibility of the Dominions co-operating in naval defence in Eastern and the Pacific waters, would the right hon. Gentleman take steps to urge upon His Majesty's Government the necessity of giving advantages in trade and other respects to the Dominions as compensation for such sacrifices in the direction of defence?

In view of the paucity of ships in Indian waters, will the right hon. Gentleman consider the question of arming the ships of the Royal Indian Marine to enable them to undertake police duties and to act as auxiliary commerce protectors?

I am satisfied that the strength of the Fleet in Eastern waters is generally sufficient.

Mediterranean (Naval Conditions)

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he will assure the House that no situation arising out of the impending naval manœuvres shall compromise the case for maintaining the present naval conditions in the Mediterranean, the full discussion of which he has already undertaken to ensure?

I can add nothing to the answers already given by the First Lord of the Admiralty.

Admiralty Contracts (Fair-Wages Clause)

asked the result of the inquiry into the alleged infringement of the Fair-Wages Clause at the Yarrow ship building yard, Scotstoun?

I have made inquiry into the matter raised in the question. I cannot ascertain that there is an existing agreement for the demarcation of work as between painters and red leaders in the district, though I understand that the question of the desirableness of such demarcation has been the subject of discussion amongst the men. In any case, the work upon the ships to which the question refers, the contract having been made some time ago, is not under the newer and more extended House of Commons Fair-Wages Resolution. Our newer contracts contain the new Fair-Wages Clause, and the matter involved in the question will be kept carefully in view as the work on these ships approaches the painters' stage.

Might I inquire when we may expect the new, or what is called the new, regulation to be put in operation?

The new Clause has been in operation for some considerable time. My hon. Friend is dealing with ships which take between one and two years to build.

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if Messrs. Wilkes and Sons, Government contractors, of Liverpool Street, Birmingham, have reduced the rates of pay for wire drawing by 2s. 6d. and 2s. per cwt.; if the men have threatened to strike in consequence; whether this is a violation of the Fair-Wages Clause; and, if so, does he intend taking any action in the matter?

In reply to parts one and two of the question, the Admiralty have received no information; no opinion can therefore be expressed in regard to part three. This firm has no Admiralty contract involving the kind of work referred to in the question, but it holds, orders for other work. In respect of that work, of course, the Fair-Wages Clause must be respected.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that, in a glaring case which came before my notice, it means a reduction of 10s. per week in wages and will he inquire into the matter?

If my hon. Friend will give me particulars, I will certainly make inquiries.

Naval Review

asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether he has yet published the complements of ships to be present at the Naval Review; whether all the ships then assembled at Spithead will be filled up with crews to fighting strength in all Departments; whether there will be forty-two battleships, five battle cruisers, and twenty-five armoured cruisers; whether there will only be eleven protected cruisers; and, if so, whether he will explain why eleven protected cruisers are accepted as sufficient units in such a large Fleet?

Complements of ships are not published. The ships at Spithead will all have full crews, with the exception that the Training Squadron will retain their boys and the cadet ships their cadets, and consequently the deck complements of these ships will differ from what they would be in war. The numbers given by the Noble Lord are correct for battleships, battle cruisers, and armoured cruisers, except that two additional battleships, the "Swiftsure" and "Triumph," will be present, and these ships will be employed in the manœuvres as armoured cruisers. The number of protected cruisers will be nine, exclusive of flotilla cruisers and cruisers converted for special purposes. The fact that the 7th, 8th, 9th, 10th and 11th Cruiser Squadrons are not required for the purposes of these manœuvres, and will consequently not be present, sufficiently explains the small number of protected cruisers. The proportion of attached or repeating ships required by a battle fleet cannot be suitably discussed in answer to a question.

asked the Prime Minister, whether, in order to meet the convenience of Members who desire to avail themselves of the invitation of the Lords of the Admiralty to witness the review of the Fleet on 9th July, he will propose the Adjournment of this House for that day?

asked whether it is proposed that this House will sit on the occasion of the Spithead Review on Tuesday, the 9th July?

Perhaps the hon. Member for West Wolverhampton and the hon. Member for Great Yarmouth will postpone their questions until I have made further inquiries.

New Construction

asked when the battleships of the current programme will be laid down, and what time will be allowed for their completion?

It is hoped to lay down the two dockyard-built ships early in November. The dates for the two other ships are not yet settled, but they will probably be laid down very shortly after the dockyard ships.

Could the right hon. Gentleman say how many months' acceleration that represents?

Submarines

asked what date it is proposed to complete the submarines of the current programme?

Government of Ireland Bill

Preservation of Order

asked whether, in the event of the Government of Ireland Bill becoming law, justices of the peace or other peace officers in Ireland will have power to summon the military forces of the Crown in Ireland to assist in preserving order or preventing threatened disturbance of the peace?

The justices of the peace and other peace officers in Ireland will retain the legal powers in this matter which they have at present.

Will that include a justice of the peace who at present refuses to attest a recruit for the British Army in Ireland?

asked whether, under the Government of Ireland Bill, the primary duty of maintaining order in Ireland, outside the Dublin Metropolitan area, will be cast upon the local authorities?

The present position, as regards the control of the Royal Irish Constabulary, is not affected by the provisions of the Bill till the period of six years from the appointed day has expired, after which date the matter will rest with the Irish Parliament.

Irish Representation at Westminster

asked the Prime Minister whether the supreme authority of the Imperial Parliament is in any way increased by the inclusion in Clause 13 of the Government of Ireland Bill of the words, "unless and until the Parliament of the United Kingdom otherwise determine the following provisions shall have effect"; whether the right of the Imperial Parliament to amend or repeal the Clause would be in any way diminished if these words were omitted; and, if so, whether he will state the nature of the restrictions which the omission of these words would place upon the free action of the Imperial Parliament?

The answer both to the first and second parts of the question is in the negative. The third part of the question does not arise. The words are inserted merely for the purpose of showing that, having regard to the possibility of general redistribution, the arrangements made by the Clause may prove temporary only.

Roll of Precedence in Ireland

asked whether, if the Government of Ireland Bill becomes law, the Irish Parliament will have power to alter the Roll of Precedence in Ireland, which gives precedence to the Archbishops of Canterbury and York over all other archbishops?

This is a matter of Dignities, and, as such, is excluded from the control of the Irish Parliament.

Irish Petitions to Crown

asked whether, if the Government of Ireland Bill becomes law, Irish petitions addressed to the Crown will have to be made through a Member of the Executive Committee of the Irish Parliament?

The Bill does not affect the right of subjects to petition the Crown.

Veto of Imperial Parliament

asked the Prime Minister if, in accordance with the terms of the Government of Ireland Bill, an Act passed by the Irish Parliament should be vetoed by the Imperial Parliament and thereupon the Irish Ministry should resign, no other Ministry being capable of formation, what steps it is proposed the Imperial Parliament should take to carry on the government of Ireland; whether it is proposed to introduce into the Bill any provision to meet such a situation; and, if not, will he explain how the veto is to be rendered effective?

I must refer the hon. Member to the answer given by my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary on 8th May last in reply to a somewhat similar question by the hon. Baronet the Member for Mid-Armagh.

Questions

University of London (Site for New Premises)

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the official announcement that a special committee of the Senate is now considering the adoption of a site for the new premises of the University of London, he is in a position to state the attitude of the Treasury towards the movement, since much depends upon the measure of financial support which may be expected from the Government?

The Government must await the final Report of the Royal Commission before deciding what, if any, steps should be taken by them in connection with the present accommodation for the university.

asked whether the trustees appointed by the Government to receive funds for the proposed Bedford estate site for the University of London are still exercising their functions, or whether, in view of the inability of the Senate at once to take advantage of them, the offers of land and financial aid have lapsed; and, if so, have all the promised contributions, which were variously estimated at from £175,000 to £350,000 thus ceased to be effective?

The delays that arose in connection with the possible acquisition of the Bedford site prevented the actual appointment of trustees to receive funds for the purpose, and Lord Haldane was obliged to inform the university that these delays had prejudicially affected the prospect of getting in the necessary funds. I am informed that the vacant land on the Bedford estate is available for a short time longer. Some of the promises of money, however, previously made were dependent on the fulfilment of certain conditions that have not so far been complied with.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say for what period the site is held available?

Industrial Unrest

Government Intervention

asked the Prime Minister whether, in view of the results of intervention on the part of the Government in disputes between employer and employed, he will test the effects of abstention from intervention in respect of the current and of succeeding strikes?

His Majesty's Government will continue to act as they may think best in the general interests of the community.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether at a time of acute industrial crisis he will enjoin an abstinence from incendiary speeches upon the Chancellor of the Exchequer?

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he will make arrangements for both sides being equally well fed, so that they may fight properly?

Scottish Board of Agriculture

asked who will reply in this House for the Scottish Board of Agriculture?

Telephone Service

National Telephone Company (Pension Fund)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware that the National Telephone Company's pension fund is about to be distributed; whether he allowed those officers who handed over their contributions to the Treasury to count those contributing years as years of pensionable service; and whether these contributors have to hand over only the 2½ per cent. deducted from their salaries, or the whole of the amount, including the 2½ per cent. contributed by the company and the amount contributed by the company when the scheme was inaugurated, as many officers consider they are entitled to retain all moneys above the 2½ per cent. they have contributed themselves?

Under the terms of the Telephone Transfer Act, a member of the company's pension fund is allowed to count the period during which he has contributed to the fund as service in the office to which he is transferred, provided that he assigns his share of the fund to the Postmaster-General. No provision is made for officers assigning a part only of their share in the fund.

Questions

Parcels Post (Compensation for Damage)

asked the Postmaster-General whether he will undertake to increase the present compensation for parcels which may be lost or damaged whilst under the control of the Post Office?

I presume that the hon. Member's question has reference to inland unregistered parcels, the maximum limit of compensation for which is £2. I have no information to show that this limit is insufficient, but I shall be happy to consider any evidence which the hon. Member may be able to furnish.

Road Improvement Fund

asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he will state the amount of any Grant received to date by the ratepayers of London from the Petrol Tax paid by the London motor omnibus companies and the other sources of income of the Road Improvement Fund?

No Grant has yet been made from the Road Improvement Fund towards work of road improvement in London other than £2,734 for experimental work in the Boroughs of Wandsworth and Fulham. But the Board have intimated to the local authorities that they are prepared, if application is made to them, to contribute, subject to Treasury approval, £875,000 towards the construction of a new western approach road to London, and this is now under the consideration of the local authorities concerned.

Postage Stamps (New Issue)

asked when postage stamps of other denominations than ½d. and 1d. will be issued with the portrait of His Majesty?

One, the fourpenny, denomination will be issued at the end of the present or the commencement of next week. The others will follow at brief intervals.

Old Age Pensions

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether the Paddington guardians have issued to old age pensioners in their infirmary a circular stating that Mr. Aveling, the clerk to the guardians, has to inform Mr.—that his relief in the infirmary has been declared by the board of guardians to be relief by way of loan and that the cost thereof can be recovered from—in the County Court (4 and 5 William IV., c. 76, s. 78); whether such a circular, issued to sick persons over seventy years of age, has received his sanction; and, if not, whether he will make representations to the Paddington guardians with a view to its withdrawal?

I am informed that the Paddington guardians have passed a resolution directing that relief granted to persons in receipt of old age pensions shall be declared to be relief by way of loan, except in cases where the relief is given only on account of destitution, and that, in pursuance of such resolution, notices have been sent to such old age pensioners whose relief has been declared to be relief by way of loan. It is competent to the guardians to give relief of this kind by way of loan without any sanction on the part of the Local Government Board, but I am causing some further inquiry to be made in the matter.

Cottage Ownership (Rates)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether the decision of the Courts in the cases of the King versus Probert is pressing with severity on working men who own their own cottages; and whether, since legislation is not to be introduced, he can by administrative action in any way relieve occupying owners of cottages from the new burden with which the decision has saddled them?

The enactment which was the subject of the decision in the case referred to was not intended to allow a workman who owns his cottage to pay less rates than his neighbour who is not owner. No administrative action on my part could secure the object which the hon. Member has in view.

Vaccination Officers (Hackney Union)

asked the President of the Local Government Board, whether he will cause a reply to be sent to the hon. secretary to the National Vaccination Officers' Association to his letter of the 29th February last respecting certain fees claimed by the vaccination officers of the Hackney Union, such reply to be received in time to be considered at a meeting of the association to be held on the 3rd July?

The association are aware of the communication I addressed to the guardians of the Hackney Union on 8th February last which explains the position in this matter. I do not think I can usefully add anything to that letter.

Franchise and Registration Bill

asked the President of the Board of Education if he can give an estimate of the number of male and female electors respectively who would be enfranchised for local government purposes under Sub-section (i.), and under Sub-section (2), respectively, of Section 2 of the Franchise and Registration Bill?

I am afraid that no estimate that I could give of the number of male and female electors who would be enfranchised for local government purposes under the Sections referred to would be reliable owing to the impossibility of forecasting the effect of the abolition of the limit of value and of the reduction of the qualifying period.

asked whether a memorandum could be prepared and issued as a White Paper showing either what will be the effect of the proposed repeal of enactments contained in the Fourth Schedule to the Franchise and Registration Bill, or what provisions of the existing Franchise and Registration Law would be left unrepealed if that Schedule became law?

I think, if the hon. Member would not mind speaking to me on the subject, that we might arrange for something being done in the direction he wishes; but I cannot pledge myself to the exact form without consultation and further consideration.

Liquor Laws (Ceylon)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether his attention has been drawn to the proposed new liquor laws now under consideration by the Council of Ceylon; whether these propose a large addition to the toddy taverns all over the island as in the Western province, where the existing 260 arrack taverns are to have 269 toddy taverns added; whether the proposed law is viewed with alarm by church workers and social reformers, and is intended mainly to add to the revenue of the island by increasing temptations to drinking amongst the Cingalese; and whether, under these circumstances, he will withhold his assent to the proposed new law?

I shall carefully consider the details of the Ordinance when it is received, and I may point out that it has been carried unanimously by the Legislative Council, which contains representatives of all the races in the Colony. The suggestion that the measure is intended mainly to add to the revenue of the Colony by increasing temptations to drink is entirely without foundation. The principal object of introducing reforms in the system hitherto existing is to enable the Government to exercise control over the supply and consumption of intoxicants locally manufactured and to suppress the illicit sale of liquor, which has been rife in the past.

Are we to understand that this Ordinance will not come into force until it has been sanctioned by the Colonial Office?

Will not the effect of it be to double the number of shops for the sale of liquor?

No, Sir. I think there is a confusion—quite a natural one—between the arrack shops and the new public shops.

Is it not the case that in addition to the arrack shops the number of toddy shops is to be increased in the manner set forth in the question?

I cannot say what the increase will be for certain. I believe there will be an increase, but this is done in order to prevent illicit sale.

Government Stocks and Loans (Annual Payment of Interest)

asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer what is the net reduction in the annual payment of interest on the Government Stocks and Loans which has been effected by the repayment of indebtedness and Consols since 1st January, 1906?

The net reduction effected in the aggregate gross liabilities of the State from 1st January, 1906, to 31st March, 1912, has already resulted in a saving in the annual charge for interest of about £1,669,000. The application during the current year of moneys attributable to 1911–12, and of moneys provided for 1912–13, will effect further savings which will raise the total to about £2,000,000.

Is it not a fact that the reduction in annual interest is under £2,000,000, while the addition to the annual charge is £20,000,000?

I am not sure that I follow the hon. Gentleman. All I know is that the net reduction will represent interest amounting to nearly £2,000,000 a year.

But the increase on the annual charge is about £20,000,000 for pensions and the National Insurance Act.

Port of London (Strike)

Special Constables

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is aware that the Amalgamated Society of Engineers has taken action with a view to the expulsion of members who have enlisted as special constables; and if, having regard to the encouragement given by his predecessors to the enrolment of private citizens as special constables, he can take any steps by legislation or otherwise to prevent the penalising of the men affected?

I have not heard of any such action having been taken. I understand that the rules of the society would not allow of the expulsion of a member on this ground.

Speeches on Tower Hill

asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department if he is causing any note to be taken of the speeches which are being delivered daily on Tower Hill to the dockyard labourers and others who assemble there?

I really am at a loss to answer the question of the hon. Gentleman. Does he propose action should be taken when no harm is done?

Mr. Ben Tillett

asked if Mr. Ben Tillett took part in any way in any of the conferences convened by the Government in connection with the dock strike; and whether the arrangements proposed by the Government for the settlement of the present dispute were discussed in any way with, or submitted to the workers' leaders, including Mr. Tillett, previous to being placed before the employers and rejected by them?

My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative, and to the second part in the negative.

Policemen Injured

asked the number of policemen who have been injured since the strike began?

Seventy-four Metropolitan Police officers have been injured on duty in connection with strike disturbances. Of these thirty-two had to be withdrawn from duty in consequence, the remainder, after medical treatment, continuing their work.

Violence and Intimidation

asked the Secretary of State whether, in view of the fact that he has now received the Report of the speech of Mr. Roberts Williams, the transport workers' secretary, that they had got to use all their force and tyranny to compel men to join their unions, he can now say what steps he proposes to take to prevent trade union leaders from using force and tyranny to compel men to join their unions?

I have seen a newspaper report of the speech. Even if it is correct, the language used is so ambiguous that no proceedings could be taken; but if by "force and tyranny" is meant violence and intimidation, all I can say is that the use of such means is contrary to law, and any case where it can be shown that violence and intimidation are used will be dealt with according to the law.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman what steps he is taking now to stop intimidation?

Protection at Tilbury Dock

asked the Secretary of State whether he has yet received the appeal from the shipowners at Tilbury Dock for protection, and, if so, whether it contained a statement signed by forty-four of their workmen that many of their fellow workmen had been seriously injured and that they themselves were afraid to go back to work because of the threats of the men on strike; and whether, under these circumstances, he proposes to provide sufficient protection to enable these men to go back to work and so save their wives and children from starving?

I have received the letter to which the hon. Member refers. It is signed by one shipping company and two stevedoring companies doing business at Tilbury, and it mentions the fact that forty-four employés have signed a statement to the effect that they are afraid to go back to work on account of the threats of men on strike. It is the duty of the Essex Police to take whatever steps are practicable for the protection of these men and their wives and children. I have referred the letter to the Chief Constable, and asked him to make immediate and thorough inquiry into the statements it contains.

Has the right hon. Gentleman seen the report that thousands of women and children are starving in the East End of London because the men are afraid to work because of the terrorism that prevails? Are we to understand that the right hon. Gentleman is going to allow this state of things to go on?

I have read the statement in the morning papers that no less than 15,000 men are at work in the docks to-day—it is so stated—and in these circumstances it is idle for the hon. Member to suggest that men cannot work because they are intimidated.

Is not the usual number of men at work in the docks 20,000? And are not thousands being prevented from working?

No, Sir, there is a strike going on and a number of men do not work because they are on strike. In addition to the 15,000 now at work there are hundreds and thousands who have applied for work but cannot get it because the strike is still existing and lighters cannot be used.

Cannot the right hon. Gentleman give protection to the people who want to work?

Yes, in every case where there is an application for protection attention is given to it. It is not because of the lack of protection that men are not employed, but because they are on strike.

Will the right hon. Gentleman give the same protection to the strikers as to the blacklegs?

Why does the right hon. Gentleman refuse protection to Messrs. Tate?

The duty of giving protection to Messrs. Tate will be executed by the Home Office as in every other case.

Cases Treated in Hospital

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman's attention has been called to figures officially supplied by representatives of five hospitals, giving the number of cases of injuries treated by them in connection with the present labour troubles as ninety-two; and whether, in view of the importance of obtaining a correct return, he will communicate to hospital authorities the desirability of ascertaining from patients, where possible, the circumstances under which they received the injury for which they are under treatment?

I have no knowledge of the figures referred to beyond noticing that they were published in a newspaper. They differ widely from the figures obtained by the police on inquiry at the hospitals mentioned. I propose giving a Return of all cases treated at hospitals so far as they are known; but I cannot ask the hospital authorities to institute special inquiries in every case.

Is it not a fact that unless the patients are foreigners, no questions are asked by the hospital authorities?

I am unable to answer that question without notice, but I will inquire whether that is so or not.

asked if, in view of the fact that inquiry showed that twenty-one cases had been treated by hospitals in the East End for injuries received in the dock strike area, the right hon. Gentleman will state whether only twenty-one persons have been so seriously injured as to require medical treatment; and, if not, whether he will consider as to either providing more protection so as to put a stop to violence and intimidation or, if he will not do that, make provision of ambulance and first-aid assistance to workers who may be injured to supplement the service of the hospitals?

I have given the information obtained from hospitals. I am not in a position to say that cases of injury may not have occurred which have not come under the notice of the police; but the number of cases that have been treated at hospitals would appear to indicate that on the whole the protection afforded is not inadequate. There is certainly no inadequacy of ambulances.

Qualifications of Thames Lightermen

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether the Board of Trade has power to refuse to approve a by-law made by the Port of London Authority to vary the qualifications of lightermen on the River Thames?

Yes, Sir. The Port of London Act, 1908, requires that all bylaws made by the Port Authority shall be made subject to the provisions of the Thames Conservancy Act, 1894, under which the confirmation of by-laws by the Board of Trade is necessary before they can come into force. The Act of 1894 requires the Port Authority to advertise their proposed by-laws with a view to the consideration of objections, in the first place, by the Authority themselves, and subsequently, if necessary, by the Board of Trade. If a by-law relating to the licensing of lightermen is submitted to the Board of Trade for confirmation, it will be their duty to give all persons interested an opportunity of being heard before their decision is given.

Port of London Authority (Dismissed Workmen's Wages)

asked whether the right hon. Gentleman is aware that hundreds of permanent and registered men have been dismissed from the employment of the Port of London Authority, and the latter are retaining money due to these men in some cases to the extent of £3; and whether he will make representations to the chairman of the Port of London Authority with a view to the money being paid over to which the workmen are entitled?

I have communicated with the Port of London Authority, who have informed me that the permanent and registered men referred to were employed by them under conditions requiring a week's notice of termination of employment on either side. The Authority state that these men left their work without giving any notice, and have consequently committed a breach of contract for which they are answerable in damages. It is not a matter in which the Board of Trade can interfere.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether it should not be the duty of the Port of London Authority to sue the men for breach of contract and not stop their wages?

That is a legal question which I am afraid I am not competent to answer, and the hon. Member must give notice of that point.

Food Supplies

asked the Prime Minister whether, considering the general anxiety as to the food supply of London that has been lately aroused in consequence of the strike in the London docks, the Government will consider the question of encouraging the erection of grain elevators in London and at our various seaports, similar to those now in existence at Liverpool, so as to secure a large supply of wheat being always kept in store, and thus to prevent the food of the people being raised to famine prices in the event of future strikes or in time of war; and whether the Government will consider the question of making arrangements with the various wheat markets at the different seaports in the country to hold a sufficient supply of wheat always in stock to prevent any sudden rise in prices in case of strikes or war, either by means of a Government subsidy or by some other means of financial assistance, such as the payment of interest on the capital involved, also for increased accommodation for the cold storage of meat and other food stuffs?

As stated by my right hon. Friend the Chancellor of the Exchequer, on 10th August last, it is not at present proposed to adopt any scheme of storage in view of possible war, and there has been nothing in the history of the recent strikes to suggest that action by His Majesty's Government on the lines of the hon. and gallant Member's suggestion would have a beneficial effect.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say what use elevators would be in the absence of agreements on the part of both sides to work the elevators, and whether the food supply of London should be left to the mercy of a body of employers who will not meet the men's representatives?

Charge of Intimidation

I desire to ask the Home Secretary a question of which I have given him private notice, namely, whether five men who were peacefully picketing were summoned by the police for molestation and intimidation, brought before the Court at Deptford on Saturday, and acquitted, and, further, whether he can state what foundation the police had for taking this action?

There has not been sufficient time to enable me to inquire into the circumstances since I received notice of the question. I will find out as soon as I can what the circumstances are.

Foot-And-Mouth Disease

Irish Cattle (Landing Prohibited)

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture a question, of which I have given him private notice, namely, whether he can afford the House any information with regard to the rumoured serious and deplorable outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease?

With the permission of the House I should like to make rather a full statement on the subject. On Thursday last, the 27th ultimo, the Board received information that the lesions characteristic of foot-and-mouth disease had been discovered in the tongues of two beasts which had been slaughtered in the abattoirs at Liverpool. The diagnosis was confirmed by the Board's veterinary officers, who found clear indications of the disease in the tongues and feet of four beasts. Inquiries were immediately set on foot in order to ascertain the origin of the diseased animals and the destination of all the animals which had at any time been in contact with them, or to which the infection might have been directly or indirectly conveyed. It was ascertained that the affected animals had been bought in Stanley market, Liverpool, on Monday, the 24th ultimo, to which they had been brought on the previous day by an Irish dealer who buys cattle in the Dublin market. On Saturday further cases of the disease were discovered on other premises in Liverpool amongst cattle purchased from the same dealer, and also amongst fifty-eight Irish cattle in a field near Carlisle. These cattle formed part of a consignment which had arrived from Ireland viâ Dublin and Holyhead on the previous Sunday. There was, therefore, abundant evidence that the outbreaks had their origin in Ireland, and I am informed this morning by the Irish Department that the disease has been discovered there on a farm near Swords, in the county of Dublin, twenty-four cattle being visibly affected. In view of the large number of animals of Irish origin which are exposed in the Liverpool market and are thence conveyed to other markets principally in the North of England, it was of vital importance that every possible effort should be made to trace the destination of every animal to which the disease might have been conveyed, and a large staff of inspectors has been employed on the work. As a result of these inquiries, animals have been found to be actually affected with the disease close to-Wakefield.

It has also been ascertained that animals which had been exposed for sale in the Liverpool market were sent in large numbers to Salford, and also to Derby, and that others forming part of the same consignment as those found to be diseased near Carlisle had been sent to Gateshead and Morpeth. A suspected case has been reported near the latter town this morning. In order to prevent the further introduction and spreading of the disease, I felt it essential to prohibit for the present the landing of Irish cattle in Great Britain, I fully realise the very considerable loss which this measure will cause on both sides of the channel, but, on the other hand, anything like a serious epidemic would be a national calamity, and I feel bound to leave nothing undone which may prevent its occurrence. The fact that the disease has been discovered in Ireland will considerably facilitate the adoption by the Irish Department of the measures necessary to secure its extirpation. I have also imposed restrictions on movement and the holding of markets in infected areas surrounding Liverpool and Wakefield and in Cumberland, and districts surrounding Derby, Gateshead, and Morpeth, to which we know that Irish animals which have been exposed to infection have been taken. I have also with the greatest reluctance and regret decided that I have no alternative but to prohibit the exhibition of cattle, sheep, swine and goats at the Royal Agricultural Society's show at Doncaster. The disease actually exists at Wakefield; animals exposed to infection have been widely distributed over the whole of the North of England; the show is attended by so many thousands of people by whom the infection might be conveyed; and the animals exhibited at the show are very widely distributed after it terminates; and for these reasons there would be a serious risk of the widespread distribution of disease if the show were held.

Although the position is serious, I am hopeful that the measures we are taking will prove successful in once again clearing the country from disease. The officers both of the Board and of the local authorities are working strenuously, and I am sure that I can also count on the support and co-operation of stockowners and their representatives We have from the outset been in close and constant communication with the Irish Department. Since the statement which I have just made was written a further outbreak of the disease has occured at Liverpool, and suspected cases have also been reported from Ponteland, eight miles from Newcastle, from Kirk Whelpington, near Hexham, from Barnsley, and from Laund, in Leicestershire. The reports are being investigated by our veterinary inspectors, but the existence of disease has not yet been confirmed.

Even assuming that the infection comes from Ireland, would it not be sufficient to prevent the importation of cattle from the particular district in the East part of Ireland which is suspected? Is it not an altogether extravagant measure of precaution, I might even say of panic, to lay the whole country under an interdict as to a trade which represents, practically speaking, one-third of the entire export trade of Ireland?

If we were sure that foot-and-mouth disease only existed on this farm in county Dublin, it would be possible to make arrangements for the importation of cattle from other districts under restrictions, but we do not know at present whether this is the only source, and since I came into the House the Chief Secretary has shown me a communication from Ireland which says that the Irish Department suspect its existence and have put their restrictions in operation in several other counties in Ireland. Until we have actually ascertained the seat of the disease whence it is now being spread, I am afraid I cannot agree to any importation.

Has the Irish Department been fully consulted and is it a party to this Order excluding Irish cattle from the English ports? Would there be any possibility of forming some Joint Committee on which Irish agriculturists would be represented, on the model of the Joint Exchequer Board, to guard Irish interests in this matter, which I can assure the right hon. Gentleman threatens Ireland with about as serious a calamity as could well happen?

Yes, I am quite well aware of the extent of the calamity which would fall on Ireland if the export trade to England were entirely stopped, but I am sure the hon. Member will also recognise the great risk which would be run in England if we were not able to locate the origin of the disease and prevent further animals coming from it. We have been in the closest communication with the Irish Department from the first and they approve of this restriction of the Irish cattle trade.

Is it not a fact that the Board was unofficially informed early last week that foot-and-mouth disease had been seriously prevalent in county Dublin for at least a fortnight previously, and if that is a fact, why has the Department of Agriculture in Ireland not taken steps before this to acquaint the Board?

It is impossible for me to answer for the Irish Department. The Chief Secretary can give the latest information, but I have no knowledge of any information being given to the Board of Agriculture in England on which I could act.

Does the right hon. Gentleman find that the staff at the Board of Agriculture, who are experts in this disease, is adequate to coping with so many simultaneous outbreaks, and, if not, what steps is he taking?

I have gone closely into that question, and, as far as I can see, we have a sufficient staff to deal, not only with the outbreaks which have taken place already, but with a considerable increase, if necessary. I am drafting inspectors in from other branches who have had some slight experience on the subject.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take particular care to find out how many counties in Ireland are supposed to be infected with foot-and-mouth disease, and whether, in view of the fact that at this time English consumers want Irish supplies, arrangements will be made whereby they may obtain them as far as possible? I have no wish whatever to see the disease spread, but I think some amicable arrangement might be come to.

Can the right hon. Gentleman assure the House, and especially Irish Members, that every possible means have been taken to limit the area of infection to the county of Dublin?

I am acquainted with the matter. I have just received the following telegram from the Vice-President, who is in Ireland, where he might very usefully remain for the time:—

"Having received from Board of Agriculture telegram stating that two animals, part of Irish consignment sold in Liverpool by Irish dealer, have been found to be affected, shipper and dealer in question were] interviewed and names of places and persons from whom entire consignment had been bought and addresses of persons to whom the animals had been sold in Liverpool were obtained. This enabled Department to dispatch veterinary officers to the ten localities named, and to supply Board of Agriculture with names of purchasers in Liverpool. Sunday intervening, and most telegraph offices being closed and railway service limited, caused some difficulty, but inspection of all localities mentioned was nevertheless carried out, these being situate in West Meath, King's County, Kildare, and Dublin. In all cases save one the cattle remaining upon the farms were found to be entirely healthy. At Swords, in County Dublin, however, I regret to say a serious state of affairs was found. On one of the farms indicated, and from which seven animals of Liverpool consignment had been purchased, inspectors found several animals seriously affected. Chief Veterinary Inspector Mr. Matthew Hedley subsequently confirmed the existence of foot-and-mouth disease in twenty-four cases. Notices were at once served on the owners, the aid of police requisitioned, the cattle isolated, and all movement prohibited. These steps were taken late on Sunday night. Another outbreak in the same neighbourhood has been discovered this morning, and is being promptly dealt with. Further, measures to be taken will be decided upon when whole of district affected has been examined to-day. Veterinary officers are at work on the spot, steps are being taken to ascertain whether disease exists in any district other than that referred to. Department have issued an Order applying to the City and County of Dublin and the adjoining counties of Meath, Kildare, and Wicklow, prohibiting all movement of cattle, sheep, swine, and goats within this area."

Will the President of the Board of Agriculture be able to hold out any hopes that he will be able to tell us to-morrow the result of his inquiries as to whether this disease affects any district in Ireland outside a limited district in the province of Leinster?

I am in close communication, and all information I receive will certainly be communicated to the House, and I doubt not to-morrow I shall be able to get further information from the Vice-President.

Is there any reason to suppose that any of the animals to which the right hon. Gentleman refers have been sent across the border into Scotland?

So far as we know none of the animals which were likely to be affected have gone into Scotland.

In regard to the Royal Show at Doncaster, is it not a fact that many hundreds of animals assembled there on Friday or Saturday of last week, and that to disperse them now—though I am not suggesting that there is any alternative—all over the country will be attended with very considerable risk, in view of the fact that Wakefield, where the latest outbreak has taken place, is only twenty miles away? What precautions, if any, does the right hon. Gentleman intend to adopt in respect of the animals now at Doncaster, which, I understand, are being sent home to-day compulsorily?

All animals at Doncaster are under careful supervision, not only by the Royal Society's veterinary officers, but also by some of our own, who have been set apart for the purpose. Arrangements have been made, with the full co-operation of the society, for sending the animals back which have already arrived at the show. The assistant veterinary officer of the Board has proceeded to Doncaster to inspect the animals, and one of the Board's general inspectors will be present to give any licence which may be necessary to enable the animals to reach their destination. Of course, they will do so if there is complete isolation.

4.0 P.M.

May I ask whether, when the animals reach home, any precautions have to be adopted locally?

Are we to infer from the Chief Secretary's reply that, as a matter of fact, the disease has not been found to exist outside of county Dublin?

May I ask the Chief Secretary whether, when he states that a serious state of things was found to exist, he means that this disease was in progress on this farm for a considerable time, and, if so, why it had never been previously detected?

I cannot say more than that the Vice-President found on this particular farm a serious state of things. What that exactly means, and how long the disease has been prevalent, I cannot say.

Can the Chief Secretary explain how it is that the Irish Department only became aware of the existence of this disease in county Dublin at the time stated when its existence in Scotland was known a week before?

May I ask the Secretary for Scotland what precautions are being taken against this outbreak of foot-and mouth disease in Scot- land, especially in view of the fact that the Highland and Agricultural Society's Show takes place next week?

I think this comes under my jurisdiction. I have informed the Scottish Office, so that they may use whatever good offices they can for the prevention of infection. We have exercised all the powers we have in Scotland, and informed the local veterinary inspectors of the risks being run. The question of sending English cattle to the Highland Show is now under consideration. My own opinion is that it would be rather a risky proceeding to send English cattle there.

Government of Ireland Bill

Further considered in Committee.—[ Progress, 19th June. ]

[Mr. WHITLEY in the Chair.]

CLAUSE 1.—(Establishment of Irish Parliament.)

(1.) On and after the appointed day there shall be in Ireland an Irish Parliament, consisting of His Majesty the King and two Houses, namely the Irish Senate and the Irish House of Commons.

(2) Notwitstanding the establishment of the Irish Parliament or anything contained in this Act, the supreme power and authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom shall remain unaffected and undiminished over all persons, matters, and things within His Majesty's Dominions.

Amendment proposed [ 19th June ]: To leave out Sub-section (2).—[ Viscount Castlereagh. ]

Question again proposed, "That the words 'Notwithstanding the establishment of,' stand part of the Clause." Debate resumed.

On the last occasion when we discussed this Amendment I followed the Solicitor-General, and when the Debate was adjourned I was dealing with the case he stated as to the supremacy of this Parliament over an Irish Parliament. The Solicitor-General's answer to my Noble Friend's argument was twofold. I regret that the hon. and learned Gentleman is not in his place now. In the first place, he complained of our action on this side of the House in moving to omit words which he told us were inserted in the Bill of 1893 at the request of the Unionist party, and on the Motion of an English lawyer in this House. The Solicitor-General in making that statement dealt only partially with the facts, and omitted altogether to tell the House what really happened. I have some recollection of what happened in 1893, and since the Debate took place some days ago I have been able to refresh my memory. In the first place, these words were not regarded by Sir Henry James at the time as carrying out the full intention of the Opposition. They found a half-hearted support from some hon. Members, and a great deal of support was given to them by others on the clear understanding that it was the intention to move subsequent Amendments at later stages of the Bill in order to carry out the principle affirmed in the Amendment proposed by Sir Henry James. These additional Amendments were never put in the Bill, and therefore to represent these particular words as conveying what the Opposition wished to convey then is altogether to misrepresent the facts, and not only is this the case, but my right hon. Friend the senior Member for the City of London, who was then leader of the Opposition (Mr. Balfour), made the position of the Opposition in regard to that Amendment perfectly clear in a speech he made at the end of the second day's Debate. I may say in passing that there is a very great contrast between the Debates of 1893 and the Debates to-day. This question of supremacy occupied two complete sittings of the Committee in 1893. In a Debate of singular interest the then Prime Minister spoke at least three times, and the then Chancellor of the Exchequer, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, and the Home Secretary, all took part in the Debate, showing that the question was regarded as one of the most important that could be discussed. There had been an Amendment moved by Mr. Darling, now Mr. Justice Darling, and it was rejected by the Committee. When the words of Sir Henry James's Amendment had been put in my right hon. Friend said:— action of the Government here, and the Government of this country, in the exercise of "maintaining the supremacy of Parliament," at once withdrew their demand and allowed the Government of Natal to do what they liked.

In another case, only the other day, when the Government of the Dominion of Canada proposed to enter into certain arrangements with the United States a very strong view was taken here as to the possible consequences to the Empire of the action of Canada. The Solicitor-General referred to Canada. Will he contend for one instant that, holding the views we do on this side in regard to that matter, if we had been the Government of this country, we could have maintained our views or interfered with the policy of Canada if they proposed to carry it out with the United States? What did hon. Gentleman themselves say to some of us who were alarmed as to the possible consequences of the policy of Canada? They poured ridicule and contempt upon us. They said, "You have no right to challenge the action of Canada. Canada has a right to do what she likes, and you have no right to say her nay, or criticise, or interfere with her," and yet they come down and tell us that this Bill provides for real supremacy in the same way as in regard to other countries. Only to-day in the "Times" newspaper there is a report of a speech by the Prime Minister of South Africa. He lays it down perfectly clearly that in the Parliament of South Africa alone are questions to be raised or matters dealt with affecting South Africa. Well, then, what is the meaning of your supremacy? The Solicitor-General opened a fresh view of the case, but he did not attempt to answer the question put by my Noble Friend as to this supremacy. If it is real supremacy, how is it to be enforced as between the Empire and Ireland? He said something about fears and suspicions with respect to Ireland. I have my own views as to the possible action of the Irish Government, and I am not at all confident that in some matters they would treat the minority with fairness. But my case does not depend upon fear of unjust or intolerant action on the part of the Government of Ireland. I am unable to see how, if this Bill remains in anything like its present shape, it is possible for any Irish Parliament to avoid coming into collision with this Parliament within twelve months of its coming into existence.

What do hon. Gentlemen mean when they talk about supremacy? Do they mean that this Parliament will have the right to interfere with the Irish Parliament in passing Bills? Is that the sole consideration? Or do they mean something more? Do they mean when they speak of supremacy to those of their friends who share the alarm so widely held as to the possible action of an Irish Parliament that it covers not only legislation, but also administration of an existing law? This is important because those who make the complaint that great injury may be done under an Irish Parliament to the minority are thinking of the administrative action of a Government in Ireland much more than of legislation. If they mean that, not a single argument has been offered from the bench opposite to justify the position that hon. Members are taking up. Suppose it be legislation, there are two questions in Ireland of vital importance in regard to which future legislation and administration stand in a most confused condition as a result of this Bill. These are the questions of land and education. This Bill proposes to divide the power for land legislation between the Government in this House and the Government in Ireland. Do the Government contend that if the action of the Government in Ireland is inconsistent with the action of this Government in regard to the land question there is anything in this phraseology which will enable the Imperial Government to interfere with the Irish Government, and if so, how do they propose to carry it out? A perfectly simple question arises in connection with this Sub-section, and I submit it should be answered before we go to a Division upon my Noble Friend's Amendment. Take education. In Ireland you have got a strictly denominational system of education. You have got a large majority belonging to one Church. Suppose the Nationalists in the Irish Parliament were to endow specially the Church of the majority, it would be in direct antagonism to the declared policy of this House in regard to elementary education, and in direct antagonism to everything that hon. Members opposite have always held in and out of this House. Is there anything in these words which will enable this House to interfere with the Irish Parliament and prevent these things being done? I submit that these words mean no more than they meant when my right hon. Friend described them in the terms which I have already quoted. They are absolutely superfluous. In so far as they mean an effective supremacy which can be exercised by the Imperial Parliament they are utterly worthless; but I think more than that, they are a sham and a fraud. The party opposite are constantly called upon to defend their policy in regard to Ireland, and many of them know perfectly well that among some of their own supporters there is great anxiety as to what may be the result of legislation of this kind in reference to the minority in Ireland, and they tell them that there will be no injustice, that the Imperial Parliament have got this supreme power, that these words are in the Bill by which this power is maintained and that these words give a right to see that no injustice is done.

I do not know what view is taken by hon. Members of the Nationalist party, but I know that they have frequently declared, and I do not imagine that they depart one iota from these declarations now, that they will not be content unless the Irish Parliament is free to manage, without interference and control from here, all Irish affairs. What is the value of these words? What are they going to prevent an Irish Parliament from doing? If they pass any law which you wish to upset you will have, I presume, to adopt some Parliamentary procedure, but if they inflict injustice upon the minority in regard to administration there is not a single word in this Sub-section which will enable this House to interfere with it. In those circumstances I submit with confidence that, the best thing we can do is to vote against these words. The whole position in Ireland has altered since 1893. In 1893 we were relying entirely upon the history of what had occurred between this country and our great Dominions. There is no man in this House who does not know perfectly well to-day that the so-called supremacy of this House over the Dominion of Canada and over the great Federations of Australia and South Africa is a supremacy only in name. In reality we have no power whatever to prevent them doing that which they are determined to do, that which they are prepared to make great sacrifices in order to do. Everyone on this side believes that the present scheme of the Government is infinitely worse than the scheme of 1893 or 1886. We believe that you have confused the Dominion Parliament with the Provincial Parliament. We believe this particular Bill has no definite resemblance to any form of Colonial legislature that has ever yet been set up in our Empire. You are taking an absolutely new departure, and are trying to comfort yourselves and those who are doubtful about your action by pointing to these words and saying the Imperial Parliament is to maintain its powers. These words, then, in my judgment, are misleading and a sham. They do nothing for Imperial supremacy. In those circumstances, if my Noble Friend goes to a Division, I shall most certainly support him. When these words were accepted by the Government of that day, they were put in, not because they had any real force, but as a mere sham to soothe the consciences of some hon. Gentlemen opposite and enable them to say, "We need not be alarmed: these words prove that the Imperial Parliament can interfere with the action of the Parliament in Ireland." You cannot do so; you have not tried to show how this supremacy is to be maintained. I believe that the words are utterly superfluous and useless, and I shall certainly vote against them.

I support the Amendment on the grounds that these words are perfectly misleading and meaningless. It cannot be contended for one moment that there is anything in this Subsection which alters by one iota the power of this Parliament, or that its power is altered whether these words are in the Bill or are not. Why then should they be introduced into this Bill? If it is contended that they would prevent some injustice being done to the minority, why were similar words not inserted in the Act dealing with the constitution of the Dominion of Canada, or the Commonwealth of Australia or the Union of South Africa? In none of these great constitutional Acts do we find such words, and why? For the elementary reason that this Parliament is a paramount Parliament, and has power irrespective of the insertion of these words, so that these words are simply window-dressing. They are calculated perhaps to make some people believe that this Parliament has some power which it is necessary to have circumscribed. But they are perfectly superfluous. The people of the country should not be induced to support the Bill by the introduction of unnecessary or useless words which purport to provide something that is in reality provided for in so far as it can be already. In so far as our great Dominions oversea are concerned, as I have pointed out, no such words are contained in the Constitution providing for their organisation, and will it be con- tended for a moment that in the case of our great oversea Dominions, legislating in a particular way for their own particular interests, this Parliament would exercise any great supervising power over their actions? Will it be contended for one moment in regard to the Dominion of Canada or the Commonwealth of Australia, or the Union of South Africa that we could legislate here in order to affect legislation that they think material for the well-being of these countries? Certainly it could not, and that being so, we know the answer to the question whether this Parliament can effectively legislate in respect of any power that we delegate to a Parliament in Ireland. If we delegate power to a Parliament in Ireland to legislate and to administer in respect of certain things, then that power is practically an absolute power and something with which we will not interfere, and therefore something as to which we must take the risk and the responsibility of legislation in that country. What was the opinion of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs on this power of interference on this question of the supremacy of Parliament when he addressed the House in connection with the Second Reading. He said:— called concurrent legislation? Do hon. Members consider for a moment what the effect in Ireland would be of legislation passed here in respect of a matter that they have full power to deal with in Ireland? As submitted by one hon. Gentleman, certainly revolution would take place in a case of that kind. The Solicitor-General has said, "You must trust them; you must have confidence in them; you trusted your great Dominions oversea, and you must have confidence in the legislation that will be passed in a Parliament in Ireland." I agree entirely that if the conditions were such as prevailed in the Dominions oversea we should trust them with confidence; but there is this remarkable distinction: when this Legislature conferred these large powers on the Dominions oversea these Dominions accepted the Bill by consent. There were no two parties in the Dominion of Canada when confederation was brought about. There were no two parties in Australia or in South Africa when the Commonwealth Act and the South African Union Act were brought before this Parliament. The people of these respective Dominions as a whole agreed that legislation of that character should be by consent between the two. So there you have between the parties, consent to such legislation as would be for their respective benefits. What have we got in Ireland? I am not criticising who is right or wrong for the moment. But you have this undoubted fact that there is substantial disagreement, not only irreconcilable now, but which has been irreconcilable for ages, and so long as you have not the fundamental requirement of consent between the Parties, it seems to me, with all respect, that it is a most inopportune time to attempt to tie up one part of the population by Act of Parliament and make them subject to coercion by the other. Until you have some sort of agreement between the people of the country that the establishment of a Parliament there will be for the benefit of that country you are taking an enormous risk. One other consideration I desire to call attention to. In the great Dominions, as has been stated, conflict is avoided, because, when a question is such that it might interfere with the Imperial policy, a reference is made to the Ministry in this country, in order that they may advise whether such legislation would be best for the Dominion overseas. If they give advice against it, then no such legislation is intro- duced. Incidentally the idea is that such would take place in regard to Ireland. In my humble experience, in regard to legislation abroad, such a thing as I have described has never taken place in practice. It would be most degrading to the Dominion of Canada to say that before they undertook legislation they would have to consult the Ministry of this country. I am perfectly sure that the Prime Minister of Australia would do nothing of the kind, nor would the Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa. Indeed, these countries are to all intents and purposes independent countries. They know the boundaries of their constitution.

Legislation in them is made in the name of the King and of their Legislatures, and the King is just as much the centre of government in those great Dominions for all practical purposes as he is at Westminster. To say that there is any analogy existing between that state of facts in regard to the Dominions and the condition of things in Ireland seems to me entirely out of the question. Another serious matter to which I should like to call attention is the comparisons that have been made of the powers delegated to Ireland with the powers delegated to our great Dominions. In our own great Dominion overseas we delegated certain powers which were distributed between the central Parliament and the subordinate bodies. They divided the powers between themselves by consent. In regard to legislation by the Irish Parliament, we must remember that with the exception of a few specially named subjects, we are giving all the powers to Ireland that we gave to our Dominions overseas—both the central powers and the local powers, so that the Irish Parliament barring the exceptions, will have all the powers—both central and subordinate—that have been given to the Dominions overseas. In granting to Ireland large powers to legislate with regard to the peace, order, and good government of Ireland, we are conferring extreme powers on the proposed Legislature. When we have given those powers to Ireland to make laws for the peace, order, and good government of that country, I venture to prophesy that our power afterwards to interfere will be denied in the course of time. The Irish Legislature will tell us: "You gave us this power to legislate for the peace, order, and good government of Ireland, and we are going to exercise that power. We refer you to the opinion of Sir Edward Grey expressed at the time."

I wish to state in the fewest possible words my objections to this Sub-section. In the first place, I think you are creating, by the words of Sub-section (1), a Sovereign Parliament. That can be proved by reference to innumerable law cases to which I need not allude at the present time. It may be proved also by analogy with the establishment of responsible government in our Dominions, and, in these circumstances, I think we may conclude that the interpretation put upon the words is correct. In the second place, in a subsequent Clause of this Bill with regard to the powers of the Irish Parliament, the power incorporated in that Clause, in the view of most constitutional authorities, is insufficient to safeguard the Imperial power of this country. It does not safeguard the treaty-making power of this country. There is nothing in the Bill at all to prevent Ireland sending her agents into foreign countries, and there is nothing to prevent her following the same course to acquire treaty-making powers that Canada and the other Dominions possess at the present time. I do not wish to go through all the different details, because we will have opportunities later on, but I say that it is clear that we are creating at the present time a Sovereign Parliament in Ireland.

I am not going to discuss the subsequent Clause, but I submit that it is competent for me to refer to it in discussing the present Clause, with the object of showing that we are creating a Sovereign Parliament. I submit that the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond) has no power to accept a subordinate Parliament. I say that the status of Ireland is settled by Statute. Ireland is a Kingdom, or rather I should say was a separate Kingdom which has become incorporated in the United Kingdom, and is now exercising her full rights through this Imperial Parliament. The hon. and learned Member has no power to go beyond this fact; he has no power to trample upon the Statutes of the realm by accepting a subordinate Parliament at the present time. Further, this particular Sub-section is untrue in its wording. Even if it were not absolutely untrue in its wording, it is dangerous in itself to in- corporate a Clause in any Bill passed by this Parliament asserting the powers of this Parliament to bind the action of the subordinate Parliament. For these reasons I shall vote against the inclusion of this Sub-section.

When we were discussing this matter the other night, there was general agreement that the Debate upon it should, at any rate, not be unduly prolonged; and if I rise, as I do, to say a few words on the matter, it is not really for the purpose of adding anything to what was said by the Solicitor-General (Sir J. Simon) the other night. I listened with a great deal of interest, and a good deal of surprise to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. If I may so, with great respect, I have very great difficulty in following his argument. He says we are creating by Sub-section (1), a Sovereign Parliament. We are now debating Sub-section (2), which provides that it shall not be a Sovereign Parliament; in other words, if the Sub-section, which the hon. Gentleman is going to vote to omit, is not retained in the Bill, his intention becomes absurd and absolutely untenable.

Sub-section (2) does not affect the earlier part of the Clause at all, and we have to look then to what you are doing.

The hon. Member is going into a region quite beyond my power, as either a politician, a lawyer, or a dialectician to follow. The Section of the Act of Parliament is to be read as a whole. The right hon. Gentleman who resumed the Debate this afternoon seemed to be very anxious, not I think so much in regard to the legislative powers of the Irish Parliament as to the Executive action of the Irish administration. We are dealing here with legislation. This part of the Clause gives the legislative authority, and indeed the scope of this Sub-section is confined exclusively to legislation. When we come to deal, as we shall do in Clause 4, with the Executive authority, then I shall be quite prepared to meet the right hon. Gentleman on the point, and to consider whether any safeguards are needed to retain the full and complete exercise of the powers of the Executive authority of the Imperial Government. Here we are dealing primarily with matters of legislation. The right hon. Gentleman told us that the insertion of these words was—I think he used the expression—"window -dressing," "a fraud," and "a sham." I remember, as do very few who cheered the right hon. Gentleman opposite, what took place in 1893. In that year we introduced into the Preamble of the Bill a declaration to recognise the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament; and it was contended by the Opposition of that day, and by my late and lamented Friend Lord James of Hereford, who was one of the most powerful dialecticians on the opposite side, that the reservation in the Preamble—although Sir William Harcourt, I remember, boldly, and as I think very cogently, defended it—was not adequate, and that it was desirble to introduce into the body and substances of the Bill an express enactment in the very terms we here use, declaring the continued and unimpaired supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. The Government of the day assented to that view, not because we thought it necessary, not because we desired to safeguard ourselves, but because we were desirous of avoiding all possible misapprehensions and misconstruction; and now, in the Bill of 1912, we have introduced the very same words which are described as a "sham" and a "fraud." I do not think myself they are necessary, because I am one of those who believe that Parliament is incapable of parting by any act of its own with its supreme and indefeasible authority over all persons and things in every part of His Majesty's Dominions.

I am giving my own opinion, and I do not believe it is the opinion of any lawyer, Nationalist or otherwise, sitting in any part of the House, that it is possible for the Imperial Parliament by any act or expression to part with its indefeasible authority over every part of His Majesty's Dominions. That is the constitutional law. Therefore I do not think myself that these words are necessary. They are put in here because they were in the Bill of 1893, and because they were there introduced at the suggestion of the Unionist party, and because of their view, at any rate I do not say they made the Bill more acceptable, but at all events they made the avowed intentions of its authors more clear, explicit, and beyond dispute. Then it is said, and the right hon. Gentleman has repeated the argument, that you cannot find any analogy in our existing Colonial Constitutions for the provisions of this Bill, and, in particular, for this Clause. The hon. and learned Gentleman who spoke from below the Gangway, and who, as he usually does, made a very interesting speech, supplied an answer to that. In all our Colonial Constitutions we have distributed between the provincial and central legislatures the whole legislative and executive power over the area in question. In this particular Bill we are not doing so. In this Bill the Imperial Parliament is retaining for itself what in the case of every one of our Dominions and Colonial Constitutions it has parted with to either the provincial or the central authority, or both. Here we are retaining, and that distinguishes, and necessarily distinguishes, this legislation from any previous legislation which has been submitted to be approved by Parliament. Therefore I am not in the least degree oppressed by the argument that we are here departing from precedent. You are departing from precedent because you are dealing with a state of facts, which, historically, economically, and politically, have no parallel in any other part of the Empire.

Then it is said, and this is the only substantial argument which has been used by those who advocate the deletion of this Sub-section, that it is practically nugatory, that it will have no real effect. I am one of those who believe very strongly, you may think it is a credulous belief, and founded on insufficient evidence, in the necessity for asserting effectively and in practice the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament in circumstances which will rarely, if ever, arise. I think nothing could be worse, nothing could be more futile, or could be more irritating than to contemplate a state of things in which the Imperial Parliament would exercise day by day, month by month, a nagging, grandmotherly supervision over the action of the Irish Legislature and the Irish Executive. If it was thought that that was the state of things which was likely to exist, and I do not contemplate its existence, we should not be in favour of granting what is called Home Rule to Ireland. We should not propose any such grant unless we believed that the Irish Parliament were competent to exercise their own judgment in their own affairs without interference from outside. But, while I hold that view most strongly, at the same time I am equally sure that this Parliament would not hesitate, and, indeed, could not hesitate, in a case of proved necessity to assert in the case of Ireland, or anywhere else, if a case of proved necessity arose, its supreme and controlling authority. If anyone askes me how could that authority be exerted, the answer is very simple. If you look at this Clause and at Clause 41, which is a practical expansion of this Sub-section (1) of Clause 1, you will see that the Imperial Parliament have the power which the Irish Parliament can have no right or title to interfere with or control, to enact legislation which will be binding in Ireland and will be overriding any legislation which the Irish Parliament may choose to adopt. If that is so, you may say, What is the practical force of that? and my answer is, the courts of law. The courts of law interpret the Acts of Parliament. There is no court of law in any part of His Majesty's Dominions, either in Ireland or, upon appeal, the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council, which if there were, and I hope and believe and I am very confident there will not be such a collision between the Irish and Imperial Legislatures, though it were in regard to a subject matter which by this Bill is primâ facie within the ligislative competence of the Irish Parliament, there is not a court of law in His Majesty's Dominions which would not uphold the supreme over-riding authority of the Imperial Parliament. Therefore, every executive officer who, in the last resort, according to our Constitution is amenable to the courts of law, deriving his title from the authority given to him by the Crown, would be obliged to defer to and obey and carry out the decisions of the court of law. It therefore appears to me in any case which you may contemplate, if you like, civil war, or circumstances or something of that kind, though I do not contemplate them myself, and I do not regard them as within the scope or purview of practical politics, assuming as I do and as I shall continue to assume, until the contrary is proved, that here as elsewhere in the British Empire the decisions of the court of law will be respected and carried out by the executive authority, I say that under the provisions of this Sub-section, fortified, amplified, and developed, by Clause 41, you have the most complete security anybody could desire or contrive for the continued and unimpaired supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. I finish as I began by saying that in my opinion no such provision is necessary. I do not think the omission of this Sub-section would in the least degree, either expressly or by implication, impair the sovereignty of the Imperial Parliament. The language of the Sub-section having been, as it was suggested, for the sake of greater security by those who were, at any rate, the political precedessors of. right hon. and hon. Gentlemen opposite, and having been adopted by Mr. Gladstone in 1893, we feel ourselves at liberty to and bound to repeat it in the present Bill, though it appears to my mind one of the most extraordinary of the numerous paradoxes which the discussion of this subject has brought into view, that it is upon the omission of this Sub-section that the energies of the Opposition are being directed.

I listened to the Prime Minister with interest, because it carried my mind back to the controversies of 1893. There is, at all events, in the attitude of the Government certain difficulty and confusion, because the Government propose this Sub-section in which they do not believe, and we, who propose to vote against it, do not believe in it either. The difficulty is, while the Government, who do not believe in it, are always holding it up as a real safeguard to every threatened interest in Ireland, they are therefore surely not consistent in treating it as the right hon. Gentleman has done. We, who-regard it as a sham, do not think it does any harm, except that it may raise, and does raise, false hopes and false expectations amongst ill-informed sections of the community. I am no lawyer, and I certainly should not oppose the law of the right hon. Gentleman. I am ready to accept his view that without this Sub-section the Bill would leave all the powers to the Imperial Parliament which it gives with this Sub-section, or, in other words, that this is purely surplusage. Is the right hon. Gentleman perfectly sure that that was always the view of this House, because, as a right hon. Friend beside me, who is a great constitutional authority, reminds me, when Grattan's Parliament was established, this House did actually renounce its powers in a second Statute, although the right hon. Gentleman says that it is out of the power of this Parliament to renounce its supremacy by any act of its own. I should like the right hon. Gentleman to reconcile that dogma with the action taken in the time of Grattan's Parliament. After all, I do not think this question really turns on this point at all, but that it turns on the actual working of the British Constitution. The question I want to put is this: The right hon. Gentleman says British supremacy is supreme, whether you put in these words or not. Does British supremacy do anything, that is the real question, and can it do anything? When the right hon. Gentleman is asked that question what is his reply, and his only reply? His only reply is the words of this Act are so plain that if a case was brought before a Law Court, that Law Court could only decide in one way. In other words, if this House were to pass an Act saying that a certain thing was to be done in Ireland which the Irish Parliament and the Irish Executive refused to do, that if that came before any tribunal in the land the tribunal would say that thing ought to be done in Ireland, and would, by its legal decision, support the action of the Imperial Parliament. Let us grant that, and when you grant it what happens? Would the thing be done? The action of the Law Courts leaves the matter exactly where it was.

5.0 P.M.

Let me point out that this doctrine of the right hon. Gentleman as to the advisability of putting in this Clause, and retaining it, not because it alters the substance, but because it makes perfectly clear what is in doubt, that that is inconsistent with his own action as to the South African Union. That is our last effort, and a very successful effort, at a Constitution. [HON. MEMBERS: "Hear, hear."] Not an effort by you, what had you got to do with it? You did not devise it, your Government did not devise it, but, like the rest of the House, you voted for it. That is the last effort, our last legislative effort at Constitution making. You did not put in this Clause in that Act. Very well, I would ask the Government this question: If it is not absolutely and perfectly clear that without this Sub-section the supremacy of Parliament is maintained, why did you not put it in; and if it is required to make it perfectly plain, why did you leave it out? In other words, it has been admitted that this legal and formal supremacy ought to be maintained by Parliament, and if it is necessary to carry out that object by special provision in any Constitution you make, you should have put it in the African Act, of which hon. Gentlemen opposite are so proud. It is said it was not necessary and they did not put it in, but if it was not necessary do not put in to this Bill if it is mere surplusage. Every lawyer knows that mere surplusage carries dangers with it. Suppose the question of Imperial supremacy arose with regard to one of our great Dominions; suppose it arose in regard to the South African Union, they would say, "If the British Parliament were really superior intrinsically, without special provisions, in the very nature of the case, and because the British Parliament is what it is, you would not have put it in the Irish Act." From the fact that you have put it into the Irish Act and have not put it into the South African Act, it might—I do not say rightly—but it might easily be argued that that shows there is a difference between the supremacy which we propose to exercise in Ireland and the supremacy inherent in this House over the South African Union and over other confederacies in the Empire. Is there the smallest difference between the supremacy which this Bill proposes to establish and the supremacy which, according to the right hon. Gentleman, is inherent in the very nature of the British Constitution, of which supremacy we cannot divest ourselves, and which we retain fully and unimpaired with regard to every other Legislature in the Empire? If there is no difference, it is absurd to put in this Sub-section, and it is absurd to call the Sub-section a safeguard. Every thinking man who is honest with himself on the other side of the House knows that there is nothing which could be done by any of the great Legislatures of our self-governing Empire in which we should, against their will, force upon them decisions come to by authorities here. No honest man doubts that.

Therefore you have the exact measure of what this safeguard is worth. If it is absolutely worthless to preserve life or property, or what we might conceive to be the ordinary rights of citizenship, if it is impotent—and it certainly is—to prevent injustice under our self-governing Legislatures, what power has it when you are dealing with the community across St. George's Channel? That is the question we want to put to the Government. That is the question put by my right hon. Friend. The Prime Minister did not attempt to answer it. Yet we know that he and his Friends will go from platform to platform throughout the autumn of this year, and, I suppose, of next year, explaining to all anxious Nonconformists, and to all those who have friends in the Irish minority, that they need have no anxiety, because on the very face of the Bill which they have brought in they have established in a firm manner the supremacy of the British Parliament, and the British Parliament will see that no injustice is done to that minority. That is manifestly a mere sham. It is really a most improper way of dealing with uninformed public opinion. In this House these matters are understood; but how can you expect these refinements of constitutional practice to be understood by great masses of our fellow-countrymen? They are told that Parliament is supreme. They naturally interpret that as meaning that Parliament will see that nothing is done to which really strong objection can be taken on this side of St. George's Channel. They are told that, you want them to believe that, and yet everybody knows it is untrue. There is not a man I am addressing who does not know that it is untrue. It almost comes out in the Prime Minister's own speech, because, although he ended with a peroration about the inviolable supremacy of the British Parliament, he explained in the middle of his speech that he hoped we should never do anything to interfere with the Irish Parliament. That is the true situation. What is the use of this Sub-section? If its only use is to adorn Radical perorations about the innocuous character of this Bill, it does more harm than good. If it does anything else, will the Government tell us what that other thing is? All the Prime Minister assures us is that this makes it doubly or trebly certain that the British Parliament has that legal supremacy which I understand no well-informed lawyer doubts that it does possess, but which no well-informed politician supposes will ever be used. That really is the whole situation. I ask the Committee whether they think, even with the example of 1893 before them, it is worth while to put an unnecessary sham into a Bill which has a sufficient number of sins on its head already, and which carries with it a sufficient burden of responsibility for those who have had the courage to frame it.

I heard with pleasure from the Prime Minister a very lucid statement of what he rightly believes to be the law, namely, that the legal supremacy of Parliament is inherent. I do not know whether it is very seemly that Members of the present Government should treat the question of the subordination of the Irish Parliament as of secondary importance. Certainly in their pre-election declarations ever since the Bill of 1893 miscarried they have never tired of saying that they are not in favour of an independent Irish Parliament—and it turns out that there could not be an independent Irish Parliament even if we wished it—but that they are in favour only of a subordinate Parliament. If they are only in favour of a subordinate and not of an independent Irish Parliament, if these declarations have any meaning whatever, it is not easy to understand what the Prime Minister means by saying that the supremacy of the British Parliament will never be exercised. If subordination differs from independence, it differs only in this, that the subordinate Parliament is sometimes made to do what it does not like, and what the supreme authority wishes. Otherwise subordination has no meaning whatever—unless we are carrying on one further stage the elaborate course of deception played on the British electorate. Unless this is the next stage of a transaction essentially deceitful from the first, I cannot see what the distinction between subordination and independence is worth. Except from the point of view of concealing the truth from the constituencies, the Sub-section appears even on the Prime Minister's own showing, to have no meaning. There is no dispute as to the legal supremacy of Parliament, and according to the Prime Minister's own account, there is no such thing as the practical supremacy. The question then arises, not as to its legal significance—because it has none—but as to its moral meaning. The Prime Minister says that the Courts of Law could enforce the Subsection. Surely that brings us to the true cause for apprehension amongst those who are opposed to this Bill.

The important question, apart from technicalities of law, is, are we now creating a national Parliament or a provincial council? It is an oft-quoted statement that you cannot indict a nation. The Prime Minister, however, thinks that you can bring an action against a nation. I am quite sure he is wrong. If Ireland be a nation, and we are setting up a national Parliament, you will never restrain it by operations in the Law Courts. Law Courts are excellent things, but to suppose that by an action taken in the Privy Council you can really restrain a national claim is to misconceive the use of such a tribunal. The question therefore really is, are you setting up a national Parliament? I am speaking purely of the moral significance of the Sub-section. From the legal point of view, it is admittedly unnecssary and superfluous. If the Sub-section affirmed that the Parliament was not a national Parliament, it would have a certain, though not a great value; it would have the value that attaches to a declaration. It would have a certain significance; it would undoubtedly have weight as long as those who were parties to the declaration were alive. This is one of the points, perhaps the most important point, in which the South African precedent, so often appealed to by hon. Members opposite, differs from the Irish case. The granting of independent Parliamentary institutions to South Africa, instead of being the setting up of a national Parliament, followed on a war which had the purpose of destroying the nationality of the Transvaal, and was closed by a solemn agreement signed by the Transvaal leaders abandoning their claim to nationality. So far from there being anything of the kind in the present case, the hon. Member for Waterford in this very Debate has reaffirmed the claim to nationality. He says again that what he wants is a national Parliament; and the Prime Minister agrees with him. The Solicitor-General also said that they were creating a national Parliament. Is it not true that, without a single exception as far a I know, the whole of human experience goes to show that if you grant Parliamentary institutions on a national basis they lead to discord, trouble, and misery? I do not believe there is a single exception. The whole moral question turns, therefore, on whether you are setting up a national Parliament, and from that point of view this Sub-section is wholly useless. Let it be granted that you are creating a legally subordinate Parliament; that is no use if the subordination is consistent with a claim for nationality. You have only to look at Irish history itself to see that that is so. The Irish Parliament of the eighteenth century was a much more completely subordinate Parliament than that now proposed.

The hon. Member is able to argue any historical question, and perhaps he will explain his interruption. I submit that that Parliament was much more completely subordinate. Every law had to be framed in England, and was susceptible only of acceptance or rejection by the Irish Parliament. The mere fact of a Parliament being there—a Parliament not representing a different race or a different religion, but a Protestant Parliament, a Parliament representing only those who looked upon themselves as English Colonists, and finally a Parliament of a most strictly aristocratic kind, not in the least democratic—even such a Parliament, because it expressed the idea of a Kingdom, or, as we should say now, of a nation, created the crisis of 1782 sooner or later. If this Bill gets over the difficulty of Ulster—I do not think it will—I do not suppose there will be an immediate disaster on the creation of a Home Rule Parliament. But sooner or later the creation of a national Parliament instead of a subordinate provincial council is bound, unless all human experience is misleading, to bring disaster. Therefore I say you have only to look at past history in Ireland, and at all the examples existing in the world, to be quite certain that this Sub-section is not a right thing and is not the thing we want. What we want, and the only thing that will be of any value—and that will be of value only as long as the lives of those who assented to it continued—is a solemn declaration made by the Irish leaders as well as by Ministers, that what we are now setting up is not, in the true sense of the term, a national Parliament.

We are told quite frankly it is to be an Irish Parliament. To talk about the British supremacy as though a Court of Law could enforce upon a national Parliament, claiming to speak in the name of the nation, the regulations of an Act of Parliament—like this Act of Parliament that we are now passing—is to trifle with a great subject. It is not so with great questions. Let us be sure of it that the whole question really turns upon this: Is there one nation or two nations within the United Kingdom? [An HON. MEMBER: "Four."] If we are now solemnly recognising that there are two nations—or four—we may spare ourselves the trouble of inventing safeguards or mechanism to safeguard the supremacy of this Parliament. No supremacy could possibly be asserted. What you are doing is the very opposite to what, I venture to say, every Liberal Member has pledged himself to do. Every Liberal Member who has spoken on this question in former times has pledged himself to set up, not an independent Parliament, but a national Parliament. But a national Parliament must sooner or later be an independent Parliament. The question is one of the greatest magnitude, and the true character of this Bill is seen when the veil is pulled aside. In pulling this veil aside we say we are doing a public service, a service in the cause of honest thinking, a service still more in the cause of national greatness, that is threatened, as it can only be threatened, by the breaking up of that one nationality which has so far been the home of so many great causes and the centre of so much national glory.

There is one feature in this Debate to which I should like to call attention. It is—and I think I am right in saying so—that we have not had from first to last any expression of opinion whatever from any Member of the Nationalist party. It appears to me that this is rather strange, considering that this point of the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament is exactly the point on which the attitude of those hon. Members is most in doubt, and upon which their declarations in the past have been most ambiguous. It is quite true that the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Waterford has not found sufficient interest in the discussion of such a matter as the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament to attend very closely to the Debate; but there are Members below the Gangway who might certainly enlighten us upon the opinions now held by the Nationalist party upon this particular subject. There is, for example, my hon. Friend the Member for Galway, who, I am sure, would very forcibly state the position of the Nationalist party. There is also the hon. Member for South Donegal, who also could inform this House what the Nationalist party feel upon this subject. But surely the real difficulty which has arisen and the entanglement into which the Liberal party finds itself drifted on this question of supremacy really lies in this fact; that the Government are attempting to graft a written Constitution on to an unwritten Constitution, and they are constantly finding themselves in precisely the same difficulty that their forerunners in the seventeenth century found themselves when they tried to forge what was in those days called an "instrument of Governement." The foundations of the unwritten Constitution are too shifty for the operation to be done successfully.

The unwritten Constitution contains a great number of rights and powers which have ceased to be practically operative, but which have not been specifically repealed by Act of Parliament. They have been merely allowed to become obsolete. There are such powers, for instance, as the King's undoubted right to dismiss his advisers; his right—which I believe to be perfectly legal—to disband the Army or personally to take supreme command of the Navy. All these are constitutional rights, just as unmistakable as the powers which the right hon. Gentleman the Solicitor-General and the Prime Minister more recently have asserted to reside in this Parliament. The constitutional law, which we have heard put with so much authority from the Front Bench opposite, is really the same sort of constitutional law as that of Lord North in the eighteenth century. I do not suppose any of us would dispute for a moment the authority of the Solicitor-General or the Attorney-General, or the Prime Minister, who all have told us about this inherent power of supremacy in this Parliament. That inherent power of supremacy resided in this Parliament in the days of Lord North. We all know what effect followed from the practical assertion of that supremacy when that statesman tried to put it into operation! The right hon. Gentlemen opposite are exactly in the same position. That being the way in which I think the difficulty has arisen, I think we are entitled to know whether or not the supremacy is a supremacy which is on all fours with these obsolete powers, or whether it is part of the Constitution which can at any time, in case of necessity, be put into practical operation. We have heard a great deal about the analogy of the Dominions. The Government have been pressed time after time from these benches to give a little more precise information as to the sort of analogy which they want to make. We want to know whether or not the subordinate Parliament to be set up is analogous to the Dominion Parliament in Canada or the Provincial Parliaments which are under the Dominion Parliament? Surely there is a very vital difference between those two? The Solicitor-General the other day did answer this particular point by saying that in point of fact the degree of independence which would be set up in the subordinate Parliament did not depend upon any specific instrument or Act of this Parliament; it grew by development. Let me call attention to the actual words of the right hon. Gentleman. He said:— I do not know whether the Solicitor-General really adheres to that extraordinary proposition. It would not be possible to find a more exact example of the argument in a circle than the words I have quoted. For what it amounts to, if I understand the learned Gentleman aright, is that the amount of powers which are given to a subordinate Legislature are to be given, or are to arise, by the experience we have had of how the same powers have been used. How in the world can you devise a scheme of government for a subordinate Parliament which has to be regulated by the experience which we have already had of the exercise of those powers? If it does not mean that, what in the world does it mean; and is it true in fact? I quite admit—we shall all admit—that the various Dominions which have derived self-government from the act of this House, within the four corners of their empowering Act have certainly pursued a course of constitutional development in the same way as the Parliament and Government of this country have; but surely in the first instance, at all events, the amount of power which they were entitled to has been, in spite of the denial of the Solicitor-General, derived from, to use his words, fluence in the Government of Ireland after this Bill becomes an Act, or are we to have the power which, as my hon. Friend has told us, is constantly exercised by the supreme Government in Canada? Those are questions which we have been wanting an answer to, and which we have had no answer to yet. It is particularly important from our point of view, because this is exactly the point upon which we have had the most ambiguous utterances from the Nationalist party. After all, whether the supremacy is to be a real supremacy or a sham supremacy, whether it is to be practically in use or not, must very largely depend upon the view taken of it by the Nationalist party. We who are at all familiar with Nationalist declarations in the past, know perfectly well that time after time Nationalists have declared with authority and iteration that they will not submit to anything like the practical supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. I think the hon. Gentleman the Member for Waterford, in the Debate on the Bill of 1893, used words quoted in those days by the right hon. Gentleman who is now Vice-President of the Board of Agriculture in Ireland. The Member for Waterford said: set up in Ireland. On the assumption that such Parliament is to be set up, I agree with the Prime Minister. I think it would he unreasonable if those of us who disapprove of such a Parliament altogether should expect when it has been set up that if there should be anything that we disagree with there should be daily or monthly grandmotherly interference. But surely there is some large margin of uncovered ground between such interference, and the case of unfettered Parliaments, such as the Dominion Governments, which, as we have heard, never can be interfered with by the Government of this country. It is for the purpose of getting some precise opinion from the Nationalist party as to what they wish for, and, secondly, from the Government, as to what form of supremacy they intend to set up by this Bill, that I venture to intervene at this stage of the debate.

It is impossible for us to regard the answer given by the Government as in any way disposing either of our charges or as an answer to the restatement of our case made in the singularly clear speech by my hon. Friend. The position is therefore extremely unsatisfactory, and it is quite evident, that we cannot in any way carry it further or obtain more information from the Government. The real truth is the Government do not answer our questions, not because it is difficult for them to do so, but because the position we find ourselves in is one which follows from an arrangement made between the Government and the Nationalists under which this Bill is to pass through the House. In these circumstances, I ask my hon. Friends whether they do not think it is desirable to bring this Debate to a close now?

The Prime Minister this afternoon has entirely failed to appreciate the reasons we give against this Clause. The reasons are plain. From the meaning of the Sub-Clause the inference might be drawn that the supremacy given to the Irish Parliament is the supremacy only of a kind that we have in our self-governing Dominions, and therefore these words ought to be left out.

What we object to is giving a supremacy to Ireland similar to that by which we hold our self-governing Colonies. No Government in this country would dare to interfere with the decisions come to by our self-governing Colonies. We cannot do it. And if an attempt were made to do it we should lose our Dominions entirely. That is the kind of supremacy which the Government would give to Ireland under this Clause. There was one period in the history of Ireland, when she was given an independent Parliament. Of course, I allude to Grattan's Parliament in 1782. The situation then was similar to that which we have in our self-governing Colonies. What was the hold we had over Grattan's Parliament? There is a very interesting correspondence published upon that matter. The Noble Lord who moved this Amendment is no doubt aware of the correspondence published by his ancestor at the time of the Union. Viscount Castle-reagh, of that period, was the first Irishman, I believe, to be Irish Secretary, and he was in Ireland during these troublous times. Eight or ten volumes of correspondence, which form most interesting reading, were published. One document from which I am going to quote has been frequently alluded to as an authority. It was published by the Bishop of Meath. He gives the true reasons for the Union, and he also gives the conclusions he came to. May I read what he says with regard to the influence which Grattan's Parliament had on the connection between the two countries? He says:—

"In short, both the Parliament and people of Ireland have for seventeen years past been almost entirely engaged in lessening by degrees their dependence on Great Britain, in weakening the connection and in paving the way for the separation of the two countries, which last is now actually attempted."

That was in 1779, one year before the Act of Union.

"It signifies nothing to say that their views were honourable and patriotic—"

It is admitted, I believe, that the Members of Grattan's Parliament were absolutely patriotic, but the population of Ireland was not.

"that Ireland was held in chain by the sister Kingdom, and that they had a right to seize the moment of her depression and generosity, or what else you choose to call it, to relieve themselves from this indignant situation. All this may be readily acknowledged, and yet the effect of all these patriotic exertions be still the same, viz.: That the connection between the two countries is reduced by them almost to a single thread, the unity of the executive power, and a negative on the laws passed by the Irish Parliament"

I ask hon. Members to listen to what the Bishop of Meath has to say upon that point:—

"Should this negative be exercised on any important occasion, the two countries are unavoidably committed. Ireland has only to make some extraordinary demand, to ask for some privilege—the violation, suppose, of the Navagation Act in her favour—and to threaten separation in case of refusal."

That is the only effect which would take place if this Parliament wishes to attempt to negative any Act passed by the Parliament in Ireland. It could not negative it, and the alternative must be, if that is done, that the two countries must be separated.

"Times." The Prime Minister of South Africa, General Botha, goes out of his way to complain of the remarks made by hon. Members of this House with regard to the natives of South Africa, and he says:

"The Government of South Africa would lend a sympathetic ear to their grievances if they brought these grievances to the right place. He wished, however, to say most distinctly and to make it most clear, that the South African Union Parliament was the only place where the grievances of South Africans should be submitted and heard."

I venture to suggest if this Bill is passed these very same words will be used by the hon. and learned Member for Waterford, who will come down here and say that the Parliament of Ireland is the only place where the grievances of the people of Ulster could be heard.

Question put, "That the words 'notwithstanding the establishment of,' stand part of the Clause."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 276; Noes, 192.

There is just one statement that I want to refer to. A good deal is said about the condition of the South African Parliament and the representatives of the South African natives. It is in the memory of the House that certain hon. Members made some remarks a few years ago regarding the injustice which might be done to certain people in South Africa, exactly the same kind of remarks as are made by those representing the people of Ulster. I should like to read an extract from a letter on the subject published in to-day's

Division No. 123.]

AYES.

[5.43 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Cullinan, John

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, W.)

Acland, Francis Dyke

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Harwood, George

Alden, Percy

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton)

Davies, Timothy (Lincs., Louth)

Hayden, John Patrick

Arnold, Sydney

Davies, M. Vaughan- (Cardigan)

Hayward, Evan

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Dawes, James Arthur

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

De Forest, Baron

Healy, Timothy Michael (Cork, East)

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Delany, William

Helme, Sir Norval Watson

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Denman, Hon. Richard Douglas

Henry, Sir Charles

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Devlin, Joseph

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon. S.)

Barnes, G. N.

Dickinson, W. H.

Higham, John Sharp

Barton, William

Dillon, John

Hinds, John

Beale, Sir William Phipson

Doris, William

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Duffy, William

Hogge, James Myles

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Duncan, C (Barrow-in-Furness)

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts, St. George)

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Bethell, Sir J. H.

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Black, Arthur W.

Elibank, Rt. Hon Master of

Jardine, Sir John (Roxburgh)

Boland, John Plus

Elverston, Sir Harold

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Booth, Frederick Handel

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)

Boyle, D. (Mayo, N.)

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Brace, William

Essex, Richard Walter

Jones, W. S. Glyn-(T. H'mts, Stepney)

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Esslemont, George Birnie

Jowett, Frederick William

Brocklehurst, William B.

Farrell, James Patrick

Joyce, Michael

Brunner, John F. L.

Ffrench, Peter

Keating, Matthew

Bryce, J. Annan

Field, William

Kellaway, Frederick George

Burke, E. Haviland-

Fitzgibbon, John

Kelly, Edward

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

France, G. A.

King, Joseph

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton)

Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)

Ginnell, Laurence

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Glanville, Harold James

Lansbury, George

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Cawley, H. T. (Lanes., Heywood)

Goldstone, Frank

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Chancellor, Henry George

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rid, Cockerm'th)

Clancy, John Joseph

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

Leach, Charles

Clough, William

Greig, Colonel James William

Lewis, John Herbert

Clynes, John R.

Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Guest, Major Hon. C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Lundon, Thomas

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Lyell, Charles Henry

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Hackett, John

Lynch, Arthur Alfred

Cotton, William Francis

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

Cowan, W. H.

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Hardie, J. Keir (Merthyr Tydvil)

McGhee, Richard

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Crooks, William

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Crumley, Patrick

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Macpherson, James Ian

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)

McCallum, Sir John M.

O'Shee, James John

Smyth, Thomas F.

M'Kean, John

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Snowden, Philip

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Scames, Arthur Wellesley

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Parker, James (Halifax)

Spicer, Sir Albert

M'Laren, Hon. F. W. S. (Lincs., Spalding)

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Sutherland, John E.

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Manfield, Harry

Phillips, Col. Ivor (Southampton)

Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Tennant, Harold John

Meagher, Michael

Pirie, Duncan Vernon

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Pollard, Sir George H.

Thorne, William (West Ham)

Menzles, Sir Walter

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Toulmin, Sir George

Millar, James Duncan

Power, Patrick Joseph

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Molloy, Michael

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Molteno, Percy Alport

Primrose, Hon. Neil James

Verney, Sir H.

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Pringle, William M. R.

Walton, Sir Joseph

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Radford, George Heynes

Wardle, George J.

Montagu, Hon. E. S.

Raphael, Sir Herbert H.

Waring, Walter

Mooney, John J.

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Morrell, Philip

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Morison, Hector

Reddy, Michael

Wason, J. Cathcart (Orkney)

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Webb, H.

Munro, Robert

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

Wedgwood, Josiah C.

Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston)

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.)

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Roberts, George H. (Norwich)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Neilson, Francis

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Whitehouse, John Howard

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.

Nolan, Joseph

Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)

Whyte, A. F. (Perth)

Norton, Capt. Cecil W.

Roch, Walter F.

Wilkie, Alexander

Nuttall, Harry

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Williams, John (Glamorgan)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Roche, John (Galway, E.)

Williams, Llewellyn (Carmarthen)

O'Brien, William (Cork, N. E.)

Rose, Sir Charles Day

Williamson. Sir A.

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Rowlands, James

Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Rowntree, Arnold

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

O'Doherty, Philip

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Winfrey, Richard

O'Donnell, Thomas

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glas.)

O'Dowd, John

Scanian, Thomas

Young, Samuel (Cavan, E.)

Ogden, Fred

Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.

Young, William (Perth, East)

O'Grady, James

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton)

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Sheehy, David

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.

O'Malley, William

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worcr.)

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Grant, James Augustus

Anstruther-Gray, Major William

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Ashley, Wilfrid W.

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Haddock, George Bahr

Balcarres, Lord

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Baldwin, Stanley

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Hambro, Angus Valdemar

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.)

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Craik, Sir Henry

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Harris, Henry Percy

Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)

Cripps, Sir Charles Alfred

Harrison-Broadley, H. B

Barnston, H.

Croft, Henry Page

Helmsley, Viscount

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Dalrymple, Viscount

Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)

Bathurst, Hon. A B. (Glouc, E.)

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Denniss, E. R. B.

Hewins, William Herbert Samuel

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Hickman, Col. Thomas E.

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Hill, Sir Clement L.

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish-

Duke, Henry Edward

Hills, John Waller (Durham)

Bigland, Alfred

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Bird, Alfred

Faber, George Denison (Clapham)

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Falle, Bertram Godfray

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid.)

Fell, Arthur

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Horner, Andrew Long

Bull, Sir William James

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Houston, Robert Paterson

Burdett-Coutts, William

Flannery, Sir J. Fortescue

Hunter, Sir Charles Rodk. (Bath)

Burn, Colonel C. R.

Fleming, Valentine

Ingleby, Holcombe

Butcher John George

Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, E.)

Campbell, Rt Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Forster, Henry William

Joynson-Hicks, William

Campion, W. R.

Foster, Philip Staveley

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Kerry, Earl of

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Gibbs, George Abraham

Keswick, Henry

Cassel, Felix

Gilmour, Captain J.

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Cautley, Henry Strother

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Goldman, Charles Sidney

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Goldsmith, Frank

Larmor, Sir J,

Cecil, Lord Robert (Herts, Hitchin)

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts., Mile End)

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Swift, Rigby

Lewisham, Viscount

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutstord)

Lloyd, G. A.

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Terrell, George (Wilts., N.W.)

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Peto, Basil Edward

Thomson, W. Mitchell-(Down, N.)

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (St. Geo., Han. S.)

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Thynne, Lord Alexander

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Pollock, E. M.

Tryon, Captain George Clement

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Quilter, Sir W. E. C.

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Macmaster, Donald

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Valentia, Viscount

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Walrond, Hon. Lionel

M'Mordie, Robert

Rutherford, John (Lanes., Darwen)

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

White, Major G. D. (Lanes., Southport)

Malcolm, Ian

Sander, Robert Arthur

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Mallaby-Deeley, Harry

Sandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)

Winterton, Earl

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Scott, Leslie (Liverpool, Exchange)

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l, Walton)

Worthington-Evans, L.

Moore, William

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Spear, Sir John Ward

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Stanley, Hon. Arthur (Ormskirk)

Yate, Col. C. E.

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Yerburgh, Robert

Newdegate, F. A.

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Younger, Sir George

Newman, John R. P.

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Stewart, Gershom

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Viscount Castiereagh and Sir John Lonsdale.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)

There are several Amendments now proposed to the wording of this Sub-section carrying out the views that hon. Members have expressed in the discussion which has just closed. It will not be in order to repeat that discussion, but I think that hon. Members are entitled to take the verdict of the Committee on the amended wording which they desire. The first Amendment for discussion is that standing in the name of the hon. Member for North Hants (Mr. Salter).

May I ask exactly how we stand an face of your ruling? I understand that you hold that the Amendment which my hon. Friend proposes to move will be in order, although it opens up a different aspect and also covers somewhat the same ground already gone over. I understand you rule that the arguments must be limited in character or that the speeches must be short. That I understand to be the result of your ruling. I may say that it is the first time I have heard a ruling of that sort made.

It was understood that when it was proposed to raise certain further points earlier on this Clause the Noble Lord's Amendment, which has now just been settled by the Committee, gave the opportunity for discussing generally the question of subordination of provincial Governments and so on, and the Debate on that Amendment has ranged widely over the whole of the subject. What I wish to say now is that that Debate obviously cannot be repeated on a series of subsequent Amendments. The hon. Member is entitled, of course, to give special reasons why he wishes these words inserted here, but I think that it is a very old practice in this House not to repeat the same Debate on a series of Amendments when the wider discussion has already been allowed.

I refrained from speaking on the last question before the House and I want to know what position those hon. Members who are unable to take part in the Debate will be in. I was prepared to speak on the last Amendment, but I bowed to the obvious desire of the House to get on and have the Division taken. There are points which I wish to put with regard to this question, and with the utmost deference I ask whether by your ruling I shall be shut out and whether other hon. Members who wish to take part in the general discussion upon the omission of the Sub-section will have any opportunity of doing so?

May I draw attention to the fact that up to the present the discussion has been upon the supreme authority of this Parliament over all the Parliaments within the Empire? Many of us wish to discuss what a subordinate Parliament is, because there may be many kinds of subordinate Parliaments. I should like to know if we are to be prohibited from discussing the nature of the subordinate Parliaments which may be established in Ireland under this Bill?

I do not think that question arises. In reply to the hon. Member for Brentford, of course it would be possible for the whole of the 200 Members to rise on each of these series of Amendments. It is not for me to say whether all of them have had an opportunity to speak or not. I do not mean to carry out this ruling narrowly, but my object has been to allow liberty of Debate on the wider question to avoid having to continually point out to hon. Members that they are speaking on subjects raised by Amendments lower down on the Paper. All I can say is that hon. Members cannot have it both ways. I think it is in the interests of efficient discussion that the wider Debate should be taken first and then the more limited one upon the further alteration.

May I point out that on both these questions there were very long Debates in 1893?

Is it not a fact that the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the Strand Division (Mr. Long) invited the House to come to a decision on the point we are now discussing?

I was not aware that any arrangement had been made with regard to my Noble Friend's Amendment.

For the convenience of the Committee I pointed out that there were two serious alterations in the wording of the Sub-section. The hon. Member for North Hants introduces the word "subordinate." Then there are further Amendments in the name of the hon. Member for Kingswinford (Mr. Staveley-Hill), the hon. Member for St. Pancras (Mr. Cassel), and there is a second Amendment in the name of the hon. Member for St. Pancras, and all those Amendments raise specific methods of strengthening or adding to the purpose of the Sub-section. I think it is desirable now, after having had a general Debate, that we should take each Amendment as it comes and deal with it on the more limited area.

With regard to the second Amendment standing in the name of the hon. Member for St. Pancras, do I understand your ruling, Mr. Chairman, to mean that a discussion on this Amendment would prejudice the whole discussion on that Amendment which deals with line 14 in the Bill?

No. It was in order to preserve that Amendment that I said what I did. I think that is the most important Amendment to the Sub-section, if I may say so.

I beg to move, in Subsection (2) after the word "Act" ["contained in this Act"], to insert the words "the Irish Parliament shall be subordinate to the Parliament of the United Kingdom, and"

6.0 P.M.

As there will be a good many hon. Members on this side of the House, and I hope on the other side, who may desire to speak upon this Amendment, and as we are all desirous of co-operating with you, Mr. Chairman, as far as we possibly can, in facilitating debate, I will endeavour to place this Amendment before the Committee in as few words as possible. As I understand the position the Committee has just decided to leave in the Bill Subsection (2) of Clause 1, the object of which is to lay down and enact the subordinate character of the intended Irish Parliament. What I propose to do by this Amendment is to state what that subordination is in the plainest and most straightforward language I can find, and I have purposely drawn this Amendment in the plainest words at my command. I only wish to urge two points. I do not for a moment assume that this Amendment will be rejected by the Government, on the contrary I shall look with great interest to see on what grounds they can possibly reject it if they decide to take that course. It is quite clear that if the intention of the Government is to establish the subordinate character of the Irish Parliament my Amendment makes it much plainer than the words contained in Sub-section (2). The electors in this country and in Ireland have been spoken to in two voices upon this matter. British Liberals have been told there must be real subordination, and the Irish Nationalists have been told that the subordination will be a mere matter of form. This Amendment will put the matter to the test. If our charge is untrue, and it is the intention of the Government that there should be a real and effectual subordination of the Irish Parliament, what possible objection can there be to stating that intention plainly? My other point is one of the most practical kind. We must assume, if we are to discuss supremacy and subordination at all, a conflict between the majority of the Irish electors and the majority of the electors of the United Kingdom, and we must assume a state of things in which the Government are called upon to make good their pledges and to enforce in practice and in reality the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. In view of the representations which have been made to the Irish electors, the day when that is attempted will be a day of bitter strife and of bitter disappointment to the Irishman who will have been assured that no real interference will take place. Unless plain words are put into this Sub-section, they would be able to point to it and say, "You have merely used, studiously and dangerously, vague words, and we were led to suppose we would be no more interfered with than the great Dominions." You have only said in Clause 2 that the Royal Assent may be withheld. It may be withheld in theory from Colonial Acts of Parliament. Would it not strengthen your authority and greatly reduce both the area and the extent of the disappointment which would be felt in Ireland if you inserted plain words, and the Government then in power were able to say, "You have but to look at the Bill and see that at the very outset we state in the very plainest terms that the Irish Parliament is to be subordinate to the British Parliament"?

I think it is possible to state in a very few sentences the reason why, in the view of the Government, it is not necessary or desirable to insert these words. You do not, in fact, make the thing any plainer because you say it twice. The hon. and learned Member has illustrated that proposition by making a very short speech in which he has used his argument only once. I venture to say if he had said what he did say over again it would not have made it any clearer. There can be no doubt that "subordination" is the reverse of supremacy. "Supremacy" here, "subordination" there. It is the same thing whether you say this Parliament is supreme or that any other Parliament is subordinate to it. If hon. Gentlemen will look at this Clause they will see it is a Clause which asserts, so far as language can assert it, that this Parliament is supreme, and there is really no advantage, indeed there is a positive disadvantage, which I will point to in a moment, in saying the same thing in reverse terms twice over. The disadvantage of saying the same thing twice is that somebody will suppose it really means two different things, and we shall be starting a new school of constitutional learning in which it will be supposed that as Parliament first of all has spoken of the "supremacy of the British Parliament," and then of the "subordination of the Irish Parliament," there is some tertium quid. There is no tertium quid. The discussion we have already had has certainly ranged over a wide field and raised a real point. Nobody I hope objects because the discussion has been raised, but we shall have some reason to object if what is essentially the same point is raised again and again without, any addition, either to constitutional clearness or, I think, the clearness of the language of the Bill. For those reasons, reasons which were good ones in 1893, the Government must oppose the Amendment.

I wish to point out why I think the arguments of the Solicitor-General are insufficient. The words used in the Bill are very general, and they are words with which we are familiar for a great many purposes. They declare the supreme power and authority of the Parliament of the United Kingdom. That is a phrase which is used on many occasions and in many circumstances. That supremacy is declared over all persons and over all causes. Here we have a general phrase used with reference to all the other Parliaments that this Parliament has set up, and which are dependent upon this present Parliament. That is the very reason why my hon. Friend desires to put in some specific words. We do not want to find ourselves in the same impotent position in which we should be if this Parliament desired to assert its supremacy over the other Parliaments in the Empire. At the present time we all know the supreme power and authority of this Parliament could be claimed in the case of the Parliament of Canada or of the Commonwealth of Australia or of South Africa, but what is the value of it? What does it amount to, and what hope is there that it would be really exercised? It is because of the very generality of that supremacy we desire to have in this particular case some more precise words. The only way of doing it is to look to the reverse side and say: while this supremacy is general, we want, on the other side, some particular words to show that in this case the Parliament should be subordinate. If the intention of the Government is to create a subordinate Parliament, do not let us fall into an unfortunate phrase and fail to use words which shall carry out that intention and make it plain not only to the present generation, but to generations hereafter, that we have created a subordinate Parliament. I think the words at present used are too general. We ought to have some particular words in particular relation to this particular Parliament, and I think the phrase suggested by my hon. Friend is a happy one. I trust they will be inserted in order that we may satisfy those persons who have expressed a general belief in Home Rule, because they believe the Parliament which is to be established will be in name, and in fact, and in law, really a subordinate Parliament.

I think the wording of this Sub-section really raises rather more important issues than appear on the surface. We are told this experiment in setting up a Parliament is to be repeated for other parts of the United Kingdom, and the words in the first Clause of a Bill like this are of great importance, because it would not in practice be possible to vary them in the concomitant Bills which are to be brought in for Scotland and Wales. It would be argued that to put in other words would make a difference in the status of the four federated Parliaments. Therefore we have to take the greatest pains to establish the relations between the central Parliament and the other Parliament in the first instance, because that will govern the whole arch of the federated system in the future. I think these words are unsatisfactory, as indeed is the whole Sub-section as at present drawn, because the words, with the one exception of the word "supreme," only imply concurrence. If it were not for the word "supreme," it only reserves a concurrent power of legislation for the Imperial Parliament, and we have to go to the not happily constructed words of Clause 31 to find out how that in practice is to be administered. But there is the word "supreme." The word "supreme" is just one of those words which may mean anything, or may mean nothing. It may be interpreted by those who want to assert the authority of the Imperial Parliament in one sense, and it may be whittled away by those who want to assert the powers of the Irish Parliament in another sense. It is exactly the same sort of word as "suzerain" or "suzerainty." In the case of the Boer war the word "suzerainty" was left in the treaty. Endless trouble arose as to the exact meaning of that word. It will be so if you leave in the first Clause, the great character Clause of your Act of Parliament, a word so vague as "supreme." You must establish the relation between the Imperial and the lesser Parliament, and I do not think it could be more happily done than by my hon. Friend's phrase.

If anyone were to ask a Member of any Parliament within the Empire outside the United Kingdom what was the meaning of the use of the word "supreme" and the use of the word "subordinate," he would say the word "supreme" represents the indefeasible and acknowledged authority of this Parliament over all the Parliaments of the Empire, but that the word "subordinate," as we apply it in this Amendment, and as we wish it to be used in the Bill, means the same position as a local Parliament or a provincial Parliament of Canada, or one of the States of Australia, or of the Union of South Africa holds to the Central Federal or Union Government. The functions given to the Irish Legislature are in some respects national functions which have never been given except to a Dominion, a Union, or a Commonwealth Government. It is all the more important because national services, like the Post Office, the Insurance Act, and old age pensions are given to them, this word "subordinate" and this phrase in this Amendment should be incorporated in the Sub-section. If this Bill were read without some such phrase by any Colonial politician or by any overseas politician, it would simply mean that the Parliament of Ireland is a Parliament, and is intended to be a Parliament such as exists at Melbourne or at Pretoria. The Government have acknowleged that is not their intention. The Government have said, whether they mean it or not, that their intention is to establish a subordinate Parliament. With these national services given to the intended Irish Legislature, that Parliament will not be subordinate in the same sense as local Parliament or Legislatures of the Overseas Dominions are subordinate, and it is, therefore, all the more important that the definition should be given at this place in the Bill.

It may be said that this is only a question of words, and that a few words, more or less, announcing supremacy or subordination, do not make very much difference. I certainly differ from that argument of the Solicitor-General. He said, "You have here the word 'supremacy,' 'subordination' is only the other side of the shield." I should have thought that that was too strong an argument even for that hon. and learned Gentleman. You may have supremacy, but under it you can have any number of different kinds of subordination, and, therefore, it is absolutely and entirely necessary to define in the Clause the proper degree of subordination. Take the case of master and servant. It may be said that the master is only the other side of the shield to the servant. But "master" implies somebody standing in relation to a servant. There are, however, any number of degrees of servitude. Therefore the mere fact that you assert supremacy only makes it all the more necessary to define subordination. If you had not asserted supremacy in the Clause I should have had nothing to say, but the word must mean something, and, in my opinion, you should further define it. I have one other reason. I, for one, would like to have the word "subordinate" tacked on to the word "Parliament," because, whatever the view may be of Parliament in other countries, the word "Parliament" to us means a Parliament that can do anything. That is the whole idea of the connotation of the word "Parliament." It is clear you must have a certain reservation, otherwise you will have everybody working in the dark, while if you have the two words placed side by side, "subordinate Parliament," then it is quite clear you will be using the word "Parliament" in a different sense to what it is used in English constitutionalism. We are certain to have collisions between the two Parliaments; they must arise. It may be on certain occasions the Irish Parliament may want to climb down gracefully. I do not suggest that they will climb down, but, if they do, I am sure they will do it with the utmost grace. How much more easy, however, would it be for the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond), who will be at the head of that Government, if he is able to say, "Our Parliament is subordinate." No doubt he is anxious to keep the Parliament subordinate, but there are people behind him by no means anxious to do that, and how is he to be strongly supported should difficulties arise unless it is by the use of this word "subordinate"? If he can quote that, and if he can refer to the hon. Member for Basingstoke as having been responsible for its introduction into the Act, I think he will find his hands materially strengthened. On those grounds I strongly support this Amendment.

The Solicitor-General has reminded us that we have already declared this British Parliament to be supreme, and that correlatively any other Parliament must be subordinate—that there is no halfway house between a supreme Parliament and a subordinate Parliament: it must be either the one or the other. Is not that a purely legal and technical view? If it be the true view, does it not show that our legal language requires revision? It is abundantly clear from all these Debates and from the discussions which have taken place, both inside and outside this House, that there are more kinds of subordination than the one correlative to supremacy. The Solicitor-General said that directly you state Parliament is supreme you have said everything that can be said with regard to the relations of other Parliaments to it. You may have said everything which legal language needs, but such language is very imperfectly constructed, and we have constantly, in these Debates, discussed two quite different types of relationship between the supreme Parliament and other Parliaments. There is, for instance, the relationship between the provinces of Canada and the central Government, and there is also the relationship between the Parliament of Canada and the Parliament of the United Kingdom. These are totally different relationships, and, surely, you should put in words indicating which of them is intended to be conveyed in this Clause. I hope the Irish Secretary will explain why it is he will not allow the use of a form of language which, if not perhaps of legal precision, does at all events convey a fairly clear meaning of what the framers of this Bill have in view as to the relationship between the provinces of Canada and the Government of Canada, and the relationship between the central Government of Canada and the United Kingdom as a whole. In the one case the relations are to a Parliament which is not supreme, and in the other they are to a Parliament which is supreme. I would suggest that the ingenuity of the Government should be devoted to finding some different language which will indicate what we all admit is a most substantial difference.

The right hon. Gentleman said it would be a very desirable thing if we were to put into this Bill some classification of the kind of Parliament that this Irish Parliament is to be, showing in what way and in what sense it is to be a subordinate Parliament. But may I point out that that would not be the effect of this Amendment? The Amendment before us is simply the introduction of the word "subordinate" before we come to the declaration of supremacy, and we are only discussing this word. There is one word to which the right hon. Gentleman and his Friends have attached some importance, because, in the earlier part of our discussions this evening, when they had before them the whole Sub-section, which contained some very fine words indeed, they waived them on one side and said they had no meaning whatsoever. But it appears that the word "subordinate" has a meaning while "supremacy" has no meaning. The supremacy of this Parliament surely anybody can understand. We always thought that it intended subordination and conveyed the wider idea that this Parliament is supreme and its authority will remain unaffected and undiminished over all persons, matters, and things within Ireland, or in any other portion of His Majesty's Dominions. But we are told that these are words, words which are the counters of wise men and the money of fools. Why on earth do you rely on these words as if they were current coin? They are nothing; they can be waived aside in a moment. They are nothing apparently all over our great Empire, and we are told that our great Empire has no power or authority in any shape or form, that it will have no power over Ireland, although geographically the position of Ireland determines very materially our whole relations with that country. We all know that Canada could, if it chose, assert all disregard of the matrimonial tie, or it could double it, and we should have no power and no authority in any shape or form. We should have to say to them, "Be free-lovers or bigamists, or anything you choose, we have no power to interfere." It may be we would have no wish; it may be we could not or would not wish to try to do so. But the case is otherwise in Ireland. Her geographical position makes it essential that any Parliament created over there, any authority exercised over there should be under the authority and power of the United Kingdom. That is the principle on which this Bill proceeds. We assert it, it may be unnecessarily, it may be that the words are mere surplusage, but we assert our desire that this new Constitution shall carry with it as its birthmark the declaration that the Parliament to be created is one which will be subject to and under the Imperial Parliament. We think that this word supremacy has some meaning, and, therefore, if you put in the word "subordinate," it will mean that the Parliament in Dublin may entertain wild and extravagant ideas which that sacred word "subordinate" will drive out of their minds; that the cry of "Ireland a nation" will no longer be raised because of the introduction of this word "subordinate." I do not believe anything of the kind. If the Irish Parliament is going to be unreasonable, outrageous, and unfair, it will not be restrained by the insertion of the word "subordinate."

You will have your rights under this Clause. Your right does not consist in calling this Parliament in this Clause a subordinate Parliament.

You seem to think a peculiar and extraordinary effect is sure to attach to the word. I will not press the point any further. The Solicitor-General's argument cannot be excluded even by the term given it by the right hon. Gentleman unless you are prepared to claim that, by asserting the other side of the shield, you are affecting the Irish con science in a way in which it is not affected by the use of the word "supremacy." This Bill creates an Irish Parliament, which we can repeal if it becomes an Act, and if that does not sufficiently ingrain the truth of the Constitution into the Irish mind, it will not be ingrained because you proceed to call it a subordinate Parliament. It is a subordinate Parliament, and a subordinate Parliament it must remain—

We have said so; we have said it again in these words. The only difference between us is that we attach more importance to the word "supremacy" while you attach more importance to the word "subordinate." You think the word "subordinate" is so sacred that it will carry with it a curious effect on people's minds. We prefer to say that this Parliament is and remains supreme over all persons, matters, and things in Ireland and throughout the whole of His Majesty's Dominions. We think that gives the necessary supremacy in a more potent and effective method than by the introduction of the mere word "subordinate," which will not have any of the consequences which the right hon. Gentleman seems to think might flow from it.

There is one observation made by the Chief Secretary with which I am inclined entirely to agree, that is that no matter what words we put into this Bill, they will not have the slightest effect upon the Irish Parliament. That is exactly what we have been saying all along as regards your professed guarantees in this matter, which you are parading falsely and hypocritically before the public. I emphasise now what the Chief Secretary has said, that even were you to put in the words "subordinate Parliament" it would not have the slightest effect upon the Irish Parliament, and that Parliament would not consider itself sub ordinate because they were put in. I find in what the Chief Secretary has said an absolutely unanswerable argument in favour of some words being put in, and unless he can suggest a better word, I think the word "subordinate" will carry out what we desire. Our complaint is that what you are doing by this Sub-section is declaring that the relations of this Parliament to the Parliament of Ireland are to be exactly the same as they are to our self-governing Dominions. The moment you proclaim that you proclaim that in no circumstances whatever can you interfere with the Dominion Parliaments which you yourselves have set up. It would be ridiculous. I put this question to the Chief Secretary—does he say that he can contemplate any circumstances, and, if so, will he tell us what they are, in which this country could interfere by force in Canada to enforce the provisions of any Act of Parliament passed by this House? If he were to claim such a thing as that he would be laughed at in Canada. Everybody knows it would be perfectly impossible. We say there ought to be a distinction as regards the Irish Parliament, and the Chief Secretary admits it. He says on account of its geographical position there must be a difference and a different supremacy over this Parliament, from what there is in Canada. He says if the Parliament of Canada were—to take one of his jocular illustrations—

He says if they were to abolish the marriage ties in Canada you could not interfere; but he said that if they did it in Ireland you would interfere. If that is so, what right has he to claim that you are putting the two exactly on the same basis. The real object of an Amendment of this kind is to draw a distinction between the relations between this Parliament and the Irish Parliament, and the relations with any of the other Parliaments. That is what we want. That is what the right hon. Gentleman admits we are entitled to. That is what we say will be carried out by this Amendment. You really cannot get rid, after these admissions by the right hon. Gentleman, of the principle of this Amendment by merely saying, that the word "subordinate" is only the other side to the word "supremacy." We believe this will draw the contrast we think most important. There was an argument used by the Noble Lord the Member for Oxford University (Lord Hugh Cecil), and no attempt has been made to answer it, that in the present case Ireland is claiming not merely a subordinate Parliament such as exists in the self-governing Colonies, but a Parliament which is based on the foundation of nationality, and so long as that is put forward—and it is honestly put forward by the hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond)—and so long as we know they are claiming day after day, in Ireland, that this is to be merely the basis of a national independence, surely we have a perfect right to say as accurately as we can what is the subordination of the Parliament you are setting up, so as to show hereafter that there was no intention of creating a Parliament on a basis of national independence such as is claimed by the hon. Member for Waterford and his followers. This is a very important Amendment. I hope that we have not heard the last word from the Government, if they object to this particular word, as regards in some way defining the particular relations of this House to the Irish Parliament.

The Solicitor-General based his refusal of this Amendment on the fact that a declaration of supremacy is quite sufficient for the purpose we have in view. I think some further words are necessary, because the definition of supremacy, as contained in this particular Sub-section is in itself perfectly ridiculous. It says that the supremacy of this Parliament—

"shall remain unaffected and undiminished over all persons, matters, and things within His Majesty's Dominions."

Ireland is obviously within His Majesty's Dominions. It cannot be maintained that the supremacy of this Parliament is going to be unaffected or undiminished by the creation of a second Parliament in Ireland. We maintain that it will be practically destroyed altogether. If there is no contention that that supremacy is not to be interfered with by the creation of this new Parliament, then, obviously, the words "unaffected and undiminished" are inapplicable to such a case, and some words which really define to what extent this supremacy shall remain are necessary. Unless words which attempt to define the subordination will help you out of the difficulty, it is obvious some other words are necessary to clearly describe what you mean by supremacy.

The Chief Secretary has made an exceedingly important announcement, for, in the course of his speech, he told us for the first time, in plain terms, that the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament over the new Irish Parliament is to be something totally different from the theoretical supremacy of this Parliament over the Canadian Dominion Parliament. I welcome that assurance. Now that he has made it perfectly clear to us that that is the intention of the Government, he has furnished us with an unanswerable argument for the Amendment. I trust that in making that announcement he consulted the hon. Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond). I hope that the hon. Members from Ireland sitting on the benches below the Gangway have taken note of the Chief Secretary's announcement, and are prepared to submit to it, notwithstanding their former declarations for a free and independent Irish nation and the wiping out of all traces of British rule. Having made that announcement, the Chief Secretary is bound to give effect to it. How does the matter stand? As the Sub-section runs at present the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament over the Irish Parliament is put on exactly the same footing as the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament over the Parliament of the Dominion of Canada. That wants putting right. We go as far as we can in putting that right, and if the Chief Secretary says that these words are inadequate for the purpose, then it is only right he should invent a form of words to carry out his own desire. I know that is the desire of many hon. Gentlemen opposite. We had a very interesting discussion on the question of a Second Chamber the other day, in the course of which the hon. Member for North St. Pancras (Mr. Dickinson) assured the House in a most definite manner that he did not want a Second Chamber in Ireland, because he said that the precedent of the Canadian Dominion Parliament was not a precedent which should apply to the case of the Irish Parliament. He told us that the precedent should be the kind of Legislature we have in the provinces of Canada. He contemplates the Irish Parliament being a subordinate Parliament, and I therefore claim his vote on this Amendment. The hon. Member of East Denbighshire (Mr. John) said exactly the same thing. He would not have a Second Chamber in the Irish Parliament, because he wished the Irish Parliament to be a subordinate Legislature. I have no doubt many others on the benches opposite hold the same view. I appeal to the Chief Secretary to carry out his wishes and to accept the Amendment, or, if the Amendment does not carry out his undoubted desire, let him add such words as will strengthen it.

As a Welsh Member I appeal to the Government not to listen to the appeal to put in these particular words. I would never be a party to accepting a Parliament for Wales which is called "subordinate," for a reason which ought to be obvious after a moment's reflection. If you say a Parliament is a subordinate Parliament it will be taken for granted that in every small detail practically every Bill would be subject to the revision of this House. It is absolutely worthless to pretend that you are giving in any shape what you call Home Rule or a Parliament as distinct from a mere subordinate semi-administrative council to a nation, if you are going to bring up practically every small measure for revision here. That, I take it, is the difference between a word like "subordinate" and the general phrase, "the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament." The difference is this, that when you positively state you are maintaining the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament; you are maintaining that supremacy in a general way and in a disciplinary way, and of course mainly in view of contingencies that may arise to create a conflict between a local law and the general interests of this country and of the Empire. That is why I say that putting in the word "subordinate" is an implication that you are going to revise every small measure. There is a substantial difference between that word and the general phrase used by the Government, which protects all interests that are Imperial, and does give something like Home Rule over bridges and drains, and matters of that kind; from which we want this Imperial Parliament to be relieved. I say it is unnecessary for our general purpose to put in the word "subordinate," and it will be very unacceptable to people who want a Parliament and not merely a glorified district council.

The hon. Member has emphasised the necessity for the insertion of these words. The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Birrell) made use of this expression: "It is a subordinate Parliament and it always will be. That is what we have always said, and that is what we all think." The right hon. Gentleman has found one of his party who does not take that view, and it is still more important that we should ascertain what are the views of some of the Gentlemen sitting below the Gangway on this side of the House, who are most concerned. There is no doubt that over and over again hon. Gentlemen representing Ireland, and the Leader of the Irish Nationalist party himself, have made use of expressions which leave us entirely in the dark sometimes as to what is to be the nature of the new Parliament that they really desire. If the Government have always held that it is to be a subordinate Parliament, what can be the objection to inserting these words? Then there can be no mistake on the subject. It would put it beyond the possible power of contradiction in days to come. I ask the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. John Redmond), Does he share the views of the Government as stated by the right hon. Gentleman that it always was and always will be a subordinate Parliament, and that that is the view and intention of the Government under the Bill? In fairness to the House of Commons and to Gentlemen on this side of the House who have still possibly some doubt as to the real views held by Gentlemen on that side, the hon. and learned Gentleman ought to tell us whether he entirely agrees with the statement of the right hon. Gentleman.

The great respect which I entertain for the right hon. Gentleman, with whom I have sat for so many years, makes me feel that I am bound to say a few words in answer to his speech and to the direct appeal that he has made to me. But I find myself in this position, that it is quite impossible for me to say anything except in the nature of repetition on this question. I have stated the position of Ireland on this matter explicity, and I think in a way incapable of misunderstanding, both on the First and Second Beading of this Bill, and if I spoke at length upon it now I should be merely repeating myself. The position of the Irish National party on this question of a subordinate Parliament is very simple. O'Connell led a great agitation for the simple repeal of the Union, and that was the cry of the National party in Ireland up to 1873. Then the late Isaac Butt inaugurated a movement, under the name of Home Rule in Ireland, at a historic gathering, which lasted for four days, in Dublin, where the Home Rule demand was formulated and immediately brought before this House. Butt, and those who drafted that proposal, explicitly and finally gave up the demand for repeal, and asked, under the name of Home Rule, for a subordinate Parliament—a Parliament which would be subject to the supremacy of this Parliament and would in no sense revive the independence of Grattan's Parliament. From that day to this every responsible leader of the Irish National party has maintained the same attitude. I think perhaps I ought to remind the House of Commons, as I did on the First Reading, and I am not sure I did not on the Second Reading, that Mr. Parnell's attitude was this. Here is what he said in this House in 1886:—

"We have always known, since the introduction of this Bill, the difference between a co-ordinate and a subordinate Parliament, and we have recognised that the legislature which the Prime Minister proposes to constitute is a subordinate Parliament. Undoubtedly I should have preferred the restitution of Grattan's Parliament, but I consider there are practical advantages connected with the proposed statutory body, limited and subordinate as it is to this Imperial Parliament, which will render it more useful and advantageous to the Irish people than was Grattan's Parliament. I understand the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament to be this."

This is really an expression in better words than I could frame of our attitude on this question of what Imperial supremacy really means under an Irish Parliament:—

"I understand the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament to he this, that they can interfere in the event of the powers which are conferred by this Bill being abused: but the Nationalists, in accepting this Bill, go under an honourable understanding not to abuse these powers, and we pledge ourselves in that respect for the Irish people not to abuse these new powers, but to devote our energies and influences to prevent these powers being abused. But the Imperial Parliament will have at its command the force which it reserves to itself and will be ready to intervene, but only in the case of the gravest necessity arising."

Our attitude on this question of the application of the supremacy to Ireland is perfectly simple. [An HON. MEMBER: "Parnell withdrew."] No, please allow me to know what Parnell withdrew better than you do. [An HON. MEMBER: "Why?"] Because I was intimately associated with him to the day of his death, and I know all about him. That was the attitude he maintained all through his public life to the day of his death. Now, may I put in my own way what I understand by the application of supremacy to the working of an Irish Parliament. I say that if the idea, which seems to be entertained by some hon. Members on this side of the House, that it should be the duty of this Parliament to scrutinise, to revise, to overthrow, if necessary, every single Act of the Irish Parliament, then manifestly you would be entirely defeated in the purpose you have in view and the last state of the relations of the two islands would be worse than the first. No, your supremacy must mean this, and this only, that you are trusting the people of Ireland to manage their own affairs, but that you are reserving to yourself the power if they misuse their powers, if they abuse the rights that you have given to them, at any moment to stretch out the hand of supremacy and curb them. You say you do not exercise this supremacy, and you cannot exercise it in the case of the Colonies. I entirely dispute that proposition. What are the kind of things that we are told are to be feared in Ireland? That the Irish Parliament will persecute men because of their religion.

I am not misstating the fact then. That is one of the things we are told the Irish Parliament will do—that it will destroy the property of those who differ from them in religion, and that they will persecute and oppress and rob and ruin men who differ from them in religion.

That is the kind of thing you say the Irish Parliament will do. If to-morrow there were a law passed in Canada by a majority to rob, say, the Catholics, to proscribe the religion of any section of the Canadian people, would the Imperial Parliament have the power to intervene, and would it intervene? Certainly it would have the power, and it would intervene. This great country, with Imperial supremacy in its hands, would never tolerate such a monstrous and infamous wrong. If the same thing occurred in Ireland, you would interfere in the same way there; but in the ordinary everyday working of the humdrum local affairs of the Irish Parliament, it would be madness for this Parliament to keep on day by day asserting its supremacy by interfering. I was reading during the course of the Debate a very interesting statement made by the present Lord Chancellor (then Mr. Haldane) on this very point. He said:—

The extent to which a subordinate Parliament was to be actually controlled in its working by the Imperial Parliament, was a question of practice rather than of theory. It was impossible to define it in the Bill. The Crown Colonies had been controlled in varying degrees at varying periods of their existence, but if the action of a subordinate Parliament were justified by experience, the Imperial interference lapsed, and so it seemed to him that the demand that Clauses should be put into this Bill to declare the extent of the practical supremacy to be exercised by the Imperial Parliament was not a reasonable demand."

This is my whole point.

"As the Irish Parliament failed or succeeded in its mission, so would the control of the Imperial Parliament be greater or less. If the Irish Parliament were successful, there would be no need to interfere except on subjects reserved for the Imperial Parliament. If the Irish Parliament failed then the theoretical supremacy would become a real supremacy to be acted on. If the Irish Legislature succeeded, the Imperial supremacy would be exercised less and less, and if it failed supremacy would easily be enforced under the powers contained in the Bill."

Therefore that is our position. We regard the future, wherein an Irish Parliament sitting in Dublin would have its proceedings reviewed day by day in this House and all its actions thwarted and opposed, as an absolute absurdity, but we say, at the same time, that we who go under this honourable obligation, as Parnell said, not to abuse the powers, will have no right to complain if in the future these powers are abused, and you then exercise the manifest power of this Parliament to put its supremacy in force and to intervene.

No, I will not. I must confine myself within some limits of order. I am dealing with a specific case, and I intend to adhere strictly to the point under discussion in the few minutes at my disposal. A few minutes ago we were discussing whether you would assert in this Bill that this Parliament was supreme, and all the Gentlemen on this side of the House voted against that, because they said it was a ridiculous and unnecessary and useless thing to assert the supremacy of this Parliament. Now you are asking to assert the subordination of the other Parliament. The position to me seems ludicrous, and to illustrate very largely the spirit and temper in which this Bill is being discussed. Let me read what Mr. Gladstone said in 1893 on this word "subordinate":—

"I am not prepared to deny the assertion that the Parliament in Dublin will be a subordinate Parliament, and undoubtedly it will be subject, like every other Parliament in the Empire, to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament. My sole interest is that we shall not weaken the supremacy when we seek to strengthen it. If we are to speak of supremacy by Clause or by Preamble, the proper way is to speak of it without attempting to define it. This word 'subordinate Parliament,' however accurate a description it may be, is a mode of language entirely new to our legislation. The question is whether the word 'subordinate' is to be introduced for the first time in order to disparage the new Irish Legislature, to signify that the Imperial Parliament has a distrust of it which it does not entertain towards the legislature of any other self-governing portion of the Empire, to place it on a distinctly lower level than the other legislatures, so that it may know that it came into the world with the mark of disfavour upon it. That is not the spirit in which we ought to approach a Bill of this kind."

I echo these words, and I say that is not the spirit with which this House of Commons should deal with this question.

7.0 P.M.

I am sure we all appreciate the courtesy of the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. J. Redmond) in rising to answer the questions put to him by my right hon. Friend, but I am afraid his speech has not done anything to lessen the fears which are entertained by my hon. Friends. The hon. Gentleman has just said to us: "Here you are all objecting to the insertion of the word 'supremacy,' and now you wish to insert the word 'subordinate.' But does it not occur to him that some other moral may be drawn from that? We did not desire to have the word "supremacy" inserted for the simple reason that, as my right hon. Friend pointed out, it would be abused on Radical platforms by hon. Members opposite, who would make it part of their perorations. We said that the word "supremacy" is a sham. The hon. and learned Gentleman had no objection to putting in the word "supremacy." We now ask the insertion of the word "subordinate" for a definite purpose, and he refuses. That is the best proof that there is some real difference between the two. The hon. Gentleman's reference was rather striking for another reason. He told us the truth when he said that everything was going to go exactly as hon. Gentlemen say it will do on English platforms, and that the whole attitude he takes now is the attitude of his party from the days of Isaac Butt till now. That is very interesting. The very same kind of speeches were made by Mr. Parnell in 1886, and they were repudiated by him after 1886. The very same kind of speeches were made by the hon. and learned Gentleman himself before, and he has said them since. I know that some of the quotations have been disavowed. I will give him another, and if he disavows it, he will correct me. One is contained in a speech reported in the "Freeman's Journal" to have been made by the hon. and learned Gentleman on 15th December, 1909:—

"We have before us to-day the best chance Ireland has ever had for the last century of tearing and trampling under foot that infamous Act of Union."

He does not repudiate that. That being so, I will not give any more. The hon. and learned Gentleman said that the differance between his attitude and that of O'Connell was that O'Connell wanted to repeal the Union, and that what he wants is to tear and trample under foot the infamous Act of Union. What is the' difference?

Will the right horn Gentleman allow me to intervene for one moment? I certainly used these words, and I stand by them. I regard the Act of Union as it exists in Ireland at the present moment as an infamous Act of Union, and what I desire to put in its place is a new and readjusted Act of Parliament, accepted by the Irish people in perfect good faith, and which will bring, in my judgment, real unity of feeling between the two nations.

I do not object to the second speech of the hon. and learned Gentleman, but I would like to know what effect it has on the statement I have made that O'Connell demanded the repeal of the Union while the hon. and learned Gentleman demands that it should be torn and trampled underfoot? Could O'Connell not have explained, had he been so inclined, that what he objected to was the infamous Act of Union, and that he wanted some other arrangement? The hon. and learned Gentleman went on to say that he does not want a Parliament which will be interfered with on every occasion by this House. Nobody ever suggested that. But what we do want is that if there is to be anything of this kind at all, there should be a real guarantee of subordination. Hon. Gentleman have told the constituencies that what they are going to do is to arrange that as to everything done in Ireland which this House thinks is wrong this House should interfere and stop that. My hon. Friend (Mr. Moore) asked how that is to be done, and the hon. and learned Member replied that it would not be in order to tell us. It never will be in order to tell us, and the best proof that it never will be in order is what the hon. Gentleman said about our self-governing Dominions. Although he has visited Canada, he actually told us that if the Canadian Parliament was to do something unjust to particular people in Canada, this House would interfere and prevent them from doing it. I venture to say that if this House were to attempt such a step, not only would every party in Canada be united in hostility to us, but every one of the self-governing Dominions would join them. I see the Chief Secretary actually doubts that. He has had some experience of it in his own Government. When the present First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Churchill) was Under-Secretary for the Colonies an attempt was made to put pressure on Natal in precisely such a case as this, where the Government thought the Colonial Government were exercising their powers unfairly to people in Natal. The Government here had to climb down not only before the hostility of Natal, but before what was the clearly expressed hostility of our self-governing Dominions.

The right hon. Gentleman said the Opposition asked that these words should be put in for a definite purpose. What is the definite purpose? What virtue from their own standpoint will lie in these words? When we were discussing the previous Amendment the whole of the Opposition voted against the retention of that Sub-section in the Bill for the reason that these were words which had no. virtue in them; that they offered no sanction to the Act, and that they would not enable supremacy expressed in terms to be effective in practice. The right hon. Gentleman has not in the least told us how the insertion of the word "subordinate" will apply that sanction, and enable it to be an effective measure from their point of view. The right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition twitted the hon. and learned Member for Waterford because he gave no specific reply to the question, "How can it be done?" How can "supremacy" on the one hand, or "subordination" on the other, be secured? Certainly it will not be done by inserting in Clause 1 of the Bill the word "subordinate."

:The right hon. Gentleman agrees. He signifies his assent to the proposition that, so far as effective "supremacy" or so far as effective "subordination" is concerned, it will make no difference to the Act of Parliament whether the word is put in or not. I want to know what is the definite purpose for which the right hon. Gentleman invites the Committee to insert these words. I will endeavour, in a very few sentences, to give an answer to the right hon. Gentleman's question, How will it be done? I point him, as the Prime Minister pointed him, to Clause 41 of the Bill, which says: inserting needless words. If you say the Imperial Parliament is supreme, it is not necessary to say also that the Irish Parliament is not supreme. It may be said, Why not put in the words, for, after all, they can do no harm? It is because the powers of the Irish Parliament are inferior to those of the Imperial Parliament. It is because where there is conflict between the enactments of the Imperial Parliament and the Irish Parliament the enactment of the Imperial Parliament is to prevail. You would not add weight to the Clause by putting in these words, but you would have a Clause which would be tautological, containing words which would add no strength to its meaning. I ask the Committee to reject the Amendment.

The right hon. Gentleman has stated that we voted against the insertion of the word "supremacy," while we are anxious to vote in favour of the word "subordinate," and he says that is inconsistent. There is no inconsistency whatever. We voted against the Sub-section saying in general terms that the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament should be maintained throughout the whole of His Majesty's Dominions. We voted against that because it is a sham. The right hon. Gentleman and his Friends voted for it because it is a sham. It is intended for use on the platform, but it does not express the reality of the situation. What is wanted is a definite declaration with regard to the position of subordination of this proposed Irish Parliament. The word "subordinate" conveys something perfectly clear and definite. It does not indicate that there is to be perpetual interference. Nothing of the kind. It is a plain, definite statement that the Irish Parliament is to be subordinate to the Imperial Parliament in a very different sense from that in which the legislatures of our great Dominions are subordinate. The subordination of the Dominion Parliaments is theoretical. For practical purposes it does not exist. I have only one other observation to make, which is this: The Chief Secretary has told us that this is to be a subordinate Parliament. The hon. and learned Member for Waterford says he agrees with the Chief Secretary. In the name of common sense why do you not put that into the Act? These speeches will all be forgotten. They will all be repudiated. Put it into the Act, and we have the thing on record and we know where we stand. I trust that the House will see its way to accept this Amendment, as it makes a reality of the provisions of the Act upon this point.

:I hope that the hon. and learned Solicitor-General is now satisfied that this Amendment cannot be disposed of by the essay in dialectics to which he treated us an hour ago, and by saying that subordinate means exactly the opposite to supremacy, and that there is nothing more to be said on the matter. It has been abundantly shown from his side of the House that subordinate does not mean exactly the opposite of supremacy. The hon. and senior Member for Merthyr (Mr. Edgar Jones) showed perfectly clearly that he as a Welshman would be willing to accept a Welsh Parliament subject to the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament, but would not be content to accept a Parliament which would be subordinate to the Imperial Parliament. The hon. and learned Genetleman has been amply answered by his own side. I hoped earlier in the Debate to have appealed to the hon. and learned Member for Water ford to support this Amendment himself. This afternoon we declined to allow Subsection (2) to go through because we said it was a sham. Now we are trying to make it not a sham but a reality. As it stands in the Bill we are entitled to say, "There it is now, and we must try to make the supremacy effective." The hon. and learned Member, speaking in Manchester not quite a year ago, said, "Make your supremacy as effective as you like." Here is an attempt to make the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament really effective. There is a very great distinction between a shadowy supremacy and a statement that an inferior Parliament is subordinate. The hon. and learned Member for Sunderland gave a disquisition the other night on the powers of a Sovereign Parliament. What he said was, and it is perfectly right, that while this Parliament was Sovereign and Imperial, a subordinate Parliament was Sovereign within the circuit of its own Constitution. It is clear that the Imperial Parliament is supreme, but that the inferior Parliament is Sovereign within the powers of its own Constitution. I am bound to say that I do not want the Irish Parliament to be Sovereign within the bounds of its own Constitution. I want the Irish Parliament even in its own constitution to be subordinate to this Parliament, so that it may revise every Act of the Irish Parliament which it considers inflicts injustice on any portion of the Irish community. That is the whole touchstone.

The hon. and learned Member for Waterford stated just now that he would be willing to admit the supremacy of the Imperial Parliament if in any way the Irish Parliament abused its powers. Who is going to decide whether it has abused its powers or not? We might easily think that the Irish Parliament has abused its power and the hon. and learned Member for Waterford would not be so ready to acknowledge it, and then we should get into the difficulty of deciding it. Again, I may refer to a quotation, made earlier in the afternoon, from the speech of General Botha. The whole question is whether we are to exercise over the Government of Ireland the power, the shadowy power, the negation of power which we exercise over Canada, or to exercise the power which Canada exercises over its own subordinate Parliaments. The hon. and learned Member said just now that if the Canadian Parliament went out of its way to pass an Act unjust to any section of its community we should interfere. My right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition has answered that clearly and has shown perfectly conclusively that we should not, if I may say so, dare to interfere with any of the great self-governing Dominions. General Botha answered that point in this respect in the South African Parliament only yesterday. It will be remembered that the suggestion was made in this Parliament by some hon. Members on the opposite side that some portion of the South African community was being treated unfairly by the Government of South Africa. We might probably have exactly the same thing said in two or three years if Home Rule were granted to Ireland. There would be accusations that some portion of the Irish community were being treated unfairly by the Irish Parliament. Yet General Botha went out of his way in a speech connected with the South African Mail contract, and which had nothing whatever to do with this question, to rebuke the Imperial Parliament within two days of those speeches of the hon. Members who spoke of the ill-treatment of the South African natives, and laid down perfectly clearly, and I want the House to realise it, the attitude which the South African Parliament have taken up, that if there were any grievances they should be brought to him and not to us:—

The course of this discussion has shown that there is no opposition in any quarter of the House to the spirit of subordination, but hon. Gentlemen on that side and the hon. and learned Member for Waterford are opposed distinctly to the insertion of the word "subordinate" in this Bill. To my mind the chief interest which has arisen from this Debate is the very great divergence of opinion which exists between the right hon. Gentleman the Chief Secretary for Ireland and the hon. and learned Member for Waterford. I am very sorry indeed that he has taken this opportunity to be absent from the Debate in which he is taking a conspicuous part, and is unwilling to listen to the answers which are made to the remarks that he has made. The divergence of opinion which I think is obvious is that the right hon. Gentleman has told us that there is to be a different supremacy between the supremacy over the Dominion of Canada and the supremacy which is retained over Ireland if this Bill ever passes. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wimbledon (Mr. Chaplin) asked the hon. and learned Member for Waterford the specific question, what his opinion was of that matter. The hon. and learned Member for Waterford made a speech in which he endeavoured to explain to him that it was a great honour that he addressed the House, but in no circumstances did he answer the question put forward by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Wimbledon. He was in his Imperialistic vein, and endeavoured to make us forget the utterances which he has made in various parts of the globe during the last few years. The hon. and learned Member at this moment is Imperial. He wants to see the spirit of subordination carried out, and that the Irish Parliament should be subordinate to this Parliament, but that the word subordinate should not be placed in the Bill. He believes entirely in the supremacy of this Parliament over the Irish Parliament. I had the opportunity of refreshing my memory as to the sentiments which the hon. and learned Member held in the year 1898. He moved an Amendment to the Address on that occasion in these terms:—

"That that demand would be satisfied only by the concession of an independent Parliament and an executive responsible thereto for all affairs distinctly Irish, and that the satisfaction of that demand is the most urgent of all subjects of domestic policy."

He went on to speak of the opportunities of conciliation which has occurred—

"Again, in 1886, and after a long interval and a disastrous one for Ireland and England, so far as it Is concerned in Ireland, another such opportunity arose. Mr. Gladstone proposed a Home Rule Bill in that year. Mr. Gladstone's Bill of 1886 was not a full concession of the rights of Ireland."

We take it from what the hon. and learned Member tells us now that this Bill is a full concession of the rights of Ireland. I would like to point out that that is a view which he has not always held. He went on to say, in the course of the same speech:—

"We put forward a claim for the restoration to Ireland of that Parliament which was robbed from her by force and fraud by the Act of Union, and which the greatest authorities of the day declared had no binding force upon the hearts or consciences of anyone."

The changes of opinion of the hon. and learned Gentleman follow each other with such bewildering celerity that I do not know exactly where he stands at this moment, and I cannot see what authority we ought to place on the things which he tells us in this House now in view of those other things which he put forward in the past. In recent years we can turn to his utterances as a spokesman of the Gaelic League. We know perfectly well that the aim and object of all members of the Gaelic League is the complete separation of Ireland from England, and that they are entirely opposed to the subordination of Ireland to this Parliament.

The hon. and learned Member for Waterford has said on more than one occasion that he agrees with the aims and desires of the Gaelic League.

The Gaelic League has a large number of members who are Unionists. It is a non-political organisation.

I had an opportunity in this House the other day of quoting the words on this subject of an individual, Mr. Shane Leslie, and, as I said on that occasion, his chief claim to fame rests on the fact that he is a blood relation of the First Lord of the Admiralty; and in those remarks which he made in New York the other day he said that the aim of the Gaelic League was complete separation and breaking the last link that binds Ireland to England. Those words have been endorsed by the hon. and learned Member for Waterford. When he maintains these ideas we distrust the words which he has now put forward. The hon. Member for Mayo, in the same Debate, in 1898, did not seem to agree with the hon. Gentleman who sits behind him at the present moment. His speech on that occasion was an attack on the hon. and learned Member for Waterford—

"He spoke of the repeal of the Union and the reopening Of the Irish Parliament as the full national demand. Now, I say, in the first instance, in my opinion and in the opinion of the vast majority of the advanced Nationalists of Ireland, that is not the full national demand.

"Mr. Redmond: Separation?

"Mr. Dillon: Yes."

Now we have the national demand, separation of Ireland from England. Nationalist Members from Ireland, if they really desire that the Irish Parliament should be subordinate to the Imperial Parliament, ought to rise in their place and show their willingness to have inserted in this Bill the specific word "subordinate." The present is the only opportunity we have of persuading the people of this country as to what are really the views of the Nationalist Members on this side of the House and of hon. Members opposite. I do not know whether it will make very much difference what is put into the Bill, however, seeing that it is to remain in a state of suspended animation for two years. I do hope it will be seen, not only by the House but by the country, that hon. Members who come from Ireland are not willing to have these words inserted in the Subsection in order to show specifically that the Irish Parliament would be subordinate, and I sincerely hope that the Mover of the Amendment will go to a Division.

I listened with interest to the speech of the hon. and learned Member for Waterford (Mr. John Redmond), and I compared his statements and attitude of to-day with his statement and attitude in other places. I am going to refer to two well-known quotations from speeches made by the hon. and learned Gentleman, and I ask him to explain how he reconciles the statement made by him in his speech just now, that since the time of Isaac Butt every responsible leader of the Nationalist party has given up any demand for separation, with another statement he made previously at the National Convention in Buffalo, no longer ago than October, 1910, when he told his audience of a number of concessions which the Nationalist party had wrung from various Governments in this country, and went on to say:—

"Those important concessions are practically valueless, or at any rate, such value as they possess can be found in the fact that they strengthen the arm of the Irish people to push on to the great goal of National independence."

I do not know how the hon. and learned Gentleman is going to reconcile that expression of opinion as to national independence with the subordinate position which he intends to give to the Irish people under the Bill we are discussing at the present time. At Syracuse, on the same tour, he used these words, which were even stronger:—

"We demand an Irish Parliament for Irish affairs and subject only to the Irish people. Less than that we do not ask, and less than that we shall not accept. When you ask us to demand more, I answer in the words of Parnell, 'Let us get this first and then demand more.'"

I am rather surprised the hon. Gentleman has made that quotation. It has already been made in this House, and repudiated and denied by me. I have repeatedly denied it both in telegrams and letters, but the leaflet which contains it continues to go its daily round. I can assure the hon. Member that I have never used those words, and Parnell never used such words in his life.

I at once withdraw the words, if the hon. and learned Gentleman says he never used them. I cannot recall ever having read his denial of them, and, at any rate, they were published in "The Irish World," a well-known paper supporting the Nationalist party in America. If the hon. Member denies those words does he deny the first quotation which I made? At any rate, I certainly withdraw the words after what the hon. Member has said; but there are plenty of other valuable quotations, but I will not use this one again. I can give hon. Members quotations which will bear out my contention, that the attitude now taken up by the Nationalist party is not consistent with the attitude which they have taken up in the past, particularly when addressing meetings either in Ireland or America. The hon. and learned Member said that every responsible leader from the time of Isaac Butt had given up demanding separation from this country, but I think in the category of responsible leaders we are entitled to include the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. John Dillon) and the hon. Member for West Belfast (Mr. Devlin). The hon. Member for West Belfast said—

We have had all this before on the Second Reading and on the Amendment to leave out Sub-section (2).

There is bound to be a certain amount of repetition, and, in replying to what was said by the hon. and learned Member for Waterford, I ask leave to make a few quotations. The hon. Member for West Belfast, speaking at New York in 1902, said:—

"We want a Parliament to give our people authority over the police and judiciary, and well equipped with comparative freedom, and that would be the time for those who have thought that we should destroy the last link that binds us to England, to operate by what ever means they thought best to achieve that great and desirable end. I am quite sure I speak the mind of the United Irish League on this subject."

In 1908 the same hon. Member—

I rise to a point of Order. I desire to say, as I have said half a dozen times, that I deny that I ever made or uttered a word of that in my speech. I want to know whether the hon. Gentleman is entitled to read passages from his edition of Æsop's Fables?

It is not exactly a point of Order, but if I allow extraneous matter to be introduced into the Debate it calls for a reply, and the Debate is taken away from the point.

I should not have troubled the Committee had it not been for a remark by the hon. and learned Member for Waterford. All I can say is that if the quotation I am reading were never uttered, I cannot compliment the Nationalist party upon the representative of the Press that they have in America. The quotations came from Nationalist papers. Perhaps the hon. Member for West Belfast will tell us that he never said this at Philadelphia in 1908:—

"I believe in the separation of Ireland from England until Ireland is as free as the air we breathe."

Mr. DEVLIN rose—

May I respectfully ask you, Sir, whether an hon. Member, "when a quotation affecting him is being made, has not the right to stand up and repudiate it as my hon. Friend the Member for West Belfast desires to do?

I foresaw when I referred to the introduction of extraneous matter into the Debate what it would lead to, and I recognise that I cannot disallow the hon. Member to repudiate a quotation of words which he denies that he ever uttered. But all this is really going back

Division No. 124.]

AYES.

[7.45 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Barnes, G. N.

Booth, Frederick Handel

Acland, Francis Dyke

Barton, William

Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North)

Alden, Percy

Beale, Sir William Phipson

Brace, William

Allen, A. A. (Dumbartonshire)

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles Peter (Stroud)

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Brocklehurst, William B.

Arnold, Sydney

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts, St. George)

Brunner, John F. L.

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Bethell, Sir J. H.

Bryce, J. Annan

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Burke, E. Haviland-

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Black, Arthur W.

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Boland, John Plus

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas.

upon what we had in the Second Reading Debate on the Bill. We had many days on that stage, and I do not think that there ought to be a revival of that form of discussion on the details of the measure.

Is it not strictly relevant to this question of the subordination of the Irish Parliament to try and show that the views of hon. Members from Ireland on that question are not the same now as they were before?

We had all that on the Second Reading of the Bill, and it is appropriate to the Second Reading.

In conclusion, I say that so far as we, representatives of the North-East corner of Ireland—which, for convenience, is referred to as Ulster—are concerned, we do not care a snap of the finger whether this safeguard is put in the Bill or not. We know perfectly well that it will not be of the slightest use, and there might as well be no reference to it whatever in the Bill. We know perfectly well that if it is passed into law the same fate will await us as awaited the former members of the old grand juries in Ireland, in spite of promises which were given to them from the Nationalist Benches that, not only would the interests of those people be reserved, but that their presence in the county councils would be welcomed, and would be ensured by hon. Members below the Gangway. We know what has happened. Out of 624 county councillors only seventeen in the South and West of Ireland are Unionists.

That, again, is in the nature of a Second Reading speech. The Second Reading has been passed.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question put, "That the Question be now put."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 282; Noes, 213.

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)

Hogge, James Myles

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Parker, James (Hallfax)

Cameron, Robert

Horne, Charles Silvester (Ipswich)

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Pearce, William (Limehouse)

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Chancellor, Henry George

Jardine, Sir J. (Roxburgh)

Pointer, Joseph

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

John, Edward Thomas

Pollard, Sir George H.

Clancy, John Joseph

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Clough, William

Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Power, Patrick Joseph

Clynes, John R.

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Jones, W. S. Glyn-(Stepney)

Price, Sir R. J. (Norfolk, E.)

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Jowett, Frederick William

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Joyce, Michael

Pringle, William M. R.

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Keating, Matthew

Radford, George Heynes

Cotton, William Francis

Kellaway, Frederick George

Raphael, Sir Herbert H.

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Kelly, Edward

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Crooks, William

King, Joseph

Reddy, Michael

Crumley, Patrick

Lamb, Ernest Henry

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Cullinan, John

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton)

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Lansbury, George

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

Davies, Timothy (Lines., Louth)

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan)

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Dawes, J. A.

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Delany, William

Leach, Charles

Robertson, John M. (Tyneside)

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Levy, Sir Maurice

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Devlin, Joseph

Lewis, John Herbert

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Dillon, John

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Roche, John (Galway, E.)

Doris, William

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Roe, Sir Thomas

Duffy, William J.

Lundon, Thomas

Rowlands, James

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Lyell, Charles Henry

Rowntree, Arnold

Duncan, J. (Hastings (York, Otley)

Lynch, Arthur Alfred

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

McGhee, Richard

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Scanlan, Thomas

Elverston, Sir Harold

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir Charles E.

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Macpherson, James Ian

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Sheehy, David

Essex, Richard Walter

McCallum, Sir John M.

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Esslemont, George Birnie

M'Kean, John

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

Farrell, James Patrick

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Snowden, Philip

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

M'Laren, Hon. F.W.S. (Lines., Spalding)

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Ffrench, Peter

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Spicer, Sir Albert

Field, William

Manfield, Harry

Sutherland, John E.

Flennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Markham, Sir Arthur Basil

Sutton, John E.

Fitzgibbon, John

Masterman, C. F. G.

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Meagher, Michael

Taylor, T. C. (Radcliffe)

France, Gerald Ashburner

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim)

Tennant, Harold John

Furness, Stephen

Menzies, Sir Walter

Thomas, J. H. (Derby)

George Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

Millar, James Duncan

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Ginnell, Laurence

Molloy, Michael

Thorne, William (West Ham)

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Toulmin, Sir George

Glanville, Harold James

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Montagu, Hon. E. S.

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Goldstone, Frank

Mooney, John J.

Verney, Sir Harry

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Morrell, Philip

Walton, Sir Joseph

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

Morison, Hector

Wardle, George J.

Greig, Colonel James William

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Waring, Walter

Grey, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward

Munro, Robert

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Guest, Major Hon. C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Webb, H.

Hackett, John

Neilson, Francis

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E. R.)

Harcourt, Rt. Hon. L. (Rossendale)

Nolan, Joseph

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Norton, Captain Cecil W.

Whitehouse, John Howard

Hardie, J. Keir

Nuttall, Harry

Whitaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas P.

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton (Beds)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Whyte, A. F.

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Wiles, Thomas

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Wilkie, Alexander

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

O'Donnell, Thomas

Williams, J. (Glamorgan)

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

O'Doherty, Philip

Williams, Llewellyn (Carmarthen)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Dowd, John

Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Ogden, Fred

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Helme, Sir Norval Watson

O'Grady, James

Winfrey, Richard

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

Henry, Sir Charles

O'Malley, William

Young, William (Perth, East)

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Higham, John Sharp

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.

Hinds, John

O'Shee, James John

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Moore, William

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Gibbs, G. A.

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Gilmour, Captain John

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Ashley, Wilfrid W.

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Goldman, Charles Sidney

Newdegate, F. A.

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Goldsmith, Frank

Newman, John R. P.

Balcarres, Lord

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Baldwin, Stanley

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Nield, Herbert

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Grant, J. A.

Norton-Griffiths, J.

Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)

Greene, Walter Raymond

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Barnston, Harry

Gretton, John

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Parkes, Ebenezer

Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc., E.)

Guinness, Hon. W.E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Haddock, George Bahr

Peto, Basil Edward

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Bentinck, Lord H. Cavendish

Hambro, Angus Valdemar

Pretyman, Ernest George

Bigland, Alfred

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)

Quilter, Sir W. E. C.

Bird, Alfred

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Ratcliff, Major R. F.

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Harris, Henry Percy

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Harrison-Broadley, H. B.

Rees, Sir J. D.

Boyton, James

Helmsley, Viscount

Remnant, James Farquharson

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Bull, Sir William James

Hickman, Col. Thomas E.

Rutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)

Burdett-Coutts, William

Hill, Sir Clement L.

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Butcher, John George

Hills, John Waller

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Campion, W. R.

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Sanders, Robert Arthur

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Sanderson, Lancelot

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Cassel, Felix

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l.' Walton)

Castlereagh, Viscount

Horne, Edgar (Surrey, Guildford)

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Cautley, Henry Strother

Horner, Andrew Long

Spear, Sir John Ward

Cave, George

Houston, Robert Paterson

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston, Manor)

Hunt, Rowland

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Ingleby, Holcombe

Stewart, Gershom

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East)

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, N.)

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Swift, Rigby

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.)

Joynson-Hicks, William

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Kerry, Earl of

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Kimber, Sir Henry

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Knight, Capt. E. A.

Thomson, W. Mitchell-(Down, N.)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Touche, George Alexander

Craig, Capt. James (Down, E.)

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Larmor, Sir J.

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Craik, Sir Henry

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Valentia, Viscount

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Lewisham, Viscount

Walker, Col. William Hall

Croft, H. P.

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

Dalrymple, Viscount

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Weigall, Captain A. G.

Denniss, E. R. B.

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R.

White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Doughty, Sir George

Lowe, Sir F. (Birm., Edgbaston)

Winterton, Earl

Duke, Henry Edward

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Worthington-Evans, L.

Faber, Captain W. V. (Hants, W.)

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Falle, Bertram Godfray

M'Mordie, Robert

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Fell, Arthur

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Magnus, Sir Philip

Yate, Col. C. E.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Malcolm, Ian

Yerburgh, Robert

Flannery, Sir James Fortescue

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Younger, Sir George

Fleming, Valentine

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Fletcher, John Samuel

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Sandys and Col. Burn.

Foster, Philip Staveley

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Question put accordingly, "That those words be there inserted."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 215; Noes, 285.

Division No. 125.]

AYES.

[7.55 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Ashley, Wilfrid W.

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Astor, Waldorf

Balcarres, Lord

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Baldwin, Stanley

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Newdegate, F. A.

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Newman, John R. P.

Barlow, Montague (Salford, South)

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Barnston, Harry

Grant, J. A.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Greene, W. R.

Nield, Herbert

Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc, E.)

Gretton, John

Norton-Griffiths, J.

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Guinness, Hon. W. E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Parkes, Ebenezer

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Haddock, George Bahr

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Bentinck, Lord Henry Cavendish

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Bigland, Alfred

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Peto, Basil Edward

Bird, Alfred

Hambro, Angus Valdemar

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington)

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Pretyman, Ernest George

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Quilter, Sir William Eley C.

Boytón, James

Harris, Henry Percy

Ratcliff, Major R. F.

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Harrison-Broadley, H. B.

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Bridgeman, William clive

Helmsley, Viscount

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Bull, Sir William James

Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon)

Rees, Sir J. D.

Burdett-Coutts, William

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Remnant, James Farquharson

Burn, Colonel C. R.

Hickman, Colonel Thomas E.

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Butcher, John George

Hill, Sir Clement L. (Shrewsbury)

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Hills, J. W.

Rutherford, John (Lanes., Darwen)

Campion, W. R.

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Sanders, Robert Arthur

Cassel, Felix

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Sanderson, Lancelot

Castlereagh, Viscount

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Sandys, G. J.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Horne, William E. (Surrey, Guildford)

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Cave, George

Horner, Andrew Long

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l., Walton)

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Houston, Robert Paterson

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Hunt, Rowland

Spear, Sir John Ward

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Ingleby, Holcombe

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, E.)

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.)

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Joynson-Hicks, William

Stewart, Gershom

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Kerry, Earl of

Swift, Rigby

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Kimber, Sir Henry

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Cooper, Richard Ashmole

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Craik, Sir Henry

Larmor, Sir J.

Thomson, W. Mitchell (Down, North)

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Touche, George Alexander

Croft, Henry Page

Lewisham, Viscount

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Dalrymple, Viscount

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Valentia, Viscount

Denniss, E. R. B.

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Walker, Col. William Hall

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R.

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)

Doughty, Sir George

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Weigall, Captain A. G.

Duke, Henry Edward

Lowe, Sir F. W. (Birm., Edgbaston)

White, Major G. D. (Lanes., Southport)

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo. Han. S.)

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

Lyttelton, Hen. J. C. (Droitwich)

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Falle, Bertram Godfray

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Winterton, Earl

Fell, Arthur

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

M'Mordie, Robert

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine)

Worthington-Evans, L.

Flannery, Sir J. Fortescue

Magnus, Sir Philip

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Fleming, Valentine

Malcolm, Ian

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Foster, Philip Staveley

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Yate, Col. C. E.

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Yerburgh, Robert

Gibbs, George Abraham

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Younger, Sir George

Gilmour, Captain J.

Moore, William

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Salter and Captain Faber.

Goldman, Charles Sydney

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Goldsmith, Frank

Neville, Reginald J. N.

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Barton, William

Brace, William

Acland, Francis Dyke

Beale, Sir William Phipson

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Alden, Percy

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Brocklehurst, William B.

Allen, Arthur Acland (Dumbartonshire)

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Brunner, John F. L.

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud)

Benn, W. W. (Tower Hamlets, St. Geo.)

Bryce, J. Annan

Arnold, Sydney

Bethell, Sir John Henry

Burke, E. Haviland-

Asquith, Rt. Hon. Herbert Henry

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

Black, Arthur W.

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Boland, John Pius

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Booth, Frederick Handel

Buxton, Rt. Hon. S. C. (Poplar)

Barnes, G. N.

Boyle, D. (Mayo, N.)

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Cameron, Robert

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Pearce, William (Limehouse)

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Cawley, H. T. (Heywood)

Jardine, Sir John (Roxburgh)

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Chancellor, Henry George

John, Edward Thomas

Pointer, Joseph

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Pollard, Sir George H.

Clancy, John Joseph

Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Cough, William

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Power, Patrick Joseph

Clynes, John R.

Jones, W. S. Glyn-(T. H'mts, Stepney)

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Jowett, Frederick William

Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.)

Compton Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Joyce, Michael

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Keating, Matthew

Pringle, William M. R.

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Kellaway, Frederick George

Radford, George Heynes

Cotton, William Francis

Kelly, Edward

Raphael, Sir Herbert H.

Craig. Herbert James (Tynemouth)

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields).

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

King, Joseph

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Crooks, William

Lamb, Ernest Henry

Reddy, Michael

Crumley, Patrick

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Cullinan, John

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Redmond, William (Clare)

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Lansbury, George

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

Davies, Timothy (Lines., Louth)

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Davies, M. Vaughan (Cardigan)

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

Roberts, George H. (Norwich)

Dawes, James Arthur

Leach, Charles

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Delany, William

Levy, Sir Maurice

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Lewis, John Herbert

Robertson, John M.(Tyneside)

Devlin, Joseph

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Dillon, John

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Doris, William

Lundon, Thomas

Roche, John (Galway)

Duffy, William J.

Lyell, C. H.

Roe, Sir Thomas

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Lynch, Arthur Alfred

Rowlands, James

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)

Rowntree, Arnold

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Runciman, Rt. Hon. Walter

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

McGhee, Richard

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Elverston, Sir Harold

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Scanlan, Thomas

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary)

Macpherson, James Ian

Schwann, Rt. Hon. Sir C. E.

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Sheehan, Daniel Daniel

Essex, Richard Walter

McCallum, Sir John M.

Sheehy, David

Esslemont, George Birnie

M'Kean, John

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Farrell, James Patrick

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Smith, H. B. Lees (Northampton)

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

M'Laren, Hon. F.W.S. (Lincs., Spalding)

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Ffrench, Peter

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Snowden, Philip

Field, William

Manfield, Harry

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Markham, Sir Arthur Basil

Spicer, Sir Albert

Fitzgibbon, John

Masterman, C. F. G.

Sutherland, John E.

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Meagher, Michael

Sutton, John E.

France. Gerald Ashburner

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Furness, Stephen

Menzies, Sir Walter

Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

Millar, James Duncan

Tennant, Harold John

Ginnell, Laurence

Molloy, Michael

Thomas, James Henry (Derby)

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Glanville, Harold James

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Thorne, William (West Ham)

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Montagu, Hon. E. S.

Toulmin, Sir George

Goldstone, Frank

Mooney, John J.

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Morrell, Philip

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Greenwood, Hamar (Sunderland)

Morison, Hector

Verney, Sir Henry

Greig, Col. James William

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Walton, Sir Joseph

Guest, Hon. Major C. H. C (Pembroke)

Munro, R.

Wardle, George J.

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Munro-Ferguson, Rt. Hon. R. C.

Waring, Walter

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Hackett, John

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Neilson, Francis

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Webb, H.

Hardie, J. Keir

Nolan, Joseph

Wedgwood, Josiah C.

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Norton, Captain Cecil W.

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

Nuttall, Harry

White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.)

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Whitehouse, John Howard

Harwood, George

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Whittaker, Rt. Hon. Sir Thomas

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

O'Doherty, Philip

Whyte, A. F. (Perth)

Hayden, John Patrick

O'Donnell, Thomas

Wiles, Thomas

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

O'Dowd, John

Wilkie, Alexander

Helme, Sir Norval Watson

Ogden, Fred

Williams, John (Glamorgan)

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

O'Grady, James

Williams, Llewellyn (Carmarthen)

Henderson, J. M. (Aberdeen, W.)

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)

Henry, Sir Charles S.

O'Kelly, James (Roscommon, N.)

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

O'Malley, William

Winfrey, Richard

Higham, John Sharp

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

Hinds, John

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

O'Shee, James John

Young, William (Perth, East)

Hogge, James Myles

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.

Horne, C. Silvester (Ipswich)

Parker, James (Halifax)

I beg to move, in Sub-section (2), to leave out the word "of" ["authority of the Parliament"], and to insert instead thereof the words "which now resides in."

Motion made, and Question, "That the Chairman do report Progress, and ask leave to sit again"—[ The Prime Minister ]—put, and agreed to.

Committee report Progress; to sit again to-morrow (Tuesday).

Port of London (Strike)

Employers and Employed

I beg to move, "That, in the opinion of this House it is expedient that the representatives of the employers' and the workmen's organisations involved in the present dispute in the Port of London should meet, with a view to arriving at a settlement."

I need hardly assure the House that it is with very great regret I feel compelled to move this Motion. I may say at once I do not intend to enter into any controversial matters at all. It seems to me that too much has been said on both sides already. I would have much preferred that the Motion should have been allowed to go through by consent in much the same way as was done in the case of the railway strike. I wish to make a brief statement of facts, and to say why I think the Government are justified in intervening in a matter of this character. There has been much misunderstanding as to who initiated this dispute. The leaders of the men did not initiate the dispute at all. The actual strike originated over the man Thomas. That was clearly a breaking away by the rank and file of the organisation. I do not want, however, to take away from the leaders any shred of responsibility. They are prepared to shoulder the blame that may attach to them in the matter. They have been very frank about the situation. They have publicly de-cleared that they are prepared to accept Sir Edward Clarke's report, which stated that, in regard to the man Thomas, the union had committed a breach of their contract. Instead of advocating a strike, the leaders have done everything they could to bring about conciliation and understanding. The Rollit award is clear evidence that the leaders of the men did not desire contracts to be broken at all. They took advantage of a Clause which stated that matters in dispute should be submitted to arbitration, and Sir. Albert Rollit gave a decision in favour of the men. Subsequently a question arose as to the true interpretation of the arbitrator's award. An understanding ensued, which resulted in the matter being referred to the Lord Chief Justice for legal interpretation. The Lord Chief Justice decided that Sir Albert Rollit's award was perfectly correct, and that wages should be given to the men who were claiming them. After that the employers were approached by the men's representatives on behalf of the tug men. They asked for a 72 hours' week and for certain increases of wages for the mates and masters on tugboats. The employers, I do not know for what reason, absolutely refused to meet the men's representatives. In the matter of the lightermen there was a dispute, and the men gave notice that unless their claims were conceded within a fortnight they would be compelled to go out on strike. That was a perfectly legitimate proceeding, but, as the result of the intervention of the Board of Trade, the leaders held the notices back for three weeks, again clearly showing as far as they were concerned that everything possible was done to prevent an outbreak.

These proceedings lasted eight months. When we consider the awards given in favour of the men, which awards the men say were not carried out by the employers, we can understand the feeling of exasperation existing in the Port of London. Both men and leaders were exasperated, and when the incident of the man Thomas cropped up, resulting in certain of the men being discharged, that exasperation took effect. The leaders said at once, "We have gone on for eight months; the men have now broken out over the man Thomas; we cannot allow the matter to go on any further." The leaders do not want to shed a shred of their responsibility in the matter. After the dispute broke out Sir Edward Clarke's inquiry proceeded, and his Report was issued. The leaders, without reservation or qualification accepted that Report, again clearly giving evidence that they desired peace and an honourable settlement between employers and workmen. The Government, on the representation of the workmen, made certain proposals to the employers, including an offer of a monetary guarantee, and suggesting the insertion of certain Clauses to prevent small incidents leading up to great disputes, such as that we are now discussing. Those proposals were rejected by the employers, but accepted by the workmen. From the facts I have stated it will be seen that every effort was made in the direction of keeping the peace, and when the peace was broken as between employers and workmen definite efforts were still made by the leaders themselves to bring about a settlement on honourable lines. The mere fact that a great workers' organisation like the Transport Workers' Federation offered a monetary guarantee that, as far as they were concerned, contracts would be kept in future, is a consideration and proposition that this House will endorse. I think Members will agree that if the men offered these monetary guarantees they ought to be backed up in their contention.

I wish to make another statement with regard to the leaders, and here I include myself. Every Member on these benches will agree that it is very rarely, if ever, a trade union leader advocates a strike. That ought to be well known to the House. There are reasons why we should take that course. We know better than the rank and file the awful suffering, hunger, poverty, and self-sacrifice that always follow a strike. I have put it plainly to my men over and over again before they decided to go on strike, "Do you know what it involves as far as yourselves, your wives and families are concerned?" I lay it down as a general proposition that very few, if any, labour leaders ever advocate strikes. We know with what, under modern conditions in the industrial world, we are face to face. With the great armies of men on one side, and the great masses of capital on the other, strikes and lock-outs have lost their peculiar characteristic of being, as the President of the Local Government Board said years ago, mere manifestations of industrialism. From the area over which they are spread, and the large number of men involved, they have become great social upheavals, striking at the whole fabric of society, from centre to circumference. Therefore, when it is said that trade union leaders have advocated strikes without exhausting every possible means of conciliation and negotiation, all I can say is that I do not think such leaders exist. I know statements have been made in the Press, for instance, that the strike has been broken, and that the strike is a partial one. If I mistake not, the junior Member for the City of London, in the terms of his Amendment, has said that the strike is a partial one. That is not so. I think I will be able to prove that. In the first place, upon the Port of London Authority's own figures, there are something like 14,000 men now employed at the docks. We term them "blacklegs," but for the purpose of this Debate this evening, suppose we term them "free labourers." I do not know how they are free, because they are behind walls, and they are guarded by the police. But there they are 14,000 of them! There are 75,000 unionists who came out on strike at the docks. Added to that number is 10,000 non-unionists. That makes a total of 85,000 men. I suppose it is obvious that the strike cannot be a partial strike, because 14,000 men cannot be doing the work of 85,000 men, who were working before the strike occurred.

With regard to the character and quality of the men at present inside the docks doing the work there, I think every employer who has been through disputes will agree with me—I hope this will not be controversial, because I do not wish it to be so—that on occasions like this the strikebreakers and free labourers that you get are the men who cannot get work under normal circumstances. They are incompetent and physically incapable, certainly of doing the work which is required at the docks. I quite agree there may be a number of these men whom the force of circumstances have driven to take the places of the men out on strike. But I venture to say that amongst those 14,000 men there is not 1,000 capable and dependable men and men of character and quality. I make another statement, and I think the House will agree with me when I say that 3,000 ordinary dockers like the men out on strike will do as much work, and better work, nay, more work, than the 14,000 inside the dock gates at present. Let me take other evidence of the fact that the strike is neither broken nor of a partial character. Everyone knows that twenty miles each side of the river is lined with boats waiting to be unloaded. I am fortified in my evidence, too, curiously enough, by one of the opposition papers. I refer to the "Evening News," of Saturday, which makes a somewhat singular statement in view of what they have said on previous occasions. I do not blame them for their point of view. Possibly if I were on the opposite side, I should be equally strong; but still, when we have evidence of that character, I submit that the strike is neither partial nor broken. Just a word with regard to the alleged state of terror that exists. I frankly confess that I have been astonished at the statements made in the daily Press upon this question as to terrorism in the East End of London. I hope the papers have a sense of fairplay, but when these statements are made prior to this Debate, it seems to me to be rather sinister; though I think on the other hand the very cold official replies that the Home Secretary has given have disposed over and over again of the statements made with regard to the terrorism that is alleged. Whether that be so or not, I would suggest that the terrorism is not always on the one side. I know some of the free labourers are armed. As a matter of fact one was arrested the other day for shooting at a dock labourer. Again, we have the fact of civilian police carrying their bludgeons quite openly. Again we have Lord Abercorn's force for the purpose of giving protection—although I do not know for what reason when the free labourers are inside the dock gates. The Home Secretary has made the statement over and over again in this House, and it has not yet been disputed, that there never has been such protection given to free labour that there has been on this occasion.

I think the question now comes, has the Government any sanction to interfere in the matter. The whole tendency of modern industry is in the direction of federation, amalgamation, and the amassing of forces. This is evident of late, and is as sure as the law of gravity. There are great masses of capital on one side and great forces of workmen on the other, and I submit to the Prime Minister, the Government, and the House, that when these two mighty forces come into conflict there is bound to be damage to the non-combatants. There comes a time in a dispute of this character when the Government, as representing the general interest of the community and social welfare, must intervene in the interests of the community, and say to the two parties that the time has come when, seeing they cannot settle their quarrels, they should sit down at the conference table and discuss the matter. That is all my Motion asks for. I do not know the politics of the paper which I am about to quote. I refer to the "Nation," which certainly seems to understand the position. It said lately:—

I appeal to-night to the better judgment of this House. The House of Commons is outside the area of conflict. Members of the House are impartial observers and onlookers, and are therefore perhaps better able to judge than others as to the merits of the conflict, and especially better able to judge than those actively engaged in it. I appeal to the docker, who has put up a splendid fight, and who, as the position stands to-day, is stronger in his determination than ever he was that his union shall not be broken and endangered. I very much regret to say that he refused to accept the conciliatory measures put forward by his own leader, and why? Because he knows it is not a partial strike and cannot be broken. He gets information from inside the dock gates, and, let me say, that the machinery of the whole trade unions is working in his interests. The dockers will be subsidised from every trade union in the country to keep this fight going, because the whole trade union movement believes, rightly or wrongly, that this is an attack upon trade unions, and they are determined to save them from disaster. That is the situation, and I think this is the particular moment and that the time has come when we should use every influence to prevent the disaster of breaking the unions. I think we ought to regard with admiration the heroism and the suffering these men have endured. I know the state of things is simply appalling in the East End of London. I have letters that I could not read to the House. There are 200,000 women and children—a population equal to that of one of the Midland towns—that are to-day suffering all the horrors of a siege of a city in a besieged state where food cannot be obtained.

The Very Reverend Dean Ring, a clergyman of my own creed and religious belief, tells stories of children being brought to be christened in sheets of brown paper. In spite of all this these men are determined to stand by their union, and the trade unions of the country are going to help them to resist their union being smashed. I speak of the dockers; I was born amongst them, and I have associated with them. In all conditions and in times of booming trade they are always living upon the poverty line; they are casual workmen, earning fairly good wages one week and none for the next two or three weeks, and these men are the people who have fought and won battles upon many a battlefield to save the British Empire. They are showing a spirit and temper that it is not easy to break. If these men were only to wear their decorations in the marches which take place every Sunday to Hyde Park, decorations that had to be pawned because of their poverty, the sight London would see would be such as it never saw before. Fifty per cent, of them are old soldiers and sailors that have fought upon many a battlefield under the command of many hon. Members of this House. I say we ought not to allow that spirit and temper to be broken. I hope I have said nothing controversial, and if I have I hope I shall be forgiven for it, but I appeal to the Government to bring these contending parties together. We know from our experience as trade union officials that if we once meet the employers across the conference table all those difficulties and bitternesses fade away in the discussion as to how best to heal our differences, and I feel perfectly certain that if this House accepts my Motion to-night both parties will say, "We have put up a good fight. We will now respond to the opinion of the British House of Commons, representing public opinion, and settle this matter at once."

I beg to second the Motion, and the excuse I have to offer for occupying the attention of the House for a few minutes is that I have been personally investigating the situation myself during the last few days. In reply to the first portion of the Amendment on the Paper in the name of the hon. Baronet, the Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) I desire to say that my investigations have proved to me that this is not a partial strike, and that it is as complete to-day as when it was embarked upon six weeks ago. During the past few days I have come into close contact not only with the leaders of this strike but also with a number of men engaged in it, and my opinion is that those taking part in it are determined and desperate men, and that there is no sign of any breaking away. I have rather found that during the last few days a more hardening change has taken place amongst these men. A few days ago they had hopes that things were shapening towards an early settlement. This morning the opinion in their minds is that the employers are unwilling to meet them, and therefore the men are more determined to pursue this strike until they have obtained something like a reasonable settlement. I think we can say with confidence to-night that the only thing standing in the way of a settlement is the unwillingness of the employers to meet the men's representatives and to discuss terms with them. It is often said that the House of Commons has no right to intervene in these trade disputes, but it is too late in the day to advocate such a policy now. Every civilised country in the world has intervened in industrial conflicts, whether it is our Colonies or the United States of America. We know that the public welfare cannot tolerate these protracted disputes and we have authority to say that the men are quite willing to meet the representatives of the employers in order that a settlement may be obtained and the resumption of work entered upon at an early date.

This morning we made exhaustive inquiries into the statement which is frequently made that the men are weakening and that some are returning to work. I am able to say that the defections since the strike was entered upon are practically negligible. There is hardly one of the unions that has found it necessary to report that any of their men have resumed work without instructions from their officials. That goes to prove that there is no weakening on the part of the men, and that they are animated by an earnest intention to prosecute this struggle to a successful issue. To-night my hon. Friend the Member for East Leeds has urged that this Resolution should be unanimously adopted in order that the employers and the men should be able to meet. This House is the custodian of public interests, and there is no doubt that the general public is suffering considerable inconvenience owing to this dispute. Many ships are laid up, the docks are choked, and even foodstuffs are being handled in a manner which would not be tolerated apart from a time of industrial contests. These facts warrant this House in having regard to the public convenience and the public health, and therefore we feel that we may very well ask the House to give unanimous sanction to the request that we have here preferred. Many exaggerated statements have appeared in the Press, and have been made by some speakers to the effect that the tyranny which is prevalent in the East End of London is preventing some of the firms from conducting their ordinary business. This is a point I have been called upon to investigate. Certain cases were submitted to my notice the other day, and one in particular when I inquired into it, I found that the action of the firm could not in any way be attributed to intimidation exercised by the dockers, but was due to the unwillingness of their own workpeople to handle goods brought in by "blackleg" labour. When we are told that certain firms like Messrs. Tate and others are unable to continue their business, may I point out that this is not due to action on the part of the dockers, but it is an evidence of the loyalty of their own people to the principle which they understand the dockers are striking to establish.

I want to say that from personal contact with the men engaged in the dispute I feel that I can thoroughly endorse the statement made by the Home Secretary the other day. Most of us have had experience of industrial disputes in different parts of the country, and I am here to say that never in the whole of my experience have I known such a large body of men behave themselves so quietly in a time of great stress. The fact is that one can walk throughout the whole of this troubled district and find no more signs of disorder than you will find certainly in the West End at a late hour to-night. A week or two ago I certainly felt that there must be some foundation for the charges which were so freely alleged against the men, and since then I have made personal inquiries and I feel I have now to resent what I consider would otherwise have been a great libel upon this body of men. Their women are just as intent and determined as ever that their men shall win in this struggle, and, therefore, it cannot in any way be asserted that the strike has broken down, or that there is anything like a defection in the ranks of these people. The Member for East Leeds stated that the National Trade Union movement have come to the conclusion, rather slowly I admit, that the Port of London Authority and the other employers involved are engaged in the task of splitting up the trade union organisation. The National Trade Unions have taken some time to come to this conclusion, but at last they have formed the opinion that such is the policy animating the employers in this dispute, and when the National Trade Union movement has come to that conclusion it means they are going to rally to the support of the people involved in this dispute. We have had evidence of a real awakening amongst trade unions, and they are giving financial and moral support to what they regard as the advance of the principles of trade unionism, and the right of these men to organise and to be met by the employers just as the miners and other organisations were met.

I want to conclude by saying that if it were true, in the terms of the hon. Baronet's Motion, that the strike is breaking down it would mean the men were defeated and would be compelled to go back to work. In that case in what mood would they go back to work? Certainly smarting under a sense of defeat. On the other hand, the employers would feel elated that they had accomplished the defeat of the men in this fashion. Such a temper is not likely to make for the establishment of agreeable conditions between the respective parties, and I honestly believe that even if the employers do succeed in compelling the men by starvation to return to work, we should have a recrudescence of this strike as soon as the men are able to recover their position. To-night we are concerned in securing a settlement of an enduring character which may be accepted by both sides. The statement has been made on behalf of the organisations concerned in this district that they are now willing to give most reliable guarantees of their intentions to abide by what they have stated has been made fully clear by my hon. Friend who moved this Resolution. I feel that the House ought to realise first of all that there are no signs amongst the men that they are giving way, that they are just as determined now as they were when they entered upon the dispute, and, on the other hand, if the employers did succeed in thrashing the men and through starvation compel them to yield, the men would simply avail themselves of the earliest opportunity to make their demands again, and never rest until they had established the principle that agreements entered upon would be binding, and that when a man entered into the service of an employer, whether belonging to the federation or not, he would always have the assurance that the wage to which he was entitled was forthcoming.

I am sure there will be a general agreement in the House that the two hon. Gentlemen who have moved and seconded this Resolution have performed their task not only with ability, but with great moderation. Nothing could have been better than the tone and temper which animated their observations. I desire in a very few moments to explain the position of the Government in regard to this matter. We have no responsibility of any sort or kind for the Motion which is now before the House. It is brought forward by the hon. Gentlemen and their Friends on their own initiative. As they know, and as appears from answers I gave to questions, I did not think it was a very opportune time to have a discussion, but as matters went on I felt that it was only fair to-night that an opportunity should be given, at the expense of Government time, to ventilate this matter, and, if possible—we must all entertain that hope—by means of such a discussion accelerate the settlement of this most unhappy and disastrous dispute. I do not subscribe to the view which is apparently entertained by my hon. Friend who moved this Motion as to the nature and extent of the functions of the Government in regard to trade disputes of this kind. On the contrary, I adhere to my own view, which I have more than once expressed, that Governments ought to be very chary of interfering in matters of this kind, and that they should not do so until it is made perfectly clear both that their intervention is likely to produce some satisfactory result and that the general interest of the community is involved in their taking some action in the matter. It is only subject to those conditions that, in my opinion, a Government is well advised in taking upon itself the part, I do not say of arbitration, for that it can never do, but even of an adviser or a conciliator in industrial controversies of this kind. We had an illustration, a good illustration, of the conditions under which such an intervention was justifiable, and I believe it turned out to be fruitful, in the coal strike of the early part of the present year; and I think, having regard to the magnitude of the interests involved in this struggle and the possibility, which at one time was more than a possibility, of its area being extended far beyond the Port of London, my right hon. Friends and colleagues were well justified in the steps they took in the early stages of the dispute to endeavour to bring the parties together and to arrive at a settlement. They instituted an inquiry by a thoroughly impartial investigator, and they made suggestions which they thought might have been accepted by both sides, but unfortunately no result was obtained.

The Government thereupon, after a full consideration of the matter in all its aspects, came to the conclusion they would not be justified in doing more than they have done, namely, instituting by the most competent body—I will not say at their disposal, but that they could suggest—the Industrial Council, on which both masters and men are fully and fairly represented, a thorough inquiry into the nature and efficacy of industrial agreements and the best means of securing their observance. That inquiry is now being prosecuted, and I hope all parties will lend their assistance, their loyal and hearty assistance, to the tribunal which is engaged with the conduct of it, in order that every possible point of view may be presented and examined; and while, of course, it is premature at this moment to predict or even to conjecture what will be its result, yet if we can get a pronouncement, a unanimous pronouncement, from such a tribunal, it must necessarily command the serious and respectful consideration both of the Government and of the House of Commons. Having said that, I am bound to say quite clearly that I do not think any active intervention on the part of the Government in this matter would at this time, and under existing conditions, be justifiable or expedient. When I say that, which I do in the plainest possible terms, and after giving the fullest and most careful consideration to the matter, I wish at the same time to say, equally plainly, I think it is very much to be desired in the interests not merely of the parties themselves, but of the community at large, that there should be something in the nature of a meeting and a mutual interchange of views. I do not profess to dictate in any way to anybody, and still less, as I have said, to put any kind of pressure, direct or indirect, upon anyone—I do not think the Government would be justified in so doing—but I was struck with two observations which were made by my hon. Friends who moved and seconded this Resolution. The first was the suggestion that there might be, in the view of some of the employers, in this matter as an ulterior or ultimate intention the breakdown of the trade unions and the destruction of their efficacy so far as the trades engaged in the Port of London are concerned. I am glad to see in the document which was issued this morning the employers disclaim any such intention. I will read their own words:—

The other observation which was made by the hon. Member who seconded the Motion which struck me also very much, and to which I desire very heartily to subscribe, was that in matters of this kind it is most important in every interest, in the interest of the employer, of the employed, and of the community, that if possible when the struggle comes to an end, and victory comes to one side or the other, the conditions under which the settlement takes place should be such as to leave as little trace of bitterness or animosity as possible. I speak quite impartially as between capital and labour. Sometimes capital has the victory, sometimes labour, sometimes it is a drawn battle, sometimes the advantage is upon one side, and sometimes it is slightly upon the other, but whatever be the issue of the struggle it is surely the first duty of those taking part in it to carry out the fight with the feeling that those who fight to-day may be, and ought to be, friends to-morrow, because it is upon their joint co-operation that the prosperity of their trade depends. I am glad that observation was made, illustrating of course what I ventured to say a few moments ago, that if it is possible to bring about a meeting, it may be before or after the resumption of work, on free, frank terms, with a sympathetic, or at least a considerate interchange of view, between the parties concerned in this dispute the community will gain and neither party will lose, and an excellent example will be set for all future industrial disputes.

I beg to move, as ark Amendment, to leave out all the words after "That," in order to insert instead thereof the words,

"this House regrets the continuance of the strike and the consequent suffering, and approves of the declaration of the Prime Minister that the constitutional and normal attitude of the Government should be one of complete detachment and neutrality, and is of opinion that the intervention of the House in this instance can serve no useful purpose."

I have listened with much interest to the speech of the right hon. Gentleman, and, indeed, with a great deal of it I was in entire agreement, but he left me in doubt as to what is more important than any speech even from him, and that is what he is intending to do in regard to the vote which he will give in connection with this subject.

As far as the Government is concerned, they leave the matter perfectly free with the House.

I do not propose to vote one way or the other. [HON. MEMBERS: "No guidance."]

I had entertained the hope, in view of the very recent public declaration made by the right hon. Gentleman as to what the duty of the Government is in such a dispute as this—a declaration made in the strongest and most emphatic terms, and repeated by the right hon. Gentleman to-night—that, in view of that declaration, all that would have been necessary for me would have been to say that I would follow him into the Lobby in opposition to the Resolution which has just been proposed.

The Resolution does not call upon the Government to take any steps at all.

Yes, but the right hon. Gentleman is not merely the head of the Government. He is the Leader of the House of Commons, and it seems to me, if ever there was a case where it was the duty of the Leader of the House of Commons to give a clear indication of the duty of the House, such a duty rests upon the right hon. Gentleman to-night. I had hoped he would have taken that course; but we have had sufficient experience to know that considerations not unconnected with the Parliamentary situation sometimes determine the action of the Government, and, in anticipation of some such considerations, I had prepared the Amendment which I now venture to submit to the House, to this effect:—

"That this House regrets the continuance of the strike and the consequent suffering, and approves of the declaration of the Prime Minister that the constitutional and normal attitude of the Government should be one of complete detachment and neutrality, and is of opinion that the intervention of this House in this instance can serve no useful purpose."

That is the Amendment which I now venture to submit to the House, and I shall very briefly give what seem to me most important reasons in support of it. Then I shall proceed to say something about what appears to be the unusual course taken by the Prime Minister. What this Motion does, as everyone in the House must recognise, is to ask the House of Commons to put pressure on one of the parties to the trade dispute now going on. I think under any circumstances that is not a proper function for this House of Commons. Only the other day the Prime Minister told us himself, in answer to a question in this House, that he would not put pressure on anyone, and that he did not consider it his duty to do so. A few days earlier, to a deputation of the Associated Chambers of Commerce, he made a speech from which I shall quote some words. He said:—

At the end the right hon. Gentleman made another observation which I think specially applies to the consideration of the question we are discussing to-night, for he said:— both sides to the dispute and put to them questions and test their statements. We can do nothing of that kind. We can only listen to purely ex-parte statements on one side or the other. Such ex-parte statements as those of the Mover of the Resolution, or such as are now being made by me. Let me join in what the Prime Minister said in regard to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who moved the Resolution. I was, I confess, touched by it. He showed he felt what he said. He showed he felt he was acting really in the best interests of the men, and that he supposed the course he recommended would be the course which would be best in the long run, both for the trades concerned and for the men. But after all that is a purely ex parte statement. What this Resolution asks us to do is to form the House of Commons into a judicial tribunal, to give a judicial decision, when it is incapable of hearing or sifting the evidence—the only means by which a judicial decision can be reached. Such a result would, in my opinion, carry no weight with it, because it would be obtained under conditions which make it impossible for the House of Commons to judge of the merits of the dispute. I say that it is not a right attitude in regard to such disputes, whatever the merit, to ask this House of Commons to take a decisive step, to put pressure upon one of the parties to the dispute when it is practically universally admitted that the party on which you are going to put pressure is not the party which is responsible for the dispute now going on. [HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"] I can assure hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway that I do not want to take sides in this matter if I can help it. [An HON. MEMBER: "You cannot help it."] Suppose I cannot help it. In this House, in a previous discussion, the Chancellor of the Exchequer admitted, in the most explicit terms, that it was the men, and the men only, who are responsible for this strike. But from the point of view of the argument I am now putting forward, there is another hon. Member of this House, whose views are more important than those of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and that is the hon. Gentleman the Member for Leicester, the Leader of the Labour party here. It is he who has asked for and obtained time for the discussion of this Motion, but he condemned the strike. He condemned the action of the men who caused the strike in language quite as strong as that used by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. Let me quote it to the House:—

I can assure the hon. Gentleman that I do not think it really makes any difference, but I will read the whole extract now:—

"The Transport Strike is a case in point, tip to the time when they came out, the men had grievances which we could have remedied. They threw away the strength of their position—"

Then follows what I read.

The reference to stakes was a reference to a national strike, not to the grievances in the Port of London.

My point is that the hon. Member admits that this strike was for one purpose—the determination to-make every man join the union. [HON. MEMBERS: "No, no."] What else could it have been? Since the hon. Gentleman questions it, I will quote again:—

"They threw away the strength of their position by a false move in declaring a strike because one man did not belong to a union."

The only use which I am making of these quotations and of the statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer is to point out that they have admitted that it was the men, and the men only, who were responsible for the strike. The hon. Gentleman the Member for Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) told us that trade union leaders never would encourage strikes. I am perfectly certain that is true as regards himself. But who caused this strike? Were the men who were leading it not trade union leaders? Let me put this to the hon. Gentleman. He quoted me as saying that I would be very sorry to see trade unions run over rough-shod by the masters. I hope I am not making any exaggerated claim when I say that is literally true. I should be just as sorry to see an attempt at tyranny on the part of the masters, and more so, as to see an attempt at tyranny on the part of the men. That is not the point. Surely the hon. Gentleman knows in his heart, and I believe everyone on those benches realises, that this strike ought not to have been undertaken. Is there not an appropriate course for those in favour of trade unions to take? Is not their proper course to say, "This strike ought not to have taken place, and I advise the men to go back"?

Sir Edward Clarke's Report makes a certain statement that the men were wrong. It arose through a misunderstanding, but the leaders and the men have accepted that, and if the Clarke Report had been made the basis of negotiations the men would have agreed to that.

Sir Edward Clarke's statement, which I examined very carefully, amounted really to this: That the men had a lot of grievances which came up after the strike had commenced.

I am not quoting the opinion of hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway, but of Sir Edward Clarke. He says they came up after the strike. There is no doubt whatever, from Sir Edward Clarke's Report, that the cause of the strike was the reason given by the hon. Gentleman. Hon. Gentlemen may say that this Motion is not giving a decision on the merits, and that all the House of Commons is asked to do is to declare this general proposition, that masters and men should meet whenever there is a dispute. That is their intention. Let me suggest that that is a principle which might have been applied with better effect before the men came out. It is rather late in the day to begin to establish such a principle now, after all the trouble has been caused, and, as the masters think, an utterly unprovoked strike has taken place on the part of the men. There is no such general principle as that masters and men ought to meet. It must depend upon the facts of a particular case whether or not there is a reason for meeting with the men. What are the facts in this case? The right hon. Gentleman referred to a statement by the employers which was issued this morning. They say that the men asked the employers to meet them for two purposes—first, to consider the federation ticket—that is, that everyone should belong to the union. Let us consider that. I suppose hon. Gentleman below the Gangway would like to see that adopted. I would not. I am glad to see trade unions become as strong as they can voluntarily, but I should be very sorry to see trade unions in such a position that they can compel men to join them, whether they want to or not, and can deprive them of the means of earning their livelihood in the whole Port of London unless, whether they liked it or not, they joined a union. Again, there is nothing to confer about. There is really no room for compromise. There is no halfway house. Hon. Members say, "Either you do or you do not adopt the federation ticket." The employers say they will not. Then what is the use of meeting them? What is the other subject—the reinstatement of the men? Here, again, whether they are right or wrong, the employers say there is nothing to discuss. Consider what the position is. This strike did not take place on account of any grievances on the part of the men who struck with their own employers. They did not ask for different conditions of labour.

The right hon. Gentleman is labouring under a misunderstanding. As a matter of fact, the transport men asked for a 72 hours' week and certain increases in wages, and the employers positively refused to meet them, long before the strike broke out.

I have a recollection of a previous Debate in which there was a very different story told by the employers in regard to that particular case. Take the Port of London Authority; it is a big factor in this question. The men were not striking for higher wages. They came out without any reason. There is some difficulty about reinstating them. The employers say they are perfectly ready to take back men as and when vacancies occur. It is quite obvious, if one man is doing work and another man wants to do work, that both cannot have it, and you can only give it to the man who wants it by turning out a man who is earning his livelihood by doing it now. Does the House really say that the Port of London Authority, or any other employer, is bound to turn out the men who have come and served them in order to make room for any other men, whoever they may be? Look at it from another point of view. The hon. Member for Leeds says this is an attempt to break trade unionism. Surely nothing could be more absurd than to make such a charge against the Port of London Authority. What has been the action of that Authority? Without any strike, on their own initiative, two years ago or less, they raised the conditions of the men in the docks; they improved their conditions of labour and gave them higher wages. They did all that themselves. I have been told by Members of the Port Authority, and I am sure it represents their opinion, that they do not want to destroy the union. They want the unions to be strong if they are not tyrannous. All that they want—and I declare I do not believe there is an hon. Member on that bench who, if he were in charge of the Port Authority, would take another view—is to avoid the constant succession of strikes which have taken place in the last year, and to make sure that they shall be able to carry on in a fair and legitimate way the business with which they have been entrusted. There is no question of trying to break up the union.

In my opinion the most deplorable and most melancholy task of this struggle is not the destitution which is going on now. It is the number of men who have been accustomed to have employment in the docks who are going permanently to lose that employment because of others having come in to take their jobs. I am bound to say I think the Government is responsible for a good many of these men having lost their work. There has been a great deal of dialectics about whether or not proper protection is given to men who want to work. I do not believe there is a man in this House at this moment who doubts that there are hundreds and thousands of the men who used to work in the docks who are not working now, but who would be working if intimidation did not exist and if the Government had done what every Government ought to do—make perfectly certain that, while they do not interfere with men who want to strike, they do make it certain that any man who wants to work should be able to work in this great Port. It does not arise upon this Resolution, but I put it before the House as an illustration of what the Resolution itself means. It can only have one effect. Why is it that we are asked to pass this Resolution to-night? We are asked to pass it in order to give new encouragement to these very leaders of the men who have taken the kind of action which the hon. Member (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) deplored. And the only effect of our passing this Resolution will simply be that you will give new hope to the new leaders and they will continue to exercise their intimidation upon those who want to work, and the result will be that you will cause hundreds and perhaps thousands more who in the past have earned their livings in the docks to lose their work and have their places taken by others and permanently be deprived of the employment they have hitherto had. I put it to hon. Members to consider the real facts of the situation, not to say whether or not their sympathies are with the men or with the masters, but, looking at it from the point of view of these men on strike, is it or is it not in their interests that we should encourage the leaders, to make them believe that there is hope, when I do not believe there is a man in the House, in spite of what the hon. Gentleman said, who does not believe that the strike must end, and the longer it lasts the greater the number of people who will be deprived of employment.

I said I was going to say something about the course taken by the right hon. Gentleman. It is a very extraordinary course. Suppose this House passes this Resolution. What is the next step? Are we going to send it with the compliments of the hon. Member (Mr. O'Grady) to the representatives of the employers, and, if so, after it has found its way into the waste-paper basket, what are we to do then? Are we going back to the position of things which prevailed in this House before the system of Parliamentary government existed, and before there was a Leader of the House of Commons at all? Are we going to summon to the Bar of this House the men engaged in the Port Authority and give an order for the House as a whole that they have to go and meet the men whether they wish to or not, and whether or not they think it will serve any purpose? If not, what are we going to do? Is the Prime Minister going to adopt here the same curious principle which he adopted in regard to women suffrage? Is he going to say, as he said there, "It will be a national disaster, but if the House of Commons prefers the national disaster I will be the instrument for carrying it out"? Is that the course which he will take? Surely, if it is, nothing can be more ridiculous or humiliating than that the Prime Minister should be driven to do something which on his own responsibility, as head of the Government, he has declined to do. Whatever may be the result of this Division, one thing is certain, that the Prime Minister will be defeated. If the Motion is carried it will be carried in spite of the clearest declaration of what he has said his action ought to be. And, if it is not carried, it will be defeated, not by the aid of the right hon. Gentleman, but in spite of him. I am quite sure that never since the system of Parliamentary government was adopted in this country, never since the Leader of the House of Commons was recognised as one of our institutions, has there been a question so important as this in regard to which the Leader has declined to give any guidance. We have known, unfortunately for some time, that in regard to things which are more important than any legislation, to what Lord Haldane described as the elementary duty of the Government, we have a Government which refuses to govern; but we have discovered to-night that we have also a Leader of the House of Commons who refuses to lead. What he does practically is to drop the reins and throw them on the neck of the horse and allow it to gallop where it pleases on the one condition that he is still allowed to cling to the saddle. If that is the idea of duty which commends itself to the Government it is not the idea of duty which commends itself to the Opposition. We think—and, whatever hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway may say, we do not think it because we are always on the side of the capitalist as against the men—that this is a case where the House of Commons ought not to interfere, and we not only think so, but we have the courage to say what we think.

We have just listened to another speech—one of a long series of remarkable pronouncements made by the Leader of the Opposition—on the subject of industrial disputes. They began with the very famous pronouncement made during the railway dispute. The last pronouncement we heard was with reference to the Vote of Censure which was moved on the Government a short time ago, and to-night we have had another. It was preceded by a statement that an Amendment was to be moved to a Resolution that has been on the Paper for some days, but apparently the Amendment was not concocted in sufficient time to hand in at the Table. One would have thought that in important circumstances like these the official pronouncement of the Opposition would, at any rate, have been handed in in time to be printed in the Votes and Proceedings.

I pointed out in my speech that I hoped and expected the Prime Minister would say that he would vote for this Resolution.

If the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition had not time to consider the form of his Amendment, one cannot congratulate him on the resolution he came to on such an important matter. What is the meaning of the Amendment? The meaning is that this House—in fact the right hon. Gentleman said so in so many words—has no business to interfere in. trade disputes. What are we coming to if that is the official dictum laid down by the Opposition? I understood that one of the cardinal positions of the Opposition was that there was a third party in all disputes, that this House represented the third party, that if capital and labour fell out the general body of the public suffered, and that not only did capital and labour suffer, but that the whole nation in its most vital interests suffered when a dispute was going on. Now the Opposition tell us plainly and officially through the mouth of its Leader that it does not recognise the interests of a third party at all, and that it is the duty of this House to. let capital and labour, without interference, except perhaps the interference of police and soldiers, fight it out, until at last labour is starved into submission or until the loss of capital compels one or other to give in. I am exceedingly obliged to the Leader of the Opposition for having made that so perfectly plain, but the characteristic of the speech was not only what he said in regard to the Amendment, but what he said as to the circumstances which preceded the strike. It was still more characteristic in the fact it was one of unremitting error as to what he called facts. I do not know where to begin. When one is put into a jungle of errors it is difficult to say which tree should be felled first.

I begin with the extraordinary statement that the Port of London Authority two years ago increased the wages of the workmen without any pressure. There is no basis for that statement. Since the right hon. Gentleman made his statement I have received a statement from one who is entitled to speak for the men, in which he says that not until last August, when owing to pressure brought to bear upon the Port Authority were wages increased. Take my own case. The right hon. Gentleman quoted from a written statement which I made regarding this matter. I said that the men threw away the strength of their case by coming out on a false issue. The right hon. Gentleman twists and twines these words so as to. try to make them bear the construction that the only case for the strike was in regard to one man who was not in the union. The whole statement lays it down categorically that the men had great grievances, and that the only blunder they made was in the selection of the grievance on which they came out. That is, after all, a, very small error. After telling us that he read my statement, he also assured us that he had read Sir Edward Clarke's Report. He made two statements regarding Sir Edward Clarke's report. He said that, first of all, Sir Edward Clarke stated that the men came out on one issue, and then that Sir Edward Clarke's Report would seem to imply that the other complaints referred to in the Report arose after the strike began. Really I would like to know in what state the right hon. Gentleman was when he read that Report. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] In the very first sentence of Sir Edward Clarke's Report—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."]

I have just had it explained to me that the statement I made might be regarded as offensive. Of course, if it should be so regarded, I unreservedly withdraw it. I did not mean it to be offensive. I meant it to be a little strong, and the reason was that the very first sentence of Sir Edward Clarke's Report says:— which they believed they had. Whether they had them or not does not matter for the purpose of the Debate at the present moment. The men produced certain statements of grievances—seven points altogether—to be considered by Sir Edward Clarke. Five of these points concerned the conduct of the employers. These grievances were experienced before the men came out. The men came out because, owing to these circumstances, a certain state of mind had been produced in them, which made a strike almost inevitable unless something was done. My hon. Friend interrupted the hon. Gentleman when he talked about suggestions for meetings having been made before this time. As my hon. Friend reminded the House, we did talk about meetings before this time. As a matter of fact the men were anxious to meet the employers and discuss these grievances, and it is because meetings were refused that a state of tension and unsettlement established itself which precipitated the strike upon what I consider an exceedingly unfortunate issue for the men. As a matter of fact if the men had come out a fortnight before on the experiences they had up till then, they would have been in a better position instead of coming out on this false and misleading issue. I come back to Sir Edward Clarke's Report. All that we appeal for to-night is that this House should say that both sides ought to meet

I have seen, in common with other Members of this House, the statement issued by the employers. They state that the men have given no reasons why they want the meeting. I would like to know on what authority they make that statement. I have been trying to find out, but cannot. The men have made no such statement. There is no official communication which has gone to the employers, so far as I can make out, and I have done my very best to find out, and if hon. Members have got the information which I have been unable to get, I should be very glad to have it. So far as I can make out, and I have been making very careful inquiries from officials through whose hands any such communications would have gone, I am authorised to state that no such communications have gone which would justify the statement. The statements with reference to the Federation and reinstatement are altogether misleading. The men are willing to meet to discuss the question of the Clarke Report, and the Clark Report alone. Nay, more, the men have been saying for the last week or two that they are willing to go back to work if they could get a firm guarantee and a firm offer on the part of the employers that when they had gone back to work such a meeting would take place. I know that this last paragraph is here, that the employers take this opportunity of stating that they have no desire to injure any trade unionist, nor any intention of penalising any man because he is a member of a trade union. It is very easy to put that down in print, but I might appeal to employers to show that that really is their intention by the action which they take in the existing dispute. There is not the least doubt that whether the whole body of employers want it or not, or whether this House want it or not, if this strike is going to be carried on to the bitter end trade unionism is going to be so materially damaged in the Port of London that to all intents and purposes it might be wiped out. It is because I know there are a good many employers who do not want that, and because I know from my own personal experience that a substantial portion of the employers involved in this dispute do not want it to go on at all, but want this matter arranged without delay, that we have exercised our own judgment, even against the advice of the Prime Minister, who has been in communication with the employers, in asking the House to discuss, and, I hope, to carry this Resolution this evening. There are just three reasons why a meeting should, take place—mark I say a meeting. We want no legislative decision come to by this House, and no judicial decision. We want this House simply to say that in this dispute neither side should stop the machinery of conciliation, that if one side or another, employers or employed, should say "Something has happened that has put our backs up, and we decline to meet the other side," it is the duty of this House to use every particle of influence which it can command to keep both sides meeting, discussing, and trying to find a way which will ultimately lead to peace.

That is the object of this Resolution. We want the House to take no sides at all, but simply to declare that employers and employed ought to go on meeting, more particularly now when apparently the points in dispute have been narrowed down so much that I believe that if any two Members of this House—may I say the junior Member for the City of London (Sir F. Banbury) and any of my colleagues on these benches—they only laid their heads together in consultation the whole dispute would resolve itself into good feeling within the next few days. The situation in the Port of London now is you have two sides which have quarrelled; both are anxious to put an end to the dispute; both, admit that they have made mistakes; but because they have been hardened, and there have been angry things said on both sides, both sides seem to feel that it would be dishonourable and against their self-respect to hold out the hand to the other. In those circumstances I really do believe that if two Members of this House would just take the trouble to come together and offer their united services to both sides that would be the necessary step which would bring both sides to look manfully in each other's eyes and say, "We have had enough of this; let us sit round a table and settle our grievances and come to an agreement." I do not know whether we have made a mistake or not. The speech to which we have just listened almost makes me feel that we have, but I cart assure the House that it was with this intention only that we put this Resolution on the Paper and asked the Government to give us a day to consider it. I do not want to repeat anything that might look like a threat, but so far as the men are-concerned the situation to-day is harder than it was ten days ago. I have just seen some of the men, in company with my hon. Friend on my right (Mr. Clynes). This afternoon I have gone down to the dock gates myself to see the situation there in order that I might be able to check a little the extraordinary statements that were made from time to time, and there is not the least doubt about it that the pressure is great and the people are beginning to starve. But the spirit of the men is unbroken, and to-day they are more determined than ever to fight to the bitter end simply because they are more convinced than ever that this is a fight for trade unionism and trade unionism only.

The right hon. Gentleman referred to intimidation. There has been very little intimidation. I will give the right hon. Gentleman a case. The other day there was a man fined 20s., with the alternative of a sentence of three weeks' hard labour. The right hon. Gentleman will remember that a few weeks ago he himself threw across the Table of the House to the Prime Minister a statement that he had no principles. This man was fined for saying exactly the same words to a man who was driving a lorry under police protection. It was almost word for word the same. This man, who was standing on the pavement, called out to a man who was driving a meat van under police protection that he was a man of no principle, and that he ought to come down, and this sentence was imposed upon him. The House ought to be a little more generous to those men. It is not even good politics to take up the position that several members of the Opposition have taken up. It is not fair to the men at all. Their language is not our language. You have only got to ride on top of a' bus to understand that, not during the strike but during a time of the most profound peace; and it is not fair, it is not just, it is not honourable, for any side of this House to go on in a thin-skinned, superior way to talk about what they call intimidation, when, as a matter of fact, there are very few cases which really amount to anything of the kind. But I do hope that this House is not going to be influenced by such speeches as that to which we have just listened. This House by passing this Resolution can undoubtedly take a step which will bring masters and men substantially nearer than they are now, and it can take this action in the full assurance that if we can only bring about this meeting, or even if we fail in that, and we enable the employers to state definitely and specifically that as soon as the men return to work the men's grievance will be the subject of such a meeting as we ask this House to approve of, then the men will return to work, the strike will come to an end, and the action that this House will take will then be fully justified.

I will refer in a few moments to the point with which the hon. Member opposite has dealt, but I desire, first, to point out that to two of the matters of which my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition spoke, the hon. Gentleman has made no reference at all. There was one point, in the first place, with which perhaps the hon. Gentleman opposite could not be expected to deal, namely, the absurd position in which this Motion, if passed, will place this House. The Prime Minister gives us no guidance at all. He lets everybody vote as he pleases. But suppose this Motion to be carried, suppose it is sent to the Leaders on both sides, and suppose that they take no effective notice of it other than an acknowledgment, what is this House going to do? Is this Motion, if carried, to be followed by legislation or is it not? I think we ought to have some answer to that point from somebody on the Front Bench. Secondly, my right hon. Friend said this—and I think the hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) might have been expected to deal with it—if this Motion is carried, what will be its effect? Will it not be to prolong the present dispute? I do not think anybody feels more than we do the disastrous effect of the present strike upon the men engaged in it. It is quite true that thousands of them who are holding out are losing their work not only to-day while they are on strike, but perhaps for weeks and months to come. Their places are being filled. Those who are taken in their places cannot be turned out, and these men, guided by their leaders into this strike, thousands of them, are losing their jobs for a long time to come. It is true, as the hon. Member for Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) has said, that women and children are suffering. The hon. Gentleman does not care about them one whit more than we do. It is not we who are gambling with stakes such as these. It is those who have guided the men into their present position.

In saying that, I do not say it of the genuine trade unionists as we know them. I believe that the present strike is due not to the old union feeling or the old trade union spirit, but to the new desire on the part of a few of the present leaders of these men to obtain greater power than that which they now have. The point I was making is this, that the effect of this Motion, if it is passed, will be to prolong the very state of things which hon. Members opposite profess to deplore, and no doubt do deplore. If this Motion is passed and a demand is made for a meeting, that meeting and those discussions must take a long time. You have a number of employers' associations to bring into line; I have counted some eight or ten of them; you have all the men's associations to bring into line; you have to consider all those outside both sets of associations; you will have to bring up points for discussion; proposals will be made by the hon. Member for Leicester himself; proposals will be made by the Government; proposals will be made by the employers; and all this takes time; meanwhile, of course, women and children are suffering, and so are the men themselves. But suppose, which I think is much more likely, that no effect follows from this Resolution if passed, then, indeed you are, by giving a certain time to the leaders, persuading them to continue the strike, and you are also obviously indefinitely continuing the evils which we all deplore. The hon. Gentleman opposite did not deal with that point. It is a serious one, and I believe it to be true that the only effect of this Motion, if it be passed, will be not to put an end to the strike but to prolong it.

I said specifically that the men will agree to go in at once. This is an exceedingly important point. I said specifically that the men would go in at once provided they get guarantees that a meeting will be called to discuss their grievances.

The hon. Member does not meet my point. The hon. Gentleman does not mean to say that if the Motion is passed the men will go in. He says if the employers accept it and assent to the proposal for a meeting that then the men would go in. That is a wholly different thing. I was pointing out that it is possible, indeed probable—as we may gather from their own declaration—that the employers will not come in simply because the Resolution is passed, and then you have the result, as I pointed out, of a prolongation of the strike without attaining any useful object. But the point which the hon. Gentleman dealt with is this: He says practically that this House ought to pass this Resolution, and could do so without taking sides. Of course, we are all accepting the view of the Prime Minister that in these industrial disputes the Government ought not, and therefore the House ought not to take sides except where the safety of the public is directly concerned. Is not this taking sides? To begin with, the Motion is brought forward by the hon. Member for Leeds, who occupies an important position in connection with the transport workers. [An HON. MEMBER: "No."] He is treasurer of the fund which is immediately behind this strike.

No; I am joint-treasurer with the hon. Gentleman of the fund raised for the women and children.

I do not want to be controversial. I have read the circular signed by the hon. Member for Leeds, and I think we all know that in bringing forward the Motion he is, at all events, a keen advocate of those who lead the strike, and that ought to make one consider whether it is such an entirely impartial Motion as he professes it to be. Secondly, the fact that the employers look upon it as a move against them should make us consider. Let us see what the position is. The employers say that the very strike itself was a breach of a solemn contract. I heard with astonishment the hon. Gentleman suggest just now that the men came out on account of all the matters referred to in Sir Edward Clarke's Report. Surely he does not mean that. He is absolutely wrong, as he will readily see, if he reads the Report carefully, because, as Sir Edward Clarke himself states at the very beginning of his Report, the cause of the strike was that the man, Thomas, who was employed by a master lighterman, was not a member of the federation. From that cause it grew and grew, but it was owing to that cause that the strike occurred and the men were called out.

Really, I am in the knowledge of the House, and surely it has been common ground that the cause of the strike was this question of non-union labour and no other matter at all, although, I agree, after the strike had been declared and when Sir Edward Clarke was asked to report, other matters which had arisen before the strike but were not the cause of it, were raised and brought before Sir Edward Clarke. Sir Edward Clarke reported that there was a breach of the contract by the men. The men's agreement, and I know them almost as well I think as hon. Gentlemen below the Gangway opposite, provided that if a dispute or difficulty arose it should be referred to the men's association, and that they should meet the masters' association, and, in case of failure to agree, the Board of Trade should decide. That machinery was provided by the existing agreement. The men, in defiance of it, came out on strike, without referring the matter to their association. Sir Edward Clarke said that that was a breach of contract. Therefore, the very cause of the strike was the breach of this solemn contract on the part of the men's association. I am not stating it controversially, but it is Sir Edward Clarke's Report.

Secondly, remember this, in order to judge the employers fairly, that according to them it was by no means the first breach of the Devonport agreement, which was brought about without a strike at all, and owing to voluntary negotiations on the part of the Port of London Authority. The Devonport agreement was arrived at in July, 1911. The hon. Gentleman boldly stated that it was because of a strike in August that the Port Authority came to terms with their men. His statement was surprising. The negotiations took place in the early part of 1911, and the Devonport agreement was dated July. How an agreement arrived at in July could have been produced by a strike in August I fail to see. The fact is just the other way, and it is one of the causes of the stiffness, if you call it so, on the part of the Port Authority. The Devonport agreement was signed in July with the expressed good will of the men's leaders, who undertook to abide by it, but three days after the agreement was signed the men were called out. That was the first matter which the employers very gravely complained of, and I think with some amount of justice. Within the year there were three or four strikes, not preceded by the proper negotiations, and this strike which is proceeding was only the last of a series of what the employers Relieve to be breaches of contract on the part of the men. What are the employers to do? They agreed with the men once, and twice, they let them back a third time It happened a fourth time, and surely it is not very unreasonable for the employers to say there must be an end to this. We have got the Report of Sir Edward Clarke that the strike itself is a breach of contract. That ought to be set right. The men ought to go back first, and then I believe that you will find they are willing to discuss any matter which may fairly arise.

I am certain you will find it is so. The question between the Employers' Association and the Trade Union Federation is this: Shall the men go back first or shall there be another meeting, another attempt to enter into an agreement, which will again be broken? If the House passes this Resolution it adopts the view taken by the Federation, as against the view taken by the employers, and therefore I venture to say that this is an attempt to put the House on the side of the Federation as against the employers' associations. For that reason, and after what the Prime Minister has said, I hope the House will not adopt it. I hope I have not been controversial. This is a matter of great importance to the men, and of course to everyone in the country, and I think the House ought to be careful how it interferes in the matter. We cannot know all the facts; it is impossible that we should. The hon. Member for Leeds (Mr. O'Grady) said we were the third party. We know nothing except what we have read, and what we hear from hon. Gentlemen opposite, and from hon. Gentlemen on these benches. We have no machinery and we have no possibility of judging which is right and which is wrong. If the public is attacked, as it is in some of these trade disputes, directly attacked, then of course this House must look to the Government, but where that does not happen, and where it is a mere industrial dispute, then I venture to say the House ought to be very chary of taking either one side or the other. The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Trade, wrote a letter accompanying the Clarke Report, in which he said that agreements ought to be kept and work should be resumed at once. That is the view he expressed.

Yes, that agreements should be kept by both sides, and work should be resumed at once. That is the view we express. I understand the Government hold it still. At all events they are not prepared to vote for this Resolution. I think that we are taking the wiser and the bolder course by expressing our intention of voting against it.

The hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Cave) opened his speech with an observation which seemed to me to come rather strangely from that side of the House, and that was the complaint that the Prime Minister was giving no guidance to the House as to how it should vote in this matter. For the last few months, or I might almost say for the last year or two, I have heard complaints coming from the other side of the House night after night, that the Government were guilty of dragooning their followers into voting against their own conscientious convictions, yet when the Prime Minister leaves this matter quite openly to the opinions on either side he is charged with doing something he ought not to have done. For my part I am rather glad that the Prime Minister has left this matter to the free will of the House. I hope hon. Members will agree with us that the House will be doing a good thing for its own reputation as well as for the good of the Port of London, and the community generally, in bringing these parties together. The hon. and learned Gentleman made another observation that he had great respect, and he ventured to say that all those on his side had great respect, for what he called the old trade unionists, but that he thought this dispute was caused by some who could not come under that designation. I do not know whether I can be described as an old or as a young trade unionist. In point of years I begin to fancy I am becoming an old trade unionist. But let me assure the hon. and learned Gentleman, as the result of twenty years' experience in trade union matters, that I have heard that tale told by the employers of labour and their champions every time we have had a dispute Whether we were old trade unionists or young trade unionists who were doing what we could to back up the men in what we regarded as legitimate demands, we were always told that other people leading the trade unions at other times were a great deal more moderate than the particular men leading the unions at the particular time on that particular demand. I think, therefore, that the hon. and learned Gentleman has not put forward anything fresh in that respect. The hon. and learned Member for Kingston said, or by implication wanted the House to believe, that if only old trade unionists had had to do with this matter in the beginning the dispute would not have taken place. The particular trade union that put up the demand on behalf of the men engaged in this dispute at the beginning is one of the oldest, if not the oldest trade union in the country. Therefore his remark does not apply in this case. With some considerable experience and knowledge of the development of trade unionism during the last few years I assure the hon. and learned Member that those who might be called new trade unionists are a great deal more averse from industrial disputes of this character than the old trade unionists. We are told that the only effect of the adoption of this Resolution will be to prolong the strike. Am I to understand from that, that this Resolution if adopted is to be ignored? Is the hon. and learned Gentleman authorised on behalf of the employers to say that if the House of Commons deliberately and after debate adopts a. Resolution of this character, the Resolutions will be put into the waste-paper basket?

I have already said that I am not authorised to speak on behalf of the employers. I judge from what they have written.

The hon. and learned Gentleman said it, and if he is not authorised to speak on behalf of the Port of London employers, I take it that he is speaking on behalf of himself and his colleagues in this House. Therefore we may take it that it is his deliberate opinion, speaking with the authority of a leader of the party opposite, that this Resolution, if adopted by the House of Commons, is going to be consigned to the waste-paper basket by the employers concerned. It is as well, at any rate, that we should have had that declaration from a leading member of the Conservative party in this House. Can we for one moment suppose that nothing will follow the adoption of the Resolution? Last year there was a dispute, on the railway system of this country—a dispute which did a great deal of damage to trade and commerce, and caused a great deal of suffering. It was patched up for a time; and when we were on the very eve of another strike in the month of November last, the House of Commons passed a Resolution in identically the same terms as that we are now discussing. What followed? Exactly that which it is our desire should follow the adoption of this Resolution. The railway companies and their men were induced to come together, and as a result of their coming together they discussed their grievances in a common-sense way, a calamity was averted, and the trade and commerce of the country did not suffer. We hope that a similar course will be followed to-night. Nothing could have been in better tone than the speeches of the Mover and Seconder of the Resolution. We have no desire to follow the hon. and learned Member in the brief from which he has spoken as to the causes which led up to this dispute. All we know is that at the present moment the Port of London is very largely, if not completely, held up, and that there is an immense amount of trouble and suffering on the part of the women and children involved. We ask the House of Commons to have regard to these facts, to pass this Resolution, and to leave it to the common-sense of employers and employed to give effect to it, and to bring the dispute to as speedy as possible an ending.

I am extremely anxious to preserve the moderation of tone which has characterised this Debate, but the question whether it is within the functions of this House and whether it would be useful for the House to intervene between employers and employed in this case is one that calls for the mention of certain facts other than those which have been brought forward. There is one cardinal question, without knowledge of which this matter cannot be fairly approached at all, and that is, What is the National Transport Workers' Federation? It is conceded by all of us that within its legitimate limits trade unionism has its proper, useful, and necessary functions. As between masters and men in particular trades the usefulness of trade unionism for the purpose of collective bargaining as regards rates of wages, and conditions of labour would be admitted by everybody on both sides. But this Transport Workers' Federation is not a registered union at all. It is not a union of men and the leaders of the men in that union. The Transport Workers' Federation is not a body dealing with a particular class of employé engaged in a particular class of work. It is a committee of the officials of all or most of the different unions connected with the transport trade. So that you have to bear in mind that you are not closing the Transport Workers' Federation. We have to bear in mind as the first point that in no trade in the Port of London, in no case throughout this dispute, has there been any difficulty because the masters of any one particular trade have declined to meet the men in their particular trade, with one possible exception which I will later deal with. The Transport Workers' Federation say: "We are a committee of men, and we are acting on our own initiative. We do not gather the men together and consult them; we give orders as to what is to be done, and the men are to obey. We are the people who wish to control the whole of the actions of the trade unions." That affects not merely the industrial unions, it affects the transport workers. It is sought to impose the federation ticket upon all the workers in the transport trade. It was declared, when the strike had commenced, that there were other grievances in a particular trade. Very well, if there were grievances in the lighterman's trade they could be dealt with by the master himself and the men's union. Where the trouble arises is that the Transport Workers' Federation seeks to represent the whole of the different unions which are engaged, in trade. Though it is not a union at all itself, it seeks to impose conditions, not in. reference to a particular trade upon that trade, but on all the trades in reference to any one. The lightermen or dockmen have certain grievances which could easily have been dealt with between the employers and workmen in their particular trade. What do we find here? On the initiative of the Transport Workers' Federation the transport workers of the Port of London are called out. There is no grievance suggested against the Port of. London Authority, or against the shipowners, or against the master stevedores, yet the Transport Workers' Federation call, out all the men's trades, because there is a suggestion of grievance in the lightermen trade. That is a thing which makes it. proper to look and see what is behind. The first thing the masters say is that we, as employers, will meet any of the various men of any of the various unions with, reference to any dispute that affects the men of that union. But they continue: What we will not do is this:—We will not meet a body which is not a union at all, but a self-appointed committee of officials, who do not deal with a particular trade, but seek to impose their will on both the employers and employed in all trades. The difference between the old and the newer trade union feeling is that the newer are not seeking to deal within a. particular trade between employers and employed, but are seeking by methods of dealing with the masters to impose upon all the trades difficulties and burdens because a difficulty was alleged to exist. This is not trade unionism. You may call it by some new-fangled name if you like, but it is not intended to conciliate many people who wish trade unions well, and the men well. It is not calculated to work in the best interests of the men, and from the point of view of the masters it is calculated to make the conduct of their business practically impossible. They cannot help feeling that there must be some sort of feeling, as there undoubtedly is, that some of the leaders desire to make their business impossible. Let us hope it is not so. It is manifested you cannot impose upon the trades fairly an obligation to do this or that because any one trade or man has a grievance. Therefore the masters say: "We will not meet the Transport Workers' Federation; they are not a union at all; we will meet our own men and their unions; we will consult about any grievance, but we will not meet this self-appointed committee of men who have no relation to our trades, and do not represent them, and do not even take the trouble to have a ballot as to whether the men should go out or not." It is necessary to bear that in mind when discussing this question. It is necessary also to bear in mind that before July, 1911, round table conferences were held as regards all these matters, and that the Devonport agreement was signed in July, 1911. Then two or three days after its signature a manifesto was issued by some of the gentlemen responsible for the present state of affairs alleging, quite untruly, that the masters repudiated the Devonport agreement. That was followed by a strike. Then came the agreement of the 18th of August, 1911, which stated in terms that that settlement should be final, and that no fresh points should be raised. That is not very long ago, and is it surprising that the masters should think that a long enough time has not elapsed, and a great enough change has not occurred to require any revision of that agreement, which by its own express terms, would be final, and as to which no fresh points were to be raised. The masters necessarily approach the matter from this point of view, that this strike is a flagrant breach of agreement; that it is imposed not upon one trade but upon many trades as to which no grievance is suggested; that it was started in breach of agreement without ascertaining the will of the men; that no notice was given to the masters; that no demand was made for better terms, except in the suggested case of the, lightermen, and that a strike was imposed upon them without anything being done except the autocratic calling out of the men from their employment. Is it surprising that employers quite willing to meet the real representatives of the men, should be unwilling to meet people who profess to represent labour but do not represent labour, but impose upon employers and employed the obligation of accepting their will.

May I ask the hon. Gentleman is he authorised to state that the employers are willing to meet the men?

I am stating what has been openly stated. Let me put it negatively. I say there is no ground for believing that the masters in any individual transport trade would decline to meet the men in that particular class of transport trade in which they work in reference to the grievances of any men in that trade. I pointed to the origin of the strike. I want also to turn to the object of the strike, because that may fairly be considered from the point of view as to whether we have nothing to do with the business of those employers, and know nothing about their business, or very little about it, should impose our will and have the effrontery to offer advice upon matters which primarily concern them. The object of the strike certainly was to try and establish a state of things under which every member of the transport workers should work under the Federation ticket, and to make it impossible for every worker in the transport trades without a Federation ticket to get work at all. Those seem to me to be the primary objects of the strike. Now what is the object of forcing a meeting? There is no suggestion that there is anything that cannot be dealt with in the particular trade concerned. Why force a meeting? I can read the reason in the swan song of the strike expressed by the Proposed and Seconder of this Motion. Their tone is very little like those who profess to lead the men. It is very unlike what has been uttered daily and written on behalf of the men. The hon. Member for Leicester makes a most pathetic appeal and asks us to be the means of employers and men looking into each other's manly eyes. Have hon. Members followed the speeches of those who profess to lead the men? Hon. Members must have seen the class of speeches made by the leaders, and I will read a passage to the House. It is headed, "An appeal to all," and it is signed by Harry Gosling, Ben Tillett, and Robert Williams. It is written at some length. It says:— decline, to speak and negotiate with men who would use language about you of that character. Although I am not authorised to speak for the employers, it may be taken as certain that no responsible employer in any part of London would meet those who say they represent the men under the signatories I have just quoted. I say that the apparent objects of having a meeting are to save the faces of the leaders of the men. The apparent object of the strike was to enforce the Federation ticket, and the object now will be to get reinstatement. The employers will not accept the Federation ticket upon any terms, and, therefore, what is the good of discussing these matters? The masters will only reinstate the strikers when places are vacant, and they will not dismiss those who have been loyal to them during the strike. The question of reinstatement has to be borne in mind. The question of reinstatement arose in July, 1911, and the masters then gave way because they did not want any suggestion of coercion. There was another partial strike in November, 1911, and the masters again gave way. This is the third, time this kind of thing has occurred. Three times in one year we have had broken agreements, strikes, and demands for reinstatement. It may well be that the masters are right when they say we do not want to talk to these leaders, because they are the persons who signed an agreement on behalf of the men that no fresh point should be raised. Three times they have broken their word; three times they have gone back upon what they have signed. There is no purpose in meeting them. Their word is in no sense their bond. Make an agreement with them and they will do the same thing again. Is it reasonable that we, Members of this House, with a sense of responsibility, should interfere in any industrial dispute and say, "You ought to meet the men," when it is perfectly clear in the frank statement of every one of the employers' associations there is nothing to discuss and nothing they want to discuss? There is no point in the meeting, except perhaps to justify the leaders to the unfortunate victims to whom they have occasioned so much want.

I summarise the position as it occurs to me. You have to bear in mind, in regard to this Federation, that it is not a registered union, it is not representative of particular trades, it does not consult the men, it disregards agreements, and it seeks to involve men in disputes when no disagreement of any sort exists. The strike was in deliberate breach of agreement. It was an attack upon free labour. The strike was entered upon without any real grievance, and without even any professed disagreement, in practically nearly every trade in the Port of London. Even to this day no one can say the men are out on strike because they have any grievance they wish to have remedied. They have never had any opportunity of expressing their will, for no. ballot has been taken. They are out to-day because of a far greater tyranny than capital is capable of; they are out by order and they dare not go back. There is behind all this the personal question. The employers will probably feel they cannot consistent with that ordinary dignity any self-respecting man should insist upon, meet the people who say they represent labour in this particular matter. If there is to be any meeting it will have to be when grievances arise, and when men can be found who really do represent labour who have sufficient respect of tongue to make it possible to conduct ordinary business by ordinary methods, and who do work for the benefit of the men and not for their own self-advancement. The suggestion has; been made that the means of meeting should be by a joint board, that there should be a board of employers and of employed. That is impracticable. The interests between the different classes of employers in the Port of London Authority are more conflicting than they are between capital and labour itself. Take, for example, the great shipowners and the great shippers, the merchants. How are they going to sit upon one board and determine questions between them? Take, again, the lightermen and the carters. How are the master lightermen going to sit with the master carters and determine questions between them, and what is to be the policy? The character of the trade of the Port is far too complex to make any such suggestion possible. Allusion has been made to the duty of the Government, and it is suggested that the Government should only intervene when society is in danger. There is nothing of that sort here. With great respect to the Prime Minister, I would also say that the Government should never interfere either unless their interference is likely to be useful. It is certain that interference is not going to be useful. It is also certain there is no great national demand to make interference necessary. If that is the position of the Government, ten times more so must it be the position of Parliament. All we shall be doing if we pass this pious Resolution will be to encourage the men who have suffered misery enough to continue on their present course. Allusion has been made to that misery, but it should have been thought of before the men were called out. We do not want to increase that misery, but we believe it will be increased if by the vote of this House the men are led to think that there is something they can get, when everyone in the House knows in truth that you cannot compel the masters to do what they say they will not do, and that to pass any such Resolution as this will only raise false hopes, increase misery and do further injury.

I understand that the object of my hon. Friend to-night was not so much to provide an opportunity for reviewing all the circumstances in connection with this unfortunate dispute as to endeavour to ascertain by means of the Debate whether this House could be of any service in order to bring about an amicable, peaceful, and honourable settlement. I admit it is dangerous in a controversy of this kind to bring forward a matter of this character. It inevitably opens the door to all kinds of statements of the case from various points of view which do not assist but often retard the possibility of an amicable settlement. I do not agree with the hon. Gentleman who last spoke that this House should not interfere, as it is doing to-night, in a grave matter like this. I am inclined to brush aside any technicalities as to how the dispute arose, how it has been carried on, and how strong the language has been on either side. In a dispute of this kind you must have excesses on both sides. Let us start with a common agreement that there have been mistakes on both sides. The serious aspect of this question before the House to-night is this: that there are thousands of women and children starving within a few miles of this House—women and children who have had no food for days. I speak of my own personal knowledge. I can give addresses of thousands to justify that statement. I say it is a serious thing this Debate should close to-night—that it should be talked out or divided upon without any practical result being achieved as a result of three hours' discussion here.

If there is to be a mere party vote there had better be no Division at all. I do not believe a Motion carried by a mere party vote would be worth the candle: it would have no real effect outside this House, and no moral effect on the employers. As a House of Commons we may place ourselves in a very awkward position, because if we pass a Motion and it is flouted it can do no good. It seems a pity we should separate without coming to a nearer understanding. What is the position as a result of this Debate? I hope the Debate will assist a settlement. The hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald), speaking with responsibility on behalf of his colleagues, said to-night, in our hearing and, I presume, with authority, that the men were willing to go back to work at once if they had an assurance from the employers that they would be willing to discuss without undue delay the grievances of the men, while the hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave) expressed his opinion, as interpreter of the position of the employers, that they would be willing to discuss the grievances of the men provided that they returned to work. What is the difference; what are we quarrelling about? Surely it is possible to get an understanding. The best outcome of this Debate would be for the hon. and learned Member for Kingston to constitute himself the interpreter of the intentions of the employers, and to communicate them to the hon. Member for Leicester. I believe that between them the strike would be settled in twenty-four hours. I believe that the employers would be willing, if the men returned to work, to immediately meet to discuss the grievances as presented by the Clarke Report. It is no great concession for the Port of London Authority to meet to discuss grievances which Sir Edward Clarke pointed out did exist. Therefore I suggest that the hon. and learned Member for Kingston, in the public interest, and in view of the urgency of this matter, should take upon himself the responsibility of trying to find a settlement of this most unfortunate quarrel.

I should like to re-echo what my right hon. Friend (Sir H. Dalziel) has just said. I wish the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for the Isle of Thanet (Mr. Norman Craig) had not spoken at all. It was a masterly and eloquent speech, but it told us everything we knew before. He was led astray when he said that the Transport Workers' Federation represented no one but themselves. The obvious retort to that is that neither does the Masters' Federation. He led the House to believe that single employers in any particular trade would be willing to meet representatives of the men in that trade. As a matter of fact they positively refused to do anything of the kind. I interviewed Lord Devonport last week. He declined to see the dockers. The Master Lightermen declined to receive Mr. Gosling, and the Association of Master Lightermen refused to meet the Lightermen and Bargemen's Union.

I said there was some doubt about the lightermen. I said the other trades were willing to meet the men

Let us have all the trades, for they have all refused. I am sure the hon. and learned Gentleman did not know that was the fact. We are asking for a very simple proposition—will the masters say to the men, "Go back to work, and if you have any grievances at all we will set up a board, and meet you at once and talk them over." You are giving nothing away by that. I do not believe the House realises what all this means. I do not believe, although it was said, that hon. Members meant that the men were to submit unconditionally. Do you know the appalling condition of things? Do you still say, "It serves them right. They should have thought of this misery and wretchedness before they did it." Because they did not think of it, are you going to inflict upon them further misery? You think you will smash the unions. You are starving men, women, and little children. The men are standing out with a moral courage that has built up the greatness of the Empire, which in other circumstances would have filled columns of the "Times" with talk of the besieged and the heroic way they were behaving. In the old times so appalled was the civilised world at the conditions under which men lived that they subscribed £30,000 in one week to help them. Does this House realise what it means to smash the unions, going back to the gates to call the men on just when they are wanted? Picture to yourselves if you can, a thousand men with hands outstretched praying to be allowed to work for 5d. an hour. Is that the kind of thing you want to encourage once more? Your answer comes back, "We do not want that. We want him to have a decent subsistence." Have you ever given it in the old days without a union? I have myself been one in the crowd with outstretched hands asking to be taken on for a miserable three hours to earn Is. 3d., and so hard has been the pleading of these men that I felt ashamed and slunk back rather than fight one of them for three hours' work. All that is the danger to be faced. Why in the name of common sense should the Port Authority have taken upon itself to be the chairman of the Masters' Federation? We are asking for just the sort of thing that the hon. and learned Gentleman (Mr. Cave) suggested we should have. I add my appeal to that which has already been made. Nobody can know the misery and suffering that is going on. You are saying now that you should not pass this Resolution because it would prolong the dispute. It will do nothing of the kind. It would bring the masters and men together, and that is what we all want. You ask us to go on indefinitely, you are asking men to go on starving their wives and families, and all for what? All because someone thinks he has been imposed upon, because someone thinks his dignity is upset, because someone talks about rubbing the workman's nose in it now that he is down. Is that the position the House takes up? I am sure the House is full of sympathy, and has an earnest desire to settle this strike. There are no two opinions about that. I appeal to the better side of the House to think for a moment. It is the everlasting question of who is to be boss all round. Think of the little ones. Think how important it is for you to see that they are not starved. Think how important it is for you to see that the women are not starved. What would you say if we came down to-morrow and said to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, "Here is London in a state of siege; we ask you to make us a grant to feed these people." Would you call that taking sides? All we ask you is to express an opinion as to which the champions on both sides are agreed. If the representatives of the men should be chosen, and if the masters, on the other hand, say, "Yes, we will meet the men, and if they have grievances we will talk them over," surely that is not much to ask. Will you not say a word? Are you going to have a Party Division on this? I do not believe it. I believe that the good opinion of this House will have its due effect upon the employers, and we confidently ask you to pass our Resolution.

I wish to say a few words, not by way of controversy. Naturally I endorse all that fell from the Prime Minister earlier in the evening. In reference to this and to other strikes in which the Government have had to take part, we are anxious to take an impartial attitude, and I think the House endorses our attitude. But I have been encouraged by the moderate tone of all the speeches on both sides, to make one suggestion to the House. I believe the House as a whole would desire by their action, if they could, to help to bring to an end this strike, which has been going on now for some considerable time. Every single Member in the House would desire, as far as he is personally concerned, to do what he could to bring it to an end. I think that, quite apart from the terms of the Motion and Amendment, we should all desire in looking forward to see how far our action is likely to bring about the state of affairs we desire. I have listened carefully to the Debate, and one ray of hope did emerge in it from the speech of the hon. and learned Gentleman the Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave). I understood that the hon. Member for Leicester (Mr. Ramsay Macdonald) stated, on behalf of the men, that they were prepared to return to work if they were assured that their grievances would be fully and fairly discussed. The hon. and learned Member for Kingston—I will not say that he spoke entirely on behalf of the employers—said that the employers would approach the consideration of these grievances fairly and in a generous spirit, and with an earnest desire to do what they could to meet them. The hon. and learned Gentleman did not say that he spoke officially on behalf of the employers, and I am not asking him to make the statement.

I do not think I said quite what the right hon. Gentleman says. I did not speak on behalf of anybody, but, judging from what the employers have written, I have no doubt that if the men were to go back their case would receive fair consideration.

I do not think there is any real difference between what I have said and what the hon. and learned Gentleman has now stated. If it is his view that what he states represents the view of the employers, surely the differences have been considerably narrowed by the effect of the Debate. I am not so much dealing with the point of view of this Debate or that of the men. For the moment I am trying to emphasise to the House that the result of this Debate, carried on admittedly on both sides with great moderation, may do something to bring about an honourable settlement to both sides. Therefore, I would venture to appeal to the House, as far as this particular case is concerned, to see if it is possible to arrive at a common agreement in reference-to it, so that the House, as a whole, may show by their action in this matter—there is no party question involved here—that they do desire, if possible, to assist in bringing about an honourable and satisfactory settlement of this question.

I think I have rather a unique position in connection with this matter, for I represent a constituency which includes possibly the largest area affected by the strike. I want to support the appeal made by the hon. and learned Member for Kingston (Mr. Cave) that some one whose good offices would be acceptable should take in hand to arbitrate in regard to this matter. In his speech he said that this House had no right to interfere unless the public welfare was concerned. Let me draw the attention of the House to the way in which the public welfare is very much concerned. The dispute is causing a great amount of suffering, not only among the wives and children of the men on strike, but also among the wives and children of men who are not on strike, but who are indirectely affected by it. We have down on the Thames a large number of persons who are thrown out of employment because, owing to the strike and the want of transit facilities the goods necessary for large numbers of works cannot be obtained, and these works are therefore shut down. I would therefore urge that the House is justified, where the public welfare comes in, in taking some action. Over a fortnight ago one of the leading journals on the other side thought that the strike was over, and appealed to employers to deal generously with their workmen. They were mistaken in their idea that the strike was over, for it is going on still. Seeing that the public welfare is concerned, I would appeal to. hon. Members opposite whether we should not, outside the question of the strikers altogether, take some action. You may say that it is merely a moral action passing a Resolution, but surely the moral effect of a Resolution must have a good result, because I do not believe that either employers or employés can listen without some feeling to an expression of opinion from this great representative Assembly.

We have been transacting a little business during the last few minutes, and I feel that we have time enough to get to a better result of this Debate than seems likely at present. I do not feel that the original Motion is all that the House might desire. I am still more hostile to the Amendment moved by the right hon. Gentleman opposite; as I have not my hon. Friend the Prime Minister here to appeal to I hope that I may appeal to the right hon. Gentleman opposite not to press his Amendment. I think that we are very near an understanding on this matter, and if the right hon. Gentleman indicated approval we could agree to something to this effect, that provided the men immediately return to work and declare the strike at an end consideration will be given to their grievances with a view to arriving at an amicable settlement. I think that if we arrive at some decision of that kind it would do us infinitely more credit than quarrelling over Resolutions from labour Members on the one hand, and that of right hon. Gentlemen on the other which would lead to no definite result. In the hope that some amicable settlement of this kind may be arrived at I beg to move the adjournment of the Debate.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put"; but Mr. SPEAKER withheld his assent, and declined then to put that Question. Debate resumed.

rose in his place, and claimed to move, "That the Question be now put."

Question, "That the Question be now put," put, and agreed to.

Question put accordingly, "That the words proposed to be left out stand part of the Question.

The House divided: Ayes, 260; Noes, 215.

Division No. 126.]

AYES.

[11.0 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

Acland, Francis Dyke

Davies, Timothy (Lines., Louth)

Harwood, George

Adamson, William

Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.)

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Addison, Dr. C.

Dawes, J. A.

Hayden, John Patrick

Agnew, Sir George William

Do Forest, Baron

Hayward, Evan

Alden, Percy

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Allen, Arthur A. (Dumbarton)

Devlin, Joseph

Helme, Sir Norval Watson

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud)

Dillon, John

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Arnold, Sydney

Doris, W.

Henry, Sir Charles S.

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Duffy, William J.

Higham, John Sharp

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Hinds, John

Barnes, George N.

Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.)

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Barton, William

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Hodge, John

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

Hogge, James Myles

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts., St. George)

Elverston Sir Harold

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Bentinck, Lord H. Cavendish

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Holt, Richard Durning

Bethell, Sir John Henry

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Black, Arthur W.

Essex, Richard Walter

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Boland, John Plus

Esslemont, George Birnie

Illingworth, Percy H.

Booth, Frederick Handei

Farrell, James Patrick

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Bowerman, C W.

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

John, Edward Thomas

Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North)

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

Brace, William

Ffrench, Peter

Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Field, William

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

Brocklehurst, William B.

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace

Jones, W. S. Glyn-(Stepney)

Brunner, John F. L.

Fitzgibbon John

Jowett, F. W.

Buckmaster, Stanley O.

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Joyce, Michael

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

France, G. A.

Keating, Matthew

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk N.)

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

Kellaway, Frederick George

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Gladstone, W. G. C

Kelly, Edward

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Glanville, Harold James

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwieh)

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

King, J.

Chancellor, H. G.

Goldstone, Frank

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

Chappie, Dr. William Allen

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Lamb, Ernest Henry

Clancy, John Joseph

Greig, Col. J. W.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon. S. Molton)

Clough, William

Griffith, Ellis Jones

Lambert, Richard (Wilts, Cricklade)

Clynes, John R.

Guest, Major C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Lansbury, George

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Gulland, John W.

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Hackett, J.

Leach, Charles

Cotton, William Francis

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Lewis, John Herbert

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Hardie, J. Keir

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Crooks, William

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Lundon, T.

Crumley, Patrick

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

Lynch, A. A.

Cullinan, John

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

O'Shee, James John

Snowden, Philip

McGhee, Richard

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. T. J.

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Spicer, Sir Albert

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Parker, James (Halifax)

Sutherland, John E.

Macpherson, James Ian

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

Sutton, John E,

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

McCallum, Sir John M.

Pollard, Sir George H.

Thomas, James Henry (Derby)

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Manfield, Harry

Power, Patrick Joseph

Thorne, William (West Ham)

Martin, Joseph

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Toulmin, Sir George

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Masterman, C. F. G.

Priestley, Sir Arthur (Grantham)

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Meagher, Michael

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Verney, Sir Harry

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Pringle, William M. R.

Wadsworth, John

Middlebrook, William

Radford, G. H.

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Millar, James Duncan

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Molloy, M.

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Wardle, George J.

Molteno, Percy Alport

Reddy, M.

Waring, Walter

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

Mooney, J. J.

Rendall, Athelstan

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Morrell, Philip

Richards, Thomas

Webb, H.

Morison, Hector

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Wedgwood, Josiah C.

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

Munro, Robert

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

White, Sir Luke (Yorks, E.R.)

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Whitehouse, John Howard

Neilson, Francis

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Whyte, A. F. (Perth)

Nolan, Joseph

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Wiles, Thomas

Nuttall, Harry

Roche, John (Galway, E.)

Wilkie, Alexander

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Roe, Sir Thomas

Williams, John (Glamorgan)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Rowlands, James

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Rowntree, Arnold

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

O'Doherty, Philip

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

O'Donnell, Thomas

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

O'Dowd, John

Scanlan, Thomas

Young, William (Perth, East)

O'Grady, James

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton)

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Sheehy, David

O'Malley, William

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. George Roberts and Mr. Pointer.

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Smith, Albert (Lanes., Clitheroe)

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Cave, George

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Aitken, Sir William Max

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Goulding, E. A.

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Grant, James Augustus

Ashley, W. W.

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Greene, Walter Raymond

Astor, Waldorf

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r.)

Gretton, John

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Baker, Sir R. L. (Dorset, N.)

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Guinness, Hon.W.E. (Bury S. Edmunds)

Balcarres, Lord

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Baldwin, Stanley

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Haddock, George Bahr

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Hall, D. B. (Isle of Wight)

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Banner, John S. Harmood-

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington, S.)

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Craik, Sir Henry

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

Barnston, H.

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Lawrence

Barrie, H. T.

Cripps, Sir C. A.

Harris, Henry Percy

Bathurst, Hon. A. B. (Glouc, E.)

Croft, Henry Page

Harrison-Broadley, H. B.

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Dalrymple, Viscount

Helmsley, Viscount

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Denniss, E. R. B.

Hickman, Col. Thomas E.

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Hill, Sir Clement L.

Bird, Alfred

Doughty, Sir George

Hills, John Waller

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Duke, Henry Edward

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Boscawen, Sir Arthur S. T. Griffith-

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

Hohler, G. F.

Boyton, James

Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.)

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Falle, Bertram Godfray

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Bridgeman, William Clive

Fell, Arthur

Home, W. E. (Surrey, Guildford)

Burdett-Coutts, William

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Horner, Andrew Long

Burn, Col. C. R.

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Hunt, Rowland

Butcher, John George

Fleming, Valentine

Hunter, Sir C. R. (Bath)

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin, Univ.)

Fletcher, John Samuel

Ingleby, Holcombe

Campion, W. R.

Foster, Philip Staveley

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East)

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H,

Gibbs, George Abraham

Joynson-Hicks, William

Cassel, Felix

Gilmour, Captain John

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Castlereagh, Viscount

Glazebrook, Capt, Philip K.

Kerry, Earl of

Cator, John

Goldman, Charles Sydney

Keswick, Henry

Cautley, H. S.

Goldsmith, Frank

Kimber, Sir Henry

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Norton-Griffiths, J.

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, N.)

Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Swift, Rigby

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Larmor, Sir J.

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Parkes, Ebenezer

Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.)

Lewisham, Viscount

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Perkins, Walter Frank

Thompson, W. Mitchell-(Down, North)

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Peto, Basil Edward

Touche, George Alexander

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R.

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Pretyman, Ernest George

Valentia, Viscount

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (S. Geo., Han. S.)

Quilter, Sir William Eley C.

Walker, Colonel William Hall

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Ratcliff, R. F.

Ward, Arnold S. (Herts, Watford)

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Weigall, Captain A. G.

M'Mordie, Robert

Rees, Sir J. D.

White, Major G. D. (Lanes., Southport)

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)

Magnus, Sir Philip

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Williamson, Sir Archibald

Malcolm, Ian

Rutherford, John (Lanes., Darwen)

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Winterton, Earl

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Sanderson, Lancelot

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Sandys, G. J.

Worthington-Evans, L.

Moore, William

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l, Walton)

Yate, Colonel C. E.

Mount, William Arthur

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Yerburgh, Robert

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Spear, Sir John

Younger, Sir George

Newdegate, F. A.

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Newman, John R. P.

Staveley-Hill, Henry

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Major Henderson and Mr. Sanders.

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Stewart, Gershom

Main Question again proposed.

And, it being after Eleven of the clock, and objection being taken to further proceeding, Mr. SPEAKER proceeded to interrupt the business.

claimed "That the Main Question be now put."

Main Question put accordingly, "That in the opinion of this House, it is expedient that the representatives of the employers' and the workmen's organisations involved in the present dispute in the Port of London should meet, with a view to arriving at a settlement."

The House divided: Ayes, 254; Noes, 188.

Division No. 127.]

AYES.

[11.15 p.m.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of

Acland, Francis Dyke

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Elverston, Sir Harold

Adamson, William

Chancellor, H. G.

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Addison, Dr. Christopher

Chapple, Dr. William Allen

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Agnew, Sir George William

Clancy, John Joseph

Essex, Richard Walter

Alden, Percy

Clough, William

Esslemont, George Birnie

Allen, Arthur Acland (Dumbartonshire)

Clynes, John R.

Farrell, James Patrick

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud)

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

Arnold, Sydney

Compton-Rickett, Rt. Hon. Sir J.

Ferens, Rt. Hon. Thomas Robinson

Baker, Joseph Allen (Finsbury, E.)

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Ffrench, Peter

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Cornwall, Sir Edwin A.

Field, William

Barnes, George

Cotton, William Francis

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Barton, William

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Fitzgibbon, John

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Crawshay-Williams, Eliot

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts., St. George)

Crooks, William

France, G. A.

Bentinck, Lord H. Cavendish-

Crumley, Patrick

George, Rt. Hon. D. Lloyd

Bethell, Sir John Henry

Cullinan, John

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Black, Arthur W.

Dalziel, Sir James H. (Kirkcaldy)

Glanville, Harold James

Boland, John Plus

Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.)

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

Booth, Frederick Handel

Dawes, J. A.

Goldstone, Frank

Bowerman, C. W.

De Forest, Baron

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

Boyle, Daniel (Mayo, North)

Denman, Hon. R. D.

Greig, Col. J. W.

Brace, William

Devlin, Joseph

Griffith, Ellis J.

Brady, Patrick Joseph

Dillon, John

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Brocklehurst, William B.

Doris, W.

Guest, Hon. Major C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Brunner, John F. L.

Duffy, William J.

Gulland, John William

Buckmaster, Stanley O.

Duncan, C. (Barow-in-Furness)

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Edwards, Clement (Glamorgan, E.)

Hackett, John

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, North)

Edwards, Sir Francis (Radnor)

Hall, F. (Yorks, Normanton)

Byles, Sir William Pollard

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Hardie, J. Keir

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

McCallum, Sir John M.

Richardson, Thomas (Whitehaven)

Harmsworth, R. L. (Caithness-shire)

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

M'Laren, Hon. H. D. (Leics.)

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Harvey, T. E. (Leeds, West)

Manfield, Harry

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Harwood, George

Martin, Joseph

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Haslam, Lewis (Monmouth)

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Roe, Sir Thomas

Hayden, John Patrick

Masterman, C. F G.

Rowlands, James

Hayward, Evan

Meagher, Michael

Rowntree, Arnold

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Helme, Sir Norval Watson

Middlebrook, William

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Millar, James Duncan

Scanlan, Thomas

Henry, Sir Charles

Molloy, Michael

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton)

Higham, John Sharp

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Sheehy, David

Hinds, John

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Mooney, John J.

Smith, Albert (Lancs., Clitheroe)

Hodge, John

Morrell, Philip

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Hogge, James Myles

Morison, Hector

Soames, Arthur Wellesley

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Spicer, Sir Albert

Holt, Richard Durning

Munro, Robert

Sutherland, John E.

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Murray, Capt. Hon. A. C.

Sutton, John E.

Hughes, Spencer Leigh

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Illingworth, Percy H.

Neilson, Francis

Thomas, James Henry (Derby)

Isaacs, Rt. Hon. Sir Rufus

Nolan, Joseph

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Jardine, Sir John (Roxburghshire)

Nuttall, Harry

Thorne, William (West Ham)

John, Edward Thomas

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Toulmin, Sir George

Jones, Edgar (Merthyr Tydvil)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Jones, William S. Glyn-(Stepney)

O'Doherty, Philip

Verney, Sir Harry

Jowett, Frederick William

O'Donnell, Thomas

Wadsworth, John

Joyce, Michael (Limerick)

O'Dowd, John

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Keating, Matthew

O'Grady, James

Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Kellaway, Frederick George

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Wardle, G. J.

Kelly, Edward

O'Malley, William

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Kennedy, Vincent Paul

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh)

Wason, Rt. Hon. E. (Clackmannan)

King, J.

O'Shaughnessy, P. J.

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

Kyffin-Taylor, G.

O'Shee, James John

Webb, H.

Lamb, Ernest Henry

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Wedgwood, Josiah

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon, S. Molton)

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

White, J. Dundas (Glas., Tradeston)

Lambert, Richard (Wilts., Cricklade)

Parker, James (Halifax)

White, Sir Luke (York, E.R.)

Lansbury, George

Pearce, Robert (Staffs, Leek)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Whitehouse, John Howard

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Pollard, Sir George H.

Whyte, Alexander F. (Perth)

Lawson, Sir W. (Cumb'rld, Cockerm'th)

Ponsonby, Arthur A. W. H.

Wiles, Thomas

Leach, Charles

Power, Patrick Joseph

Wilkie, Alexander

Lewis, John Herbert

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Williams, J. (Glamorgan)

Lough, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Price, Sir Robert J. (Norfolk, E.)

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Low, Sir Frederick (Norwich)

Pringle, William M. R.

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glasgow)

Lundon, Thomas

Radford, G. H.

Wright, Henry Fitzherbert

Lynch, A. A.

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, East)

Macdonald, J. Ramsay (Leicester)

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

Young, William (Perth, East)

Macdonald, J. M. (Falkirk Burghs)

Reddy, M.

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

McGhee, Richard

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T.

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. George Roberts and Mr. Pointer.

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Rendall, Athelstan

Macpherson, James Ian

Richards, Thomas

NOES.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Doughty, Sir George

Aitken, Sir William Max

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Duke, Henry Edward

Amery, L. C. M. S.

Castlereagh, Viscount

Eyres-Monsell, B. M.

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Cator, John

Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.)

Ashley, W. W.

Cautley, Henry Strother

Falle, Bertram Godfray

Bagot, Lieut.-Colonel J.

Cave, George

Fell, Arthur

Baker, Sir Randolf L. (Dorset, N.)

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Balcarres, Lord

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford University)

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J. (City, Lond.)

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Fletcher, John Samuel

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Chaloner, Col R. G. W.

Foster, Philip Staveley

Barnston, Harry

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r)

Gibbs, George Abraham

Barrie, H. T. (Londonderry, N.)

Chaplin, Rt. Hon. Henry

Gilmour, Captain J.

Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc, E.)

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Glazebrook, Capt. Philip K.

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Goldman, Charles Sydney

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Goldsmith, Frank

Benn, Ion Hamilton (Greenwich)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Gordon, John (Londonderry (South)

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Gordon, Hon. John Edward (Brighton)

Boles, Lieut.-Col Dennis Fortescue

Craig, Norman (Kent, Thanet)

Goulding, Edward Alfred

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Craik, Sir Henry

Grant, James Augustus

Boyton, James

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Greene, Walter Raymond

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Cripps, Sir Charles Alfred

Gretton, John

Bridgeman, William Clive

Croft, Henry Page

Guinness, Hon. Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Burn, Col. C. R.

Dalrymple, Viscount

Guinness, Hon. W.E. (Bury S.Edmunds)

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Campion, W. R.

Denniss, E. R. B.

Hall, D. B (Isle of Wight)

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

MacCaw, Wm. J. Macgeagh

Sanders, Robert

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington, S.)

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Hamilton, Marquess of (Londonderry)

M'Mordie, Robert

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Harris, Henry Percy

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'pool, Walton)

Harrison-Broadley, H. B.

Malcolm, Ian

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Helmsley, Viscount

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Spear, Sir John Ward

Henderson, Major H. (Berks, Abingdon)

Middlemore, John Throgmorton

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Staveley-Hill, Henry (Staffordshire)

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Hickman, colonel Thomas E.

Moore, William

Stewart, Gershom

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Morrison-Bell, Capt. E. F. (Ashburton)

Swift, Rigby

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Sykes, Alan John (Ches., Knutsford)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Mount, William Arthur

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Hope, Harry (Bute)

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Terrell, George (Wilts, N. W.)

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Newdegate, F. A.

Thompson, Robert (Belfast, North)

Horne, William E. (Surrey, Guildford)

Newman, John R. J.

Thomson, W. Mitchell-(Down, N.)

Horner, Andrew Long

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Touche, George Alexander

Hunter, Sir Chas. Rodk. (Bath)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Ingleby, Holcombe

Norton-Griffiths, J. (Wednesbury)

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Jardine, Ernest (Somerset, East)

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Valentia, Viscount

Jessel, Captain Herbert M.

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Walker, Col. William Hall

Joynson-Hicks, William

Parker, Sir Gilbert (Gravesend)

Ward, A. S. (Herts, Watford)

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Parkes, Ebenezer

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid)

Kerry, Earl of

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Weigall, Capt. A. G.

Keswick, Henry

Peel, Hon. W. R. W. (Taunton)

White, Major G. D. (Lancs., Southport)

Kimber, Sir Henry

Perkins, Walter Frank

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset. W.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Peto, Basil Edward

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claud

Knight, Captain Eric Ayshford

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Winterton, Earl of

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripon)

Larmor, Sir J.

Pretyman, Ernest George

Wood, John (Stalybridge)

Law, Rt. Hon. A. Bonar (Bootle)

Quilter, Sir William Eley C.

Wortley, Rt. Hon. C. B. Stuart-

Lewisham, Viscount

Ratcliff, Major R. F.

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Yate, Col. C. E.

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Yerburgh, Robert

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. R.

Rees, Sir J. D.

Younger, Sir George

Long, Rt. Hon. Walter

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Rutherford, John (Lanes, Darwen)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Sir F. Banbury and Mr. G. D. Faber.

Lyttelton, Rt. Hon. A. (St. Geo.,Han.S.)

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Adjourned at Twenty-nine minutes after Eleven o'clock.