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Commons Chamber

Volume 40: debated on Thursday 4 July 1912

House of Commons

Thursday, July 4, 1912

Private Business

Provisional Order Bills [ Lords ] (Standing Orders applicable thereto complied with),—Mr. SPEAKER laid upon the Table Report from one of the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills, That, in the case of the following Bills, brought from the Lords, and referred on the First Reading thereof, the Standing Orders which are applicable thereto have been complied with, namely:—

Education Board Provisional Orders Confirmation (Essex, etc.) Bill [ Lords ].

Education Board Provisional Orders Confirmation (Kent, etc.) Bill [ Lords ].

Ordered, That the Bills be read a second time To-morrow.

North Ormesby, South Bank, Normanby, and Grangetown Railless Traction Bill [ Lords ],

Read the third time, and passed, with Amendments.

Great Central Railway Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),

Consideration, as amended, deferred till Monday next.

Pier and Harbour Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,

Sea Fisheries (Conway) Provisional Order Bill,

Read the third time, and passed.

Norfolk Fisheries Provisional Order Bill (by Order),

Second Reading deferred till Monday next.

West Riding of Yorkshire Asylums Bill [ Lords ],

Christchurch Gas Bill [ lords ],

Herne Bay Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Tees Conservancy Bill [ Lords ],

York United Gas Bill [ Lords ],

London and North-Western Railway Bill [ lords ],

Wakefield Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Houghton-le-Spring District Gas Bill [ Lords ],

Reported, with Amendments; Reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Message from the Lords

That they have agreed to—

Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 1) Bill,

Local Government (Ireland) Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,

Electric Lighting Provisional Orders (No. 2) Bill,

Cardiff Railway Bill, without Amendment,

Bedwellty Urban District Council Bill, with Amendments.

Amendments to—

Derwent Valley Water Bill [ Lords ], without Amendment.

That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to amend the Law with respect to bankruptcy and deeds of arrangement." [Bankruptcy Bill [ lords. ]

Also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to alter the constitution of and method of election to the Blyth Harbour Commission; to confer further powers upon the Commissioners; to authorise the Commissioners to construct works and acquire lands, to raise additional money and to create stock; and for other purposes." [Blyth Harbour Bill [ Lords. ]

And also a Bill, intituled, "An Act to authorise the Great Central Railway Company to enlarge their fish dock at Grimsby; and for other purposes." [Great Central Railway (Grimsby Fish Dock) Bill [ Lords. ]

Blyth Harbour Bill [ Lords ],

Great Central Railway (Grimsby Fish Dock) Bill [ Lords ],

Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.

Trade Reports (Annual Series)

Copies presented of Diplomatic and Consular Reports, Annual Series, Nos. 4899, 4901, and 4932 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

National Insurance Act

Copy presented of Memorandum and Report on Substituted Benefits under Section 13 of the National Insurance Act, 1911, together with an Actuarial Memorandum [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of the National Health Insurance (Ireland) (Preliminary Expenses) Order, 1912, dated 24th April, 1912, made by the Irish Insurance Commissioners under Section 78 of the National Insurance Act, 1911 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of the National Health Insurance (Ireland) (Advisory Committee) Order, 1912 [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Copy presented of Provisional Regulations, dated 4th July, 1912, of the Insurance Commissioners as to the form of the Certificates of Appointment to be furnished to an inspector appointed for the purposes of Part I. of the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 201.]

Copy presented of Decisions given by the Umpire up to and including 4th July, 1912, on questions whether Contributions are payable under Part II. of the Act in respect of any class of workmen [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Reformatory and Industrial Schools

Copy presented of fifty-fourth Report, for the year 1911, of the Inspector of Reformatory and Industrial Schools. Part I. List of schools and detailed reports [by Command]; to lie upon the Table.

Penal Servitude Acts (Conditional Licence)

Copy presented of licence granted to a convict discharging her from Aylesbury Convict Prison on condition that she enters a home [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Prosecution of Offences Acts, 1879 to 1908

Return presented relative thereto [Address, 28th June; Mr. Ellis Griffith ]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 202.]

Trade Boards Act, 1909

Copy presented of regulations, dated 3rd July, 1910, made by the Board of Trade, establishing a Trade Board under Section 11 of the Trade Boards Act, 1909, for the Ready-made and Wholesale Bespoke Tailoring trade in Ireland engaged in making garments to be worn by male persons [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.

Protection of Animals (Scotland) Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from the Standing Committee on Scottish Bills.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.

Minutes of Proceedings of the Standing Committee to be printed. [No. 203.]

Bill, as amended (in the Standing Committee), to be taken into consideration To-morrow, and to be printed. [Bill 271.]

Royal Scottish Museum [Extension]

Committee to consider of authorising the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of any expenses incurred by the Commissioners appointed under any Act of the present Session to make provision for the acquisition of Property for the Extension of the Royal Scottish Museum at Edinburgh (King's Recommendation signified), To-morrow.—[ Master of Elibank. ]

SEAL FISHERIES (NORTH PACIFIC) BILL [Lords]

Read the first time; to be read a second time upon Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 273.]

Public Offices (Sites) Bill

Reported, with Amendments, from the Select Committee, with Minutes of Evidence.

Report to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 204.]

Bill, as amended, re-committed to a Committee of the Whole House for Monday next, and to be printed. [Bill 272.]

Divorce Bills

The Lord Advocate, Mr. Gibbs, Sir David Brynmor Jones, Mr. King, Mr. Russell, Mr. Sanderson, Mr. Theodore Taylor, Major Willoughby, and Mr. Edward Wood were nominated Members of the Select Committee on Divorce Bills.—[ Mr. Gulland. ]

Oral Answers to Questions

Questions

Morocco

asked the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs whether he can give any information to the House as to the present situation in Marakesh; and whether he has information showing that Europeans are in danger in that town?

The state of affairs in the South of Morocco is very confused, and it is difficult to obtain reliable news. My latest information is that though the situation at Marakesh is grave, it is possible that the rival factions may come to an arrangement between themselves. Meanwhile I have received no information tending to show that the lives of Europeans are in danger.

asked the number of Europeans who have been killed or wounded in Fez during the last year, and the number of Europeans who were killed or wounded in Fez during the twenty-five years previous to 1st June, 1912?

I can only give a figure as regards British subjects, and, so far as I am aware, only one British subject, a military instructor in the service of the Sultan of Morocco, has been killed in or near Fez during the last twelve months. I have not got figures about Europeans in general, nor figures for twenty-five years past.

Land Purchase (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary to the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland what progress has been made with the negotiations for the purchase of the Trinity College estate, in the Cahirciveen and Valentia districts, in view of the period which has elapsed since negotiations were opened?

The Congested Districts Board hope to consider the question of making an offer for the purchase of this estate at an early date. No avoidable delay has taken place in the matter.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether the question will be decided by 16th July, the next meeting of the Congested Districts Board?

I cannot give a definite promise as to that date. I will see what I can do.

Irish National Schools

asked the amount paid during the past financial year by the Commissioners of National Education to wards the heating and cleansing of Irish national schools; and whether all schools that qualified for the Grant have been settled for for that period?

The Commissioners of National Education inform me that £16,606 has been paid to managers of national schools in reimbursement of expenditure for heating and cleansing the schools during the year ended 31st March, 1912. There are a number of schools for which the Grant has not yet been paid owing to the fact that in some cases the managers have not yet submitted their claims, and in others additional information had to be obtained before the Grant could be paid. All outstanding claims are being dealt with as rapidly as possible.

Crime in Ireland (County Clare)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland the number of awards made at the last Quarter Sessions in county Clare as compensation for malicious injuries, showing names of in jured persons, nature of injuries inflicted, and amount awarded in each case; whether his attention has been called to the remarks made by the County Court judge when making these awards, specially as to his statement that crimes in Clare are perpetrated by people who terrorise the community, and what steps are being taken to bring the criminals to justice; if illegal secret societies exist in the counties of Clare and Galway, and what steps are being taken to break up these societies and afford protection to law-abiding people; if the Ancient Order of Hibernians is spreading over the South and West of Ireland; and if he will obtain and furnish a Return of the number of branches of this secret organisation which now exist in Ireland?

Compensation amounting to £51 was awarded at the last Clare Quarter Sessions in five cases, which included two cattle-drives, two cases of damage to wall, and a smith's bellows, respectively, and one case in which a cow was poisoned. I have seen a newspaper report of the learned judge's observations, in which he contrasted the state of Clare with that of the rest of Ireland. I am happy to say that in Clare there are now some signs of improvement. There is good reason to believe that in the disturbed parts of Clare and Galway some evil-disposed men have banded themselves together by secret agreement for the purpose of intimidation. Such men are carefully watched. I am not in a position to give the Return asked for.

Arising out of that answer, may I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he is not aware that, taking Clare as a whole, the county is as free from crime as any part of the United Kingdom?

I think the character of Clare as a whole, particularly including that part of it represented by the hon. Member who puts the question, is very good.

No, Sir; but the number of indictable offences between the Spring and Summer Assizes was forty-eight this year, compared with seventy for the same period last year.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware this standard of law and order is not the one generally accepted in Ireland?

Can the right hon. Gentleman say if there is one policeman to every forty-eight of the inhabitants of Clare?

National University (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if his attention has been directed to the speech made by Cardinal Logue at Maynooth, on Tuesday last, in which he described the National University as a pagan bantling, and reiterated his determination to make it Roman Catholic; if the prohibition that existed against Catholic young men going to Trinity College before the establishment of the National University and the Queen's University still exists; and if he will support an Amendment to the Government of Ireland Bill to withdraw university education from the control of the proposed Irish Parliament?

My attention has been drawn to the report mentioned. I cannot say whether the report is accurate, but I do not believe that the language quoted in the question expresses the feelings of any considerable body of the Catholics of Ireland in reference to the National Uni- versity; and I may say that all the provisions and understandings on which the University Act was passed have been faithfully observed, and that the new universities are doing extremely well. As regards the alleged prohibition to Catholic students to enter Trinity College, I can only say that Catholics do, as a matter of fact, enter Trinity College in considerable numbers, and that I am assured on good authority that the passage of the University Act has not interfered with the resort of Catholic students to Trinity College. Some hold that it has had the contrary effect.

Has the right hon. Gentleman consulted Cardinal Logue before passing the very severe censure that is embodied in his answer?

I have said distinctly that I do not know whether the report of the words is accurate.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he includes the 800 Church of Ireland students at Trinity College as Catholics?

Will the right hon. Gentleman say what proportion the forty-five bears to the total number of Trinity students?

Nobody ever pretended to say the majority of students at Trinity College are not and always have been Protestants.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware he has not answered the latter part of my question: whether he will support an Amendment to the Government of Ireland Bill to withdraw university education from the contral of the proposed Irish Parliament?

I apologise to the hon. Member for having accidently omitted to answer that part of the question. The answer is in the negative.

Cashel Board of Guardians (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been drawn to a speech delivered by a Mr. MacSweeney, a Local Government Board inspector, at a meeting of the Cashel Board of Guardians, on Thursday, 13th June, in the course of which he stated that if children were allowed to remain in the care of the guardians they might drift into the Army or into the gutter; and whether he will take steps to prevent Local Government Board inspectors by implication casting a slur on a service of His Majesty?

I have communicated with the inspector referred to, and he denies having made the statement alleged, or having either by suggestion or implication expressed any views or opinions which in any way might cast a slur upon the Army. His object in attending the meeting was to induce the guardians to adopt the system of boarding out children.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware the report of the speech appeared in a Nationalist paper which is generally supposed to be correct?

Agrarian Outrages (Ireland)

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he is aware that, at the Galway Quarter Sessions on the 21st June, compensation for malicious injuries was awarded to Mr. Robert Markie, auctioneer, Galway and Dublin, for a valuable remount horse which had its ears cut off; to Mr. T. N. Redington, town clerk, for a weight-carrying hunter which had its ears cut off, in this case the veterinary surgeon describing the injury as a horrible outrage, the ear being cut off into the skull of the animal, which caused the blood to spurt eighteen inches from the wound; to John Curran, for a carriage horse which had its ears cut off; to John M'Grath, for a horse which had its ears cut off; and to James Keane, for two cattle which had their tails cut off; and what arrests have been made and steps taken to prevent further similar outrages?

Compensation was awarded in the four cases first mentioned in respect of the four horses. James Keane was also awarded compensation in respect of two head of cattle. The police are making every effort they can to trace the persons who committed these abominable crimes, but so far without success.

It is just as much evidence for and against as it would be in the case of the occurrence of similar crimes in England.

Will the right hon. Gentleman name any county in England in which agrarian crimes of that kind have taken place?

Is it in order, Mr. Speaker, to suggest that these crimes take place in England and not to give evidence of them?

On a point of Order. Is the right hon. Gentleman entitled to do what he undoubtedly did just now, and insinuate that there is conspiracy in England to prevent the detection of such crimes?

The right hon. Gentleman did nothing of the sort. What he said was that it was just as much evidence in England as it was in Ireland. These occurrences may take place in England, and if they do they are just as much evidence in England as in Ireland.

Can the right hon. Gentleman name a single case of such occurrences in England?

If the hon. Gentleman will put that question down, I have no doubt it will be answered.

On a point of Order, Sir. Is this not a case in which the right hon. Gentleman, having said these crimes did occur in England, must have had knowledge of his own, and am I not in order in asking him why he made that statement?

The right hon. Gentleman may have knowledge, but may not have particulars in his pocket. If the Noble Lord asks for statistics the least he can do is to give the right hon. Gentleman the opportunity of looking them up.

Government of Ireland Bill

Grants in Aid of Local Taxation

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland if he will indicate the provision in the Government of Ireland Bill which preserves to local authorities in that country the continued distribution, on the basis of existing statutory sanctions, of payments from the local taxation account and from the Exchequer in relief of rates, the maintenance of pauper lunatics, salaries of medical officers of workhouses and dispensaries, trained nurses in workhouses, etc.?

There is no such provision. The transferred sum will include the amounts which, under the existing law, are paid to the local taxation account.

Factory Inspectors

asked if, having regard to the fact that His Majesty's inspectors of factories and their assistants entered the service on a condition that they should serve when required in any part of the United Kingdom, those who happen to be serving in Ireland if the Government of Ireland Bill becomes law will be transferred to the Dublin Government or obliged to return on the terms of the Act, while those serving in other parts of the United Kingdom and who entered on the same conditions will not be exposed to the loss and injury thereby involved?

The question whether any particular inspector or assistant inspector of factories will be recalled to England or kept on in Ireland will be a matter of arrangement when the Bill becomes law. Those who remain in Ireland are fully protected by the Bill against loss or injury.

Is it a fact that an Englishman who serves in Ireland will be forced to accept the conditions of the Home Rule Bill or retire, but the Irishman who serves in England will be exempt?

Disturbances at Lisburn

asked the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether his attention has been called to a series of attacks made by organised gangs on the priests, nuns, and children connected with the excursion of the Sacred Heart Convent schools, Lisburn, on Tuesday, 25th June last; whether he is aware that after the excursion started the excursionists were assailed, showers of projectiles rained on them, and one of the nuns struck with a large stone; that on the return of the excursion the nuns and the children were again exposed to a fierce fusilade of stones, mud, and every weapon which came to hand, and arrived at their destination spattered with dirt and filth of every kind; and that the priests who accompanied the excursion, on their return by motor car, were attacked by an organised crowd, and pelted with stones and mud; whether the police received notice in good time of the excursion; whether any report has been furnished by the local police in connection with these outrages, and what steps, if any, have been taken to bring the perpetrators to justice; and whether any steps have been or will be taken to bring to justice the persons responsible for the repeated breaking of the windows of the Catholic church and the parochial house, and for attacks on the houses of Catholics in the town of Lisburn?

The police authorities inform me that on the 25th June an excursion of the children of the Sacred Heart Convent in Lisburn left in two motors for Ardglass. The police had received notice of the excursion, and arrangements were made to prevent any interference with it. On the outward journey a stone was thrown at the motors which struck a nun on the leg. When returning in the evening mud was thrown at the excursionists by some groups of children, and the dresses of the nuns were bespattered. The attack, which was not an organised one, was made by children who resided along the route. The police were unable to identify any of the children who threw the mud. When the priests returned later in a private motor a considerable amount of mud was also thrown at them, and the car was struck by one stone. The matter was reported by the police on the following morning. The police are not aware that any windows in the Catholic Church or Parochial House at Lisburn have been broken during the present year, or that any attacks have been made on the houses of Catholics since the East Down election in December, 1910. Special precautions are being adopted by the police to prevent any interference with Catholics in Lisburn.

Is this the evidence on which the right hon. Gentle- man and the Government rely for their belief that if Home Rule is given to Ireland the two religious sections will live amicably together?

Disputes between Protestants and Catholics are not confined to Ireland, and we have no reason to believe that events of this character will prevent the possibility of Home Rule working satisfactorily.

Grants to Catholic Schools

asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland), under what head in the votes for the past financial year the sum of £1,259 4s. 9d., expended on the primary schools of the Christian Brothers, and the sum of £356 1s., expended on the training of certain members of conventual and monastic institutions by the Department appeared, respectively?

The head under which the sum of £1,259 4s. 9d. was paid was Sub-head H2 (Grants for Drawing and Manual Instruction in Miscellaneous Schools) of the Vote accounted for by the Department of Agriculture and Technical Instruction. The sum of £356 1s. for the training of members of conventual institutions was paid from the Department's endowment.

asked whether it is estimated that in the present financial year any money will be expended by the Department on the primary schools of the Christian Brothers or on the training of members of the conventual and monastic institutions; and, if so, under what head in the Estimates such amounts appear?

It is estimated that a sum of about £1,300 will be required for Grants for drawing and manual instruction in primary schools of the Christian Brothers. This sum is provided under Class IV., Vote 13, Sub-head B2 (Grants for Drawing and Manual Instruction in Miscellaneous Schools). A sum of about £500 will be required for the training of teaching members of conventual institutions. Of this sum about £150 will be paid under Class IV., Vote 13, Subhead B1 (Annual Grants to Schools and Classes of Science and Art and Technical Instruction), and about £350 will be paid from the Department's Endowment.

India

India Office Contracts (Fair-Wages Clause)

asked the Under-Secretary of State for India, whether he is aware that the firm of Curle, glass bottle manufacturers, South Hackney, contractors to his Department, have increased the wages of their employés by 12½ per cent. since their present contract was entered into in order to avoid a strike; whether the firm have asked the Department for an increase of 5 per cent. on the contract price in order to meet the increased wages; if so, whether the Department propose to grant the request; and whether, when the con tract was entered into and previous to the wages of the employés being raised, the firm in question were observing the Fair-wages Clause?

Messrs. Curle and Company have stated that they have been served with a notice from the London Glass Blowers' Trade Society increasing many of the rates of wages for bottles, but they have not stated the extent of the increase. The firm's application for an increase of 5 per cent. on their contract prices is now under consideration. The contract was subject to the usual Fair-Wages Clause.

Bengal Legislative Council

asked whether the Government of India is prepared to increase the representation given to European trade and commerce in the Bengal Legislative Council so as to be more commensurate with its responsibilities; and whether the powers vested in the new Government of Bengal will be equal to those exercised by the Governments of Bombay and Madras?

The Government of India recently informed the Bengal Chamber of Commerce in reply to representations made by them for the increased representation of European commerce on the Bengal Legislative Council that their views will be duly considered in any examination of the constitution of the Council that may take place. I have nothing at present to add to this statement. The powers vested in the new Government of Bengal are equal to those exercised by the Governments of Madras and Bombay, with the single exception which I explained on the 11th June in reply to a question asked by the hon. Member for East Nottingham.

Questions

Preferential Tariff (Canada)

asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether, in view of the fact that Canadian statesmen intend to make preferential trade agreements with the other parts of the British Empire, as has already been done with the West Indies, he can say whether all these trade advantages will also be given to the United Kingdom?

I have no reason to suppose that the present Canadian Government have any desire to reverse the policy of the preferential tariff accorded to the United Kingdom by their existing Customs legislation.

Are we to understand that the United Kingdom is to have all the great advantages of this preference and to give nothing in exchange? Are we also to understand that Imperial preference is still the greatest impostor of modern times?

If the hon. Gentleman will put his question on the Paper no doubt my right hon. Friend will answer them.

Office of Works Contracts (Fair-Wages Clause)

asked the hon. Membed for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he is aware that the firm of Leslie, of Kensington, contractors for work at the Houses of Parliament, employ labourers to do painting work; and whether he will make inquiry into the matter in order to secure due observance of the Fair-Wages Clause?

The Board's officers having found several cases where Messrs. Leslie and Company had employed labourers on work which should have been executed by painters called upon them for an explanation. Their explanation was not considered satisfactory, and they have been ordered to give explicit instructions to their foremen to see that no further cause of complaint on this score arises.

asked what steps are taken by the Office of Works to secure that all work done by contractors, especially work that cannot be easily examined when a job is completed, has been properly and efficiently executed according to the contract?

Clerks of Works are appointed to see that all work is properly and efficiently executed, while in addition, a building inspector pays surprise visits while the work is in progress. The architects in charge exercise general supervision over all building works. The Board's contracts provide that builders shall give notice to the architect or Clerk of Works when it is their intention to cover up any portion of the work, and if any work is so covered or hidden without written authority the builders may be required to uncover the same at their own expense.

asked the estimated value of work now being carried out by the Office of Works?

It is not quite clear what the hon. Member means by the term "work." The services performed by the Office of Works are of a most comprehensive and varied character, and the expenditure on them has lately been about 2½ millions annually.

asked whether the designs of architects other than the official architects are invited when public buildings are contemplated; and the name of the architect responsible for the new Stationery Office in Waterloo Road and Stamford Street?

I have to invite the attention of the hon. Member to the answer given in this House on 31st May, 1911, to the hon. Member for Mid-Lanark. The new Stationery Office is being erected from designs prepared in the Office of Works.

National Insurance Act

Territorial Force

asked the Secretary to the Treasury who is responsible for adjudicating on claims made by men in Territorial regiments that they would be unemployed, within the meaning of the National Insurance Act, during the August Bank Holiday week, and thus exempted from deductions from pay whilst serving during that week with the Terri- torials; and whether the Insurance Commissioners can undertake the adjudication of such claims and provide the necessary clerical assistance to the commanding officers of such regiments?

If the hon. Member refers to contributions under Part I. of the Act, no adjudication is necessary. A declaration by the man on the prescribed form, which has been already issued by the Commisioners, is taken as conclusive.

Agricutlural Labourers

asked whether, in reckoning the wages of agricultural labourers for the purpose of fixing the proportions of the contributions under the National Insurance Act, harvest money is to be taken into account as wages in the weeks during which it is earned or whether the total of the harvest money is to be divided by the working days of the year and a proportionate part added to the day's wages; and, if the latter, how is the amount of harvest money to be estimated in advance and how many working days constitute a year?

Harvest money must be reckoned as a part of wages for the weeks in respect of which it is earned.

Friendly Society (Reserves)

asked whether members of friendly societies in respect of whom no reserves will be released are to be entitled to share in the reserves which will be released in respect of other members; and whether the Registrar of Friendly Societies is at liberty to approve schemes under Section 72 of the National Insurance Act on that basis?

If a society by its scheme under Section 72 of the National Insurance Act elects to apply the funds set free in accordance with Sub-section (1) ( a ) and ( b ) of the Section they will be applied for the benefit, in the manner mentioned therein, of members of the society who were members on 16th December, 1911, whether insured persons or not; if it elects to apply them under Sub-section (1) ( c ) they will be applied for the benefit, as therein mentioned, of members who were members on 16th December, 1911, and who take their State benefits through the society. In confirming schemes the Registrar of Friendly Societies will have due regard to the above provisions.

Can the right hon. Gentleman say whether reserves arising from one class may be applied to the benefit of all classes, whether reserves arise from the second class or not?

The right hon. Gentleman did not answer the question on the Paper.

I thought I had answered the question on the Paper, but I am not clear about the supplementary question. As to the question as to what reserves shall be given after a contract has been fulfilled, in the first instance it is given to persons who are members of a society on 16th December, 1911. The scheme has afterwards to be confirmed by the Registrar.

asked the estimated total amount of the reserve values provided for in the table prepared by the National Health Insurance Joint Committee, dated 19th June, 1912; and what is the estimated number of persons in respect of whom such reserve values are to be provided?

For the reasons stated in my answer to the hon. Member for Salisbury on 10th June, no new estimate has been made subsequent to that of Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt's report, either of the total amount of reserve values or of the number of persons in respect of whom reserve values are to be provided. The chief actuary does not anticipate any substantial difference, and when the reserve values are credited accurate information will be available.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether these reserve values referred to in the Memorandum of 19th June are separate and different from those included in Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt's report?

There has been a further calculation on further materials. I thought I had already stated that. But substantially the results come out the same.

Are these additional and different persons from those included in Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt's report?

I do not think so. One calculation was made on a certain date by Messrs. Hardy and Wyatt. It has been subsequently checked and substantially comes out the same.

Exemptions from Contributions

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, if an employed person obtains a certificate under Section 2 (1) of the National Insurance Act exempting him from liability to become or to continue to be insured under Part I. of the Act, on the ground that he is in receipt of a pension or income of the annual value of £26 or upwards not dependent upon his personal exertions, his employer is also exempted from liability to make contributions in respect of him?

Under Section 4 (4) the same contributions are payable in respect of a person who holds a certificate of exemption as would have been payable as employer's contributions if such person had been an employed contributor.

Medical Attendance

asked the Secretary to the Treasury what steps he proposes to take in the event of the In surance Commissioners failing to make any agreement with the doctors, and consequently determining to pay each in sured person a fixed sum per annum, say 6s., in lieu of free medical attendance, to secure to the insured contributor efficient medical attendance during sickness after the year's grant of 6s. has been expended on doctor's visits and in payment for drugs?

Refusal of the medical profession to make a collective agreement with the Insurance Commissioners would not necessarily entail the consequence specified in the question. Other courses are possible under the Act. In any event, the sum of 6s. per head per annum would enable the insured persons to remunerate the doctors who attend them at a considerably higher rate for the same services than they have given them in the past. But it would be premature at this moment to discuss various possible alternative schemes to the panel system which is contemplated in the Act.

Does the right hon. Gentleman think that a Grant of 6s. for an insured person is the equivalent of free medical attendance and medicine?

The poor insured person in all the great friendly societies has obtained free medical attendance and medicine for an average of something like 4s. per head.

Is it proposed, in the event of failure to agree with the doctors, to give each insured person a sum of 6s. whether or not he requires medical attendance in the course of the year?

I would not commit myself to the sum of 6s. There are other alternatives. There is a possibility, if medical benefits are suspended, that a certain sum will be given to every person whether he requires medical attendance or not.

How many medical visits is an insured person expected to receive for 6s.?

Did not the Chancellor of the Exchequer clearly assert from his place in the House that without the co-operation of the medical profession this Act would be ineffective; and, if that is so, will the Government consider the advisability of postponing the collection of contributions until they have secured that cooperation?

I do not remember my right hon. Friend using those words. Of course, we are making every effort to obtain the co-operation of the medical profession on terms compatible with the amount of money which we can ask the House to vote for such a purpose.

Will 6s. be given back to the insured person, or will it be put to his credit?

Either of those courses is possible. In the last resort, if no other course is possible, 6s., or some sum to which I do not commit myself, will be given to every insured person, which is 9d. for every 4d. he has paid in for medical benefit.

Will the right hon. Gentleman say how the giving of 6s. to every insured person will benefit a sick person who requires medical attendance over a protracted period?

I do not want to have to state things over and over again. Up to now the bulk of the working classes of this country have been able to obtain medical attendance and medicine for 4s. a year. Now we are giving them at least 6s. a head.

Viscount HELMSLEY rose—

Poor Law School Teachers

asked whether, under the terms of the National Insurance Act, qualified teachers in Poor Law schools who have accepted the Poor Law Officers Superannuation Act, 1896, will be held to be exempt from the provisions of the National Insurance Act?

The teachers in question will be excepted if the Commissioners certify that the terms of the Poor Law Officers Superannuation Act, 1896, are such as to secure provision in respect of sickness and disablement, on the whole, not less favourable than the corresponding benefits conferred by Part I. of the Act.

I cannot say whether an application has been received. Directly an application is received it will be dealt with.

Agricultural Employment

asked whether in view of the fact that on most agricultural estates saw-milling is an occupation carried on only occasionally by estate workmen and mainly for the purpose tot of building construction but for providing material for gates and fencing, and that, moreover, the saw-mill engine is also used in many cases to work an oat-crusher, root-pulper, flour-mill, cream-separator, and for other like purposes, it will be necessary for the men so employed to be insured against unemployment under Part II. of the National Insurance Act?

I would draw the attention of the hon. Member to a decision of the Umpire, No. 316, published in the Board of Trade Journal issued to-day, to the effect that contributions are not payable in respect of workmen engaged in saw-milling for the purpose of making estate fencing. I am causing a copy of this decision to be sent to him.

Are these decisions given without hearing the parties, or after hearing them?

If the hon. and learned Gentleman will put down a question, I will answer as to procedure.

It is not for me to anticipate any decision of the Umpire. As regards estate carpenters, I think it would include cases where one is employed.

Will the hon. Gentleman take some steps to have these decisions of the Umpire made public in some way?

They are published in the Board of Trade Journal and in the Board of Trade "Labour Gazette."

Asylum Attendants

asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether the Insurance Commissioners have issued certificates of exemption from the National Insurance Act to the attendants of Lancashire county asylums; whether he is aware that attendants to Lancashire county asylums always receive full wages during sickness; and whether it would be possible for any attendant in a Lancashire county asylum to apply individually to the Insurance Commissioners for a certificate of exemption under the Act?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. It is open to any person to apply individually for a certificate of exemption under Section 2 of the Act, but if the Noble Lord's question is intended to refer to exception under paragraph ( b ) of the second part of the First Schedule, I may point out that a certificate of exception under that paragraph must apply to all employés as a class, and not to any particular individual. The legal powers of the Commissioners to certify under that paragraph are not dependent upon application by any particular person.

Contribution Cards

asked whether the statement in the N.H. leaflet of the Insurance Commissioners dated June, 1912, to the effect that every person in the service of an employer must get a contribution card before 15th July, either from an approved society or from any post office, is strictly correct, in view of the information being given by post office officials to domestic servants that no such cards can be issued until application has been made upon Form No. 14 A.G.D. by an employer of domestic servants for the supply of contribution cards for the purpose of the health insurance of her employé; whether such cards should, in fact, be obtained by the employer or her servants; and under what Section of the National Insurance Act is it rendered obligatory upon employers to make the declaration contained in the above form?

Domestic servants who are not yet members of approved societies can, and should, obtain cards for themselves from the post office, on signing the ordinary form of application for an employed contributor's card. The statement that no cards can be issued to domestic servants until applications can be made by their employers is quite erroneous; and if such statements are being made as the hon. Gentleman suggests, I will immediately see that steps are taken to put the matter right. Employers of domestic servants are, as a matter of convenience to themselves, allowed to obtain similar cards for such servants, on signing a form stating the number of such servants for whom they are required; but such an arrangement in no way precludes the servants from getting their own cards.

Will the right hon. Gentleman take steps to prevent these erroneous statements being made at post offices.

Certainly. I have consulted the Postmaster-General on the strength of the question and I am taking care that another circular is sent.

Umpire's Decisions

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will arrange for immediate publication of the decisions of the Umpire whether all or any of the following classes of workmen are included in compulsory insurance under Part II. of the National Insurance Act, namely: bricklayers and carpenters employed in house building or in the repair of buildings; bricklayers and carpenters employed in connection with colliery workings; wagon builders and wheelwrights; and men employed in the repair of pit tubs and trams in collieries; and what steps should be taken by employers of such men if decisions are not made known by the 15th July?

The decisions of the Umpire are published weekly in the Board of Trade Journal and monthly in the Board of Trade "Labour Gazette." From time to time copies of important decisions arc issued and sent to the persons affected. I propose to lay on the Table of the House a Return giving a classified list of decisions by the Umpire, and also to take steps to have this list widely circulated. As regards the classes of workpeople referred to by the hon. Member, bricklayers and carpenters employed in house buildings or repairs are clearly included under paragraph 1 of the Sixth Schedule to the National Insurance Act (construction, alteration, repair, decoration or demolition of buildings). The Umpire has decided that contributions are payable in respect of bricklayers, carpenters, and others engaged in connection with businesses other than those included among the trades specified in the Sixth Schedule to the Act. The Umpire has also decided that contributions are payable in respect of wheelwrights engaged wholly or mainly in repairing carts and wagons, and I may add that wagon-building is included under "construction of vehicles" in paragraph 6 of the Sixth Schedule to the Act. The Umpire has not yet decided the question as to the inclusion of men employed in repairing pit tubs and trams in collieries. Every effort will be made by the Umpire to announce his decisions before the 15th July.

What steps ought to be taken by an employer if the decision is not given before 15th July

May I call the hon. Gentleman's attention to the last two lines of my question?

We do not contemplate that the decisions will not be given. That is an emergency which is not likely to arise. I cannot give an answer as to what would happen if the decisions were really not given.

Does the hon. Gentleman think all these numerous decisions can be given before 15th July?

What would be the position of a man who is a bricklayer one day and another a gardener?

Unemployment (Enginemen)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he will state upon what principle the Umpire has decided, under Part II. of the National Insurance Act, that workmen described as enginemen in charge of stationary engines employed in a mechanical engineering works are to be insured, while workmen employed by a firm of millers or by a district council engaged in the work of steam, gas, or oil-engine drivers are not to be insured under Part II.; and whether he will see that the nature of the employment of the workman rather than the business of the employer should be the test of inclusion?

I would remind the hon. Member that the Umpire is a judicial officer, appointed by the Crown, and independent of the Board of Trade. It would not therefore be competent for me to discuss the principles upon which his decisions have been based. I may, however, point out that under the statutory Regula- tions it is open to any person who considers that he can show sufficient cause to make an application to the Umpire at any time for the revision of any decision previously given by him.

May I ask whether this judicial officer hears parties before giving a decision?

Questions

Education, Scotland (Local Inquiries)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether, in view of the fact that the local inquiries held by order of the Scottish Education Department into such subjects as the amalgamations of school districts are held in public and that the representative of the Department sits in a judicial capacity, he will in future direct that the Reports of the representative shall no longer be deemed confidential, and that copies of the Reports be sent to all the school boards concerned?

I am not prepared to vary the existing practice. The Commissioner sits in an advisory and not in a judicial capacity. The inquiry is open to the boards concerned, who have therefore every opportunity of dealing with the case submitted.

Traction Engines (Scotland)

asked the Secretary for Scotland whether he is aware that the Regulations imposed by Section 25, Sub-sections (3), (4), and (5), of the Local Government (Scotland) Act, 1908, cause inconvenience to owners of traction engines; and whether, in view of the fact that no such restrictions and penalties are imposed by the Locomotives on Highways Act, 1896, on owners of motor cars, he can see his way to introduce legislation to secure that owners of mechanically-pro-pelled vehicles of every description may be treated in a similar manner?

The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. In answer to the second part, I would remind my hon. Friend that the Motor Cars (Use and Construction) (Scotland) Order, 1904, made by the Secretary for Scotland under the powers conferred upon him by the Act of 1896 and the Motor Car Act, 1903, imposes restrictions in regard to the carrying of lights by motor cars. I am not satisfied that legislation in the direction suggested is desirable.

What is the reason for this difference between motor cars and traction engines?

I think traction engines and motor cars on the road are in entirely different positions. If the hon. and gallant Gentleman has frequently passed traction engines in motor cars he will know that this precaution is not unnecessary.

Steamship "Ranzani."

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he can furnish any further particulars relative to the case of the steamer "Ranzani," which it is alleged is trading abroad under the British flag though of Greek ownership?

I am not yet in a position to give any further information respecting the case of the s.s. "Ranzani," but I have asked the Commissioners of His Majesty's Customs and Excise to cause inquiries to be made as to whether there has been any change in the ownership of the vessel since the investigation held some months ago into her title to be registered as a British ship, and I will communicate with the hon. Member as soon as I am in a position to give him any definite particulars.

Steamship "Florence."

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the British steamer "Florence" recently discharged her crew at Smyrna, and there upon shipped a full Greek crew; whether this was done with the approval of the Marine Department of the Board of Trade; and whether the "Florence" is still sailing under the British flag?

I understand, after inquiry, that it was intended to discharge the crew of the vessel referred to by the hon. Member at Smyrna and to ship a foreign crew for the purpose of plying between Smyrna and Zoungouldak in the Black Sea. It is not necessary for the approval of the Board of Trade to be given for the engagement of a crew at a foreign port. The vessel is registered as a British ship, and I understand that she is sailing under the British flag, but I am making further inquiries on this point.

Am I to understand that it is perfectly in accordance with the Regulations of the Board of Trade that a ship can fly the British flag which has no British subjects of any sort or kind upon her, officer or man?

It is not necessary for the approval of the Board of Trade to be given for the engagement of a crew at a foreign port.

Pilotage Bill

asked whether the French Government was informed of His Majesty's Government's intention of introducing legislation, such as is embodied in Clause 19 of the Pilotage Bill, without previous consultation with the Admiralty on that specific point?

asked whether the Admiralty were consulted by the Board of Trade on the advisability or otherwise of granting pilots' certificates to foreign masters and mates prior to the introduction of the Merchant Shipping Act, 1906, which took away the power of granting; such certificates; and what circumstances have arisen since 1906 which cause the Admiralty to acquiesce in Clause 19 of the Pilotage Bill of this year, which restores the power of granting such certificates?

My right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Trade has asked me to answer this question, and, if I may, I will at the same time answer that of my hon. Friend the Member for Limerick, which deals with a similar subject. The Admiralty have been consulted by the Board of Trade on various occasions in the past, with regard to the granting of pilots' certificates to foreign masters and mates. I do not find that they were specifically consulted on the wording of Clause 19 of the Pilotage Bill before the recent discussion with the French Government, but I understand that these discussions were mainly based on the recommendations; contained in the published Report of the Departmental Committee on Pilotage. The Admiralty and the Board of Trade have lately been in consultation with regard to the possible bearing of Clause 19 in its present form on the interests of public safety, with the result that some Amendments have been agreed upon, and will be proposed in Committee, which in the judgment of both Departments will satisfactorily safeguard these interests. I ought to add that it is my view that the Clause as it stands in the Bill is of a much more limited scope than is implied in the question of my hon. Friend the Member for Limerick.

Sight Tests (Departmental Committee)

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware of the expression of regret contained in the Report of the Departmental Committee on Sight Tests that the Imperial Merchant Service Guild did not see their way clear to assist the Committee by nominating a representative to appear before them; why, in view of the representative capacity of the Imperial Merchant Service Guild as regards certificated captains and officers of the mercantile marine, they were denied representatives on the Committee; and whether he can state exactly the reasons why this body declined to give evidence before the Departmental Committee referred to?

The Board of Trade, when constituting the Committee in question, came to the conclusion that it was undesirable that the Committee should consist of representatives from particular interests, but one of the members of the Committee was one of the Elder Brethren of Trinity House, who had been an officer in the mercantile marine. I understand that the reason given by the Imperial Merchant Service Guild for their refusal to give evidence was their dissatisfaction with the composition of the Committee, but the reason appears to my right hon. Friend to be altogether inadequate

Am I to understand that the hon. Gentleman considers that Fellows of the Royal Society are much more competent in every case to give valuable opinions on a Committee of this kind than officers of the merchant service?

Loss of Steamship "Oceana."

asked the President of the Board of Trade (68) whether his attention has been drawn to that part of the judgment given in connection with the loss of the steamship "Oceana" where reference is made to the fact that, prior to the commencement of her voyage, neither of the two Board of Trade surveyors who inspected the boats were acquainted by profession with the practical handling of boats, the Court not considering this inspection adequate; and whether, in the future, the Board of Trade intend to ensure the thorough official inspection of all such matters necessitating practical seafaring experience by surveyors possessed of such ex- perience; (69) whether his attention has been drawn to that part of the judgment in the case of the steamship "Oceana" inquiry where the Court felt strongly that all lifeboats on merchant ships, and not merely four of them, should have all the outfit set out in Rules 5 and 6 of the life-saving appliances rules, the Court trusting that when the rules are under revision this matter would be dealt with; and whether these rules are now under revision for the purpose of ensuring that all lifeboats on merchant ships shall in future be adequately fitted with all the necessary appliances before going to see?

I have seen newspaper reports of the judgment given in this case, but the official Report of the Court has not yet been received by the Board of Trade. As soon as I am in possession of the Report I shall give it very careful consideration. The whole question of the revision of the rules with regard to the life-saving appliances to be carried on board ship and to the inspection of such appliances is, as the hon. Member knows, under review.

Railway Goods Wagons

asked the President of the Board of Trade if an estimate has been brought to his notice from which it would appear that, taking the life of a railway goods wagon as being on the average seventeen years, it is mobile six months and stationary 16½ years; and, if not, or if he disagrees with the estimate referred to, whether, before he recommends Parliament to give any further concessions to railway companies in regard to their statutory obligations or their charges for carrying goods or passengers, he will ascertain for how long a railway goods wagon is, in fact, mobile on the track, laden or unladen, as compared with the length of time it cumbers a plot of valuable land doing nothing?

I have seen the estimate referred to, but I do not see that it has any particular bearing on the proposals of the Railways Bill now before this House, to which I assume my hon. Friend alludes.

Port of London (Strike)

Free Labour

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that on 22nd June a card bearing the number K.L.E. 16, was handed to Mr. A. Wallis, of 13, Meadow Row, New Kent Road, S.E., which was issued from 53 and 54, London Road, S.E., advising him to call at 11, Commercial Road, Stepney, on Monday, 24th June, and that Mr. Wallis attended on the day mentioned at seven o'clock in accordance with the instructions given on the card, and he was sent to Aberdeen Wharf, which is a wharf affected by the strike of transport workers in London; and if he intends taking action in the matter?

I have inquired into this matter, and find that in connection with vacancies at the Aberdeen Wharf, notified to the Stepney Exchange on 22nd June, a notice was sent to Mr. Wallis and certain other applicants for employment by the Elephant Exchange, asking them to call at Stepney on the following morning. All men applying in connection with these vacancies were duly informed that the vacancies were no doubt caused by the strike in the Port of London. The official records show that Mr. Wallis was not sent on by the Stepney Exchange to apply for employment at the wharf, and it is thought that he was probably among those applicants who declined to have their names submitted on learning that the vacancies were affected by a trade dispute. The action of the Labour Exchange officers appears to have been in accordance with the Regulations, and there seems to be no ground for taking further action in the matter.

Wheat Prices

asked what was the average price of wheat in London, Paris, and Berlin during the first six months of this year?

The average "Gazette" price of British wheat in London during the first six months of 1912 was 36s. 5d. per imperial quarter, and the average declared value of wheat imported into London during the same period was 35s. 11d. In Paris and Berlin the average official prices of wheat per imperial quarter—quoted irrespective of origin—were 51s. 2d. and 47s. 4d. respectively.

Could the hon. Gentleman give the prices of the different brands?

asked the President of the Board of Trade if he will state by how many shillings per quarter the average price of wheat varied in Great Britain between the years 1900 and 1911; and what was the variation in the actual price of the four-pound loaf during that period?

The "Gazette" price of British wheat per quarter varied from 26s. 9d. in 1901 and 1903 to 36s. l1d. in 1909, a rise of 10s. 2d.; the average declared value of imported wheat per quarter varied from 28s. 5d. in 1901 to 39s. 8d. in 1909, a rise of 11s. 3d. The mean retail price of household bread per 4 lbs. varied in London from 5d. in 1901 to 6.1d. in 1909, a rise of 1.1d., which compares with an extreme variation of 1.25d. in Edinburgh and 1.0d. in Dublin during the twelve years referred to. I am printing with the Votes a Table showing the figures for each of the years 1900 to 1911.. [ See Written Answers this date. ]

May I ask the hon. Gentleman whether it takes a five shillings a quarter rise to make any difference in the price of bread?

Port of London (Export and Import Trade)

asked the President of the Board of Trade what was the value of the export and import trade from and to the Port of London in April and May of this year, and the corresponding figures for the same months in 1911?

The total value of the imports into the Port of London (excluding Queenborough) during the two months, April to May, was £36,327,000 in 1911, and £37,424,000 in 1912. The total value of the exports in the same two months, including re-exports, was £22,881,000 in 1911, and £22,898,000 in 1912. I should explain that the records of trade in each month are based on the documents received in that month, and that these documents are often lodged several days after the transactions to which they relate. Details for each month will be printed in the Votes. [ See Written Answers this date. ]

Questions

Southend-on-Sea (Administration)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether his attention has been called to the fact that the Mayor of Southend-on-Sea, a municipal corporation under the Municipal Corporation Act of 1882, has refused to summon a town's meeting on the requisition of a large number of ratepayers, contrary to the provisions of the Public Health Act, 1875; and whether he proposes to take any steps to put in force the powers conferred upon him by Clause 2, Schedule III, of the Public Health Act, 1875?

I understand that the hon. Member refers to a refusal to hold a town's meeting in connection with the Bill promoted by the Midland Railway for the purchase of the London, Tilbury, and Southend Railway. I have no power to take any steps in relation to this matter under the enactment referred to in the hon. Member's question or under any other enactment.

Is it not a fact that under Schedule III. of the Public Health Act, 1875, the right hon. Gentleman has power to take action when the mayor or the local authority fail—

Vaccination Officers (Remuneration)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether on the 18th May last he received a letter signed by the vaccination officers for Hove, Preston, and Shoreham, pointing out that the loss of income up to the 31st December last sustained by the officer for Hove was £38 6s. 8d., Preston £37 13s. 3d., Shoreham £43 6s., and asking for the authority of the Board for the guardians to pay these amounts; whether on the 17th June last the Local Government Board informed these officers that they had considered the representation made by them, but that they were not prepared to intervene in the matter at the present time; if so, what are the reasons for this decision of the Local Government Board; and whether these three cases were included in the sixty-one cases brought to his notice and three of the ten cases that were to receive the same consideration as the forty-one?

The facts are as stated in the question. I gave the reasons for the Board's decision in my answer to the hon. Member's question of 4th December, 1911, on this subject, to which I would refer him. These cases were included in the sixty-one cases brought to my notice, but not among the ten cases stated to be under my further consideration.

asked whether the hon. secretary of the National Vaccination Officers' Association has been informed that if a vaccination officer who was appointed before the Act of 1907 was passed finds that his fees from vaccination from 1908 onwards show a decrease on the average of the fees received by him during the years. 1903 to 1907, attributable to the passing of that Act, he should apply to his guardians for compensation, which might properly take the form of a gratuity in respect of his past losses and an increase in the bases of his remuneration with regard to the future, and that, should his guardians decline to award him compensation, he may appeal to the Local Government Board, who will be willing, if they consider that his case is one of hardship, to approach the guardians with a view to their granting him compensation; if so, how much income does an officer have to lose for the Local Government Board to consider his case to be one of hardship; and what was the loss sustained by the eight of the sixty-one officers who have made complaint, but in the opinion of the Board no compensation was needed?

The first part of the question sets out correctly the lines on which the Board consider that cases of diminution of fees by vaccination officers in consequence of the passing of the Act of 1907 should be dealt with. In determining whether a case is one of hardship the Board consider all the circumstances, as well as the actual fall in income. The approximate loss sustained by the eight officers referred to during the four years 1908 to 1911 seems to have varied from about £5 to £35.

In view of the considerable loss falling on medical officers who have received no compensation, would the right hon. Gentleman consider the propriety of issuing a general Order on the subject?

We consider it undesirable to issue a general Order in cases of proved hardship. Undoubted grievances have been dealt with by the Department in a more excellent way.

Doncaster Housing Scheme

asked the President of the Local Government Board if he has recently sanctioned a housing scheme promoted by the Doncaster Corporation, in which there is provision made for housing people in flats at Wheatley; whether, in the scheme originally submitted to him, there were no dwellings in flats; whether the alteration was made at his suggestion; and, if so, why, having regard to the fact that Doncaster is favourably situated where land can be obtained for self-contained dwellings, he has interfered in the matter?

Exception was taken to the original scheme of the corporation for providing accommodation for persons displaced by works under the Corporation Local Acts of 1904 and 1908, chiefly on the ground of their being strong objections to the site. Amended sites have been selected and approved. One of them is in Wheatley. In view of the rents paid by many of the persons displaced and the class of persons to be provided for, I stated that the corporation should consider the possibility of providing either a certain number of small dwellings in flats or some houses with less than three bedrooms which could be let at a lower rent than 4s. 9d. a week proposed by the corporation. The Corporation have submitted an amended scheme which includes the provision of thirty-six separate dwellings in eighteen houses, being two dwellings to each house, with the view of the same being let at from 2s. 6d. to 4s. a week. I have approved the principle of erecting these dwellings, but have returned the plans to the corporation for amendment in certain respects.

Sewage Disposal (Royal Commission)

asked whether the Royal Commission on Sewage Disposal has concluded its labours; and if the Board are now in a position to promote further legislation for the treatment of sewage before being discharged into the rivers?

The answer to the first portion of the question is in the negative. I am considering the question of promoting legislation to give effect to the recommendations which the Commission have already made.

Old Age Pensions

asked the President of the Local Government Board if he is aware that John Richards, of 60, Hatchard Road, Upper Holloway, N., recently applied for an old age pension; that the local committee agreed to allow it, but the pension officer appealed against the decision, and the pension was subsequently refused; that, although no official records of birth or baptism can be found, it is known that his father was born in Nassau, the Bahamas, West Indies, and it is believed by Richards and his friends that he, Richards, was born in the United Kingdom; is he aware that he has never spoken any language but English; that he has been known to residents in the neighbourhood for upwards of sixty years, one of whom went to school with him at Brand Street, Holloway, and is now in receipt of a pension; that he has been living at his present address, paying rates and taxes, for more than thirty years; that the birth of his eldest daughter was registered at Somerset House forty-nine years ago, and his marriage certificate states that he was of full age at the time of his marriage; can he say whether the circumstances that no trace has been found of birth or baptism is used to deny his claim to be qualified on the ground of age or to be a British subject; is he aware that there is no evidence to contradict the assumption that he was born in the United Kingdom fully seventy years ago; and will he make inquiries with a view to preventing a deprivation of the benefit of an old age pension on purely technical grounds?

In deciding the appeal made in January last it was held that Mr. Richards could be regarded as a British subject, but on the question whether he had attained the age of seventy years it was considered that his age should be taken to be that stated in a policy of insurance taken out by him in May, 1879. According to the insurance policy, Mr. Richards may not attain the age of seventy years until May, 1913, but as he states that he was born in the month of October, I should be prepared to hold that he will reach the age of seventy at the end of October next. If Mr. Richards makes a fresh claim to a pension in August next, a pension will no doubt be awarded to him from the end of next October assuming that no further evidence as to the precise date of his birth is forthcoming.

Motor Vehicles (Speedometer)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has the power to compel owners of mechanically-propelled vehicles to use a speedometer and to be subject to police inspection; and, if he has not the power, will he introduce legislation enabling him so to deal with such vehicles, considering the number of accidents occurring throughout the country?

I am advised that it would be within the powers of the Local Government Board to require every motor-car to carry a speedometer, but I do not find that a sufficiently reliable instrument has yet been devised to justify my making the use of such an instrument compulsory.

Accident Ambulances (London)

asked whether the boards of guardians or the Metropolitan Asylums Board have any powers enabling them to establish or maintain ambulances for dealing with accidents in the streets and public places in London?

Franchise and Registration Bill

asked the President of the Local Government Board (1) the estimated annual cost that will be thrown upon the local rates for expenses incurred in the compilation of the new registers of voters proposed to be established by the recently introduced Franchise and Registration Bill; (2) if he will grant the Return relative to registration expenses, notice for which stands on to-day's Paper.—[Sir William Bull,—Registration (Expenses),—Return showing the amount of Expenses for the Registration of Voters borne by the local rates in each constituency in the year 1911; and also the estimated annual Expenses that will be borne by the local rates in each constituency in connection with the formation of the new registers of voters in accordance with the provisions of the Franchise and Registration Bill.]

I fear the Government cannot accept the Motion for Return which the hon. Member has placed on the Paper. Speaking for England and Wales the boundaries of the areas of the local authorities which expend money at present on the registration of electors do not coincide with the boundaries of Parliamentary constituencies. It is not possible to give any estimate of the cost of compiling the registers under the provisions of the Bill just introduced.

Vaccination

asked the President of the Local Government Board, whether his attention has been drawn to resolutions adopted by a number of boards of guardians to the effect that the present state of the law in regard to vaccination is most unsatisfactory; and whether, having regard to the increase in the number of exemption certificates granted, the Government will give facilities for the passage into law of a Bill repealing the existing Vaccination Acts?

I have received copies of the resolution referred to from eleven boards of guardians. I cannot hold out any prospect that the Government will give facilities for the passage of such a Bill as is suggested.

Deaths from Starvation (London)

asked the President of the Local Government Board whether he has taken any, and, if so, what steps to reduce the number of deaths from starvation which annually take place in Whitechapel, Shoreditch, and some other unions in London; and whether he has taken any, and, if so, what steps to prevent starvation as far as possible in the districts where there is now great distress?

It is the duty of the Poor Law authority to relieve destitution, and if any case is brought to my notice in which a board of guardians have failed in this duty, I will look into it. As regards the cases in London referred to in the question, the Parliamentary Return on the subject shows that the great majority were individuals of the vagrant or homeless class; and perhaps I may remind the hon. Member of the steps I have recently taken to secure a closer co-operation between the central authority, the police, and the voluntary associations in dealing with this class. So far as these unfortunate cases are preventible, I should hope that the new arrangements may be of assistance. As regards present distress, my inspectors are in close touch with the authorities of the districts concerned.

Will the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to issue an Order at once that any refusal by relieving officers to relieve the wives and children of men who are on strike is at the peril of the relieving officers?

There is the daily, almost the hourly, presence of competent inspectors who know the facts and are in consultation and co-operation with the local authorities.

Relieving Officers (Instructions)

asked the President of the Local Government Board if he will issue a circular calling the attention of all relieving officers to the importance of recording all applications for relief, however dealt with, in their application and report book, in accordance with 7 Official Circular of the Poor Law Board and the opinion of Mr. Inspector Longley, given in 3 Local Government Board Report, pp. 166, 167, asking them to include any cases where the application was withdrawn on the house being offered; to the importance of reporting and, in urgently necessitous cases, of relieving wives and children, on application made by them or on their behalf, although the head of the family does not himself apply, in accordance with the replies of the President given in this House on the 15th and 16th November, 1906, and Mr. Gerald Balfour's circular as to underfed children, issued in 1905; as to giving medical orders in sickness, even in cases where the offer of the workhouse is made and refused, in accordance with the opinion expressed by the Local Government Board in their letter to the Clutton Guardians; if he will send copies of the circular to all boards of guardians calling their attention to the importance of examining the application and report book, as pointed out by Inspector Longley in the above-mentioned Report; and if he will send an inspector to the distressed districts to assist the officers of guardians to carry out their duty to see that people do not starve to death, in accordance with the statement of the President of the Local Government Board in this House on or about the 19th March, 1902?

I have no reason to suppose that relieving officers are not well aware of their duties in cases of the kind referred to by the hon. Member, and it does not appear to me that there is any necessity at the present time for the issue of a circular on the subject.

Foot-And-Mouth Disease

asked the President of the Board of Trade whether he is aware that the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease is by many persons attributed to the importation of hay from countries where the disease exists; whether such imports were, since 1908, prohibited in the case of the Argentine Republic and France, but allowed from Canada and the United. States, where the disease existed; whether, since 7th February last, Great Britain sent into Ireland large quantities of foreign hay imported from suspected countries; and whether, as the stamping out of cattle plague is a matter of life or death for Irish farmers, steps can be taken to suspend imports of foreign hay into Ireland and to effectually control it for Great Britain?

There is no doubt as to the possibility of the introduction of foot-and-mouth disease through the medium of hay and straw brought from infected countries, and it was to guard against any danger under this head that the Foreign Hay and Straw Order of 1908 was issued. There is no reason to believe that the disease exists at the present time either in Canada or the United States. I understand that the Orders in force in Ireland on this subject are identical with our own, but perhaps the hon. Member would address his concluding inquiries to the Vice-President of the Irish Department.

The right hon. Gentleman said two days ago that no such Order whatever had been issued. May I ask on what authority the Order was issued?

The Order was issued under the authority of the Animals Diseases Act. I did not say no Order had been issued. What I said was that no Order was issued by me.

May I ask the Vice-President of the Board of Agriculture in Ireland whether, in view of the gravity of this matter, there is any necessity whatever for allowing foreign hay to be brought into Ireland, seeing that there is great suspicion that it was the cause of infection?

All I can say is that directly the outbreak at Penrith, in Cumberland, was notified to the Irish Department the other day we prohibited the importation into Ireland of English-hay and straw.

No, Sir, I do not think so—in fact, I am sure it does not. We have been desirous of applying it to packing material, but we have not been able to do so.

Are we to understand from the right hon. Gentleman's answer that, at the time he mentioned, foreign hay was freely admitted into Ireland?

We issued the Order on the occasion of the outbreak of the disease in Great Britain, but it was done as a precautionary measure. As a matter of fact, very little English hay or straw comes into Ireland.

Is it not a fact that before this outbreak took place the Order in regard to foreign hay and straw which was in operation in Ireland was exactly the same as that in operation in England?

I cannot myself say that it is exactly the same, but there is a foreign hay and straw Order applicable to Ireland.

I beg to ask the President of the Board of Agriculture a question, of which I have given him private notice: Whether he can give the House any further information in connection with the outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease in England, and whether he has any information in regard to the same disease in Scotland, particularly in connection with the alleged case at Stirling?

The position at 2 p.m., so far as the scheduled areas are concerned, is as follows: There were twenty-seven confirmed cases, namely, in the Cumberland area three outbreaks have occurred, and official reports are under investigation; in the Lancashire and Cheshire area five outbreaks have occurred and official reports are under investigation; in the West Riding area seven outbreaks have occurred and official reports are under investigation; in the Northumberland area as now extended twelve outbreaks have occurred and one report is under investigation. Reports that disease is suspected to exist are under investigation at Corbridge (Northumberland), and Forth, near Lanark. In all the other cases outside the scheduled area in which the existence of disease was suspected it has been found upon investigation not to exist. In the Stirling case, therefore, the disease has been found not to exist.

I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question of which I have given him private notice: if he can now see his way to withdraw the embargo on those Irish ports in districts where no cases of foot-and-mouth disease can be traced; has his attention been called to the statement of the president of the South of Ireland Cattle Traders' Association that the port of Cork has been for more than a generation free from any outbreak even during the epidemic of twenty-five years ago, and will he consent to the suggestion that, in addition to non-infected ports being opened for animals intended for immediate slaughter at the port of destination, the importation of store cattle should also be authorised on condition that they should remain grazing for a time in special districts, under special restrictions, to be laid down by the Board of Agriculture? Might I ask the right hon. Gentleman, seeing that no fresh case has been reported from Ireland, if he will now kindly consider whether the embargo may not be discontinued for all ports from which after the lapse of more than a week not a single case of this disease has been reported?

I have authorised the issue of an Order allowing fat stock brought from the ports of Belfast, Cork, Waterford, and Wexford to be landed for slaughter at the Foreign Animals Wharves at Glasgow, Birkenhead, and Bristol. The animals when landed are to be subject to all the requirements of the Foreign Animals Order of 1910, which provides for the immediate examination of the animals by the Board's veterinary inspectors, for their slaughter at the wharf, for the disinfection of the vessels, the disposal and disinfection of dung, fodder, and litter in the vessel, and, generally, for the prevention of the spreading of disease. The authority of the superintendent of the wharf will be requisite for the landing of any cargo, seas to prevent the arrival of animals which cannot be promptly examined and slaughtered. Unless anything unforeseen arises, I propose that the Order shall take effect as from Monday next. This applies to fat cattle. The matter of store cattle will be taken into consideration in the course of the next day or two. I am in close consultation with my right hon. Friend.

Will the right hon. Gentleman postpone any decision on the question of the admission of store cattle until it has been cleared up sufficiently to satisfy the English Department how it is that the Irish inspection of animals before they were exported had failed to give protection to cattle in England against the landing of animals from which undoubtedly this disease has been conveyed?

I have no doubt that the question will be discussed in the House to-morrow, and I should certainly hesitate to take any step which would err on the side of recklessness. If I commit any error I hope it will be on the side of caution. At the same time, however, I could not wait for the admission of store cattle until the whole of the circumstances have been investigated, because I anticipate that a thorough investigation must take place before we can be quite satisfied on the subject.

Can the right hon Gentleman the Vice-President of he Board of Agriculture (Ireland) state at what date and what hour the cattle subsequently found to be suffering from foot-and-mouth disease were dispatched from Dublin?

The cattle subsequently found to be suffering from foot-and-mouth disease left Dublin on Saturday, 22nd June, at 12.15 p.m.

I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman a question of which I have given him private notice, whether he is aware that milch cows are quarantined at Haywards Heath Cattle Market, Sussex; whether it is a fact that these cattle were shipped from Cork before any restrictions were imposed, and that the district from which they originally came is 150 miles from any infected district; whether, taking into consideration that there is no disease in Sussex, and that the cattle are newly calved, and will quickly deteriorate, he will allow the cattle to be exposed for sale immediately?

The fact that there is no disease in Sussex would not justify me in taking off restrictions in respect of cattle. I hope in the course of the next few days to know whether any disease has been conveyed by them.

Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the question which I put down on the Paper, but which was not reached?

I think the answer I have given the hon. Member for Cork will give the hon. Gentleman all the information he requires. The question he wished to ask was, "whether, when the recent outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease in England were located and dealt with by restrictions and regulations limiting the movement of livestock within the affected area and its radius of environment, on the non-infected areas outside livestock auctions and markets were held and the movement of animals was allowed; and, if so, whether, in conjunction with the Department of Agriculture in Ireland, he will consider the advisability of adopting a similar system in regard to fat Irish livestock imports." The answer to that is in the affirmative.

I wish to ask the right hon. Gentleman the question of which I have given him private notice? Whether, in view of the fact that both at Birkenhead and Deptford, considerable lairage accommodation is at present unused owing to the existing restrictions on the importation of Argentine cattle, the right hon. Gentleman will consider the advisability of using that lairage with a view to slaughtering Irish cattle which cannot now be distributed throughout the country. I understand, from the answer which the right hon. Gentleman has just given, that that has already been done at Birkenhead, and I should like to know whether the owners of Deptford cattle market have been approached?

I am not aware of any particular shipping company carrying Irish cattle to Deptford. If they are doing so, any communication sent to me I will deal with promptly

Will the right hon. Gentleman permit the shipment of fat sheep and pigs on the same conditions as apply to fat cattle?

I had better have notice of that question. Fat cattle are the most pressing at the moment.

May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the attention of his Department has been drawn to a letter in the "Times" of to-day, as to the possible origin of this terrible disease, by Dr. Charlton Bastian.

Yes, Sir; I think many of the theories propounded by Dr. Charlton Bastian were examined by a recent Departmental Committee. Of course any facts which come from a responsible source will not be lost sight of.

Business of the House

In the absence of the Prime Minister perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will allow me to answer the question.

On Monday the Second Reading of the Franchise and Registration Bill will be taken, and it will be continued and concluded on Wednesday.

On Tuesday we will proceed with some of the smaller orders on the Paper, probably the Mental Deficiency Bill and the Inebriates Bill. I will consult the convenience of the various parties in the House.

On Thursday we shall take Supply, which I will arrange in the course of the afternoon with the Noble Lord opposite.

As to Friday, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman wil put another question.

Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that on the last Franchise Bill in 1884 six days were given to the Second Reading? Does he really think that two days are enough for a Franchise Bill under which there will be admitted a larger number to the electorate than has ever been added under any previous Reform Bill?

I explained, in introducing the Bill, that the number under the Government proposal, by which the electorate would be increased, would certainly compare unfavourably with the number admitted under preceding Bills.

May I ask whether, according to the Bill, it is not possible that something like 10,000,000, including women, will be added?

Of course that may be done in Committee on the Bill, but it is not the proposal contained in the Bill.

May I ask, for the convenience of Members from Ireland, when the Home Rule Bill is likely to be taken?

Perhaps the hon. Member will put a question to the Prime Minister on Monday.

I will put it on Monday, because I am anxious the Budget should not be postponed until it is too late before the House adjourns.

Does not the right hon. Gentleman think the Budget of more importance than the Mental Deficiency Bill or the Inebriates Bill, and could he not take the Budget on Tuesday, at any rate for one day?

May I ask the Parliamentary Secretary to the Treasury whether, having regard to the convenience of Members attending the two pending by-elections, he can state when the Osborne Judgment Bill will be taken?

Point of Practice and Procedure

I desire to call your attention, Sir, to a point which has arisen in reference to practice and procedure, and I wish to know whether in a question addressed to Mr. Speaker, in reference to decisions on points of Order that have arisen in Debate in Committee of this House, suggestions of error in the rulings of the Chair are not in the nature of appeals therefrom, and, as such, out of order and out of practice, having regard to the fact that the rules of ordinary debate in Committee are enforced by the Chairman, who is responsible for the conduct of business therein, and that it has frequently been enunciated by successive Speakers that no appeals whatever, direct or indirect, should be made to the Speaker?

It may be that the Speaker is not a Court of Appeal from the Chairman of Ways and Means, but, on the other hand, there may be occasions on which it is desirable that the House may wish to have the opinion of the Speaker with regard to the construction of the Standing Order, and not particularly in reference to what occurred in Committee, but in reference to what may occur in the House, too. I see no objection.

With reference to what occurred last night, the hon. Gentleman who brought the point forward stated distinctly that it had arisen in Committee, and, as such, that is a specific case in the nature of an appeal from the Chairman to you.

As I am the Member referred to, I may state that I only put the question to you, Sir, in that way to show that it was not merely an academic question, but that a case had arisen, and you were good enough then to say that if I asked you at the close of questions to-day whether the practice laid down in the last edition of May still applied, you would in the meantime look into the matter and give a considered judgment to-day I beg respectfully, Sir, to ask you to do so now.

I have looked into the matter, as I promised the hon. Gentleman, and I am still of opinion that I was right yesterday, that the old practice, which was very seldom followed, of asking the Chairman to put the Question a third time in case of hon. Members not having heard it, has fallen into desuetude in consequence of the new system by which Divisions are taken. In fact, it escaped my recollection yesterday that there was a Standing Order, No. 29, which specifically points out that a Member may vote without having heard the Question put. Up to December, 1906, it was the practice of the House that no Member should vote unless he heard the Question put. That was abolished, and, with the abolition of that old system, I take it that the right of a Member to call upon the Chairman or the Speaker to put the Question the third time has also gone. I may point out that a very easy way to avoid the difficulty would be that when the Speaker or the Chairman rises to put the Question the House should remain silent, so that he may be heard, because hon. Members will realise that it is absolutely impossible for even the stoutest lungs to make themselves heard if many Members, or even half the Members, were using their lungs against his.

I thank you, and I trust the Government side will adopt your advice.

4.0 P.M.

Arising out of your ruling, may we take it that this right that all Members have hitherto had of hear- ing the Question is only in abeyance so long as the new system of dividing continues in force, and that if the House were to, decide to go back to what some hon. Members consider the better system, then your ruling as to this custom would no longer apply?

The Noble Lord will remember that the existing system is established by Standing Order. When that Standing Order is, if it ever is, struck out or amended, then, of course, a new state of things will come into existence, and possibly some new practice will grow up; but as long as the Standing Order under which we now hold Divisions remains part of the procedure of the House, so long we must consider that the old system is gone—for the time, at all events.

Supply.—[Twelfth Allotted Day.]

Army Estimates, 1912–13, Progress

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. STUART-WORTLEY in the Chair.]

War Office

Motion made, and Question proposed,

12. "That a sum not exceeding £440,000, be granted to His Majesty, to defray the Expense of the War Office, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913."

I beg to move, "That Item A be reduced by £100."

In moving this reduction I am not so much concerned with any particular criticism of the administration, the responsibility for which has now devolved on the right hon. Gentleman (Colonel Seely), whom, personally, I sincerely congratulate on his appointment to a very difficult position. My object is to draw the attention of the Committee to the gravity of the military situation as a whole, and to the urgent necessity of bringing our military preparations into some sort of correspondence with our general national policy. The point I wish to insist upon to the Committee is that we should face the logical consequences of the policy to which this country already stands committed with the general approval of the great majority on both sides of the House, and that we should shape our military preparations by the same standard by which our naval preparations are invariably determined—the standard, I mean, of the force we may have to encounter in war. It is common ground to us all in this House that we must at any cost and at all hazards maintain the supremacy of the British Navy against the growing menace of German rivalry at sea. It is also common ground, at any rate among the great majority of us, that the domination of Europe by a great military power which is also our greatest rival at sea would in the long run make the retention of our naval supremacy impossible, and consequently the maintenance of France as an independent great Power in Europe is, in the present situation, not only an honourable obligation, but a vital interest to the safety of this country. It is also common ground that in certain eventualities, eventualities which seemed by no means remote less than a year ago, we should be prepared to send a military force to France to assist her. What ought also to be common ground, and no less common ground than those matters I have already mentioned, is that the force thus sent should be adequate to achieve its purpose. If we send a force at all, and it is agreed that we should send it [HON. MEMBERS: "NO."] It is by the great majority on both sides of this House, and if we send a force at all we should send it to make sure of victory and not to share a defeat.

A few weeks ago the First Lord of the Admiralty delivered a lucid and striking statement, in which he laid down the course of naval policy for this country. Throughout that statement he laid down his policy with direct and specific reference to German armaments. There was not a sentence in that speech which anybody could consider provocative or which implied either the inevitableness or even the probability of a conflict. But throughout that speech there ran the clear and explicit recognition of the duty of the British Admiralty to maintain a Navy which, in the event of a conflict, should not be defeated, and which the German Navy should not be able even to hope to defeat. Why should we not have from the Secretary of State for War an equally clear, explicit statement of the relative forces which would take the field in France and Belgium at the outbreak of that same conflict, and an equally clear recognition from him of the duty of the War Office to provide a force which would make it unlikely that a German attack upon France would succeed, and therefore in the highest degree improbable that that attack would ever be attempted? What seems to me essential is that we should not let our success at sea, if we can achieve it, be neutralised and frustrated by failure on land. After all, success on sea alone will not bring the conflict to a satisfactory conclusion. It took ten years of war, imposing a crushing burden on the people of this country, before the temporary command of the sea which we won at Trafalgar was definitely made good at Leipzig and Waterloo. I wonder when this country will recognise that we are going back to the conditions of those great struggles for existence of the past, and that we are leaving behind us those easy times in which command of the sea could be maintained by building a few extra battle ships from time to time, and when our Army was simply looked upon as an incidental instrument to help the local policy of the India Office or the Colonial Office.

All I ask is that the same frank recognition of facts, the same rational consideration of strategical probabilities, and the same clear thinking, which, with the assent of every party in this country, we use when we discuss the problem of a naval war with Germany or any other Power, should also be brought to bear when we are considering the possibility of that same war with Germany, or any other power, on land. The question I should like the right hon. Gentleman to answer is whether or not we have a military force strong enough to render France secure in the event of attack. Has any right hon. Gentleman, in addressing this House, ever put that question before us. Do we even pretend to face it? Let me remind the Committee that since the crisis of last year Germany has added very considerably to her Navy. Immediately, and with the assent of everyone, we responded by a substantial increase of our Navy. May I also remind the Committee that since that same crisis Germany has added 80,000 men to her Army for the express purpose of strengthening the force that is to march through Belgium to crush the French left. It is upon our Expeditionary Force that the brunt of that march would fall. Has any responsible Minister come down to this House and asked even a single battalion to be added to the strength of our Army.

I would ask whether there is really any conceivable reason why our Expeditionary Force should be adequate to fulfil the purpose which our policy now assigns to it. Is there any reason why under the system which we now have it should be adequate? What is that system? It is a system under which we keep a considerable force in India on an establishment fixed some- where in the sixties. We keep a handful of troops scattered throughout the world in certain naval garrisons and other stations whose strength is also in the main determined by old convention, or by the number of units available, and not by military demands. To keep those detachments supplied with drafts we also keep a certain number of units at home in this country. When those units are filled up with their reserves they provide the Expeditionary Force. In other words the Expeditionary Force with which we expect to confront the gravest crisis which this country has had to face since the Napoleonic war is a mere incidental by-product of our recruiting and drafting arrangements, and bears no relation whatever to the task which we assign to it, and which we fondly hope it may fulfil. That system is a system established forty years ago; that is the system which broke down in the South African war; and that is the system as it exists to-day.

I admit—I will make the concession to the right hon. Gentleman—that our mobilisation arrangements have been very considerably improved in the interval. But let me point out the full extent of that improvement. Before the South African war we did not calculate, on the same total strength of units, to mobilise more than 120,000, or three Army corps. We did not, as a matter of fact, meditate sending more than 80,000 of those men abroad. But when the South African war came we did send abroad 100,000 of those men and something like 30,000 Militia in the first few months of the war. We brought up the strength of the Regular Army to as high a figure as 176,000, and maintained it at a figure above 150,000 for the rest of the war. Together with these there were something like 30,000 Militia, bringing our maximum Regular and Militia force up to over 200,000. To-day, after the Militia has been absorbed into the Regular Army, we profess to send 170,000 men in organised formations at the very outset of the war. I admit that that is to the good as far as it goes. But does it go far enough to meet our requirements? That is the question to which, I maintain, this Committee is entitled to have from the Secretary of State as clear an answer as that which the First Lord of the Admiralty habitually gives to the corresponding question when it is asked in reference to naval affairs. What is the force which, in his opinion and in that of his advisers, is sufficient to make the success of a German attack upon France unlikely, and therefore the attack itself altogether improbable? Judging by figures which are available to everybody, it would appear that Germany in such an attack would have a superiority of at least 300,000 or 400,000 men in the fighting line. Has our General Staff or has the French General Staff decided that 170,000 British troops are sufficient to redress that inequality? If not, what figure do they consider sufficient? I know that there are hon. Members in some parts of the House who consider the whole aim and method of the Government's foreign policy to be mistaken, and who object to the consequences of the policy as well as to the policy itself. But the Government are not entitled to dismiss this question. The policy is theirs. They have contemplated the consequences, and they contemplate them today. All I ask is that, if they contemplate these consequences, they should so contemplate them that they should end in victory and not in disaster.

Let me turn to the actual force which, whether sufficient or not for its purpose, we profess to be able to send. On the last occasion when I criticised the composition of that force, the right hon. Gentleman brandished a mysterious secret envelope in the face of the Committee and suggested that if only he were at liberty to divulge its precious contents it would at once dispose of all my criticisms. After a considerable interval and many delays I have been able to see the figures in question. They neither staggered nor alarmed me. There is nothing in those figures which in any way affects the substance of the criticism that I made on that occasion, and which, as briefly as possible, I will summarise again to-day. Take, first of all, the vital question of horses. Unless you have a sufficient supply of horses you cannot be said to mobilise your force; it might just as well stay at home. The military requirement of horses for the Expeditionary Force is 44,000. The last time the right hon. Gentleman gave any information to the Committee he acknowledged that no arrangement for the purchase or supply of horses had been made, but that a scheme was being worked out. Has that scheme been worked out? Are the horses available to-day for the moment of mobilisation? Are they likely to be available in sound condition to take the field at once? What provision has been made for the 86,000 horses required for the mobilisation of the Territorial Force, or the 18,000 required for the rest of the Regular troops left at home?

I will pass from the question of horses, with which other Members are more competent to deal than I am, and come to the even more serious question of the shortage of officers. As things stand at present, on mobilisation the Expeditionary Force will be short of something like 1,200 officers out of a total of 5,800. From where is that deficiency going to be supplied? Are you going to strip the officers from the Home Departmental staffs, which will be heavily overworked at the outbreak of war? Are you going to take them from the Special Reserve, which is 1,300 officers, or 40 per cent., under establishment. Are you going to take them from the Territorial Force, which is 1,800 officers under establishment? I know there are certain sources of supply. There are 3,000 officers on the roll of the General Reserve of Officers, of whom, I suppose, at the most, 1,000 Would be fit to take the field. The right hon. Gentleman's predecessor informed the House of Lords the other day that he hoped to get 500 officers from the Officers' Training Corps, and another 200 from the second year cadets at Sandhurst and Woolwich. The right hon. Gentleman himself on 12th March hoped to get another 700 by sudden promotion from the ranks. That gives you a total of some 2,400 officers of a sort, enough, I admit to fill up the Expeditionary Force and to supply nearly half the deficiency in the Special Reserve and Territorials. But are these expedients really satisfactory? If they are unsatisfactory on mobilisation, what will they be when war has been going on for a few weeks? We might well have to face the possibility of losing a thousand officers in the first month of fighting. How are you to replace them?

This weakness of officers might not be so injurious if you had a really homogeneous force which they could take over. Unfortunately, that is exactly what you have not got. When you mobilise, barely 40 per cent. of your force will consist of soldiers who have been serving in the line. Of the rest the vast majority will consist of reservists, separated from the young soldiers by a gap of anything from five to thirteen years, and who during those five to thirteen years have in the great majority of cases not handled a rifle or had a day's training. The only connecting link between these two dissimilar categories of soldiers are the old soldiers serving on for pension, whom, I gather, the War Office have been exceptionally busy of late in trying to eliminate from our battalions. Is it fair to throw men together like that, put them under the command of a boy straight from Sandhurst or of a sergeant promoted in that week, and lead them straight into the field against overwhelming numbers of the most highly-organised Army in Europe? What are the materials with which you are to keep that force up to strength in the field? From the very first week of the war your drafts will consist in the main of Special Reservists, youths with six months' training, and of very indifferent physique, and a certain number of oldish men of Section D of the Reserve. I know that, according to the official calculations, there is a sufficient supply of drafts to keep the Army up to strength for over six months—for something like seven or eight months—under normal conditions. But suppose the conditions are not normal? Suppose the war begins, as it well may, with three or four heavy battles in succession: you will have exhausted the whole of your available drafts in the first few weeks of the war. More than that, your whole force may have been so terribly punished as to be no longer fit to be taken into action without a considerable interval. Your opponents, when their divisions are spent, can replace them with new ones from their inexhaustible reserves at home, drawn from the trained manhood of the nation. When your divisions are spent, how do you propose to replace them?

So much for the problem of war across the narrow seas. Are we any better prepared to deal with the problem of Home defence? Let me remind the Committee that that problem, too, is an entirely new one. Eight or ten years ago, when France was the only possible invader whom we had to consider, it obviously seemed absurd to contemplate the possibility of anything above a small raid. The harbour facilities of France, her opportunities of shipping, were not such that in the face of the overwhelming superiority of our Navy there was any likelihood that a really substantial force could be sent across the Channel. But the situation was evidently modified when the potential invader was no longer France but Germany, with her immense shipping, her splendid harbours, and her great facilities for embarkation. From that time onwards the possibility of a substantial invasion, usually fixed at 70,000 men—for what reason nobody has been able to discover—has been contemplated, and, in fact, made the basis of our scheme for Home defence, such as it is. There has been a further profound modification of the situation, the consequences of which have not yet been recognised by the Government, though we were brought face to face with those consequences only last year. We realised then for the first time that the whole problem of naval strategy in its relation to Home defence was seriously modified by the necessity, to which we are committed, of immediately dispatching the Expeditionary Force across the seas at the very outbreak of war. The old idea that the command of the sea should first be definitely established, and the security of our coasts made good, before any substantial force was sent abroad, has been definitely abandoned. Our Navy under present conditions will have to concentrate its attention on one primary objective, the safe passage of the Expeditionary Force at the moment it is wanted. Our opponents will have the choice of two objectives. They can attempt either to interfere with the dispatch of the Expeditionary Force or to cover an invasion, a counterstroke intended either to bring us to our knees or at any rate, to prevent a considerable part of the Expeditionary Force from going, and so to clear the field for the German advance through Flanders.

The right hon. Gentleman is, I know, not seriously concerned about this prospect of invasion. He has persuaded himself that we shall have left in this country when the Expeditionary Force has started an Army of over 400,000 men, who will eat up any invader as a mere nothing. Let me examine his "Army" of 400,000 and the 144,000 Regulars whom this Army is supposed to include. More than half of those 144,000 "Regulars" are the rejections of the Expeditionary Force, recruits, young men under age and of insufficient physique, and temporary and accidental casualties. Of the remaining 70,000, 15,000, according to the mobilisation tables, are to go abroad, at once, as the first contingent of drafts. Another 15,000, we are told, are required to make up the twenty-seven extra special battalions to serve on the lines of communication, or to go, if they can, to the Mediterranean. Another 8,000 are Reservists resident in Canada and Australia. In fact, at the most you have some 30,000 to 40,000 fully grown and trained men available after the Expeditionary Force has started, and the whole of these may be called upon after the first two big battles. Apart from the strength and composition of the force, what about its officers, its non-commissioned officers, its transport? The only thing it can do, and the only thing I believe it is intended to do, is to act as a sedentary force to defend our naval bases, to busy itself with the training of recruits, and the sending forward of drafts.

Clearly, then, the task of Home defence, the task of eating up the invader, is wholly left to the Territorials. What are the deficiencies of that force other hon. Members that follow will make clearer much better than I can. Why should the Territorial Force ever be supposed to be adequate for the purpose of defending this country? Was its strength or its period of training ever determined by a consideration of the present position or of any serious development? Of course not! What has fixed these things is the amount of spare time that a sprinkling of patriotic citizens find they can give to the work. Here, again, I maintain the time has come when we have the right to demand that the strength of our preparation for Home defence should be fixed by no other standard than that of the task that will be imposed upon our forces. What those forces are, what their training and numbers should be, and how they should be distributed, is a matter for the General Staff to decide; but what is obvious and patent to everyone is that at present our Home defence arrangements are nothing but a sham, and a dangerous sham. Owing to that sham we will be paralysed in our action in a crisis. As for the power of expansion supposed to be provided, I maintain there is no more power of expansion in our military system to-day than there was when the South African war broke out, or the Elgin Commission produced its famous Report.

I have dealt so far with a single military problem, the great problem of a struggle with Germany, and with operations—whose object is essentially the command of the sea—which may have to be fought out on the two sides of the narrow seas. These are not the only problems which we, with our world-wide Empire, have to face. The public have just had their attention called to the fact that we have practically abdicated our naval supremacy in the Mediterranean. What of the military consequences of that abdication? Our military garrisons and stations in the Mediterranean and elsewhere have been fixed on the assumption of the local command of the sea. If that local command of the sea is abandoned, or, at any rate, becomes intermittent, is that not a reason—my right hon. Friend the Member for Dover has more than once urged this point upon this Committee—for strengthening those garrisons. Those garrisons are weaker than ever before. At the present moment we have four battalions of the line less in Malta and Gibraltar than there were at the time of our most overwhelming naval superiority in those waters. Then there is the question of the garrison in Egypt. I venture to say a brigade in Egypt was inadequate enough at the time when we had complete command of the Mediterranean, and the prestige that that command gave us; and when we had surplus regiments at Malta which we could have hurried over, and when we could send a considerable force in a week or two from this country. Have we surplus battalions at Malta today, and, if we had, could we send them? Would we dare to send reinforcements from this country to Egypt, if there was any trouble? If that be so, the force in Egypt is ridiculously inadequate for the dangers that may arise.

After all, at this moment the whole of the Eastern world, from Tripoli to the China Sea, is in a state of ferment. No one can foretell what may be the outcome of the struggle now going on in the Mediterranean. Can anyone foresee what contingencies might arise at any moment in Abyssinia, Persia, Afghanistan, or China, which might mean a call, not for an enormous national effort, but for considerable reinforcements to our permanent establishments, or the despatch of 15,000 or 20,000 men. Yet, apart from the handful of troops in South Africa, whose admirable strategical situation would admit of their immediate des-patch as reinforcements to any part of the East, we could not spare even a single Division to safeguard the interests of the Empire in that quarter. If we could, could we spare the ships to protect them? The fact is, and the sooner the Committee recognise it the better, from Gibraltar eastwards to Vancouver the German army and navy have already put this country out of action as a serious naval or military Power.

I have endeavoured, to state in its main outlines the gravity of the military problem which, whether we like it or not, we have to face. It is not a question of choice any more than our foreign policy or our naval policy are really questions of choice. It is a question of the inevitable development of the conditions of the world, and the only question is whether we should recognise those changed conditions, adapt ourselves, and reorganise our preparations so as to meet them successfully, or whether we should go on closing our eyes to them till we meet the inevitable disaster?

As things stand our whole military system is based on certain conventions which may have been useful to us forty years ago, but which have nothing whatever to do with the situation to-day, or with its dangers or difficulties. We have not got adequate forces to send abroad for a great struggle for existence in order to protect our naval supremacy, and we have not got the forces necessary to serve as a shield at home in order to allow our sword-arm to do its work by land or sea. We have not got any spare force to meet the requirements of our position as a vast world Empire whose responsibilities are continually forced upon us. It is not my concern to fix the precise measure of that inadequacy or to suggest any definite scheme of reform. I would only, in conclusion, lay before the Committee one or two considerations and one general principle—a general principle which I have already repeated a good many times. My general principle is that your military preparations must be determined by one standard, and one standard only, and that is the measure of the task which your soldiers will be called upon to perform. Till you do that all talk of Army reform, all laudation of this or that scheme, is a mere groping in the dark, a mere waste of effort, and a waste of national resources. Of the considerations that I would urge, the first is that it is utterly futile to think you can deal with the present military situation on the basis of the present Estimates. Even if you confine yourself to merely making good the present system, you will require no small increase in the Estimates. What will it cost to attract and secure the necessary officers? What will it cost to perfect your mobilisation arrangements? What will it cost to bring your home battalions up to a proper establishment? What will be the cost of getting the necessary recruits for that purpose? What will it cost to make certain of your requirements in horses and motor transport? What will it cost to bring the Special Reserve and the Territorials up to their establishments? You may easily spend £4,000,000 or £5,000,000 on these objects, and even then you will only have made a beginning. I know that this is not an attractive prospect. I do not suppose it would have been an attractive prospect to the House of Commons twenty years ago to have been informed that the Naval Estimates were to rise from £14,000,000 to £45,000,000. I expect hon. Members on both sides of the House would have gasped twenty years ago if they had been told that. But it is no use gasping. We have got to face the facts! At the same time I do not believe that any expenditure of money that we can possibly afford will meet our requirements so long as we adhere to our present system. We are up against the limit of recruiting for the Regulars. I doubt if we could to-day raise a single fresh division for our Regular Army if needed for the Mediterranean; or whether by recruiting we could bring our battalions to 800 men, which is the lowest figure requisite to give them a proper composition and their necessary strength when they take the field. As to the Territorial Force, I should have thought it would be obvious by now that under present conditions you are not going to get any permanent increase. Has any Member of the Committee contemplated what it would cost to get a Territorial Force, adequate in numbers and of a sufficient period of training, on a business footing, instead of merely asking patriotic people to give the spare end of their time; and what would be the effect of such an attempt on recruiting for the Regular Army and for the Special Reserve?

For my own part I do not believe that our needs can ever be met, even at the most ruinous cost without recourse to the principle of universal service—at any rate for Home defence. On that principle I believe they can be got, but I am not going to elaborate that point to-day. I will quote a few words from an authority which will weigh with this House, and that ought to weigh very considerably with the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War, the authority of Major Seely, D.S.O., of the Hants Carabineers. He said:— Lastly, and for one moment, I would add I do not believe that by any system whether national service or any other, these small islands alone can indefinitely maintain the burden of the defence of our world-wide Empire, and that it is only by the partnership of Imperial union that this defence can be sustained without a burden that will be a crushing one to every part of the Empire. I believe myself that any policy that will strengthen that union, that will strengthen the intercourse between ourselves and the Dominions; any policy that will increase the population and resources of those Dominions, must be regarded as a vital and essential contribution to the problem of naval and military defence. We are welcoming to England to-day the Prime Minister of Canada, who has come on a mission of Imperial partnership to discuss the problem of naval defence. We hope for fruitful results from that discussion both now and in the more distant future. But I would remind the Committee of one thing; that is, that in our time the main responsibility for the defence of this Empire, and the main responsibility towards the rest of the Empire and towards our successors will fall upon this country.

In seconding the Amendment I hope I may be permitted in the first place to offer my hearty congratulations to the right hon. Gentleman on his promotion. Having said that I want to appeal to the right hon. Gentleman on behalf of certain officers and men whose case has just been put into my hands. It is not an expensive request that I make; it is merely a question of a medal. The right hon. Gentleman himself having been upon active service appreciates, I am quite sure, the value of the medal both to officers and to men. The first thing I have to ask him is to give consideration to a case that was brought up two days ago by the hon. Member for North Dorset, who asked a question why officers of the regular Army who served in the Zulu Campaign in 1906 have not been allowed to wear the medal granted by the Natal Government. The answer was that as this was purely a Colonial operation, the granting of medals should be confined to Colonial troops, that certain Imperial officers who were seconded for service with the Natal Force, and were therefore regarded as forming part of the Colonial service, were allowed to accept the medal; but there were other officers attached to the Force, amongst others, Major Crookshank, R.E., and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will consider the question that officers who were not seconded, but who, at the same time, were admittedly attached to the Force, should also be entitled to the medal. I hope it will not be suggested that in making this suggestion I am invading a principle. I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that I have experience in these matters, as Military Secretary for many years in India, and I could give him precedents upon the point. I hope the matter may be favourably considered by the right hon. Gentleman.

The next thing I want to bring before him is not so easy a matter; it affects the men a great deal more than the officers. In this case I am afraid it would be forming a precedent and going outside the ordinary regulations. The Committee will remember that in 1881 we suffered a disaster at Majuba. I know it has been the custom that no medal is ever granted for operations in a war that is not successful. I quite appreciate the reason for that. At the same time I hope the right hon. Gentleman will consider there are certain positions in after life which are given to men who have a decoration in preference to those who cannot show one. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will remember that it was not the fault of the rank and file that disaster occurred. They fought gallantly; they lost 50 per cent. of their number, a proportion far greater than we are in the habit of losing in a successful operation. Yet they are not entitled to wear a war medal, and consequently they are not selected for positions that men who have medals are selected for. I think this is very hard, and I suggest that that battle should be treated as really what it was, the beginning of the South African war which came to a conclusion some years ago. I cannot understand myself why, in the case of the men at any rate, they should not be given, as is given in the case of the Frontier in India at the present moment, a medal for having been on active service. It would be an enormous advantage to the few men still alive who took part in that action, and I hope the right hon. Gentleman will favourably consider my suggestion.

With regard to the general question of the day, perhaps I may be allowed to say that I agree with everything that fell from my hon. Friend the Member for South Birmingham. It is very difficult to follow in a Debate like this without a certain amount of repetition, but perhaps I may be allowed to make a few remarks about the very vexed question of the rifle. I know it has already been freely ventilated, but I have not myself spoken upon it before, and it is a question of the greatest importance to the Army. In answer to the criticisms of my Noble Friend the Member for Portsmouth (Lord Charles Beresford) and other hon. Members, the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War appeared to wish to excuse the War Office for permitting our troops still to carry a rifle which is inferior to those of other armies, by suggesting that hon. and gallant Members were at variance in their views upon the subject. I have had a good deal of experience with the rifle and of rifle shooting, and like my Noble Friend the Member for Portsmouth, I began with the Schneider rifle. I went on to the Martini-Henry, the Lee-Metford, and others. I was musketry instructor for a considerable number of years of the battalion to which I have had the honour to belong, and I have done a good deal of big game shooting. I may therefore perhaps be credited with a certain knowledge of the theory and practice of rifle shooting, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that I was amazed to hear the views he expressed himself in this House upon the subject of the value of the trajectory. I entirely agree the rifle must be reliable, that is that it must be well sighted, well-balanced, must have a good pull-off, must be dust-proof, water-proof, and that the ammunition must not be too heavy. These are matters of ancient history. Any rifle produced that does not come up to these conditions would not be considered for a moment, and the value of the flat trajectory is unquestionable. If I may be permitted I will give my reasons. The Asiatic knows that when he puts the sight up the bullet carries further; he therefore thinks that it will hit harder and he puts it up, with the result that the nearer you get to your foe the safer you are. I have experienced that on two Continents. All I wish to point out is that with a flat trajectory that would be impossible. In modern warfare I think I can show the value of the flat trajectory. With the very largely extended formation we now use, and necessarily use, it is impossible to look after every man's sight, and in attack or defence as troops get nearer to the enemy, or as the enemy gets nearer to them, it is the case that many a man forgets to alter his sight, with the result that his rifle becomes practically innocuous. With a flat trajectory that would be impossible. With a flat trajectory, distances of 500 yards, 600 yards, or even 800 yards come within the danger zone, because the man has not to alter his sight, and it is a fact that the flat trajectory is one of the most important things of the present time.

5.0 P.M.

I direct the attention of the Committee to the fact that the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for War started this Debate some time ago with a violent attack upon my right hon. Friend the Leader of the Opposition on the subject of the rifle, and I say unless the right hon. Gentleman can show that we have at this moment a rifle which has as flat or a flatter trajectory than those of our neighbours, that attack was unjustified and unjustifiable. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will see some reason to withdraw that attack. I think the result of this Debate has been to show that the War Office, as represented by the right hon. Gentleman, is perfectly content to send a force abroad not only faulty in composition and organisation, but with a weapon inferior to those of our neighbours. I think that is a very serious matter. I come then to the question touched upon by the hon. Member for South Birmingham. He has already told us that we are very short of officers. The right hon. Gentleman, when asked a question upon that subject, quoted the authority of the Duke of Wellington—a very good one—which I notice he is very fond of quoting. But what did he tell us? He told us that after the Battle of Badajoz the great Duke gave eleven commissions to the non-commissioned ranks. In the first place, eleven commissions is not a very great number, and secondly, they were given after an assault which was successful after many days' fighting. There were several assaults at Badajos before. It was not a model example; these assaults were made under conditions totally different to those of modern days. In those days personal valour was far more valuable and science far less so than at the present time. These were almost mediaeval days, and to tell us that you are going to war short of officers to be filled up in that manner now is little short of a farce. I am only too delighted to hear of the great number of non-commissioned officers ready now for promotion. When the right hon. Gentleman was asked why he did not promote them, he told us, and quite rightly, there were two questions stopping him. One was the question of examination and the other was the question of pay. He said it was found necessary to have competitive examination for entrance into the Army and continuous examination for promotion, and he told us that you put the non-commissioned officer at a very great disadvantage intellectually when he had to compete against those who came in under ordinary conditions, and he also said he commended that to the hon. Member for Stoke (Mr. John Ward) with his hardy annual. So do I, but that is the difficulty we are in, and how does the right hon. Gentleman intend to provide for these non-commissioned officers after he has promoted them? It should be remembered that in the days of the Peninsular War wars lasted a long time, and it was quite possible, when men were promoted from the ranks in the manner I have described, that they would be able to exist for some years in the field, and in that manner get further promotion. Wars cannot last now for more than a few weeks, or at the outside more than a few months. I want to know what is going to happen to these men promoted from the ranks when the troops come home? Is he going to excuse them from further examination for promotion, and, if so, why is he not going to extend that privilege to officers also? I can recollect coming home myself after a year's fighting in Afghanistan, and when I got home I found that my brother officers, who had been walking about St. James's Street, had passed an easy examination for promotion. The examination was altered while I was fighting, and when I got home I was ordered to pass a very much more severe examination, and I naturally suffered from a sense of injustice. I do think that it should be understood by the Committee—and perhaps there are some hon. Members who do not understand it—that the practice and theory of warfare are two very different things, and although it may seem odd that anybody should object to passing an examination who had just gone through the practice of war, I can assure them that they have to learn a totally new lesson to attempt to get rid of what they know to be right in order to learn what they know to be wrong. If this privilege had been extended to young officers who came home from South Africa not so long ago, the Army would be richer by many a good officer who left, because when he got home he was told by some wiseacre at the War Office that he was going to teach him his duty, and that he had to pass an examination of the value of which he had not perhaps a very great opinion.

I want to know what the right hon. Gentleman is going to do when he has promoted those non-commissioned officers on active service when they come home. It would be the very greatest mistake after the first fight when these troops had not become innured to active service to take the non-commissioned officers and give them commissions at a time when they are most valuable and most required in their own places. That is the problem which the right hon. Gentleman should consider. What is he going to do about the officers' pay? He said that is a question that does not occur on active service, but it does occur in time of peace. In the days of Badajoz, as I have already stated, a man who was given a commission was able to serve in the field and enjoy that commission for years before he was brought home. That is an absolute impossibility now, and therefore I suggest that this is the time to consider the whole question of the officers' pay. You have by a stiff examination eliminated a certain number of the class that used to join the Army, and you keep out a large number of others who cannot afford it, and in these days of taxation we are enjoying under the present Chancellor of the Exchequer, I think you will keep out more. You must give the officer a living wage, and until you can do that it is idle to hope that you will ever fill up the ranks, or that you can do so by promoting non-commissioned officers.

I want to say a word about the Expeditionary Force. We have been told by the hon. Member who has just spoken that the preparations of the Government are grossly inadequate, and I entirely agree with him. I do not think that those preparations exist. I did not ask to see that blue envelope because I did not wish to have my tongue tied by anything that it might have contained. Also I want to know why it should be "Secret"; who is it who is to be kept in ignorance? Is it that the people of this country are to be kept in the dark and hoodwinked and not to be allowed to know what the preparations are which are necessary for their safety? Is that the reason? Is it that our enemies are not to know? I venture to think that the most probable enemy we have at the present moment can give the right hon. Gentleman points in information. Is it those we hope to be our allies? I think that is the most dangerous question of the whole lot. If you choose to hoodwink your friends—and I am sorry to say the present Government have done so with great success—if you think you are deceiving your enemies, neither is so bad as to attempt to deceive those whom you hope will be your allies abroad and to whom you are making promises which I do not think you can carry out. I say that is a most dangerous proceeding. The right hon. Gentleman told us that he had got a force of 150,000 men to send abroad at a moment's notice with arms, ammunition, and stores, and, what was more, reinforcements for three months. What has happened in the last two years to make that possible? I imagine the 150,000 men means six divisions or more.

It will be within the recollection of the Committee that not so very long ago—I think it was about eighteen months ago, or it may be two years—we were told by a Noble Lord in another place, who was then the Under-Secretary of State for War, that under no conditions and on no account would more than four divisions be allowed to leave this country in the first instance. We were told that in a discussion on the Territorials. We were told that to quiet the feelings of the country, which was getting a little bit anxious as to whether they were to be left to the tender mercies of the Territorials or not. What has happened since that time to make it possible to send 150,000 men away now? Is it that the Army has been increased in strength? Not that I know of, at any rate. Is it that the Territorials are so much more efficient? If that is not so, surely to wave a blue envelope marked "Secret" and to tell us this can be done is not strictly in accordance with the facts. I do think that whatever may be done to amuse the people of this country, it is not right to make these announcements when it affects our allies abroad by saying that you can send 150,000 men away tomorrow. It is not in accordance with the statement made by the Under-Secretary for War in another place a very short time ago. I have already asked what has happened since. I have asked whether the Army has been increased in strength or whether the Territorials are now considered capable of looking after this country in the absence of the Regular Army.

I did not wish to interrupt the hon. Member, but I will reply to this point now, because it is a very important one. I was trying to show to the Committee that there was such an advance in our military preparedness that we could send 150,000 men away at very short notice, and I repeat that statement.

That is the kind of information which is given by no foreign Power under any circumstances.

I do not know what short notice means, because wars are very often over in a few weeks. I agree that even if you have 150,000 men they are not likely to be of very much use against the very large force they will probably have to meet, and I must say that I agree with the hon. Member for South Birmingham (Mr. Amery) that we are no better off now in bur military arrangements than we were in 1899, and we are certainly not as well off as we were in 1905. You have reduced your power of expansion by reducing the number of cadres in this country. That is unquestionable, and I hope that no hon. Member on the other side will get up after I have done and state that I am saying this in a party spirit. I can assure the House that all I am saying I believe. I suffered just as much under a Unionist Government as I have under a Radical Government in this respect, but I think the Army was doing better in 1905 than it is now. All I say is that this Government should wake up now to the fact that we are, as the last speaker said, face to face with a very serious problem. It is no use going on attempting to hoodwink people and saying we are ready when we are not ready, and when everybody knows we are not ready.

I am going to ask another question, and it is a question in regard to which it will probably be suggested I am acting in an improper manner. I do not think so, and I cannot help it if I am. I want to know whether the satisfaction which is expressed by the Secretary of State for War at the present condition of affairs is a satisfaction that is enjoyed solely by himself, or whether the military members of the Army Council agree with him that the Army is in an efficient condition for our requirements. I ask this question because I was one of those who was fully in favour of the formation of the Army Council, and I was in favour of it for this reason: I thought it did not appear to be fair that one man, the Commander-in-Chief, should be up against a great official of State like the Secretary of State for War, backed up by the whole of the Cabinet. It did not seem to me that the Commander-in-Chief was in a fair position when it was quite possible his opinion would be adverse to that of the whole of the Cabinet, and it seemed to me better that there should be four military members of the Army Council, whose combined opinion would be difficult to get over by any Secretary of State or any Cabinet-Since the formation of that Army Council never on one single occasion have the military members expressed a decided opinion. I think the country has a right to know whether they are satisfied at the present moment with our military arrangements, and if they are not satisfied I want to know why they do not express their opinion.

I want next to come to the question of the Mounted Infantry. This is really important, because we suffered much in South Africa, as I think the right hon. Gentleman knows, from the fact that the moment you go on active service your best officers and men are taken from the battalions to form Mounted Infantry. Is that going to be the case in the future? Are they going to be taken from the battalions on active service or from the battalions at home? If they are going to be taken from the battalions at home, then I want to know how the vacancies will be filled up which will occur almost immediately. I want to know whether they will be filled from the battalions in the field or the battalions at home; because, although when fighting a few farmers it was possible to maintain the Mounted Infantry, it was the greatest strain on the battalions in the field. It ruined their efficiency. When you have an acknowledgment from the Secretary of State, when he has never attempted to deny, that in the force you dispatch there will be a very large percentage of Reserve men in the ranks, and when the right hon. Gentleman knows that this force will probably be called upon to fight the best trained troops in Europe practically the moment they land, it does seem to me madness to suggest they should produce out of their ranks the best officers, non-commissioned officers and mentor the Mounted Infantry. I do hope the right hon. Gentleman will take that matter into consideration.

We all know we are very short of horses. That is not denied. I know it is a very difficult question. I know it is one of increasing difficulty. It must be so with an increasing motor traffic in this country. It is impossible to hope you can have the same reserve of horses to fall back upon as before. Then why not acknowledge it openly? Why not say you have not one single mounted unit at the present time which is fit to take the field until you fill it up with other horses? Why not acknowledge the horses are not and cannot be as good as those serving in the ranks? Why not acknowledge that from day to day, and year to year, it is more difficult to get that class of horse, and then set to work and try to do something to improve matters? I congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on having already established horse farms. I think it was the best thing he could do, and I want to suggest to him he might do something still more. He might buy horses younger. I do ask him to begin buying horses when they are two years old, and for this reason: You want to stimulate production. If you buy horses at two years old, you will find farmers will breed them. Farmers will breed them if they can sell them at two years old. It is after that more attention and care is needed, and the farmer cannot afford to give it. You will not only stimulate production, but you will knock out the competition of the foreigner. You can put them on the farm and use your reserve men, Cavalry and Artillery, to look after and train them. You will then always have horses ready to your hand. You want your ranks full to begin with, and you have not got them. You want your ranks full, ready to start when necessary, and you want a reserve of horses also ready to fill up vacancies. How are you going to do that unless you do it for yourselves? I hope the right hon. Gentleman will consider that question. I think this Debate has proved we are not in a fit state to produce that Expeditionary Force which the right hon. Gentleman hopes we shall be able to send out of this country. I do not think he could produce it at all, and I am perfectly certain he could not do so under a month. I do think it would be far better to consider now whether we are justified in telling our allies abroad that we are ready to help them when we almost certainly cannot. And I do think, for the sake of this country, for the sake of our allies, and still more for the sake of the men whose lives and honour you risk when you send them out of this country, it is your duty now to consider whether you are able to fulfil your promise or whether you are not; if you are not, whether it is necessary to do so, and whether you should not sit down, reorganise, and increase your military forces and put them in such a con- dition that at any rate, if you do send them, they will give some assistance to your allies and be a credit to yourselves.

I should like to draw the attention of the right hon. Gentleman to one particular point and one particular secetion of our scheme of Imperial defence, and I should like to do it once more in the light of new circumstances. So far as I can see, taking the whole scheme of Imperial defence, if the Territorial Force is not immediately to take over the garrison duties of this country, the whole scheme of the Expeditionary Force falls to the ground, and our Navy is denied that mobility which it must acquire if it is to take the initiative in the event of war. I think that is, even more important in view of the new change which has come over the scene by reason of the question of the Mediterranean. If we are going to concentrate our Fleet and depend upon one concentrated Fleet instead of scattered Fleets, I think the Committee will agree it is very essential that Fleet should have the power of mobility independent of these shores. Although the Fleet would have to deny a formidable invasion, it should not be obliged to be tied down to deny raids and such things as that. I submit the Territorial Force, as it stands at the present moment, is not in a position to make a raid ineffective. If it is to be ineffective, it ought to be brought to book within forty-eight hours. If a raid can keep its head above waters for twelve or fourteen days, as did Humbert's raid, I think that raid, although every man might be destroyed and it might be ignominiously defeated in the end, would have the effect desired by those who sent it.

We have to consider the condition of our towns in England and our congested population, the difficulty of feeding those towns, and, moreover, the effect the presence of an enemy in this country—although not, perhaps, a dangerous; enemy, and although, perhaps, one which would eventually be brought to book—would have. It would cause such a fall in our securities as to cripple our borrowing powers; and I ask the right hon. Gentleman to consider what would be the effect in India or Egypt if the news was spread abroad that there was actually an enemy at large in this country. Our prestige would suffer a blow from which I think it would never recover. I do submit the Territorial Force, as it stands at this moment, is not in a position to bring to book a raid with the rapidity that is necessary. First of all, its movement is not very free. Its transport would be slow to mobilise and slower to move when it is mobilised, and the men are not organised in a way to be able to take that violent initiative required to bring matters to a sudden issue, I do submit to the right ion. Gentleman that to talk of 400,000 Britishers against so many foreigners is not really an argument worthy of so great a military authority as himself. It is the argument, not of the British Empire, but of the Empire Music Hall stage. I am in no way criticising the actual men of the Territorial Force, but I do say you cannot expect semi-civilian soldiers to act as Regulars under present circumstances. I know it has been said the Army of the Loire did very well in France, but, on the other hand, I was reading only the other day, Mr. Labouchere's letters from Paris "Under the Siege," and he said the National Guard might just as well have stayed by their own firesides. I do not compare the Territorial Force to the National Guard, but Mr. Labouchere said: "I do not think England will ever be invaded, but I do hope we shall not have any men defending our country who have not been subjected to a rigid course of discipline." I commend that to the right hon. Gentleman in all seriousness. It came from a remarkable man, an anti-militarist, a man who loved the French and detested the Prussians, and a man who was a democrat in every sense of the word. In forty minutes he saw what happens when you put untrained men against trained men.

I am not denying the merits of the Territorial Force. It has enthusiasm and keenness. It has every spiritual merit that an Army can require, but, on the other hand, so had the Crusaders, and they were not very successful. As against that, the Israelites at the time of the Exodus had none of that enthusiasm; but they had a good military leader and organisation and that pulled them through. I do submit to the right hon. Gentleman it is time to overhaul the machinery of the Territorial Force. I do not want to speak of the Artillery, because I think there is no serious soldier who desires to have an amateur Artillery firing on a position which he on foot is trying to attack. The Territorial Cavalry is another question. The Infantry is the main question. The Infantry will eventually have to do the work. The Cavalry are taken from a different class and they are paid in a different way. With regard to the Infantry, I submit to the right hon. Gentleman, first, that he has not got the necessary transport to make them mobile, because the Territorial Infantry will want more transport than ordinary Infantry inasmuch as it is not accustomed to carrying heavy weights. Consequently, the Infantry cannot take the field rapidly unless they have got a full equipment; unless they have got knife, fork, and razor. They must have boots, socks, and shirts, and I may tell the right hon. Gentleman my battalion has got those things, but it is owing to the kindness of private individuals who provide them. It is a disgraceful thing that any regiment in His Majesty's Service should have practically to beg for clothing from patriotic persons. Then there is also the question of musketry. I quite agree men trained for so short a time as the Territorial Infantry cannot compete with the Regulars in manœuvres, but they might compete with them in musketry, and it rests with the right hon. Gentleman to find them ranges and ammunition and give them some encouragement to shoot well, because the musketry at present is not at all satisfactory.

Then there is the question of commanding officers. I am certain it is necessary, if a battalion is going to take the field in war or even if there is a hundred to one chance against it taking the field, the man who has got to command that battalion should be as fit to command as the man who is going to take charge of a Regular battalion. It is necessary that the commanding officer should be able to do his work. He should be a man who has spent a certain amount of time in the study of the work which falls upon him. He has to know how to read automatically the orders under which he acts. The whole system does not come easily to the civilian mind. He has to be able to read a map automatically without groping about over it with a pair of compasses; he has to see also that his men know their work. It is just as bad in the Territorial Force as in the Regular Army to have commanding officers who do not know their work. Then there is the dreadful shortage of officers. Then there is the wastage of subalterns. How is the right hon. Gentleman going to deal with that? If we had not had competent men in the non-commissioned officers during the South African war we should never have been able to carry the Militia through that war. The colour-sergeant has to have merits and qualities of a very varied kind. He has to be a policeman and a father, and he has to be a kind of cross between a Greek god and a bank accountant. He has to know how to work out figures, and he has to do an enormous amount of work which it is impossible to accomplish unless he knows his duties thoroughly. Consequently I do submit that we want Regulars in those positions, and to do away with the ridiculous position of instructor.

With regard to the rank and file, there is one peculiarity to which I would draw the right hon. Gentleman's attention. I do not want to lecture him, but I do want to put these matters before him. We require proper discipline. There is one peculiarity of the Territorial Force, which is a semi- civilian force, and that is if they are halted they begin to straggle. The instinct of the Regular troops is to keep together. The Territorial troops are seldom together, and during such short time as they are the instinct is to spread about as if they were in a picnic party. With regard to the recruiting, we shall have to see that we get satisfactory physique. We shall never have a sufficient number of men until we make it worth the man's while to join, and in order to make it worth his while to join we have to face the problem of not spoiling the Special Reserve of the Regular Army. We have also the question of the absentees, and I ask the right hon. Gentleman to clear up one difficulty that exists with regard to them. So far as I can ascertain, it is impossible to make a man pay a fine if he is fined by a Civil Court for being absent from camp. It would appear, therefore, that the Act wants amending, or that there should be some method of dealing effectively with absentees. Besides all this, I have no hopes at the present time of compulsory military service. The time for that is not yet. I could give a reason for that. A French officer asked me why we did not have compulsory service in this country, and I asked him why his people did have it. He replied, "It has entered into the customs of the country." Well, here in this country for the moment it has not, and what we have to fix our minds upon is trying to get this Territorial Force capable of doing what it cannot do at present. The worst feature of our present system is that it does not deceive a single organ-grinder in Saffron Hill who has done his year's service. He knows that he has done a year's military training, and he is not deceived. It does not deceive the people who ought to be deceived, and it does deceive the people who ought to know the truth. I submit that you could get this force on a basis which would make it workable for a fairly moderate sum—not a sum to make us gasp. Let every commanding officer be a Regular or an officer who has really qualified. It would not be difficult to find 194 officers. I do not deny that there may be difficulties in the Territorial Force at present in regard to other officers. They ought to undergo an examination in order to see whether they are fit. You can draw upon the students of the Staff College for officers. You can also draw upon India in respect of such officers as are on leave. Then you can draw upon Hythe for young officers between the rank of captain and major. You could get for £100 a year officers who would serve for a fairly long period. I am sure there is no commanding officer who would not be glad to have a Regular in command of his battalion. I should be quite ready myself if a Regular took charge of my battalion. I should be quite ready in that case to revert to the position of company officer again. I am sure that every Territorial commanding officer who has the welfare of the force at heart would be ready to do the same thing. You could give them a deputy-lieutenancy when the time came. I also submit that the shortage of officers is such that officers commanding would welcome this arrangement. Some of the officers are good and some bad. I submit that the shortage is such that we ought to adopt the Continental double company system in the Territorial Force. I believe that a gratuity of £30 a year to an officer is enough to cover the expense and inconvenience.

In regard to the Officers Training Corps, I do not think the right hon. Gentleman is doing as well as we might have expected. There are plenty of young men serving in Officers Training Corp, but they do not come to us. I understand that there are 2,000 young gentlemen per annum who present themselves for various Government examinations. These young gentlemen would make good officers. I submit to the right hon. Gentleman that he should get his colleagues to see that the qualifications for a candidate should be two years as a cadet officer. As a cadet officer, a young man could be paid £10 per annum. I do not see any Members of the Labour party in the House at this moment. If there were, we should probably have loud complaints from them that this is putting in the thin end of the wedge of conscription. There is a way for the right hon. Gentleman out of that. He need not jeopardise the forty-one votes for Home Rule yet. He could very well say that those who refused to be cadet officers would have to go through a course of hygiene. In that case, I think I know where the larger percentage of them would go. As regards colour-sergeants, I ask that there should be eight professional sergeants per battalion—four with the battalion and four in reserve. In regard to the rank and file, we might get over the recruiting difficulty by paying £1 to every recruit who has completed his course. That would not interfere with the Special Reserve. At present you cannot get a man who has to give up a week's wages to come out and serve his country in the Territorial Force, but if you were to give him £1 you could introduce in connection with that force the old Militia Bounty system. Lastly, there is the position of the employer to be considered. A small employer who will let a man go for fifteen days should get 10s. compensation for his absence.

In the case of the large employer who understands his position, and who knows what he has at stake in the country, that would not be necessary. The small employer does not in the same way understand his position. There are 12,000 men leave the Army Reserve each year. They become eligible for the present Veteran Reserve. I believe that 5,000 of these men are healthy enough and of good enough character to take on another four years' service at 6d. per day right through the year. I have worked out the whole of the cost, and it amounts to not more than £750,000 in addition to the cost of the present force I see the Secretary for War raises his brow. At present he is throwing £3,000,000 into the sea. If he is going to get full value for the money, he must spend more and get professional soldiers. You must have a force that is mobile, and commanding officers who know their jobs, and you must have a full line of subalterns behind you. You must have non-commissioned officers to see that a man is fit and able to get over difficulties. Properly trained men know how to turn to the right or left by mere instinct, because they have been in the Regular Army. I know that the right hon. Gentleman and his late colleague who has now been promoted to a nobler sphere of life, were always talking about clothing the bones of the skeleton with flesh and blood. What you have got to do is to put bone and sinew into the jelly which exists at present.

I wish to join my hon. Friend in congratulating the right hon. Gentleman on his promotion. I can assure him that any observations I may make to-day are not in any way spoken in a party spirit, but simply given for the benefit of the Army and the country. In my opinion the most pressing question at the present time is the withdrawal of the Fleet from the Mediterranean. This is done at a time when it is mixed up with military questions as to the condition of the Army and the Territorial Force. Ten years ago we were indisputably in absolute superiority in the Mediterranean. We had four more battalions of Infantry at Malta and Gibraltar. We have now, I believe, withdrawn the battleships and given up our positions in the Mediterranean. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman whether it is not the intention of the Government at the present time to restore, not only these four battalions, but probably to add more battalions to these particular garrisons in order to make them safe. I think the Army is asking that question at the present time. Anyone who has served, as some of us have, in these particular places, is aware that we have never looked upon our garrisons there, even on the highest strength, as absolutely sufficient to defend those places; but we have always looked first of all to the Fleet. If the policy is to restore those battalions to their former places, I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman where he is going to get them from, because that is a very interesting matter to all of us. Is he going to take this brigade of four battalions from the Expeditionary Force, and so reduce it by one brigade; or is he going to reduce the number of men—the surplus of Regular troops—who will remain in the country after the Expeditionary Force leaves our shores; or is he going to fetch these four battalions from Egypt or South Africa, or any of the other stations abroad, and, if so, what is he going to put in their places at those stations? I should also like to ask whether there is any idea of fortifying the port of Alexandria and the entrance to the Suez Canal at Port Said? Some of us think, in fact we know, that the possession and safeguarding of the Suez Canal and of the main port of entry into Egypt is of vital necessity to the safeguarding not only of the trade routes of this country, but also of the food of the people. I have no doubt the right hon. Gentleman will say that this will cost a great deal of money, and that naturally the Egyptian Government will be asked to pay for it. I submit that as these places would have to be fortified in the interests of this country in the primary sense, we, at any rate, might be asked to bear some of the expense.

The question of the reduction either of the Expeditionary Force or of the troops which will remain after the Expeditionary Force leaves this country brings us back again to the question of the strength of the Territorial Force. The right hon. Gentleman told us at the beginning of the year that the Territorial Force was something like 50,000 short of establishment; but he told us also that there were very good signs of increasing numbers coming in as recruits. I should like to ask him, for the benefit of the country generally, if those expectations have been fulfilled. What are the numbers at the present time; have the places of the men who have finished their first period of service all been filled; and what are now the numbers in officers and men on the Territorial Force as it stands? I do not wank to ask the right hon. Gentleman for any generalities, but for a clear answer to these questions, because the country is waiting for it. If, as I fear, it is quite probable that he will be unable to tell us that the Territorial Force at the present time is nearer to establishment, it brings us back to the old question whether, after four years of trial, after making every effort to induce the people to join this force, it has not "been abundantly proved, as regards the work which is required of it, that this Force in its present organisation and methods of recruiting has broken down. It naturally follows that we should consider again whether it is not the bounden duty of the Government in the first place, and also our bounden duty, to tell the country that under the voluntary system it is quite impossible to get a sufficiently large and properly trained Army as a defensive force for our necessities. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman if he does not consider it advisable to return to his old love. I will quote a few words of his which are very pertinent. In 1902 he said:— think, when a Minister is promoted in an Office under the State he ought not to be asked to go through another election, be cause, in the first place, it causes him great trouble and great expense, and, what is much more important to the country—

I do not think this is the occasion upon which that onstitutional question can be raised.

Then I will drop that subject. The right hon. Gentleman, speaking in 1902, said:—

"I myself, speaking as a Member of Parliament with a seat to lose, say openly that I consider it would be extremely desirable that it should be obligatory on every male in this country to be trained to arms."

The right hon. Gentleman added:—

"I also believe that five-sixths of the people of this country would welcome such a proposition."

Those being the sentiments of the right hon. Gentleman in 1902, I would only repeat that if he would only do his duty, as I conceive it, in the office he now holds, he has a great opportunity, and if he still thinks in his inmost soul what he thought in 1902, it is his duty to tell the people of the country so.

There is one question I should like to put in continuation of the remarks made by the hon. Member for Central Hull (Mr. Mark Sykes) with regard to the Territorials. Can the Secretary of State tell me what arrangements have been made by the Government to prevent men who have enlisted in the Territorial Force losing their appointments on mobilisation? If the Territorial Force is mobilised to-morrow, will every man called out be liable to lose his permanent appointment? I hope that is not the case. I do not know that it is, but I say that the patriotic men who enlist and who do their duty by the country, ought to be protected from loss in this respect. It is those who shirk their duty to the country who would then benefit by the calling out of the patriotic men. I hope no time will be lost by the Government in making certain that any man called out for duty will be compulsorily reinstated in his employment when he returns form mobilisation. That is the least that is due to the men serving in the Territorial Force. I have one or two questions I should like to ask the Under-Secretary. In the first place, is the Mounted Infantry to be a permanent unit of our forces, or is it not? I think the present custom we have of calling together a scratch lot of men under strange officers, who have never served together before and sending them straight out on service is a most dangerous one. I see no reason, if Mounted Infantry is to be a permanent unit, why it should not be put on a permanent footing. I have suggested more than once that our rifle regiments, such as the Rifle Brigade, should be utilised in this way. Companies could be trained by rotation, month by month, and the result would be that on mobilisation a whole battalion would be able to turn out a complete unit, with its own officers and men, which would be a much more advantageous system than we have at present. The second question I should like to ask is, what is the proportion of guns to be assigned to our Army per thousand men? The Secretary of State informed me not very long ago that France had five per 1,000 men, and Germany six per 1,000 men. I should like to see our Army, which requires to be specially armed in this respect, with a proportion of seven guns per 1,000 men. At present we have only five decimal something. What is the opinion of the military authorities on this point, and is it considered right for us to have a lower proportion of Artillery per thousand men than they have at present in the German army and other Continental armies? The question was raised the other day whether military bands should be allowed to play at some gathering at which some portion of the proceeds were to be given to the Primrose League. I can quite understand that the Under-Secretary may have his own opinions with regard to the Primrose League, but unless an increased allowance is given to military bands there ought to be no very great restrictions as to allowing them to play at gatherings, otherwise they cannot earn enough money to keep the band in good condition.

What I did say was that we thought it was very inadvisable that bands should be allowed to play at any political gatherings. It was not limited to one side. I said any political gatherings.

6.0 P.M.

I suggest that any restrictions should not be drawn too tight unless the hon. Gentleman is prepared to grant an increased allowance. The band allowances are now very small, and are not sufficient to cover the cost, and unless the bands are enabled to earn money by playing at gatherings, whatever they may be, the band funds must suffer. It is to the interests of the Government, the regiment and the officers and men that a regiment should have a good band. If it has a good band they have more opportunity for playing out, and they must be allowed to play out on every possible occasion for the purpose of earning money for the band fund, or else the allowance must be increased. I trust he will take this question of the allowance into consideration and inquire how far it should be increased to permit of an efficient band being kept up by each regiment.

Lord Haldane has told us that it would cost £1,000,000 to give the officers, say of the Infantry, a similar rate of pay to that enjoyed by the Royal Engineers. That is a serious question, and a special Grant will have to be made. I ask the hon. Gentleman to take into consideration the giving of fair treatment to officers, and to inquire into the question of their allowance and their deductions from pay. I have already brought to his notice more than once the insufficient amounts which are granted for lighting and fuel and mess allowances. He told me these were all inquired into ten years ago, but during the last ten years the cost of food and of living generally has enormously increased, and the conditions are not the same to-day as they were then; and if he will only ask the commanding officers at the principal military stations in the Kingdom to inquire and report how far these allowances are sufficient to meet expenses it will be helpful. Treat the officer justly and fairly and you will remove the discontent and the disinclination to enter the Service that now exists. You must either increase his pay or give him better allowances. We know how officers are shifted about from one station to another. All these things tell. 1 have heard of officers with three houses left on their hands owing to the way they have been shifted about. Officers should be treated generously, and should not have their travelling and other allowances cut down with a niggardly hand, as at present. I have more than once asked the hon. Gentleman to abolish the furniture deduction altogether. A penny a day is not worth the clerical work and trouble collecting it. It only amounts to £17,000 a year, and the amount of irritation and bother it causes throughout the Service is very great. With a little care and proper adjustment all these deductions might have been abolished without any extra charge on the Estimates whatever. Another question I should like to raise is the employment of old soldiers. The hon. Gentleman told us last year that of the 69,000 persons holding appointments in Government Departments only 16,800, that is 24 per cent., were ex-soldiers and sailors. He also told us the other day that a Committee was sitting to consider how the particulars of the characters of ex-soldiers and sailors could be best recorded for the information of civilian employers. I say by all means give this information to the civilian employers, but that is not enough. It is the Government that we wish to move in the matter. What is required, and what I would ask the Financial Secretary to do, instead of trying to shift the employment of old soldiers on to civilian employers, is to take steps himself, and I would suggest that a circular should be issued to all Departments in the Government service saying that two-thirds of the appointments in all the Government services should be reserved for ex-soldiers and sailors—not only Government appointments at headquarters, but all appointments under county councils, borough councils, and all public bodies throughout the country, museums, halls, etc. It is no good for one Department by itself to agree to employ them. We want it acknowledged openly throughout the country by the Government that the old soldier or sailor has the first claim to these appointments in public offices, whether under the Government or under any other public body. The other day I saw a young, diminutive postman emptying a pillar-box. I said, "How do you come to be a postman?" He said, "I was a telegraph boy till I was sixteen, then I went away to learn a trade, and now I have come back at eighteen and been taken on as a postman." What on earth had he done that he should have the so-much-coveted position of a postman? I ask the hon. Gentleman to see whether a general Order could be issued throughout the country laying it down as a fixed rule that in two-thirds of the appointments under all public bodies ex-soldiers and sailors of good character are to have the first claim to such employment as can be given.

The Secretary of State told us last year that a system of travelling kitchens had been arranged for for the Army. I asked him whether arrangements could be made to provide travelling water-carts, but I could get no answer. Properly boiled water is vital to the lives of soldiers in the field, and I would like to ask him if any arrangement can be made by which travelling water-carts, in which water can be boiled while on the march and a continual supply kept up, can be provided. We all know how soldiers and sailors rush to the nearest water they can see to quench their thirst and how necessary it is to prevent this by having good water always at hand.

I should like to mention the matter of the division of the staff appointments between officers of the Indian Army and the English Army. In India half the staff appointments are held by British Service officers and half by officers of the Indian Service, but in England it is only in one or two cases that Indian officers are qualified. In India officers of British regiments are entitled to hold the post of adjutant to Volunteer corps, but no officer in the Indian Army is allowed to hold that position in England. This question should be treated with mutual consideration, and the employment of Indian officers on the staff in England should be increased so as to make equality of treatment between the two Services. I wrote the other day to the Secretary of State asking him if he would kindly take into favourable consideration the question of the grant of a medal for the Makran Expedition in 1901–2. That question has been brought before me by the officers concerned. It was an expedition in which there was a march of some 2,000 miles, and the men went through a great many hardships in the desert and went over into Persia, and, in conjunction with the Persian Governor-General, carried out their operations against Persian robbers, and it was most successful in every way. Two officers were badly wounded and got the D.S.O. and another got a brevet-colonelcy, but the men got nothing, and they are continually asking when they are going to get their medals. In India there is such a thing as the Indian Frontier medal, given for general service on the frontier. This is a special case in which our troops cooperated with the troops in Persia, and I think it deserves to be commemorated by the grant of this medal.

Some mention has been made of our new rifle. I should like to urge that greater care should be taken to have the stock better fitted to the man than it is at present. A man putting up his rifle in a hurry invariably fires high. That is in many cases owing to the stock being too long or too straight. The stock requires to be so fitted to the man that when he puts it up and fires in a hurry he fires at his object and not in the air.

It is pretty evident that if hon. Members opposite really spoke their mind on the subject of recruiting, both for the Territorial and the other forces of the Empire, naval and military, they would make it compulsory; but if they are in favour of a particular method of recruiting for one part of the force they are bound to carry it out in regard to the others.

They are not satisfied with the present system of recruiting, especially as applied to the Territorial Force. The only other principle by which and under which we can recruit our forces at present, in lieu of the voluntary system which exists now, both in the Navy, the Army, and the Territorial Force, is the Compulsory system, and advocates of that system have to prove to the people of this country two things. First of all, that the country as a whole is prepared to accept an entire alteration in its defensive policy as regards other nations. Our position, I take it at present is this: We depend upon cur Navy as the first line and the most important line of our defence. We have an Army, and necessarily we have recruiting Indian stations and depots at home from which we feed it. Secondly, under the present system, the best that has ever been evolved, we have to prepare an Expeditionary Force, complete and substantial; and thirdly and lastly, we have to have for Home defence a Home defence Army. Are we going to enter into competition with European countries whose position as regards defence and the necessities of their defence is entirely different from our own? They have land frontiers which are purely imaginary. A red line on the floor is all that divides them. With us we have the sea around us, and that entirely dominates the character of our defensive policy. People who go in for compulsory service have to make up their minds whether we are to become, as well as a first-class naval Power, a first-class military Power, recollecting this, that in all our military engagements in the past we have done very well under the voluntary system. There is one other thing, the advocates of compulsory service have to face. It is put forward on the ground that it is going to improve the physique of the nation. But if hon. Members will only turn to the records of foreign countries where they have this system in operation, they will find that one-half of the young men who come up for service every year are rejected as unfit. It is curious it should be so in those countries which have had compulsory service for many years. In Prussia they have had the experience of it for fifty years. Another reason is that the military organisations cannot possibly absorb all the young men that come up for service, and, consequently, all sorts of medical and other expedients are resorted to in order to reduce the number.

Upon what grounds can this alteration be demanded or justified? In the first place, there is very little difficulty about recruiting for the Navy; for every place open you have ten recruits. You have to adopt a certain system of recruiting for your Army, but you do not find very much difficulty, except in times of great trade prosperity, in filling up your ranks. The Army, of course, should by the emoluments it offers, be rendered attractive to young men, and you must keep your eyes on the state of employment in the country in order to see that the recompense to the soldier is as attractive as that offered in the labour market. A good deal has fallen from hon. Members opposite about the Territorial Force, and I was surprised to hear the speech of the hon. Member for Central Hull, who is, I believe, an officer in that force. What was the effect of his speech? His argument was repeated by the hon. Member for South Birmingham (Mr. Amery), and by the hon. and gallant Member for South Wolverhampton (Colonel Hickman). It was to the effect that the present Territorial Force was a sham—that to set it up and ask the people of this country to believe it is a useful force is a sham. Why was it that, until the year 1905, we went on under both Liberal and Unionist Governments, and certainly for a period of twenty years under Tory Governments, with the force called the Volunteer Force, in comparison with which the present Territorial Force is as far in advance as the Army is ahead of the Territorial Force to-day? If hon. Members will only look at the figures regarding the old Volunteer Force, they will find that in 1898 the establishment was 262,000, the actual strength was 230,000 and the efficients numbered 224,000. Now I come down to 1903. The establishment of the old Volunteer Force was 346,171. The strength in that year was 253,281, and the number of efficients 242,000. Thus in 1903 you were short in your establishment by over 100,000. What is the fact in relation to the Territorial Force at the present time. You have, if I mistake not, an establishment of about 315,000, whereas the actual strength is 260,000. But let me go back to the figures relating to the old Volunteer Force. In 1907 the establishment was 363,487. The strength was 278,329, and the number of efficients 244,000 or something like 120,000 short. That is the old Volunteer Force. But take the figures of the Territorial Force on the 1st February, 1912. There were 9,385 officers and 259,092 men, a total of 268,477. That is, if I recollect aright, a larger force than you ever had of volunteers.

But only 155,000 of these were efficient, in comparison with 240,000 of the old volunteers.

I hope hon. Members will allow me to proceed with my figures. They can be torn to pieces afterwards by them if they think fit. More recent figures give the number of officers in the present Territorial Force as 9,382. The non-commissioned officers and men number 269,173; a total of 278,555, as against an establishment of 315,000.

Of course, there must be a certain number coming in every year, but my point is that the present force is larger, better trained, and better organised in every way, than the old Volunteer Force with which hon. Gentlemen opposite were perfectly contented. The net increase of the force is 12,665 compared with 7,149 and 7,015 in the two previous years. The re-engagements this year number 16,290, and I say, in face of these facts, what is the use of asserting that this force is useless. I want to quote a foreign opinion in regard to the efficiency of this force. It is to be found in the "Revue Militaire des Armées Etrangéres," and the writer, after sketching the general forces of this country, arrives at the following conclusion:—

"To sum up, the plan conceived by Lord Haldane is to-day entirely realised in the effective forces of the Special Reserve and Territorial Army. The mobilising of the complete expeditionary corps, with its six divisions, is hence assured. Reserves exist which allow of reconstituting its effective forces during the first six months of campaign. The former Auxiliary Forces (Militia, Yeomanry, Volunteers), have made way, in Home defence, for the new Territorial Army, which in its organisation, its instruction and its services, constitutes an undeniable advance on the old state of things."

I do not say that the Territorial Army is perfect. I do not say there are not many things which might be done or suggested, but I do say that for hon. Members opposite to hold up their hands in alarm and tell us that we are throwing away three millions sterling a year is not consonant with the facts. There is one more report with regard to the Regular Force. We hear a good many jeremiads about its condition. I have here a report from the Inspector-general, Sir William Nicholson. I rather gather that the hon. Member for Glasgow and Aberdeen Universities does not approve my quoting that officer. The hon. and learned Member may be a greater expert in Army matters than General Nicholson.

The hon. Gentleman, at any rate, showed his disapproval; but this is what Sir William Nicholson said:—

"The Regular Army has never been better in discipline, organisation, training, equipment and readiness, to undertake any duties which it might be called on to perform."

That refers to the present time. I should like to deal with some details referred to by the hon. Member for Central Hull who, in referring to the transport line, suggested that there was no improvement on the old Volunteer Force by the present Territorial Force. But everybody knows that the Transport Force, under the present Territorial system, is infinitely better than under the old system.

The hon. and gallant Member must be aware that we had nothing to compare with our present transport under the old system. We have now a First Line, and we know the Second Line is procurable.

I can only repeat that under the present system we have a real First Line Transport in this country. Everybody knows that a Second Line can be easily procured. I agree, to a certain extent, with an hon. Member opposite on the question of the officering of the force. I think it is quite right that the Territorial Forces should be strengthened and braced up by the employment to a certain extent of Regular officers as the divisional officers, brigadiers, and adjutants; but I think it is a complete mistake to officer whole battalions right through with men from the Regular Army, or even very largely so, because you at once put in the minds of those aspiring to serve His Majesty in that capacity the feeling that they may never get to the honourable position of commanding a company. The policy I want to suggest to the Secretary for War is that, even as regards brigadierships in the Territorial Army, a certain proportion of them should be reserved for Territorial officers; because I am certain there is a feeling that the whole of these posts are closed to them. I got an answer to a question to-day, however, which, I think, indicates that that is not entirely the policy of the War Office. I hope they will recollect that as regards commanding officers, this question was raised under the Volunteer Act forty years ago, and the thing was threshed out, it being agreed that, as far as possible, there should be civilian officers if they would qualify. I do not deny that the condition of things is altered now. We have many Regular officers who have served as adjutants and who know the material they have to deal with. There are cases where it is more convenient and proper that Regular officers should be appointed to command Territorial battalions, but there again I would say it would be very dangerous indeed to shut the door to the lower ranks of officers in the Territorial Force for aspiring to command battalions by saying that Regular officers alone should hold such commands. So much for that.

The Territorial Reserve is not doing as well as it ought to do. I believe that the reason is patent. The conditions for entering are such as preclude men who are leaving existing battalions from going into it. I have made investigations, and am quite convinced that there are a large number of eligible men who would go into the Territorial Force Reserve if they could, but the; qualifying condition as to training in camp makes it almost impossible for many men who are perfectly good soldiers, and who could serve, to go into the Territorial Force Reserve. If that condition could be altered, so as to let men in who have not conformed to it, it would do a lot of good. There is a particular battalion, and although the Reserve has existed for about two years, I have been told that there are only seven different people who have gone in, two officers, two non-commissioned officers, and so on, and those officers and men go down to camp and do their service. There are lots more who would be willing to go in if these conditions could be looked into and lightened a little. The Secretary of State for War would do a great deal to increase the Reserves, which are not satisfactory, if he could make this change. Another matter is the position of the sergeant-majors and the staff-sergeants. In most cases they are Regular soldiers, and it is the interest of the Territorial Force to attract the very best men. I quite admit we can never hope to have a Volunteer Force providing its own permanent staff to such good effect as you can provide it from the Regular Army, because the man in the civilian force, and even the sergeants, are not men who give up their whole time to it, and therefore the more you give these men as remuneration, and the more attractive you make it, especially in London, the better it will be. I think that colour-sergeants ought to be allowed to be taken on the Permanent staff as sergeants; they are not allowed, I believe that the rule now is that only sergeants are allowed. The result is you do not get the very best men. The colour-sergeant is a man who knows the duties and management of a company right down to the minutest detail, and those are the men to get into the Territorial battalion. But as colour-sergeants they are not allowed, I believe, under the present regulations to go in. Lastly, if the sergeant-majors in the Territorial battalions who are Regulars were allowed to have the same warrant rank as they had in the Army it would be a great attraction to these men.

The hon. Member for South Birmingham said that everything we could do to bind the Empire together is a good thing, and I agree with him. But the best way to do that is not to think wholly of Home defence. We believe, at least on this side of the House, that we have got here a good defensive system for the Empire. We are seeing at the same time the great Dominions of His Majesty's beyond the sea organising their defence. We are devolving here, or attempting to devolve, certain powers to a part of our Islands which is not, in the opinion of some, absolutely reliable in military matters, and which, as things now stand, might be a point of anxiety if we came into collision with foreign countries. What we believe here is that if you grant that portion of the United Kingdom what we are trying to grant this year, we shall be able to fill up our Territorial Force from that country in excess of the deficiency that exists now, and we shall settle the question of disturbance and discontent over the whole of the Empire. That is why we believe that the policy which we are pursuing is right, and it is a policy which supports the policy of defence that we have adopted and which we intend, as far as we can, on this side of the House, to put on the Statute Book and carry out.

I was very much amazed at the last remarks of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down. I understand, according to him, that in order to raise recruits for the Territorial Force and to defend the Empire generally, it is necessary to have Home Rule for Ireland. I can assure him that we on this side of the House do not believe that, but we believe precisely the contrary. I do not pause to go into his comparison of figures with respect to the Territorial Force which at present exists and the Volunteers, except to say this, that when he quotes the old Volunteers, the numbers, and the efficients, he should also quote the numbers and the efficients in the present Territorial Army. The hon. Member asked why was it that down to 1905 we went on with the Volunteers, and I think he added we were quite contented with them. If he had been in the House in the years prior to 1905, or if he had taken the trouble to look back at the Debates in those years on Army matters he would find that we were by no means content with the old Volunteer Force En those days. Another reason is that in 1905 and the preceding years the military situation throughout Europe was entirely different from what it is to-day. In those days our supremacy at sea was practically undisputed by any other Power; now, I regret to say, that our supremacy has been very severely challenged. The dangers to this country have therefore become far greater, and it is necessary for us to put our house in order for home defence, and not wholly depend upon our first line, the Navy; and we must be certain that we have in this country a force, sufficient and efficient, capable of meeting any invader who chooses to land here. My hon. Friend the Member for South Birmingham has pointed out in a most able speech our position in the Mediterranean from the military point of view. And I sincerely hope, in view of the practical naval abandonment of the Mediterranean, that to-night we shall have from the Secretary of State for War some clear exposition of what is to be the future military policy which we are going to pursue in the Mediterranean. It is only fair to the House and to the country that he should be perfectly clear so that there should be no doubt whatever on the matter.

My hon. Friend the Member for South Birmingham and several other Members mentioned the shortage of officers and the difficulty which there would be in obtaining officers for the Expeditionary Force. One serious aspect concerning the position of these officers was stated in the House of Lords by the predecessor of the right hon. Gentleman (Lord Haldane), who said that he was depending very largely upon officers in the Special Reserve to meet this deficiency in officers. There is already a very large deficiency among officers in the Special Reserves, and in the event of war the duties of this force would be very heavy. In the first place, I suppose, by the return which the right hon. Gentleman gave me earlier in the Session respecting the numbers of men who would be left in this country, that, there would be some 5,000 told off to reinforce garrisons abroad or to take the place of Regulars. Secondly the duty of those battalions which are left at home would be to receive and train immediately the recruits of the Regular Army who have, for reasons either of age or inefficiency, been unable to accompany their regiments upon the Expeditionary Force. This will entail very serious and important work, and especially when, as to-day, I think about 64 per cent. of the recruits who go into the Regular Army at the present moment are under twenty years of age. Then upon the Special Reserve will mainly fall the duty of provision for the wastage of war. The right hon. Gentleman apparently in that secret document which we hear about, but which he will not produce, has provided for three months wastage of war. That would entail at least 30,000 men. May I ask is there any machinery for providing those 30,000 men who will be necessary for the force of 150,000 except that provided by the Special Reserve? The right hon. Gentleman can answer that later.

How many officers does he propose for the purposes of the Expeditionary Force to take away from the Special Reserve, a force upon which very heavy duties will have to fall in time of war, and a force which is already, I think, some 1,200 or more officers short of its proper complement? This is an important question, especially as I know his predecessor in the House of Lords and elsewhere, certainly left on those who read his speeches the impression that he intended to draw heavily upon this branch of the Service.

There is another matter connected with the Expeditionary Force. How far has a staff been created for the purpose of this Expeditionary Force? I do not believe that there is a single general in this country who has had the actual command of 150,000 men in the field, because this country does not suit itself to manœuvres on such a large scale. I would like to know, is there any staff at all created which as soon as mobilisation takes place can take up its duties with the Expeditionary Force? Does the right hon. Gentleman contemplate taking G.O.C. of Division or Brigade away to fill the post of Chief Staff Officer. He will be unable to draw upon the War Office. The staff of officers there will have their time fully taken up. Therefore I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to go carefully into this question and see whether he cannot, at all events, have a skeleton of a staff which will be available for the purposes of the Expeditionary Force. There is another matter which affects the Expeditionary Force, which I understand is to be ready for embarkation at a moment's notice. I understand, also, that during last January, with the assistance of the Admiralty, at Southampton, arrangements were made for the practice of embarkation and disembarkation of troops, and of loading and unloading the munitions of war. The test lasted two days, and embraced all arms. Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether the test was satisfactory, and whether Woolwich now marks the centre of gravity on the guns, because I understand that in this test it took two hours to get on board a gun weighing seven tons? An hour and fifty minutes of that time was taken up in finding the centre of gravity of the gun. I bring that matter forward because I do not think that the crew of a ship should be held up for two hours in regard to one gun, of which the centre of gravity ought to have been taken previously. That is a matter of which serious notice should be taken. We know that the right hon. Gentleman is somewhat, what shall I say? optimistic with regard to figures, and we also know that his optimism does not always come up to expectations or realisation.

I now wish to ask him about the 400,000 men he said are going to be left behind in this country. How many of these will come up to expectation? Can he tell us how many he really believes will be available? I think he will find it very difficult, taking the deductions for sick and various other deductions for untrained men, recruits, etc., to find that number, with the provision of the garrison for Ireland, which I believe at present is 25,000 men, and in time of war may have to be increased to 50,000, and, if Home Rule be granted, perhaps to 100,000. The right hon. Gentleman will find that, after all deductions are made, there will be considerably under 100,000 men to constitute a central force which will have to meet an invading force of 70,000 men. On the last occasion when I asked about this matter the right hon. Gentleman gave no information, but I trust that on this occasion, at all events, we will have some information as to how many of these 400,000 men we can rely upon. The hon. Member for Hull (Mr. Mark Sykes) submitted to the right hon. Gentleman with great precision and clearness of detail proposals for the betterment of the Territorial Force, and, among those proposals, he suggested that a sum of 10s. should be paid to all employers of labour. I should like to make the amount a sovereign to be paid to all employers of labour whose men in their employ are efficient and attend a fortnight in camp. I dare say hon. Members opposite will strongly object to the idea of any money being paid to the employers, but it must be remembered that recruits for the Territorial Force are mainly, if not entirely, to be found among those who are employed. I very much regret to say that it has been my own experience recently that employers have become more and more chary of allowing their men to go out to camp, and increasing difficulties are placed in the way of men who, otherwise, would be anxious and only too glad to join the Territorial Force. This is a matter which will have to be tackled sooner or later, and I entirely agree with my hon. Friend that the right way to tackle it is to give some encouragement to the employers to induce their men to join the Territorial Force.

I also should like to join with hon. Members on this side in congratulating the right hon. Gentleman on his safe return to this House, and also to join in a sort of general "Te Deum" that he has been safely spared from the particular dangers of the recent election. Before I proceed to other topics, I desire to join issue with the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Renfrewshire (Colonel Greig), because I do not think he quite understood the point, and is entirely wrong. First of all, he began to compare the old Volunteers with the present Territorial Force. I quite admit that the present Territorials are a great advance upon the old Volunteers in their organisation, discipline, and general training. There is no question about it. But what is the good of trying to compare the existing Territorials with the old Volunteers? You have got to compare them with the forces of trained Regulars on the Continent; they are the troops with which to make the comparison. There is no chance of the Territorials having to fight the old Volunteers, and I hope for the sake of this country they will not have the chance to fight the Regular Forces of the Continent.

There were European armies during the time of the old Volunteer Force, and we were perfectly satisfied with what we had then. There were European armies, contemporaneously with the old Volunteer Force as there are now with the Territorial Force.

As has been already pointed out, the conditions were very different. But I do not wish to be dragged into a discussion on that point. I will, however, ask the hon. Member this question, does he think that one Territorial such as we have at present is sufficient to meet one trained regular soldier of the Continent? He cannot assert that.

I think the Noble Lord's own corps is perfectly capable of meeting European soldiers.

I thank the hon. Member for his good opinion, but I do not think all corps are so good as mine.

There are one or two other corps in my own country which I know very well are extremely good corps of Territorials, but I should be very sorry indeed for them, in any flat country to meet a body of foreign cavalry, and although I admit those corps are excellent, I should not be happy unless I had the advantage of ground and other advantages to make up for what is not the fault of the Territorials, but the fault of circumstances which do not permit of those Territorials getting the training which is necessary and desirable. If the hon. Member will help us, I do not care whether it is by compulsion or how it is done, to get six months' training for these Territorials, then I should be perfectly happy for the safety of the country with the Territorial Army. I submit that the hon. and gallant Gentleman's figures are wrong. He said that the Territorials are a sufficient force. All I can say is, if they are a sufficient force, they are 1,860 officers short, and 11,218 did not attend camp. Then men are 42,947 short, and 75,821 only attended camp for half the time; and out of 224,000 men, 34,888 did not attend camp at all. That does not look as if every one of this force was so very efficient. I entered into this discussion a few weeks ago, and I will not go over the ground again, nor will I ask the right hon. Gentleman to do so either, so far as I am concerned. I am going to support the reduction of the right hon. Gentleman's salary, unless he can really explain to us what he meant when he boasted and held up an envelope in this House and said he had 150,000 men practically ready for this Expeditionary Force. He may have had the men, but what kind of men? When he told us of the 150,000, of course we all thought that they were perfectly efficient men, properly armed, properly trained, and properly equipped; He also told us at the time he held up the letter that he had all the necessary stores, food, and everything else, including ammunition.

What the right hon. Gentleman must tell us is how he fills up the ranks of his battalions. When he talks of an efficient force going abroad, he must not achieve that object at the expense of those who are left at home. He should explain to us that these battalions are not filled up by taking men from other battalions, because we have not got too many Reservists. I cannot possibly see how he is going to bring the Expeditionary Force up to war strength without taking men from somewhere else. One of the most important things the right hon. Gentleman has to do, if he can get the money, is to bring the Infantry battalion up to the proper strength in this country. It is thought necessary to keep the battalions up to war strength in India, maintaining them at 940 as the war establishment; but with the troops at home, who are much more seriously situated, the establishment is only 720. I think, however, that the right hon. Gentleman will admit that it is lower than that. Unfortunately, we all know that it is a very difficult problem to deal with, and that there are times of the year when probably the strength of the battalions, by the present elimination of drafts of young soldiers, and so on, is only about 350 strong. That means that the right hon. Gentleman will have to start with a battalion of 350 strong, and he has to fill them up with Reservists in the proportion of two to one, which I think he will admit is far too great a proportion.

7.0 P.M.

I draw his attention to that point, and 1 hope he will be able before there is a change of Government to do something. I daresay there will be time. The next point I desire to ask him is, when he is going to arm the Yeomanry, because they are not to my mind sufficiently armed at present. They have, of course, got their rifles, but absolutely no other means of defence or offence. In my own county I would prefer to see them armed with the bayonet, which would give them a certain amount of confidence if our Yeomanry are going to be amateur Cavalry and to meet Cavalry on the Continent. The bayonet would, for the Yeomanry I know, be a much more useful weapon than any other. For the last fortnight during manœuvres, when it became dark, there was absolutely nothing to defend us except the butt-end of our rifles. It would add much more to the morale of the men if they had bayonets, and it would detract from the morale of those opposed to them. There is also the point as to the organisation of Cavalry for the Expeditionary Force. I do think, though our Cavalry are better trained and better equipped, that we are wasting a great deal of them by the way they are scattered about the world. There may be reasons of bigger policy for that, but it would be a great benefit if we could get our three Cavalry regiments in South Africa home, or to Egypt, where they would be much more available. We would have two Divisions, rather smaller than at present and corresponding more nearly to the Divisions of the Continent in size, and we would increase our strength enormously. I was much struck by an article in the "Times," written by a local correspondent, on the 16th February. I do not agree in the least with him on all the points, but I do on the general principle. I say that in case the right hon. Gentleman might ever say that I said I was in favour of Cyclists instead of Cavalry, or Cyclists instead of Mounted Infantry. As far as Mounted Infantry is concerned, it might be an extremely useful unit in the Army if it were properly trained and not taken from all the various battalions in this country. Just as the Army is going abroad you require to take eighty-four sections from seventy-four different battalions. You take the best men, because if you took Reservists they have forgotten all about riding. When you are going to have your Mounted Brigade I think you ought to have men trained together instead of the scratch pack you propose to get up, and instead of sending as commander of your Mounted Infantry abroad a man who has never commanded more than twenty-five at home. It would be very much better if you trained one of your spare battalions, say this year, and another the following year, and so on. In that way you would have men who had worked together and who would know how to work together.

There is one other matter I desire to raise, and a matter which I approach with a certain amount of diffidence, because I think I am liable to be misunderstood, and that is the question of appointing chaplains in the Army at the present time. I approach it from no single standpoint of denominationalism. I hold, and very strongly, that any man in the Army has got a perfect right to worship where and how he pleases, and that it is no business of the War Office to drive men into a Church and into denominations to which they do not belong, as has been done lately. I do not care whether it is the Established Church, or the Free Church, or what Church it is, the men ought to be treated fairly and allowed a certain amount of freedom. There are, of course, I quite admit, circumstances that alter cases. Quite lately in Perth, in the Black Watch, the War Office to all intents and purposes drove 141 men into a Church and denomination to which they did not belong. The men protested and protested and protested, but nothing has been done, and I can assure the right hon. Gentleman that one of the finest regiments in Scotland was very nearly on the verge of mutiny over it. I was there last week, which was more than the right hon. Gentleman was, and I know. I am going further into the question. When the present Government came into office the Presbyterian chaplains were all chosen from one denomination, which I think was quite wrong. I am not approaching the matter from any narrow standpoint, but I think that was perfectly wrong. The late Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman and Lord Haldane, both of whom were members of the Free Church, called a Committee to decide the matter at the War Office. On that Committee, the Established Church may have suffered a little in the encounter, that, perhaps was due to the fact that there were three Free Church members to one Established Church. I am not saying anything against that Committee. There was bound to be something in the nature of friction. I do not wish to give a lecture on Churches, but the two, the United Free and the Established Church are so alike that there is no difference between them. At the same time those who are in them, until they join do feel that there is a difference, and if they are going to come together they must come together naturally. You are never going to stop those differences in a battalion by suddenly ordering men to go over from one Church to the other. This has set back any chance of settling friction for a number of years.

What that Committee did was that there would be so many Free Church chaplains and so many Established Church chaplains. They simply put it in the hat, or, though they did not go so far, it might have been fairer, and you might have got something more than the chaplains taking it in turn perfectly irrespective of the denomination of the men. The figures at Perth were these: One hundred and forty-one Established Church, twenty-three United Free Church, forty Soman Catholic, twenty-eight Church of England, one Irish Presbyterian, one Unitarian, one Wesleyan and three Baptists. I think that was a most unfortunate place to choose for what has occurred. I do think you ought not to order 141 men to go to a particular Church. I say "order" though of course I know the right hon. Gentleman will say that they have never been ordered, and that they need not go, but what he has done forces them. First of all, what happened was that the War Office said they were going, not very wisely I think, to appoint a Free Church chaplain instead of from the Church to which the men in this battalion for a hundred years back belonged. The War Office wrote stating that they were going to appoint a Free Church chaplain, and asked was there any military objection. The commanding officer wrote back at once and said there was a military objection. He begged respectfully to submit "that the proposed change in the place of worship of the Presbyterian troops would be detrimental not only to good feeling," and so on, in a very strong letter. A little time afterwards the Church was changed suddenly by Order by the Army Council, who gave their views, generally speaking, on the unity of the Churches. I do not think it was any business of the War Office, or of the military authorities, to write down and hope the men would go to that particular Church in order to bring about a closer union between the Churches.

The War Office tried to say that it was not their fault, and that they were bound to obey their ecclesiastical advisers. They tried to put the blame on Lord Balfour of Burleigh and the Committee, but Lord Balfour of Burleigh, in the course of correspondence, said it was entirely a matter for the War Office, and that they would be only too glad to do what the War Office wanted. Thus we have the Committee and the War Office trying to put the blame on each other. The wives and families of a great many of the men are communicants of the Church to which the men used to go, and therefore the men had to go to one Church and the wives and families to another. The matter causes a great deal of bad feeling. In order possibly to put every advantage to the smaller denomination the Capitation Grant of the whole garrison was ordered to go to the United Free Minister, whether the men went there or not, or belonged to it or not. You can see the absurdity of twenty-three men going to a Church and the minister drawing a Capitation Grant for 200. What has happened about the saying that "minorities must suffer?" It is a majority that is suffering in this country. It is certainly wrong that the minister should have the Capitation Grant of a number of men who do not go to his Church and do not belong to it. The commanding officer is put into an extremely difficult position by being told to do everything he can to get the men to go to a church to which neither they nor he belongs. I would like to see the men go to one Church, but not forced to do so against their will, as they are practically now. I would suggest that they should be allowed to go to the Church they wish to attend, the capitation Grant being divided fairly and squarely between the two denominations. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will look into the question, and see if he cannot arrange something more in consonance with the wishes of the men. I do not think the arrangement is quite fair in this particular case, where only twenty-three men belong to the selected Church and 141 to the other. You might have two acting chaplains or possibly the pay warrant could be divided. I would ask the right hon. Gentleman to give the matter his personal attention.

I must, first of all, thank hon. Gentlemen on both sides of the House for the kind references they have made in regard to my appointment as Secretary of State. At the same time they will realise that it is a little difficult for me at such short notice to reply as fully as I should wish on matters of high policy, in view of the fact that I have been engaged elsewhere during the last three weeks. But I will do my utmost to reply as fully as possible to the points raised, and to say something on the general question. I will certainly look into the question in regard to chaplains raised by the Noble Marquess opposite, because on the facts, as he puts them, there appears to be some misunderstanding. I know how the difficulty arises in a way. From the War Office point of view there are in Scotland only three religions—Church of England, Roman Catholic, and Presbyterian. A predecessor of mine laid down that there were four, the fourth being "fancy." We do not sufficiently appreciate that the Presbyterians, although they are rapidly becoming more and more one both in doctrine and in fact, have not yet combined, and the circumstance that our designation of Presbyterians as one is not yet in accordance with the fact may have led to the difficulty to which the Noble Marquess refers.

I do not in the least mean that you cannot carry out the arrangement in general Presbyterian services, but it cannot be done in the small garrison towns, where the soldiers have been accustomed to go to their separate Churches.

I will look into the particular case. I would not like to commit myself in regard to questions of this sort without consideration, and least of all to interfere in matters of Scottish theology, which we have reason to know cause very acrimonious debates among those who are agreed upon all other subjects. It will perhaps be for the convenience of the Committee if I make a short statement in reply to the criticisms which have been made in reference to the general state of prepara- tion of this country for war. I will take the points in order: first, the Expeditionary Force; secondly, foreign garrisons; and, thirdly, the defence of this country in so far as the Territorial Force is concerned with that—for in my view the Territorial Force has also other functions. Taking first the Expeditionary Force, I will, as far as I can, deal with the questions raised. I am most anxious to give the fullest information to the Committee; at the same time, I do not want to give information which no other foreign country gives to anybody else. With regard to the letter which I sent to the hon. Member (Mr. Amery), I have the identical document here now.

I regret that it did not, but I have shown the hon. Gentleman other documents containing the same information. In reply to my request, three and only three Members of this House desired to see what that envelope contained. They were the hon. Member himself (Mr. Amery), the hon. Member for North Ayrshire, and the Deputy-Chairman of Ways and Means. I showed the document to the Deputy-Chairman of Ways and Means, and I have been trying to get the hon. Member for North Ayrshire tot come to the War Office ever since he wrote a letter to the "Times," but unfortunately, through illness, he has not been able to come. When he does come I will show him what I have shown the hon. Gentleman opposite. The details of our Expeditionary Force may, as the hon. Member for Bodmin (Sir R. Pole-Carew) suggested, be known to all our foreign, I will not say enemies, but neighbours. All I can say is that we should be very glad to have the same details with regard to them; but we have not got them. That being so, is it wise for me or for any Secretary of State to announce publicly to the House the details which we should like to have in regard to our foreign neighbours, but which we cannot get? I submit that it is not. Within these limitations I want to deal with the points raised. They were raised by the hon. Member for South Birmingham (Mr. Amery) on the last occasion, when he said that we had made no advance for practical purposes, and that as regards the main questions of numbers, the strategical arrangement of our forces, and their adaptability to strategic needs, we stood in exactly the same position as at the time of the South African war. That really is at variance with the facts. I will not compare the position to-day with the position at the time of the South African war. It would be hardly fair to do so. But I will compare it with the position five and a-half years ago, in 1906, when this Government came into office; so that I cannot be accused of making a party speech, which I shall strive never to do on Army questions.

The Imperial General Staff has been working at this problem ever since that date. They have worked very hard, and this is the result of their labours put into the fewest possible words. It is necessary for this country to maintain an Expeditionary Force of considerable size—not for use against any named enemy; I wish to dispel that illusion at once, because anyone who looks at the map will see that we have a number of land frontiers, any one of which may require defending, and one can safely say that in three Continents a British force may be required to safeguard British interests. That being so, what are the forces then and now? In those days we had ready for dispatch, but not so ready as now by many days, one Cavalry division and the equivalent of four divisions. At the present day we have one Cavalry division and six divisions. Therefore we have added two divisions, or 50 per cent. to the divisions, and the Cavalry division remains the same. Now comes the question, that being a great advance in numbers, how do they compare in efficiency? Within the limitations imposed upon me, I will give as full an answer as I can. With regard to the Cavalry, they were very nearly ready then. They are a little more ready now. Advances have been made, as is bound to be the case, when you have a number of able and willing brains working at the problem. I will deal with the question of horses later. The Artillery could have been provided then, but all the units left behind would have been greatly depleted. Now the Artillery can be provided without the depletion of other units, or, at any rate, they are depleted to a far less extent. The Royal Engineers, an integral part of the Army, could not have been mobilised in those days. Of course they could be mobilised eventually, but only after a delay. Now the Royal Engineers can be provided with all details, except in regard to the new signal service which is not yet complete. Comparing the Engineer service of the past with the Engineer service of to-day, it could not have been mobilised in the past within a reasonable time, but it is now ready.

The Infantry and the Mounted Infantry of those days could have been mobilised, but the units left at home would have been largely depleted. We have a real advantage at the present time as far as the Expeditionary Force is concerned, not only in that we have 50 per cent. greater numbers of Cavalry, but also because we have a great addition of officers and men in the Special Reserve, who form part of the Army for oversea enterprise, or, as I would rather say, for defensive operations oversea. It is true that the Militia which then-existed, may be said to have had great value, because it could volunteer, and did do so in the case of the South African war. But it is a very different thing to have people who may or may not volunteer, and to have people on whom you can absolutely rely. It is so much easier to make your calculations as to who will go, and so avoid the confusion which must be great if you have to go on reducing step by step as you think out beforehand the details of your organisation, especially the precise number you will need, and therefore the stores that they will require.

When the right hon. Gentleman says that we have two more divisions now than 1906, is he omitting the Militia in 1906 and adding the Special Reserve in 1912?

Certainly, that is what I am explaining. We could mobilise then but not so well, four divisions for the Expeditionary Force. We now have six, and these six divisions can be more accurately foreseen and accounted for than even the previous four, for the reason that all the men to whom I refer—the number is rather larger than I stated—have a foreign service obligation, and we know that they will go.

Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us how many of these Special Reserve are to-day actually trained and fit for foreign service, and how they compare with the 29,000 of the old Militia Reserve?

No, Sir, I could not give precise numbers, nor do I wish to do so. It is most undesirable. It has never been done in this House to give the precise numbers of the Expeditionary Force, and how armed.

I am anxious to give the House the fullest information. I want to make that quite clear, but I can say this to the hon. Gentleman the Member for South Birmingham, and it will probably fairly meet his question, that part of the Expeditionary Force is composed of the Special Reserve which in his judgment are not as good as the old Militia Reserve.

Are this body of Special Reservists the Extra Special Reserve or the Ordinary Special Reserve?

I refer to the Ordinary Special Reserves. I shall be most happy to answer any questions, but I am trying to deal with a complicated subject, and perhaps I might be allowed to give replies later. As to the Army Ordnance Corps and the Army Veterinary Corps, they could be provided in 1906, and they can be provided now. But we have made certain improvements which we were bound to do. I come now to the provision of horses. The provision of horses at that time was in a most unsatisfactory state. In 1906 we had no knowledge of the horses in this country, nor had we any active preparations for providing horses for the Expeditionary Force of that day. We were endeavouring to meet this deficiency; but we have got far beyond our preparations of that time. The situation now stands as follows: Our peace establishment of horses, the numbers laid down and maintained in time of peace, is practically complete. So far as I was able to ascertain to-day in respect of the latest figures, we are a little over 200 short. Of course you can never be actually at the point because the horses are constantly disappearing. In order to complete our war establishment a very large number of horses are required. What that precise number is I will not state; but—and I may just say in reply to the observation of hon. Gentlemen opposite that the general staff have begged me not to go into details, and I hope we will leave the point as suggested by the observation—the method of obtaining these has been by registration. We have 12,000. These horses have been classified in various departments. I have made a statement before as to the result of our horse census that was taken first by the police, and secondly, and more completely, by Remount and Army officers throughout the country. That further classification, I am glad to say, is now practically complete.

We now know just where we stand, and one may state broadly that there is generally an ample supply of horses and far above what we could possibly require, but there is not an ample supply of one particular type of horse that I shall refer to in a moment. Of heavy draught horses there is an ample supply. Nobody knows better than the hon. and gallant Gentleman the Member for Central Hull (Colonel Mark Sykes)—whose experiments I hope will be continued, because they are most valuable. With regard to riding horses there is an ample supply. It is only a question of getting the right sort, and having them at hand. There is an ample supply generally for the Expeditionary Force now; but with regard to light draught horses of the right age and in hard condition there is a dwindling number, and we are faced with the difficulty that every foreign country is faced with in a greater degree than ourselves, because they require more. Our position is mitigated by the fact that we have adopted mechanical transport even more rapidly than they have. There is no doubt that the advance of mechanical transport for the purposes of peace will go on very much more rapidly than the advance of mechanical transport for purposes of war. I think that, unfortunately for the finances of the country, must be faced. We do not see any chance of getting our guns to battle by mechanical transports in the next few years. Therefore we must get these horses somehow. They exist, but not in sufficient numbers, or of right age or hard enough training; and we shall therefore have to adopt some measure. We are now actually engaged in putting into final shape a proposal to submit to the Treasury. I trust, if we do carry the proposal out, the House will not begrudge the expense, which will not be very much, for I can assure hon. Members there is a real and difficult problem to meet. But the horse problem is very much simpler than it was a few months ago. We have the classification, and there is a supply of the right kind of horse, except the one to which I have referred. We have been able to get our classification without any friction from the owners except in a negligible number of cases, and I believe that on mobilisation this part of the business will work far more smoothly than ever we had reason to anticipate it would work, in view of the short time the classification has been taken up. So much for details of the difference between the Expeditionary Force now and that of a few years ago. In reply to the Noble Lord I may say you require the horses, not only for the Artillery—we ought to be able to horse every gun; and as an Army goes over roads and not country, the need for horses is not disappearing.

Does this census contain a proper classification of the horses according to the age, condition, character, and their probable price?

Yes, Sir. All those particulars are given except with regard to character. It is a complete census. It is of a very complete kind, and deals with age, sex, and height of the horses. That being the relative state of affairs, the question comes: Have we really a good Army—I will come in a moment to its adequacy for certain purposes? I do not complain, but the climax of the opposition was reached when the hon. Member for Aberdeen University burst out laughing at the words used by Field-Marshal Nicholson. He was not only one of the best judges of the Army both in India and England, but be was notoriously the most independent-minded soldier that we ever had at the War Office. He did not fail to say what he thought on all accasions, and I hope he will continue to do so on the Committee of Imperial Defence. He was, on the occasion referred to, chief of the Imperial General Staff. I had intended to quote his words, spoken deliberately and on a most public occasion, as representing the Army. He said:—

"the Regular Army had never been better in discipline, organisation, training, equipment, and readiness to undertake any duty which it might be called upon to perform."

I believe that to be true. There has been an enormous advance in the efficiency of the Army, due, I believe not to any political power, due to some extent I have no doubt to the energy, zeal, and devotion of my predecessor, Lord Haldane, but in the main due to the Imperial General Staff which we have never had before at the head, working hard for this purpose, and the splendid spirit of the officers and men of the Army—which all foreign critics and others have remarked upon during the last two or three years—which has animated them with a determination to be ready for war, and to get rid of the old and antiquated fancies which have not a real purpose. The hon. Member for South Birmingham suggested with regard to the foreign garrisons that we were living in a world of forty years ago. I can assure him that that spirit animates all the officers who are on the Committee of Imperial Defence, and if he really can believe it, it animates those who sit on these benches. I come to the question of the adequacy of the Army to fulfil its duties not as an Expeditionary Force, but for garrisoning the Mediterranean. Very many questions have been put to me in regard to the strategical positions in the Mediterranean and with regard to the Fleet. I am sure the Committee will agree with me that it would be most unwise for me to say one word on this, seeing that the Prime Minister has undertaken to make a full statement on this subject in the week of the 15th instant—that is about ten days from now. Till he makes that statement it would obviously be most unwise, indeed, improper for me to make a full statement on that point. I will only say this, and I say it emphatically: that the Government can be relied upon to take all necessary steps in the interests of the safety of the Empire as a whole, and whatever may be decided in this particular matter, the Government will be guided by these considerations and by no other. With regard to the garrisons at Malta, Gibraltar, and in Egypt, they are, of course, intimately bound up with the whole question which the Prime Minister will then discuss, and a full opportunity will be given for discussing the question of what these garrisons should be and how the relation of the Fleet to the Army bear one upon another and upon the situation. But I repeat what I said before we will be guided by what is best for the safety of the Empire.

Does the right hon. Gentleman not consider the situation as altogether altered now?

No; but I was about to say, concluding this part of my remarks, that it is our opinion, quite apart from what may happen in the future, that our military situation in the Mediterranean at present is amply secure. That is our opinion. The Noble Lord will have his opportunity later on, and we shall look forward to hearing his views upon the subject when the general Debate takes place, but it would not be right for me to discuss on an Army Vote a question so primarily a naval question as the Mediterranean, and the Committee I am sure would not wish me to enter upon it. I come now to the Territorial Force and to the defence of this country. The question is, Is the Territorial Force adequate, either in numbers or training, for the duties for which that Force is designed? It has been laid down that an invading force of 70,000 men might land upon these shores, and the hon. Member for South Birmingham very ingeniously tried to put the Government in a dilemma by asking, What is to happen when the whole of your Fleet is convoying 160,000 men to different parts of the Empire, while at the same time the Fleet of the enemy is convoying their transport of 70,000 men to make a raid upon our shore? I do not believe that that comical situation can ever arrive. According to the hon. Gentleman the two invading armies are supposed to pass each other on the high seas. I am persuaded nothing like that can ever occur. It is quite clear that the situation is more favourable now than it was three or four years ago against invasion. I should be the last man to say that that danger has disappeared, but the situation is more favourable, especially in the initial stages of a war. The problem for an enemy who seeks to invade these shores will always be the trouble, not only of invasion, but of evasion.

It is not conceivable that the whole Fleet will be thoroughly diminished of all its submarines, destroyers, and ships, and, as anyone knows, the invading force will be peculiarly liable to hostile attacks from hostile ships, and it must always endeavour to evade those ships. The problem of evading is a very important one. The sea is wide and sailors themselves admit that invasion by one or two ships may always be possible, but two things have happened within the last two years that make this problem much more difficult to the invader, unless he has complete and utter command of the sea. The first is the submarine. The advance in the power of the submarine recently is very great and very startling. I speak from information given me by those upon whose judgment we have to rely. I think there is no doubt that the advance in the submarine has been surprising. I do not say because of that invasion is impossible, but it is more difficult. The other point which has made invasion more difficult is the mastery of the air. The air, at least for the purposes of war, has been mastered. In almost any weather now, if the risk be taken, these flying machines can go up and reconnoitre, and by going up a considerable height you increase your radius of vision to an incredible degree. As the Noble Lord knows full well, as a practical sailor, the problem of modern warfare at sea is to get high up to see your enemy when you want to shoot him, but unfortunately as the distance of the horizon from the observer in miles may be taken as half your height in feet, everyone will see that even from the highest point on a ship you can only see forty or fifty miles. With an aeroplane it is easier to fly to a height of from 4,000 to 6,000 feet. Anyone can see the advantage of that, and a conclusion has been arrived at that at a normal height you can get a vision over 10,000 square miles at sea. I do not throw this out as being by any means final when applied to those who try to invade us, but it is a factor in the case, and will make invasion far more difficult. It is also not at all conceivable, and I speak with the whole agreement about the Admiralty and the War Office, that a large force of the enemy can possibly land upon these shores immediately on the outbreak of war without any warning. If that were conceivable we should have to concert measures to meet it. Our present measures would be inadequate.

May I point out to the right hon. Gentleman that Lord Haldane put the numbers as high as 150,000 men.

:I am not aware that my Noble Friend ever made that statement. I should be glad to have the exact words used, but having been in constant touch with my Noble Friend, he never suggested it in my hearing or, so far as I am aware, in any way. I am bound to say, in the light of some of the considerations I have mentioned, I think the difficulties which would appear are likely to be such that a large force could not be landed upon these shores unless, and until, we had lost command of the sea, and one refuses to contemplate the possibility of our losing the command of the sea with the enormously superior command of it which we have, and which I think we must always enjoy. Whichever Government is in power, it must be its duty to maintain our command of the sea, seeing it is by that we live. I submit, therefore, the numbers of the Territorial Force are quite adequate, even though not up to the full strength. We wish they were up to the full strength, but no one need feel alarmed in view of the considerations I have advanced.

I now come to the more thorny question of whether they will ever be fit to meet foreign invaders or to perform that other branch of duty which they may have to perform, as they have done in the past, to assist the Army operating overseas, defending some distant part of the Empire. Some people in this House have gone so far as to indicate that the Territorial Force is no good now; some call it a sham, and say that it can never be of any good. To them I would say this: That view is not borne out by history; it is absolutely opposed to all historical precedents. If there is any doubt, give them the benefit of the doubt for the sake of this one point: that, if you want to have Imperial cooperation you cannot get it on these terms, if you say no one is fit to be a soldier or fit for the line unless he has been trained for more than two years. That is a view advanced by some hon. Gentlemen opposite, and it appears to be held by some still. If you hold that, you cut yourselves off very completely from co-operation with Canada, Australia, New Zealand, or South Africa, because they do not believe it and never will believe it. They may be misguided; I do not think they are. They believe that a man trained for a comparatively short period, given favourable conditions and given a further period of training before the actual onslaught of war, and not a very long training, can render himself efficient for service. I am not going to base my arguments on South Africa, and especially that part of the war similar to European war, namely, the war in Natal, where the forces were more equal than in the latter stages of the war, when we had overwhelming superiority; when the fighting was more severe; when the losses sustained were in many cases of the same order as those sustained in the bloody battles in the Peninsula, at any rate by some units. It is worth while observing that that was like a European war. The South African Light Horse generally had not been trained, except very few of them, for a regular period of years or even months, but they did magnificent service, which was borne testimony to by every officer, and which I am sure will be borne testimony to by the hon. Member for South Birmingham himself. It will be said they were not fighting regularly, but surely the contention is that the Regular soldier is superior to the short-trained soldier. Does the hon. Gentleman opposite say that the South African Light Horse, if they happen to be fighting regularly would not have done as well. I am amazed!

You cannot compare undisciplined men with Regular troops against an enemy.

I do not wish to have any misunderstanding on this. But what fills me with amazement is that that argument should be produced, seeing that the finest Army this country ever sent from its shores, commanded by General Buller, all men of long training in superior numbers, not in a quite unknown country, had Lady-smith invested by these farmers, and that those same farmers drew a line round it and beat back,again and again, enormously superior numbers of their opponents with 12,000 Regular troops behind them. Does not this conclusively prove that, man for man, the farmers, as you called them, were at least equal, if not superior, to the Regulars?

It only bears out the argument I have always used, that the South African campaign was one on which you cannot rely as to what you are going to do with British troops.

8.0 P.M.

The hon. and gallant Gentleman must not escape the point. Here was a British Army of splendid men, finely led, who fought with singular gallantry, whose losses must have been equal to many sustained in the worst battles of the Peninsula, and yet an inferior number of their enemy got the best of them for many long weeks in a very difficult military situation. If the South African Light Horse did so well against those men and proved themselves man for man better, how much better would they have done against ordinary Continental troops which I am foolish enough still to think are not so good as the best British Regular troops?

Does the right hon. Gentleman think we shall always get actions fought under the circumstances which occurred at Tugela?

Everybody admits that the South African Light Horse in all their engagements behaved with singular courage and success, and I am addressing my argument not to the Noble Lord, but to those who think that men who have short training can never be fit for war. I have here a list of the war services of our Dominions. Reference has been made to the fact that to-day the Prime Minister of Canada comes to us to discuss matters of defence. I would urge the Committee not to adopt this attitude of contempt for short-trained men if they want the co-operation of that Dominion. In South Africa they have just passed a Defence Bill, and they are going to have a longer period of training than any other Dominion. They are going to have thirty days in the first year, and fifteen days in the second, third, and fourth years. The Canadians have sixteen days for the Artillery and twelve days for other arms and departments, and that is less than our own Territorial Force. In Australia they have a very short period of sixteen whole day drills, and eight days in camp; and in New Zealand thirty drills, twelve half-day or six days at the range, and seven days in camp. Those are the periods of service of these Dominion forces, and they have pro duced magnificent men. I submit that our Territorial Force will also produce magnificent men. Although this nation does not want to go to war, it has a knack of winning when it does go to war, and this is in some degree due to the excellence of its common people, as well as to the excellence of the directing brains and the officers. To suppose that we are unfit to form a force on the same model as that of our own Dominions—

I know that the hon. Member opposite is anxious that we should adopt a system of compulsory military training, but the Dominions have not got such a system, though some countries have. But we are not discussing that question at the present moment. I think all will agree that that question is out of the range of practical politics until after the next war, and as we have to prepare for the next war we might as well save our time talking about compulsory service. That brings me to the last point of my remarks. The Imperial general staff has been working very hard to get a common system of defence for all the Dominions so far as it is possible. Great steps have been made in that direction, and the forces to which I have referred are being trained in all essential particulars on the same lines as our own forces at home. I do not say that with regard to the Expeditionary Force or the Territorial Force that all is well. It is not well, and much remains to be done. I am the first to admit that, but I do claim that there has been a great advance, and the greatest substantial advance, during the last four years, and to attempt to show that our Army is worthless or even negligible is an absurd misstatement of the facts, either if you refer to the Expeditionary Force or the Territorial Force as a whole. We shall do our utmost to continue to perfect the scheme which my predecessor put on a firm basis, building it upon the foundation laid by his predecessors. There will be continuity of policy now, as there has been in the past, but that must not be taken to mean that we shall not have to do many things in order to improve what is admittedly imperfect. I do submit, however, that a great advance has been made, sufficient to justify us in resisting this Amendment, and I hope my hon. Friends will support us in so doing.

First of all I must add my congratulations to the right hon. Gentleman upon the high office to which he has attained, and it is gratifying to know that he is comparatively well satisfied with the Territorial Force at his disposal. I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman if he has taken into his consideration that new possibility which may become a reality before many years have passed, namely, that if unfortunately we find ourselves at loggerheads with some foreign nation and Ireland has got Home Rule—and we know that in that country there are men who openly avow their hostility to this country—then you will have a new situation to deal with, because there are many of the Irish leaders in that country who openly say that they will join hands with the enemies of this country. That is a possibility, and I think it may be a probability before many years have passed. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman one or two questions, and my first question is about the horses. As the right hon. Gentleman rightly admitted, I think one of the most serious things is the horse supply. I believe that our peace establishment can be kept up with the horses we have got in the country, the chief reason for that being that foreigners still desire to buy our English and Irish horses, and that encourages our breeders to keep on breeding and producing the sort of horse we want, and which the foreigners now take.

I think we ought not to congratulate ourselves on that, because it is a very serious thing to see, year after year, some of the very horses we require going abroad. To my mind the great question we have to deal with now, and the most complex of all, is the supply of gun horses and transport horses. There was a time when we could get excellent horses from the omnibus companies, and other owners of transport horses. Anyone who has been in South Africa knows what admirable service those horses did. When our ordinary Cavalry horses and Mounted Infantry horses got knocked up and could not stand the climate at the end of the war, the horses that came out best and lasted longest, were the omnibus horses, and why? Because when they went out to South Africa, they were hard and in good condition, and when they landed and had had a little rest in that country, they were fit for service and did their work admirably. But, alas ! those horses are now disappearing from this country owing to the introduction of mechanical transport, and in a very short time, unless we take some steps in this country, and unless the right hon. Gentleman turns his attention to this subject, those horses will be gone, and we shall not be able to get them at all. It is not yet too late. I believe you can register horses of the sort you want which will do the service you require if you only inaugurate a scheme for insuring those horses remaining in this country. My experience in the Service tells me that you will want a great many more of those draft horses on mobilisation. They are to be got now, but they are really disappearing, and if you desire to keep a hold on those horses you will have to inaugurate a system of registration, and you will have to pay a yearly sum for the retention of those horses in this country. From the conversations I have had with the owners of omnibus horses, I believe that they would be willing to keep those horses and stop turning their omnibuses into motor 'buses if they were given a sum of £5 a year per horse and a promise to keep that payment on for two or three years. This is not a very large sum, and by paying it you would insure a sufficient supply of horses to start your force with on mobilisation. I think that suggestion ought to commend itself to the right hon. Gentleman. The time is slipping by, and the sooner this matter is taken in hand and inaugurated the better.

There is another question to which I would direct the right hon. Gentleman's attention, which I hope he will deal with sympathetically, and that is the question of the officers at Tidworth. This is coming to be the great exercising ground in this country. Aldershot has been succeeded by Salisbury Plain, and it is much better for the purpose. There are, however, certain grievances which deserve attention. In the Army there are many married officers. I am not going to argue whether a soldier ought to be married or not. ALL I will say is that some of our best officers have been married men, and, at any rate, the number of officers in the British Army and the shortage of officers certainly do not justify you in making things more uncomfortable for the married officers, which has the effect of practically driving them out of the Army. The great difficulty at Tidworth is house accommodation. There are no private houses to be rented near Tidworth within four miles for the married officers, and at the present time they are living in the greatest possible discomfort. Sometimes they are accommodated in single men's barracks and officers' quarters, because other house accommodation is not available for them. I believe that the War Office realises this, and to some extent they have done something in the direction of providing accommodation for those officers. I believe that the War Office have put up eight houses for married officers, and I understand that a letter has been written to the married officers who applied for married quarters, and the terms of the War Office letter are these:—

And, it being a Quarter-past Eight of the clock, and there being Private Business set down by direction of the Chairman of Ways and Means, under Standing Order No. 8, further proceeding was postponed without Question put.

Private Business

STEPNEY BOROUGH COUNCIL (SPITALFIELDS MARKET) BILL [Lords].—(By Order.)

[Mr. SPEAKER in the Chair.]

Considered; to be read the third time.

Supply.—[Twelfth Allotted Day.]

Army Estimates, 1912–13

Considered in Committee.

[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]

War Office

Postponed proceeding on Question proposed on consideration of Question, "That a sum, not exceeding £440,000, be granted to His Majesty to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses of the War Office."

Which Question was, "That Item A be reduced by £100."—[ Mr. Amery. ]

A subaltern gets £36 10s. lodging allowance, a captain gets £41 1s. 3d., and a major gets £54 15s. The British officer, as a rule, is not overburdened with this world's goods, and it seems a little hard he should have to pay £108 a year for married quarters which he cannot get outside privately. I think that "will claim the sympathetic attention of the right hon. Gentleman, who has the welfare of the British officer at heart. It seems to me it is a real and genuine grievance, and one which ought to be soon put right. It could be put right at a very small expense to the War Office. There is one other matter to which I should like to call the right hon. Gentleman's attention, and, as it is not going to put the country to any expense and will do good to a deserving class, I think I shall have his sympathy. I asked a question in the House the other day with regard to the musicians who play in the canteens, and I was given the official Answer that it did not come under the province of the Secretary of State. I hope the Secretary of State, however, is sufficiently powerful and has sufficient influence that a word from him would ensure what I desire. When I first joined the Army, the musicians in the canteens wherever possible were blind men. That is a class who are under the greatest disadvantage. There are very few occupations they can undertake, and music is one in which those who are musical can excel. I think it would be doing a very good turn to a thoroughly deserving class if the right hon. Gentleman would use his influence in that direction, and see that wherever possible employment in the canteens and in the recreation rooms is given to men or ladies who cannot see. This is not asking any special favour, nor is it ask- ing for something that costs money. It is only asking for the sympathy of the right hon. Gentleman, and I hope he will tell those who direct these matters that blind people are to be employed. I should like to add my congratulations to those the right hon. Gentleman has already received, and to say that if in his new office he undertakes the improvement of the Army and the condition of those serving in the Army he will have the hearty and cordial support of every Member on this side of the House.

I should like first of all to say a word or two in support of the remarks of my hon. and gallant Friend the Member for Torquay (Colonel Burn) with regard to the housing accommodation at Tidworth. I happened to be staying a fortnight ago with a well-known Cavalry regiment which will very likely be removing to Tidworth, and I understand the amount of rent that is charged for the accommodation that is provided is perfectly monstrous. It seems to me that for a Government Department to have the hardihood to charge more than £100 a year—it amounts to more than that when you take into consideration the water supply—for accommodation which is not worth more than £30 or £40, is treating the unfortunate regimental officer very hard indeed. It is an arguable question whether an officer should marry or not, but I think it would be extremely uncomfortable if we did not have one or two regimental officers married, so long as they do not marry too young. There is one question which I do not think has been touched upon, and with which I should like to deal, and that is the question of the new National Reserve. I think the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor has been misleading—far be it from me to say intentionally—in several speeches he has made in connection with the National Reserve. The right hon. Gentleman does not think so, but I think I can prove to him my remarks are founded on a considerable amount of fact. I will give him one example. We were all delighted to see such a splendid turnout of the National Reserve as recently took place in Hyde Park. It was a credit, particularly to those who, with very little encouragement certainly at the commencement of this movement, spent money themselves, and got their friends to spend money on a force which ought not to be, as it practically is, entirely dependent on money supplied by charitable contributions. Lord Haldane, in his remarks on the National Reserve, made a statement which, I think it will be admitted, is somewhat misleading:— the Exchequer to spare a certain amount of money in order to provide these men with a small amount of uniform, with rifles and ammunition, and with facilities for meeting. If he will only do that this force may prove a great asset to the nation in time of trouble and need.

I think we have been misled in this and other directions by the too optimistic speeches of Lord Haldane. It is no use blinking facts. It is of no use pretending that these men are a national asset unless you have in the War Office a clear and defined plan for making use of them. I am not going to ask the right hon. Gentleman to announce such a plan at the present moment. He has only recently been honoured by having the duties of his high office thrust upon him, and he cannot be expected to be prepared with a detailed scheme for dealing with a force of this kind; but it is a question he ought to consider. I know there are many who take a deep interest in this particular form of service. There are a great number of officers who are anxious and willing to work to help it, and who are desirous of knowing what the War Office are going to do in connection with this scheme. There is one other point I want to raise. It has been raised on a previous occasion, and I think it then met with the sympathy of the right hon. Gentleman. It is the question of the pensions of soldiers who have gone into the Civil Service. I think there is a real injustice—an injustice which is felt very keenly by old soldiers especially—in that, although they are taken over as Government servants in another Department, their service with the colours does not count for pension. The injustice is the more keenly felt because the Government have just taken over a number of the operators employed by the National Telephone Company, and it is because of this this injustice is felt all the more keenly by old soldiers. I believe, as I have said, that I have the sympathy of the right hon. Gentleman in this matter, but I think I shall be excused if I ask for more than sympathy, and if I press him for some sort of encouragement to hope that further steps will be taken to do away with this injustice, seeing that it is strongly felt by many men who have served their country in the military or naval forces and who are now serving it in another capacity.

I wish to take the earliest opportunity of associating myself with the congratulations which the right hon. Gentleman has received on his elevation to his high office. I should also like to take the first opportunity of joining issue with him and with the hon. and gallant Member for West Renfrewshire (Colonel Greig) in the description he gave the Committee of the attitude of Members on this side* in regard to the Territorial Force. I wish to say for myself, and I am sure for the great majority of my hon. Friends here, that we do not attempt to decry or belittle the Territorial Force in any degree. We have just as great an admiration for its spirit and for its excellent qualities as any hon. Member opposite. What we do say, and what I believe hon. Gentlemen opposite realise, is that a period of ten days' training per annum cannot be, in any sense, anything like sufficient for the proper training of recruits. The right hon. Gentleman quoted an analogy which I think was a false one when he spoke of the South African Light Horse in the South African war. I understood that that force was raised on the spot; that a very large proportion of the men were recruited locally; that their habits of life tended to make them fit and ready for the exercise of war-like operations; that they were men accustomed to handling the rifle every day of their lives; that they were good horsemen, and that they were themselves in a condition of physical fitness to carry on a campaign. I do not think it was quite fair of the right hon. Gentleman to compare them with the average Territorial who might be called upon by this country should war break out. The Noble Lord the Member for West Perthshire (Marquess of Tullibardine) expressed a hope that the right hon. Gentleman would be able to give some assurance that a second arm besides the rifle would be provided for the Territorial Force, and I rather gathered that the right hon. Gentleman said he hoped to be able to do so. I trust however he will not take it that the Yeomanry generally agree with the Noble Lord that it is desirable to equip them with the bayonet. The distinguished regiment which the Noble Lord commands has a reputation, I believe, that when it wishes to execute a particularly rapid movement, of dismounting and either pushing their ponies in front, or dragging them behind, and therefore I think some longer weapon than the bayonet might prove more valuable in such a case.

I rose mainly for the purpose of calling the right hon. Gentleman's attention to two small points. The first is this: It is a fact that officers who are seconded for service in the more unhealthy, dangerous, and disagreeable parts of our Imperial Dominions are permitted to count that service as double towards their pension. For example, an officer in the Brigade of Guards attached to the Egyptian Army, who is in command, we will say, of a detached black battalion somewhere in the Egyptian hinterland, is now able to count every day of that service as worth two ordinary days of regimental duty here at home in advancing him towards the obtaining of his pension. All those who realise the conditions under which these officers serve believe that it is a privilege which is not too easily won. But it is also a very unfortunate fact that officers serving under similar conditions in Northern and Southern Nigeria are not entitled to this privilege. The distinction is made even more invidious by the fact that noncommissioned officers, serving in exactly the same districts in Nigeria, and probably under these very officers, are entitled to this privilege as regards pensions, while the commissioned officers themselves are not entitled to it. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, or one of his colleagues, will inquire into this matter and that if they find what I state is correct they will remedy this most invidious and unfortunate discrimination which is drawn between officers whose service is equally dangerous, disagreeable, and unhealthy, whether in Egypt or in Nigeria.

The other question to which I wish to refer is that of the pay and allowances of sergeant-instructors and squadron sergeant-majors of the Territorial Force. Every officer who has had any experience of the Territorial Force will agree that a very large part of the morale, discipline, and general efficiency of the squadron or company depends upon these permanent non-commissioned officers. As the Committee is aware, the number of Territorial officers who can give the time to be in contact with their men all the year round is becoming less and less every year. I have no doubt that if the Chancellor of the Exchequer had his way that class of men would cease to exist altogether. It is a fact that the average Territorial officer to-day is a man who has many other preoccupations. He is very often engaged in difficult and important business, and therefore cannot be constantly in attendance at his squadron or company's headquarters. In these circumstances, I believe it to be absolutely essential that he should have some efficient and satisfactory representative at those headquarters who can give his whole mind and energies to the performance of his difficult and responsible duties, without always having to be thinking whether his pay and allowances are enough to make both ends meet. There is only one way of obtaining this result—that is, instead of perpetuating the flat rate for pay and allowances which at present exists, to adopt the method which obtains in India, I believe with very satisfactory results, of having the rate of pay and allowances for each separate district settled by either a committee or some Government official who lives in that district and knows the conditions of living, the cost of food, and so on, which obtain there.

It is illogical and unreasonable to make a squadron sergeant-major stationed in Sussex subsist on exactly the same pay and allowances as a squadron sergeant-major stationed in Sutherlandshire. Look at the fate of a sergeant-instructor or a squadron sergeant-major whose headquarters happen to be in that extensive oblong area which lies between the Highland railway on the east and Loch Shin and the other branch of that railway on the south, and the sea on the north and west. Here is a district through which there is comparatively no railway communication at all, in which there are very few roads, and those extremely bad, a district in which communication is at all times very difficult, and in winter practically impossible; a district in which men may be living at forty, fifty, or even sixty miles from their company or squadron's headquarters; and, above all, a district in which not only coals and fuel, but bread and meat are far more expensive than they are in the ordinary populated area. Yet such a wild and remote district such as that probably contains more valuable potential military units and better raw material for military purposes than any other part of the United Kingdom. It is enormously to our interest that we should develop these resources so far as we possibly can, and I put it to hon. Gentlemen opposite that we cannot do so unless we give to the permanent staff of the Territorial regiments quartered in that district a standard of pay and allowances sufficient to allow them to subsist comfortably, without always having to think how they are going to make both ends meet.

The question of the shortage of officers in the Regular Army has arisen in the course of this Debate. I think that one of the causes of that shortage is largely due to a certain amount of grumbling and discontent in connection with the promotion to commands. I raised a specific case the other day, but I do not want to mention the regiment particularly now. I would only mention on this occasion that it does appear to be an injustice—and it is not an individual case—when a man is brought into the command from another regiment and placed over the heads of majors who have done meritorious service in the field, which has been recognised in the usual way by giving them the D.S.O. or a brevet. In this particular case there are four majors who are about to be passed over by an officer who has had no war service, who has had no regimental staff service, who has never commanded a depot, or been adjutant of his own regiment or a staff officer. In the case of the four majors over whose heads he goes, one of them is the second senior major in that regiment, who has received a brevet for his services in the South African war, who has commanded a depot, and been adjutant of his regiment. Practically the same qualifications apply to the other three majors, who have done service which has been recognised by the State in the past. That an officer should be brought in from outside—an officer who, from all I can hear, is an excellent officer, and is likely to make a good commanding officer, and placed over the heads of these officers—gives cause for discontent and grumbling, which acts very materially as a deterrent to officers to join the Regular Army. Whatever may be the advantage or disadvantage of the hereditary practice, undoubtedly it has been, and I think to the glory of the country, the practice for officers to place one of their sons in the regiment in which they have previously served, and when they follow up the history of the regiment and see that a man is being brought in from outside and placed over the heads of officers who have distinguished themselves, it is a cause of grievance, and very likely, in discussing the matter with their friends, they will say, "This is no place to send our sons if men who have done well by their regiment are passed over at the suggestion of some official of the War Office."

I do not know exactly what is the procedure of the Committee of Selection, but I believe it is something of this kind: that no officer is given accelerated promotion unless he is specially recommended. This acts particularly hardly in connection with good regiments, because it is in good regiments, where one man does not stand out pre-eminently above his fellows, and therefore when the brigadier, or whoever it may be, makes his confidential report on the officers of that regiment, there is no particular officer to whom he can call attention, and consequently very often these officers receive good reports; but at the same time do not receive special reports. In an indifferent regiment or battalion one officer may stand out pre-eminently over his fellows, and his name is put forward for accelerated promotion, and it is an injustice to good regiments, because, as it may be possibly, the senior major is not an officer who is considered fit to command, but the other officers immediately below him suffer in consequence of having an officer brought in over their heads. The case which I raised the other day is not, I believe, an individual case, and I ask that something may be done to rectify this, and if it is to be the policy of the War Office that there is to be a general list of promotions, which in my opinion has many merits, the Army as a whole should know that it is the system, and they would then know what to look forward to. It acts in this way, so far as discipline is concerned.

You get three or four majors passed over and an officer brought in from outside. Soldiers have an off-hand way of talking, and when an officer is brought in from outside to command, it is quite conceivable that some such conversation as this might go on among non-commissioned officers and men. "Fine lot of majors we must have; cannot get one good enough to command." It may be said in joke originally, but that is a very wrong impression to get abroad, and, although it may be said heedlessly and thoughtlessly, it is a thing which sticks and it prejudices the officers who are passed over in the eyes of those whom they have to command, and I hope, before officers who have distinguished themselves in the field are passed over, some definite statement may be made for the benefit of the Army in order that officers may know that a general list of promotion is established, or if it is not established, they should know on what principle an officer is brought in to command and placed over the heads of those who have done good service to their country. I hope the hon. Gentleman will be able to give me some assurance on this matter, because it has been brought to my knowledge, not only in the case of one regiment, but of three or four, where officers have been brought into command over the heads of officers who, so. far as I have been able to hear, there is nothing against, and a great deal of dissatisfaction exists.

Although I have a notice on the Paper to reduce the salary of the Secretary for War of £100, I can assure him that I have no animus against him, but I want to ask him to order the discontinuance of the recently established practice of rifle shooting on Sundays. It has received the sanction and I think, the encouragement of the right hon. Gentleman, and I have received from my Constituents many protests- against this proceeding—action with which I thoroughly agree.

The particular subject to which the hon. Member is now referring comes up more properly under Vote 4, I will allow a general reference to it, but it must be quite a general reference and not in any sense a detailed statement.

I feel it my duty to raise a protest because it is an outrage on the feelings of a large number of people, and I am sure it is opposed to the desire of all the churches. We contend that it is hard on the men. It prevents them from embracing the opportunity of attending public worship, and it entails a large amount of unnecessary labour on parties to prepare for this practice when many of the men have to work very hard during the week, and require a day of rest. I believe the action of the Government is acting as a deterrent to officers to enter the local land forces. I know for a fact that some of the best young men decline to enter the Territorials because of this arrangement. The right hon. Gentleman says the order is not compulsory, but those who conscientiously object to Sunday rifle practice are placed at a great disadvantage. They are anxious to qualify for the defence of their country, and we are indebted to these men who give their time for this purpose. Surely it is possible to arrange that on a week-day opportunity should be afforded" for qualification in this direction. Last Sunday week I spent the whole day from half-past seven in the morning till six at night near a rifle range, and with the exception of an hour and a-half during service time there was constant firing. The whole afternoon was engaged in Gatling and Maxim practice. Surely it is unnecessary. It is very offensive to the people in the neighbourhood, and altogether is detrimental to the best interests of the country, and we hold that it is a desecration of the Sunday. It would be a calamity for this country if the day of rest is interfered with in this direction, and I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to put an end to this. If he does I believe he will consult the best wishes of the people. I feel confident in appealing to the right hon. Gentleman. I do not question his motive, but I believe it is a false step which has been taken, and I do hope he will see his way to retrace. We are dependent very largely on the efficiency of the Territorials, and I am sure that if this is permitted or encouraged, it will mean that many officers will refuse to act in the Territorial Force, and that some of our best men will be prevented from joining it. Only last week, coming up in the train, I met an officer who said that he positively refused to take his men for rifle practice on Sunday. I cannot help thinking that the Government by this action are trying to extort from these men, on the seventh day, work which is altogether inconsistent with fairness and reason, and I do appeal to the right hon. Gentleman, out of respect to the conscience of, I am sure, a large number of people, and I believe of the men themselves, to arrange for rifle practice on week-days, and to discontinue this objectionable practice on Sunday.

9.0 P.M.

I believe it is true to say that this Debate has centred round more questions of detail than those of general policy. In fact, the points raised by the hon. Member (Mr. Amery) in the first speech this afternoon have, I fancy, remained practically undealt with; but there are, I think, many reasons why this House should really take a little more interest in questions of general policy than is apparent by the empty benches, particularly on the other side of the House, during the greater part of this day's Debate. I am not going to deal with the larger questions of military defence, particularly in regard to the Mediterranean; but I do wish to say a few words as to the general policy which the people of this country must pursue if they are going by any means to obtain proper defences for this country. The hon. Member for West Renfrewshire (Colonel Greig) was somewhat disturbed at the remarks which were made by some of my hon. Friends on this side. I think he imagined that we decried in some way the ability of the old Volunteer Force and of the Territorial Force which has taken its place. Speaking for myself, having served in both of these branches of the service, I can honestly say my opinion is, that the individuals forming the old force and the present force are imbued with the highest ideals of fitting themselves to serve their country. But, on the other hand, when we come to ask ourselves the question: Are we who are taking part in the Territorial Force, able to say that we are capable and fitted for doing the work which the country would expect of us on an outbreak of war? I confess that I am constrained to say I do not believe that with the present training we have we are in any way fitted to take our place against trained troops. That is a very serious question. Are we to depend as citizens of this country, as indeed we are told we must depend, upon this force for the defence of our shores in the event of a great outbreak of War? We have always been told that the first line of defence is our Navy, and undoubtedly that is true. There are many of us who by recent events have been led to take a less confident view of the ability of that Navy. A greater strain must of necessity, therefore, be thrown on the land forces of the Crown. I shall not go into any great detail as to the ability of the Regular forces. I think it is fair to say that the Army as a whole is probably better fitted to-day than in the past to take its place in any contest. But, on the other hand, I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman who is in charge of the War Office at the present time can say that the Regular Army is either efficient in the number of officers, or that it is fully supplied—particularly with regard to horses. I am one of those who have always taken a very close interest in the question of horse-breeding in this country, and I confess I am appalled at the lack of appreciation which is shown by the authorities of the serious position in which this country is placed with regard to this question. It is true that within recent years the Government have done more to assist with respect to horse-breeding, but at the same time we are, I think, constrained to say that neither the Regular Cavalry nor the Regular Artillery have a sufficient number of horses with which to take the field.

Certainly, whatever steps could be taken at the present time, those of us who have been interested in this subject are very well aware that only very recently, on the possibility of our troops having to proceed to war, an immense number of horses were bought by the Government. They were bought at great expense, and for the most part the animals could not have been trained in any sense of the word. I venture to say that for the most part they were not in a fit condition to go. That, after all, is one of the most important points. It is no use for the Secretary of State for War to come down to this House and say that, having taken a careful census of the horses throughout the country, he is able to assure us that there are a sufficient number of animals in the country to meet the demand. But the main point is this: Even if these horses did exist, which I myself greatly doubt, except on the very first outbreak most of these horses, for an Expeditionary Force are not in a fit condition.

Those who took part in the South African war know full well that there was a great wastage of horseflesh, that there was an immense expenditure which in many cases was entirely thrown away, and that many regiments had themselves placed in a position in which they ought never to have been placed of insufficiency and inability to carry out the duties they were called upon to perform. If I am right in saying that that state of matters applies to the Regular Forces of this country, I can, I think, speak even more strongly with regard to the question of horse supply so far as regards the Territorial Force. I have each year been brought in contact with more than one regiment of Yeomanry, and I find every year innumerable horses, going through their training no doubt, which would be perfectly unsuited if these regiments were actually called upon to perform anything like regular war service. How are we going to deal with this question? It is quite absurd to say, in spite of all the money that is being expended upon breeding schemes, mainly under the Board of Agriculture, but, as I understand, also in conjunction with the War Office, that these schemes are going fully to deal with this question. Something more is required. You cannot expect people to breed horses, either in Great Britain or Ireland, unless the Government are prepared to pay a price reasonably in proportion to the price paid by those foreign buyers who come to this country to purchase horses for their Governments. On the other hand, you cannot expect a farmer to breed the horses which are absolutely essential to the Service unless you are prepared to take them from them at an age which will relieve them from the necessity of the expense of breaking them. I believe that it would pay the Government to institute depots where they could collect those horses and break them for themselves. I am quite certain they must realise that it is a mistaken policy to send young horses to do the work which is necessitated in a regiment until they are a certain age. I am glad to say that I think that has been admitted by the Government, and that it is not their intention to use horses in manœuvres until they are six years of age.

A large proportion of the horses bought for service should be got directly from the farmers. Everyone knows that buyers for the Army find it infinitely more convenient to purchase the horses through dealers, and particularly dealers in Ireland. But as the Government are going to spend even the few thousand pounds that they are spending at present upon the encouragement of horse breeding, it is essential that they should purchase horses which are the result of their expenditure. Take the case of my own country, Scotland. It is quite clear that no effort has been made for a considerable number of years to purchase any horses in that country. That is a mistaken policy. We are told that Scotland is unsuited for breeding horses for military purposes. Speaking generally, if you compare Scotland with Ireland that may be so, but on the other hand there is a large number of people in Scotland who do breed military horses. As an instance of that, I saw only the other day a number of Artillery horses which had been bought by one of the associations which seemed to me to provide an answer to any question of this kind. I saw these horses, and I thought them eminently suitable for the; purpose, and while I am bound to admit that a certain number of these horses came from Ireland they were all of them purchased in Scotland. I would ask that in future the Government buyers will make an effort to come to Scotland and try to get a little more in touch with the farmers. At the same time I am bound to confess that the difficulties which will face those' officers who come to purchase horses will not be small. They will be asked a price probably far in excess of the value of the animal. Indeed, they may often have animals pressed upon them which are not suitable for their purpose. But I do ask that they will come and give us an opportunity of showing what we can do, and do something to encourage the breeding of horses. Unless that is done, the question of horse breeding in this country will become even more serious than it is.

In reference to the Territorial Forces, the right hon. Gentleman is well aware of the various schemes that have been proposed, some of which are well worthy of further development. I think that the scheme that has been carried out by the Territorial Association of Ayrshire, while it is good in many respects, has this weak ness: that the financial success of that scheme is based upon the fact that the Territorial Association hires its horses out to several others. I think that that is an unsound principle. If the right hon. Gentleman is to put this on a sound footing he must as far as possible see that these horses that are bought by Territorial or County Associations should be farmed out, in order that they may be kept for one particular unit, and for that unit alone. I want the right hon. Gentleman, in considering this question, to make quite sure that there is no overlapping between the Territorial associations and the demands for horses for the Regular forces. I am afraid from what I hear that there is considerable overlapping, and in many cases it will be a case of who comes first on the outbreak of war in determining who gets those horses. Therefore, I believe that the greatest care and attention must be shown in this matter. With regard to the position of the Territorial Forces and the question of Regular officers, I am one of those who always welcome Regular officers coming into the Territorial Forces. I believe that it is very essential for the good training of the forces, but I do not think that it should be laid down as a hard and fast rule that all the higher commands are to be held by Regular officers without an opportunity of the Territorial Forces being able to compete for them. On the other hand, I do think that we must be careful that those officers in the Terri torial Forces who hold these positions must fit themselves very thoroughly through examinations and otherwise to hold these positions. As to the opportunity which Territorial officers have to fit themselves to take these positions, the right hon. Gentleman may remember that not very long ago I approached him on the subject of the depots for the training of Yeomanry officers. We in Scotland have a grievance in not having a depot there. I understand that in the course of time that will be remedied, but in the meantime all our officers will have to proceed to—

I think that the hon. Member must deal with the matter in general terms, and not in its specific details.

Speaking generally, I think that further provision than merely sending Territorial officers to be attached to Regular regiments should be made. With regard to the whole of the Territorial Force I believe that the people of this country must be brought to realise that however good the response has been both from officers and men in the past, we are at the present moment very far short of the requisite numbers, and what is perhaps more important, of the requisite efficiency; and if this force is to be in any way adequate to the strain which is likely to be placed upon it, then the general public must give it infinitely more support than it has done in the past. With regard to the question of employers I think that the difficulties which we who have to recruit for the Territorial Force have to face, are rather increasing than decreasing. There was a suggestion made to-night that the sum of 10s. or 20s. should be paid to those employers whose men entered the Territorial Force, and who give up a week's work. Speaking for myself, I would infinitely rather see a fine imposed on those employers of labour who refuse to allow their men to join the Territorial Force than see further expenditure on the part of the Government. I am bound to say that in all Territorial matters we are brought up against this question of finance, and it is really unfair for those, who make speeches on either side of the House for improving the Territorial Force, to always make demands for expenditure which the right hon. Gentleman is expected to provide for. For myself I must say that I would a great deal sooner impose a fine upon those employers who stood in the way of any man who wished to serve his country, than I would encourage demands on the Exchequer.

In regard to the reply of the right hon. Gentleman, in 1906, the date which he selected, very material alterations had taken place, and we further know that during the intervening space of time we have had an increase in the number of divisions which may be mobolised for war. The particular point which I wish to bring home is one to which the right hon. Gentleman ought to give most serious consideration, and that is the proportion of trained soldiers to the Reserves. I know that the reduction in the establishment of infantry was made in the year 1904–5. At that time the reduction of the Infantry of the line was to 720 privates, and in the Brigade of Guards to 620. I do not get up to-night to make any party points, but to try, if I can, to do anything which will increase the efficiency of our fighting force. The reduction in establishments may have been justified to some extent at the time it was made, but I should not wish to say that it was, though I believe that, at the time, it was found difficult to recruit. However that may be, the reduction was made. The right hon. Gentleman, in comparing our present state with that of 1906, said that we are now able to provide extra divisions. I submit that in one particular we are not so well off now as we were. The trained soldier must of necessity be of greater advantage in the Expeditionary Force than the Reservist, though it is hardly necessary to insist upon that point. I believe that every Member of this Committee will admit that the trained soldier, that the man who has undergone his training, who is skilled, and who in the course of training every day learns what it is necessary to do in warfare, undergoing what would be essential on active service—that man is a better man than the Reservist when he has first come back to the ranks.

I say that in war time it is essential that there should be a sufficient proportion of trained soldiers in our battalions. The right hon. Gentleman did not think it advisable to let anybody know the exact proportion. I do not require myself to see the figures. I have had the honour of serving in the Army, and I know what a battalion has to do, and I know what the number in that battalion should be of men of sufficient age and training to go on active service. I know from the figures what the influx in the Service should be, and that is quite enough to make me convinced that it is unfair to expect officers to lead the battalion in war, and that it is unfair to expect the men on short notice to take their position in the front lines in the firing lines, against trained soldiers in any part of the Continent. I do not wish to give figures, and I do not wish to pitch my tale too strongly, but I must say that it is essential that we should increase the peace establishment in the battalions if we wish to obtain a proper and efficient force on mobilisation. Again, five, six, eight or ten years ago mobilisation was a more leisurely movement than it is to-day. It is boasted by the Secretary of State for War that now only a few days are required to enable us to send 150,000 troops out of this country as an Expeditionary Force. I maintain that if that force has not a greater proportion of trained soldiers to Reservists than it has to-day it is not fair to any one man, whether a trained soldier or a Reservist, to send him out of the country on that short notice, and it would be absolutely essential, before sending that force abroad that these Reservists should be given time to get back into the saddle, and to again become familiar with their regimental duties.

I am sure that the last thing I wish to do is in any way to run down or to belittle the value of Reservists. No man is more ready to stand up for what the Reservists can do. It is for that very reason I blame the present Government, because I know that these facts have been brought to their notice, and I am convinced from what I hear in the Army that if they listen to the regimental officer they know that he does feel that he is considerably handicapped by knowing that his company is going to be swamped by Reservists whom he has got to take at once on active service. I do not wish to belittle the efforts of the right hon. Gentleman; I am sure every effort has been made to improve the Army, but it is necessary, if we are going to bring our Army up to that point of efficiency we should wish to see, that we should increase the peace establishment of our Infantry battalions. I do not wish to press my point to the verge of saying that our Army is not better than it was in many respects. I can only say personally I know it would be, and is, an enormous handicap to start in a campaign with a number of Reservists, greater than the number of trained soldiers in your unit. I feel sure if the right hon. Gentleman would inquire into this matter from Members of the House in all parts, and get the views of the regimental officers of the men who have to do the fighting, he would find that they are all agreed that it is a great handicap to be put in that position, and that he would meet with their views to put our fighting force into a fair position. There is a responsibility on Members of this House in case we suffered a calamity owing to our men being sent at once on active service with that large number of Reservists. I am sure that unless we increase the establishments of our Infantry battalion we shall be laying ourselves open to that great misfortune of a calamity. It is not fair to our officers and non-commissioned officers who at the present time, as the right hon. Gentleman has himself said, are doing their utmost to improve our Army, to improve themselves, and to make our fighting force as efficient as they can. Unless you give them proper material, and a sufficient number of trained soldiers, they are not going to do the best they could do on active service.

The fact of adding a hundred men to the establishment of the six guard battalions and fifty men to the establishment of the line battalions of the six divisions, would not cost more than £200,000. We have been asked to-night to consider whether it would not be advisable to spend more money on our Territorial Force. That question I would sooner beg, because I am not a great admirer of the Territorial Force, and I personally shall always stand up for the Regular soldier, and say our first duty is to see that our first line is efficient. However that may be, I do ask the Committee to support me in pressing on the Secretary of State for War the necessity of increasing the establishment of our battalions that are going to form those six divisions. If we did, as I suggest, make those increases of 100 men to the six battalions of Guards in our first and second divisions, and fifty to the sixty-six other battalions, it would be showing the officers and men who have to fight for their country that the Members of this House were anxious to make that step towards increasing their efficiency. It is not impossible that it may be urged against the extra amount of recruits that there would be the difficulty in obtaining them. I do not know whether the Government would put forward that argument. If they would, we should have to think of giving greater inducements to men to join. One has been mentioned to-night, and that is that men who serve in the Army should be able to get a certain proportion of all Government appointments, which should be reserved to men who have served their country in the Army. I personally, as an old soldier, shall always advocate such.

I also would advocate that service in the Army might equally be treated for pensions. All those things undoubtedly may mean expense, but if we wish to be properly served and to have an efficient Army I cannot see why the man who serves his country in the Army should not be entitled to as much pension as the man who serves in the Post Office or in the Civil Service of any kind. If we are ready to give pensions for one kind of service, why should we not do so for another? That would be an inducement to get more recruits if we still found that the number of recruits coming forward was too little. Increase in the number of recruits is undoubtedly the best way of increasing our establishment of Infantry battalions. The other alternative to which we ought to resort is to allow Reservists of their own free will to come back and have further training with their battalions. In that way we would have a greater number of men who had undergone the latest military training. The training of the Infantry officer and soldier is advancing every day, and it is a serious thing with that advance to say that a man who has been five or six years away is to go back to our first line. If I were to be called upon for service I should feel that it was necessary to keep in touch with all the improvements which are to be made. Surely it is right when Reservists are to go back that they should be able to get further training with their battalions, and thus make themselves more fit to take their position in the first line when called upon to do work and go to war. It is my last desire that anything of that sort should occur, and I am certain that the best preventive of it is our readiness for war. Therefore, I again press the Secretary of State to support an increase in the number of men per battalion in these six divisions.

I hope the right hon. Gentleman will take into consideration the suggestions made by my hon. and gallant Friend (Major Willoughby). It is undoubtedly absolutely necessary that the portion of the Service composing the Expeditionary Force should be increased if that force is to give a good account of itself. I wish to speak about the basis on which the Expeditionary Force is formed, and to say how entirely I agree with the speech of the hon. Member for South Birmingham (Mr. Amery). If any Member reads the Debates in this House he will find a most extraordinary reason given for the Expeditionary Force being fixed at 160,000; and I should like to know whether the same view is still held by the War Office. When he was criticised for fixing the strength of the Expeditionary Force at 160,000, Lord Haldane stated that he had 160,000 troops in the country, and therefore that should be the strength of the Expeditionary Force. My hon. Friend was correct in saying that that is fixing your Expeditionary Force on a condition of affairs which obtained forty years ago, and not on the condition of the affairs which obtains to-day. I do not wish to discuss the Cardwell system; I will only say that the defence of India is no longer the foremost consideration for this country. Our foremost consideration is the defence of our own shores and the frontiers of a neighbouring country. The numbers of the Expeditionary Force should therefore be fixed, not by the number of troops in the country, but by the number of troops demanded by our foreign policy I should like to hear that stated in terms by the Secretary of State, or by the Under-Secretary, before the Debate closes. If the War Office are consistent on the lines laid down by Lord Haldane, supposing you are able to withdraw some of our garrisons from South Africa, there is sure to arise from Members in favour of economy a demand for the battalions which come home, and also the battalions which supply them with drafts under the Cardwell system, to be disbanded, and in support of their demand they will be able to point to the declaration about the Expeditionary Force being regulated by the number of troops in the country.

I was astonished by some of the remarks made by the Secretary of State this afternoon, especially when he invited us to consider the probability of our Dominions joining with us for purposes of defence. No one wishes more than I do that Imperial defence may be co-ordinated, and become a really valuable asset to the nation in the future. But we have a long furrow to plough before we get to that. You cannot co-ordinate Imperial defence until you co-ordinate your Imperial policy, and for the Secretary of State for War to tell the Committee that that is a consideration of considerable moment, is, I think, decidedly premature. I hope it will not put off any of those Members who think, as I do, that this country has to fight its own battle, and may have to fight it very soon and very suddenly. A great friend of mine, one of our keenest young officers, has written over his mantelpiece in large capital letters, the one word "War." I hope the right hon. Gentleman's colleagues will have the word "Peace" written over their mantelpieces, and that the right hon. Gentleman himself will have the word "War" written not only over his mantelpiece, but at the foot of his bed, and any- where else he can think of, because that is the one thing he has to think about. When it comes, it is certain it will come quickly, and he will have to be ready for it. It is not a question of what we did in South Africa, or what the right hon. Gentleman is able to do with the fine Yeomanry regiment that he commands. We shall have to fight troops trained for war, and that is the consideration he has to keep constantly before him.

At the very outset of my remarks I wish to associate myself with the congratulations bestowed by my hon. and gallant Friends on the Secretary of State for War on the fact that he, who used to represent the Army in this House, now represents it in the Councils of the Empire with a seat on the Imperial Defence Committee. He did not complain—he would be the last to do so—of the fact that his promotion had been accompanied by a shot fired across his bows in the shape of a proposed reduction in his new emoluments. I think my hon. Friend the Member for South Birmingham was justified in moving that reduction, and I will support it. I think he was justified by the whole course of this Debate, and by the nature of the reply which the Secretary of State made. The reason I think the reduction was properly moved is that the right hon. Gentleman showed once more his ability for sailing lightly away from all the graver problems presented to him. I have to answer his speech. Let me preface my attempt to reply by an epitome of that speech, which I assure him is not intended to be a caricature. He said that he would speak of the Expeditionary Force, of the garrisons, and of Home defence. Head I. Expeditionary Force: It would be a mistake to discuss numbers, because foreign countries do not tell us the numbers of their Expeditionary Forces. Head II. Garrisons: It would be far better to defer our opinion upon this point for a fortnight, when we shall have a further Debate. Head III. Home Defence: Numbers depend, not upon the views of the General Staff, but upon recent developments in submarines and aeroplanes. Sub-head III. Training of the Territorial Force: This must be determined by a consideration of the condition of things which prevails in the sister State, and by remembering what occurred in connection with the South African Light Horse and the Boers. The conclusion seemed to be that, therefore, one Territorial, with one week's training, led by an officer with no training at all, is the equal of a Boer, twenty eight years old, who has ridden and shot all his life, directed by Boer leaders of life-long experience. That, I confess, is only an epitome of the speech to which I have to reply.

I do not in the least object to that interruption, but, if I may say so, I think the right hon. Gentleman, who is entitled to his observation, is far too sensitive to the dialectics of debate and not sufficiently sensible to the vastness and reality of the task before him, which is to see that our military preparations are always maintained. I think three truths have emerged from to-day's Debate and that of March. The first is that we must look very closely to our garrisons overseas. I am not going to elaborate that part of the argument until we have heard what the Prime Minister has to say about the Mediterranean garrison; but I think for the moment I am entitled to state that what has happened since March confirms the view that we have to look closely into our overseas garrison. Since they may have to be reinforced it confirms the necessity of looking even more closely into our preparations for the Expeditionary Force and for Home defence. Obviously, if some part of our present military preparations may, in a not very remote contingency, be diverted to strengthen foreign garrisons, then we have less material at home under the existing system to deal with the other two heads of the speech to which I am endeavouring to reply.

I would like to put the matter of the Expeditionary Force in this way: All we have heard in these Debates proves, and this is my second truth, the vital necessity of our being able to dispatch an Expeditionary Force—on a scale large perhaps according to our ideas of ten years ago, but microscopical in comparison with Continental armies—and that that force should be ready and free to go. The second truth that I think emerges—and here we shall get to contentious matter—is that that necessity has not so far been met. The necessity has, I think, been admitted—I might say that it has been asserted by the Government. The right hon. Gentleman's predecessor has stated in terms which nobody can take exception to, that, broadly speaking, the very foundation of adequate defensive preparations is the power of rapidly assuming the offensive. These are rather technical terms, but if the Government mean that, then all they have to do is to act in accordance with their intentions. Although we have no quarrel, as far as I know, with the language in which Lord Haldane—and I think I may add the right hon. Gentleman opposite—has stated that the power of sending out a force on a considerable scale at any moment is a vital necessity in our defence, still what we have to drive home is that that view is not endorsed by all the supporters of the Government. So far as I can gather, I am not quite satisfied that it is grasped by the country. I doubt whether it is always grasped by the Government. I will try and make that good. They have relaxed their grip upon the truth. The right hon. Gentleman relapsed into comparisons with regard to our preparation in respect to our Expeditionary Force now and five and a half years ago. Does not that point obscure this vital necessity to which I have referred? This is not a verbal fight between the Opposition and the Government as to who made the best preparations in this or that. These arguments are quite irrelevant and almost puerile. Yet we get them in Debate from one side or another.

One hon. and gallant Gentleman behind the right hon. Gentleman produced elaborate figures to show that the Territorial Force was better than the Volunteers. What on earth has that got to do with the fact which we must grip now, and never relax our hold upon, that the fundamental part of the defensive preparations of this country is to be able to send an expedition to any part of the world, and that it should be ready and free to go at once? I think the Government may be accused of losing their grip upon that central fact, so vital to national safety. They have relapsed into speaking of the Navy as our all in all. I am putting it shortly. It is not true that if we have the supremacy of the seas to the extent to which we had it even some years ago that we should be in a position to dispatch a considerable expedition abroad. I am not going to elaborate that at any great length. But we must either accept or reject what Lord Haldane has said. We must accept the fact that the sending of our Expeditionary Force and having it ready and free to go is vital, or it is negligible. When we press the argument and say it is vital and claim the assertion of the Government in their belief that it is vital, then I say it is a mistake to fall into comparisons between the preparations now and a few years ago, or to hug ourselves with the belief—vain in my opinion—that even if our Navy is all we can desire we need not care about this Expeditionary Force at all. I do not wish to make a party point here. I have met Unionists who have studied the question of military defence, and who have asked me, "Why is it that the Army Estimates now are so much larger than before the Boer war"?

There are hon. Members in this House who put the same question. I think I may be permitted to give an answer; because we cannot conduct this Debate unless we face this explanation. The answer is that we have entered into a new period of history. We are living now and not then. We do not always realise it; but we are living in an epoch which presents certain strategical and diplomatic features which our forefathers were familiar with, but which are novel and strange to our own generation. What are those features? I think they are two. The first feature is, that once more you have diplomatic contact between the great Powers over countries other than European countries in three Continents. That has not been true for 100 years. When it was true in the days of our forefathers it was a question of seeing who could acquire and maintain a foothold in the virgin territories of the world. Now it is true again. No one can deny that strategic railways are being built here, there, and everywhere. No one can deny the diplomacy is exercised, not as to who got the first claim on the three Continents, but who is to be allowed to maintain the claim which they have established. I need not expand what I say, for it is true, and I think the right hon. Gentleman knows it. The second feature is this: the facts have been referred to very calmly and very impressively by the right hon. Gentleman the Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) in a contribution which he made to a German periodical. The new fact that appears is that an enormous military Power on land is engaged in building up a colossal Fleet. Putting these two facts together, the complete diplomacy over the world and the new attempt at being all-powerful by sea as well as by land, are we not entitled to say that we have now an epoch with which our generation is not familiar, but which does present a close parallel to cases in European history in which our forefathers had to be ready, if need be, to send a dominating Expeditionary Force wherever that Expeditionary Force would be called upon to fight? That is why, in my judgment, we are wasting our time when we compare the preparations of the present with those of five, ten, or fifteen years ago. We have to look at the problem as it is now, and we have got to solve it if we can. My point is that we must be in a position to send an Expeditionary Force on a considerable scale abroad, and I think it follows from what I have said that diplomacy without sanction behind it is of no value in the new circumstances with which we are confronted. No sanction for diplomacy can accrue from a Navy alone, even if that Navy be all-powerful. We wish to throw our diplomacy into the balance for peace, and we do throw our diplomacy into the balance of peace, but it is true to say that the situation is that we have only now two courses to pursue in this country, the choice of being a friend of a Power—we need not mention any names—which stands for peace, and the adjustment of outstanding differences between great nations, and the only other choice to be exercised is that of consenting to be the victim of any Power which adopts what is called the world policy, or protecting policy—that is, a policy which rests upon menace, in order to alter the map of the world.

Happily for this country the same choice has been made by the Leaders of both the historic parties, both the Government and the Opposition. In the interests of the nation and the Empire they have decided that our duty is to throw the weight of our diplomacy into the scale of peace, and towards the peaceful solution of outstanding difficulties, and if that is true then behind our diplomacy, if our friendship is to be effected, we cannot have a Navy alone. It is impossible for us to revert to what is called the policy of isolation—isolation based upon a great oversea commerce and an all-powerful Navy. That may be a policy for a smaller country; it is not a policy which can be adopted in a country which is the head of an Empire such as ours. So, if the right hon. Gentleman will allow me, I say that to drive home the comparison of our Expeditionary Force now with what it was is not enough. The one question we have to get at here and devote our combined efforts to is, Have we or have we not an Expeditionary Force which can perform the real duties that devolve upon it in the new situation in the politics of the world? Upon that question I do not think it unreasonable to say that even the numbers of our Expeditionary Force ought to be considered.

10.0 P.M. The right hon. Gentleman is very chary of giving us the numbers. At the end of the last Debate, or near the end of it, he waved that sealed envelope and asked us not to press him for further information. But is there any mystery about it? If there is it must be in the direction that the General Staff are advocating a larger Expeditionary Force than the one of which we have heard so much.

I only interrupt to clear this matter up. What I stated was that what is reported to me by the General Staff is that they would like to have the information which the right hon. Gentleman now asks for; they would like to have the information about other Powers. I gave only approximate figures. He wants to know what are the facts, but I do not think we ought to give to the public in any way information which our General Staff would like to have about other Powers, but have not got.

I am sure the right hon. Gentleman makes that interruption in all sincerity. It sounds very plausible. I think this ought to be cleared up. Where is the mystery? Ever since 1907 we have been told, and it has never been contradicted, that the Expeditionary Force which the Government contemplates—I cannot avoid technical language, which is not always understood, and which is often misreported—is something like this: Twelve Cavalry regiments and some Mounted Infantry, seventy-five battalions of Infantry. eighty batteries of Artillery, the proper complement for the Cavalry forces. It is something like that, and the figures which the right hon. Gentleman gives closely correspond if you add the Engineers and non-combatants. Where is the mystery? Each one of the six divisions added together make seventy-five battalions. A certain number of batteries are attached to each division. Multiply these by six and you get the guns, the Cavalry, and eighty batteries of Artillery. I do not think there is any mystery about it. The only mystery, and I am quite content to take it, and I gather from what the right hon. Gentleman says it is substantial, otherwise he would not have been at such pains about it, is that four years ago you could only send four divisions and that now you can send six.

I was putting it for the purposes of comparison. I hope we shall conduct our controversy upon these lines without giving away what the General Staff wishes not to be given away. I have stated that four are now six.

I totally fail to discover why we should have a sealed order waived and this serious announcement made to the Committee. It is as clear as daylight that the right hon. Gentleman claims now that he can send six divisions, and asserts we could only send four. All we have to care about is whether six divisions are enough, a question which, I think, should be referred to the General Staff. We are not competent to discuss it, but we are competent to ask whether the same mystery does not still exist as to the capacity of sending six divisions of Infantry with seventy-five battalions and eighty batteries of guns. We must be permitted to press the right hon. Gentleman upon this point. If we allow the numbers for the sake of argument to be X, I do not mind that in the least. We must thus defer, as we cannot force the right hon. Gentleman, but we can apply to that X quantity some examination as to what is its quality and composition, I will not follow the right hon. Gentleman in all he has said, but I will try to focus myself on the Infantry. Supposing it is seventy-five battalions of Infantry you propose to send abroad. The right hon. Gentleman made no case against the arguments urged by the hon. Member for South Birmingham, and the arguments urged throughout the Debates in March, as to whether those battalions that can be put forward for the purpose which, hypothetically, we both have in view. We have urged again and again that on mobilisation too many Reservists would have to come to the colours. I find that omission from the right hon. Gentleman's statement, although this matter has been brought up for three or four years and has been urged by several speakers to-day, and by my hon. and gallant Friend who preceded me. The right hon. Gentleman in speaking of quality, after refusing to speak of numbers, had not one word to say as to how many Reservists ought to come to the colours on mobilisation. What an important question this is, I think I have reason to complain on that point. I do not like to trouble the Committee with quotations, but I will just state what the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor, Lord Haldane, said two years ago on this subject:—

How have the Government carried out their half promise to look into this matter? I do not make this as a charge, but I do say that the Government are exercised by the fact that the Army Reserve will fall in the near future. That is another difficulty which suggests that you ought to increase the Infantry establishment of the home Army, to build up your reserve more rapidly. How do they meet that difficulty? So far as I can gather by sending more men away with the colours and calling more to join in the anxious moment of mobilisation. I think we are entitled to say that the Government so far are not doing all they can to fill the obvious gaps and deficiencies in their own plan. We do not ask them to consider any substitute for their policy, but we do insist that they have not dealt with that question which has been before the House for four years, which has been promised consideration, and which has not received consideration, and in so far as it has been dealt with, the Government have increased the very evil we have been asking them to abate. I want to deal now with the question of the horses, because the Expeditionary Force cannot be a reality unless it has a proper complement of trained horses. I put this point in no spirit of animadversion, and I did not put my other point in that vein. I admit that the right hon. Gentleman, since he represented the Army in this House, has done something upon the question of horses. Let me again say a word about this reticence over numbers. Until this year no secret was made about the deficiency of horses or mobilisation. We know what the peace establishment was. We were told that the particular numbers did not matter, but over 44,000 horses would be required on the mobilisation of the Expeditionary Force, and we knew if that were made good about 18,000 would be required for the Regulars left at home, and 86,000 for the Territorials; and we thought there was a deficiency of 148,000 horses on the outbreak of war.

Knowing what the wastage of horseflesh means, we had to allow that there would be another 100,000 needed very shortly. Putting it in round numbers, we felt that if we did go to war and had to dispatch the Expeditionary Force it was a matter of finding 250,000 horses, 150,000 to start with and another 100,000 soon afterwards. Our complaint is that the Government have not faced this question as they would have faced it if they had really grasped the vital necessity of being in a position to send an Expeditionary Force on a large scale. The subject falls under three heads. First, the supply of horses in the country. They have really done nothing in regard to that. I know that messages have been been exchanged, and there has been a correspondence between the War Office and the Agricultural Department, but nothing has been done to see that the supply of horses in this country is adequate to such a strain. I think we all know, not only that the omnibus horse has disappeared, but that the number of mares in any large stables is much less than it used to be. The mares are going from this country. I saw a stable the other day in which there used to be twenty-five horses, and there was only one. That may have been an accident, but the right hon. Gentleman knows perfectly well we have buyers against us for the mares of this country,and I think, as part of a plan for coping with this situation, the Government ought to retain mares in this country. Plans have been suggested. I am not here to offer advice to the right hon. Gentleman, but only to say that sufficient attention has not been given to the first head of maintaining and fostering the supply of the proper kind of horse in this country. The next head is that you should have the right kind of horse when mobilisation takes place. I grant—the right hon. Gentleman can accept this from me in the spirit in which it is said—he has been able to announce the first real advance towards any adequate achievment. Having grass farms and putting horses on them is a step in the right direction. Yes, but he has laid it down that the horses are to be four years old. By doing that, he conflicts with the first necessity of encouraging the horse supply of the country. If he would buy the horses when they are younger and put them in remount establishments, then he could fulfil two conditions which have to be met if this problem is to be solved. The third branch of this question, a fatal question if the Expeditionary Force is to be a reality, is that you have got to get the right kind of horse, and you have got to be able to put your hand upon it. We have first one and then another plan, and the right hon. Gentleman tells us the classification is now complete. But what a lot of drifting and vacillation there has been.

The Under-Secretary says "No." It is four years ago these points were put to Lord Haldane; it is three years ago we were told they were being met; and now we are told a few grass farms have been bought and that the classification has been completed. There is no evidence, however, that it is possible to do what is done abroad, and that we have men who know what the horses ought to be and where they can get them. If you come to the immense shortage of horses for the Territorial Force, then we have no evidence at all that the Government have yet completed a plan for mounting the Army, which must be mounted if it is to be able to move. I have dealt with that question and with the Reservists who come to the Colours on mobilisation, and I have said, temperately I hope, that the Government has not grasped the full necessity of dealing with the question of mounting our Army. What is the other point on which we are bound to press the right hon. Gentleman? It is the question of officers, and again I am making the same kind of complaint. This question has been brought up year after year. His predecessor has said something about it, but nothing or very little is done. We take 1907, and Lord Haldane said:—

"We want 4,000 to make up deficiency for mobilisation of the Regulars, and about 6,000 to make up the deficiencies in the second line."

I go on and again in 1908 he said:—

"We are over 3,000 short for India, and for Home alone we have a deficiency of over 5,000."

Every year this is said, and we have some new device for inducing officers to join the Army. How do we stand now? Is the right hon. Gentlemon satisfied with the position in which we find ourselves in respect of the supply of officers? I do not think he can be. We have a deficiency on mobilisation even in the Expeditionary Force. That deficiency is found again in the Special Reserve and again in the Territorial Force. I need not give figures, They do not substantially differ from the figures which Lord Haldane gave two or three years ago. It is a matter of 3,000 or 4,000 to be found. What attempt has been made to fill up that gap which, in fact, ruins the whole scheme? Out of a reserve of 3,000 officers—many of them middleaged men like myself, including also head masters, young men from universities, and officers in the Training Corps—eke it out as you can, you cannot deny the fact that on mobilisation you would have a shortage of 2,000 officers.

There will be a full complement of officers for the Expeditionary Force, although I do not pretend to say they will be of the type which the right hon. Gentleman desires.

That is a fair interruption, but it was called for by the fact that I was reducing my arguments to the lowest possible limits. I admit that the shortage will be made up, but it will be by drawing on the Officers' Special Reserve and, in turn, by drawing on the officers of the Territorial Force. But the fact remains that on mobilisation there will be a deficiency of the Regulars, and that is to be made up by scooping in the material which lies behind that force. The total deficiency is 1,800, or nearly 2,000. But what is the wastage of officers in time of war? Where will you be two months after a war has broken out? Surely the right hon. Gentleman must see that something more comprehensive and more decisive has to be done, and at once, unless the whole preparations are to fail. That brings me to the question—what remains behind? What remains behind after the expedition has gone—if it should ever go—is a sort of material which is absolutely useless unless it has a full complement of trained officers. If in order that the Expeditionary Force should start you take all the officers and horses, you have nothing left behind to produce a force with cohesion with any prospect of success. I do not wish to be argumentative, but I must be allowed, even if I admit that the Government have done all that they could, to enter a protest against the air of bravado with which they say, if their plan works, there will be 410,000 soldiers left behind to deal with any force that may attempt to invade our shores. The right hon. Gentleman has said that a raid is not impossible, but what about the 410,000 men unofficered and unhorsed? How are they to cope with a situation of that kind? I do not desire to indulge in comparisons with the past. I do not wish to say that anything done in the past is better or even as good as is done now. Thank Heaven some progress has been made. But I think it is not only permissible, it is right to ask the right hon. Gentleman to recollect the time when a great many of our Regular troops had left the country and criticism was focussed on the quality of the troops left behind. I had to speak for the Army in this House on the 1st February, 1900, and the question was not how many troops had gone, but was the number left behind satisfactory. That is pertinent.

The right hon. Gentleman says now that there will be 410,000 troops left behind. On 1st February, 1900—I have the statement of the Adjutant-General of that day—in England there were 457,000 troops, of whom 109,000 were Regulars and 97,000 Militia; that is to say, 206,000 Regulars and Militia as against the 150,000 Regulars and Special Reserve to which he points now. Were we satisfied? No, and no one less so than the right hon. Gentleman when he returned from the war. We were told to learn the lessons of the war. Commissions were appointed, the Press rang, the whole country was roused to indignation by the fact that then there were only 457,000 troops left in this country, of whom a far larger number were Regulars and Militia than would now be the case according to the figures of the right hon. Gentleman. If that feeling prevailed then, it will prevail once more in similar circumstances. But will the circumstances-be similar? In February, 1900, we had the unchallenged supremacy of the sea. In February, 1900, none of those diplomatic strains which led up to diplomatic collisions over three Continents outside Europe were dreamed of. In 1900 the atmosphere of diplomacy was stable. Who will say now that the barometer is not falling or subject to very rapid oscillations? What happened last summer to demonstrate the truth of what I am saying? We cannot be satisfied with fewer troops, less well trained, and less in the country now than in February, 1900, a time at which the whole of this country was dissatisfied with that situation, and called upon the Government to meet it with the least possible delay. We call upon the Government to meet it with the least possible delay. That is the purpose of our Amendment to-night. I am quite sure the right hon. Gentleman will not tell me that consolation is to be sought and found in the fact that the Territorial Force now is so much better than the Volunteers were then. I bear a commission in the Territorial Force. I do not think I have ever used a word in this House about the Territorial Force that any member of that force would resent; never! But let us be serious in this matter. The Territorial Force cannot restore the balance which has been disturbed owing to the change in the history of the world during the last ten years. The Territorial Force as it exists cannot set free that expedition which, by hypothesis, we all agree may have to go at once or very soon. I deny altogether that the right hon. Gentleman has even attempted to answer the criticism of the Territorial Force which has come from the hon. and gallant Member for Central Hull (Mr. Mark Sykes), and many others who sit behind me. The right hon. Gentleman said, "We need not trouble. Look at the change caused by the invention of the submarine, and see how much you can see from aeroplanes." If we are going to approach this question in that spirit, this country is doomed. Do you call it a practical suggestion to take the last devices of applied science and believe that these, which have never been tried in war, will alter the fundamental problems of strategy which have been studied for ages? I do not call that a practical suggestion; I call that a music-hall suggestion. Take the numbers. The right hon. Gentleman did not attempt to deal with the question of numbers. Will he admit that the question of how much the establishment of the Territorial Force should be is a question which ought to be decided by the General Staff, just as the numbers of the Expeditionary Force ought to be decided by the General Staff? Neither should it be left to make the best you can of what you have got and hope all may go well. Is there to be a garrison in this country after mobilisation? The right hon. Gentleman may say, "Yes, the Special Reserve." No, the Special Reserve has, if it can, to make good the wastage of war. I do not think it can do that. Certainly nothing has been said in the course of our Debates to lead anyone to suppose it can make good the wastage of war in the Expeditionary Force. It certainly can do nothing else. There will remain seven battalions of Infantry, seven regiments of Cavalry, and nine batteries of Artillery, and the Territorial Force. The numbers of the Territorial Force must be measured by what is needed to add to this handful of Regular troops which would be left in this country. I suppose you would have a garrison for Ireland. What numbers? Not told. I suppose you would have a garrison for Scotland. What numbers? Not told. I suppose you would have a garrison for Yorkshire, Durham, and Northumberland. I suppose you would have a garrison for the Eastern Counties. I suppose you would have a garrison for London and the South Coast. I suppose you would have a garrison from Bristol right up the West Coast of this country. It is not my business to put down numbers. It is the business of the General Staff to say what those numbers should be. I suppose in addition to this, you would have to have a garrison for your fortresses and arsenals, and when you deduct, as you must and ought to, men in their first year of training, then and only then can you talk about your mobile force. Add that together. I will not give the figure, but the figure arrived at by any process of examination of the kind I have sketched is far higher than your establishment, and your strength is far lower than your establishment. I will not give the figure. It only leads to unnecessary Debate. You will not give us your figures; I will not give you mine. But anyone who examines this problem on the lines I have indicated arrives at a total which is far in excess of your establishment, and your strength is notably below your establishment.

On all these points we are entitled to move a reduction of the salary of the Secretary of State for War—not, he knows, as a personal attack, but to show our sense of responsibility in view of the situation in which this country now finds itself. I am not going to deal, and I have not dealt, with the Special Reserve. I have not dealt either with the Territorial Force, but I have said enough to indicate that in our opinion these forces which are left behind do not free the Expeditionary Force. But, looking at the very forefront of the Government's plan as it now exists, looking at mobilisation alone, we have not had a reply to-day, or in the course of this year, which diminishes our fears in respect of the number of Reservists who will come to the Colours on mobilisation, or which satisfies us that the Government has really dealt with the question of horses, or which satisfies us that they have attempted to deal with the question of officers. The Government on these three points, in the very forefront of their programme, to us seem to be drifting, and we hold that on these three points, and on many others, what is now needed is driving. You have to get home in time. We are not living under the conditions which prevailed in other days. We cannot drift. The situation may have been familiar to our forefathers. It is new to us, and it demands now, as then, not only that our Navy should be supreme in all seas over which food is transported to this country, but that we should also be in a position to dispatch an expedition which will count in the diplomatic balance of world power.

The right hon. Gentleman (Mr. Wyndham) made one observation to which I wish to allude. If the whole of his speech was correct, one would imagine that the military forces of the country are in a very parlous condition. There is one point on which I entirely agree with him, and on which I at least want some information from the Gentleman who is going to reply for the Government. Reference has been made again to a matter which has been discussed on many occasions since I have been a Member of the House, namely, the shortage of officers. I notice that right hon. Gentlemen opposite, and right hon. Gentlemen on this side of the House, never cast their eyes in one direction where, as I have attempted to show on previous occasions, a supply to meet this deficiency might be found. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover referred to the organisation of the Expeditionary Force, and called attention to some of the difficulties of mobilisation. Reference was made notably to the question of officers. He seemed to imagine that the sort of officers the Minister for War would have to take for the purpose of supplying the deficiency. The right hon. Gentleman said that no doubt the authorities would at once skim the Special Reserve for the purpose of supplying the deficiency of officers in the Expeditionary Force, that for the purpose of supplying officers for the Special Reserve they would skim the Territorial Force, and that then, I suppose, the Territorials would have no officers at all. In that case the whole condition of the army of defence would be in a parlous state. I would like to know from the Secretary of State for War whether the criticisms which hon. Members on both sides of the House have offered during the past three or four years on the subject of the shortage of officers, and with respect to the possible source from which that shortage might be met, have been considered, and whether anything definite has been done on the subject. A statement was made recently by the Financial Secretary to the Admiralty that at last the Admiralty had taken a step forward and had offered for the future that a definite number—not a proportion—of warrant officerships would be eligible to ordinary seamen, provided they are competent to serve. I know that the Army is more aristocratic than the Navy. I know it is supposed to be the special reserve of the wealthy and influential, and that that class is generally the source from which the officers are expected to be recruited. But is it not nearly time that the administration thought of the immense wealth of material that exists in the ranks of the Army, and especially among non-commissioned officers, who, it seems to me, are the sort of material required to fill this deficiency, instead of supplying it in the way suggested by the right hon. Gentleman. As I stated last March, when the subject was under discussion, I do not intend, as long as I am a Member of this House, to allow any discussion to take place on the shortage of officers without drawing attention to these thousands and tens of thousands of non-commissioned officers, who take their profession earnestly and have done the best they can to keep themselves efficient, and insisting that with that material we have ample scope for supplying this deficiency if only we can break down this aristocratic prejudice against the ranker being promoted to the commissioned position.

Therefore I do suggest that we should have some definite statement as to whether the Government are still turning a blind eye to this source of making up the deficiency in the commissioned ranks.

I think that the Committee must congratulate themselves on having had a useful discussion, and one quite remarkably free from anything in the nature of party controversy. I have a few observations to make in reply to the questions which have been addressed to my right hon. Friend the Secretary of State for War. But perhaps the hon. Member for Stoke-on-Trent (Mr. John Ward) will first allow me to answer the question which he has put to the Government. I think that he is in error in supposing that the War Office has been blind to this particular source of supplying officers in future if he thinks that we have not considered the proposal to promote officers from the ranks, because we have been considering that very matter at considerable length, and I can assure the House that a step forward has been taken in a scheme which we have in hand to promote on mobilisation a considerable number of officers from the ranks. I would like to remind the House also that you cannot do that indefinitely because of the difficulties. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover (Mr. Wyndham) made a very interesting contribution to our Debate, the salient part of which was perhaps that to make an attack upon the policy of the War Office with regard to our ability at present to send our Expeditionary Force abroad, and he said we admit that there is a vital necessity, and there may be a vital necessity to send an Expeditionary Force large, perhaps, compared to anything we contemplated years ago, but small compared to the large Continental armies which we might have to confront, and we certainly have to consider that we must send that force without any delay. I thought from the speech of my right hon. Friend beside me that it would be admitted that we were in a state in which that force could be dispatched with the least possible delay. My right hon. Friend declined to state—I think quite rightly, as it was not in the public interest that the information should be given—the exact number of days in which this force could be sent forward, but I think I am free to say that while the right hon. Gentleman accused us of having relaxed our grip on this matter, the whole force at our disposal at the War Office has been bending its mind during the last two years, if not longer, to endeavouring to secure that that shall be done as soon as it possibly can be done, and I believe that we are in a greater state of preparedness now than has ever been the case in the whole history of the British Army. When I say that I cannot help thinking that that is a very considerable thing for a Minister to be able to say in the House of Commons.

I do not believe we have been able to say that before. The right hon. Gentleman himself said the question of numbers of the Expeditionary Force was all-important. I quite agree; but in a parenthesis the right hon. Gentleman said it was not for the House of Commons but the General Staff to decide the question. It was the General Staff who decided upon the numbers. The right hon. Gentleman waxed rather wroth with my right hon. Friend behind me on the ground of the undue number of Reservists. It is quite true that the War Office have a large Reserve, and it is extremely desirable that there should be a large Reserve. The hon. and gallant Gentleman opposite said the Reservist may have forgotten his training, and that the serving soldier is so much more valuable than the Reservist in that he is always learning. But the Reservist is a person who has learnt a great deal, while the serving soldier is only just acquiring his knowledge; and I cannot help thinking that the right hon. Gentleman opposite made an unusual statement when he said that the Reservists would be sent to serve in battalions which they had never been sent to serve in before.

May I ask what is the proportion of Reservists to men in the ranks, and what does the War Office lay down as the standard?

I am afraid I cannot give the Noble Lord that information offhand, but I shall be glad to supply it later on. The subject of Reservists of course is one which has engaged the attention of my right hon. Friend, and of our military advisers. It is desirable that we should have this Reserve, and they are really admirably trained for the purpose of the Expeditionary Force. As to the numbers of the Territorial Force, the question has been put, but has not yet been answered. There were upon the 1st February, 1912, 9,385 officers in the Territorial Force, and there are now 9,376 on the 1st June, these being the latest figures, so that there are nine officers less. With regard to the number of men there were on the 1st February, 259,092; there are now 265,100, or 6,008 more. In four months we have increased the total of the Territorial Force by 6,008 men. I think that is something with which we may be satisfied and gratified. Some hon. Gentlemen have asked about the attendances of the Territorial Force in camp. In 1911 there were 8,000 officers altogether attending camp, and 224,000 other ranks. Of these 148,000 men and 6,900 officers attended for fifteen days and over. That is a considerable improvement on previous years. With regard to musketry, 142,435 qualified in 1911, against 126,700 in 1910. That, again, is a very considerable improvement. The hon. Member for North Berkshire asked that something should be done for the promotion of officers so that no heart burnings might be caused by the promotion of strangers from other regiments. I will certainly make representations in the right quarter that promotions should be made with the utmost care, and I am sure the hon. Member will agree that care has been taken in these matters and is usually taken. I can only hope that the instance which has been brought to my notice is rare and exceptional. I do not suppose the hon. and gallant Gentleman would go so far as to say that promotion in the Army always raised bitterness and caused heartburning.

I suggest this is one of the exceptional cases which does give rise to and causes a great deal of trouble.

I am very glad that the hon. and gallant Gentleman has stated that it is an exceptional case. I cannot help thinking it is a very exceptional case. I am very desirous that nothing should be done at the War Office by the Selection Board or by any authority to make any officer feel he had been badly treated. I will represent to the proper quarter what the hon. and gallant Gentleman has said. With regard to what was said by the hon. Member for Tavistock (Sir J. Spear) as to Sunday shooting, I should like him to realise that the Army Council have laid down certain restrictions. The restrictions are three in number and of considerable importance, as I think the Committee will realise. First of all, if Sunday shooting takes place it shall produce no inconvenience in the locality, and if it is to produce any inconvenience in the locality, then it is to be forbidden. Secondly, Sunday shooting shall be voluntary. Nobody shall be compelled to shoot on Sundays if he does not wish to do so. Thirdly, it shall be limited to the necessary musketry, in order to bring troops up to an efficient standard. Nothing over and above what is necessary to bring about efficiency is to be allowed. There is to be no prize shooting, and matches of any kind are not to be permitted on Sunday. As a person who was brought up in the Sabbatarian school in Scotland, I realise that this is a matter upon which people feel very deeply. I should like hon. Gentlemen to realise that we are most anxious not to wound the susceptibilities of anybody, but we do feel, as I think the Committee will feel, that it is of the utmost importance that efficiency of the troops shall be attained. The right hon. Gentleman the Member for Dover and the hon. Member for East Renfrewshire (Captain Gilmour), who made a very interesting speech, showing he was fully appreciative of the financial difficulties which are met with at every turn, both brought forward the question of horses, on which the hon. Member for East Renfrewshire is a great expert. I am glad to think that the Committee appreciates what we have done. We have already provided grass farms, which I think are very important. I should like to inform the Committee that we have had under consideration a scheme for securing horses by means of a subsidy or capitation Grant per horse to owners of horses who would keep them and supply them to the War Office on mobilisation. I think that is a very important matter, and that the Committee will realise that that is so.

Can the hon. Gentleman say how many horses there are on these grass farms?

A good deal has been said about the inefficiency of the Territorial Force. I do not think it conduces to the improvement of the force for it to be called a sham and so forth. I should like to give the Committee the view of my advisers:—

"My own opinion, based on five years' intimate connection with Volunteers and the Territorial Force, is that once they have mobilised and get to continuous work together under their own officers, they will improve in fighting efficiency much more quickly than is imagined by persons who only see them at a casual inspection."

"Most Territorial Force officers are well grounded in the theory of the military profession, and with practice and continued training they will improve rapidly. The men themselves are of good material and are keen and willing. The improvement in the officers, suggested above, will react at once on the rank and file."

"In my opinion the training Grants, if properly administered, are ample for the training of the force."

In these circumstances, although I have not had time to deal with the matter fully, I think the Committee will agree that the Territorial Force is an improving force, that it is increasing in numbers, and that it is worthy of support.

Question put, "That Item A be reduced by £100."

The Committee divided: Ayes, 190; Noes, 236.

Division No. 137.]

AYES.

[10.58 p.m.

Agg-Gardner, James Tynte

Barlow, Montague (Saltord, South)

Boles, Lieut.-Col. Dennis Fortescue

Anson, Rt. Hon. Sir William R.

Barnston, Harry

Boyle, W. Lewis (Norfolk, Mid)

Anstruther-Gray, Major William

Bathurst, Hon. Allen B. (Glouc, E.)

Boyton, James

Archer-Shee, Major Martin

Bathurst, Charles (Wilts, Wilton)

Brassey, H. Leonard Campbell

Ashley, Wilfrid W.

Beach, Hon. Michael Hugh Hicks

Bridgeman, William Clive

Astor, Waldorf

Beckett, Hon. Gervase

Bull, Sir William James

Baird, John Lawrence

Benn, Arthur Shirley (Plymouth)

Burdett-Coutts, William

Balcarres, Lord

Benn, Ian Hamilton (Greenwich)

Burn, Colonel C. R.

Baldwin, Stanley

Bennett-Goldney, Francis

Butcher, John George

Banbury, Sir Frederick George

Beresford, Lord Charles

Campbell, Rt. Hon. J. (Dublin Univ.)

Baring, Maj. Hon. Guy V. (Winchester)

Bird, Alfred

Campion, W. R.

Carlile, Sir Edward Hildred

Henderson, Major H. (Berkshire)

Rawson, Colonel Richard H.

Carson, Rt. Hon. Sir Edward H.

Herbert, Hon. A. (Somerset, S.)

Rees, Sir J. D.

Cassel, Felix

Hewins, William Albert Samuel

Roberts, S. (Sheffield, Ecclesall)

Castlereagh, Viscount

Hickman, Coloned Thomas E.

Ronaldshay, Earl of

Cautley, Henry Strother

Hill-Wood, Samuel

Rothschild, Lionel de

Cave, George

Hoare, Samuel John Gurney

Royds, Edmund

Cecil, Evelyn (Aston Manor)

Hohler, Gerald Fitzroy

Rutherford, John (Lancs., Darwen)

Cecil, Lord Hugh (Oxford Univ.)

Hope, James Fitzalan (Sheffield)

Rutherford, Watson (L'pool, W. Derby)

Cecil, Lord R. (Herts, Hitchin)

Hunt, Rowland

Salter, Arthur Clavell

Chaloner, Col. R. G. W.

Ingleby, Holcombe

Samuel, Sir Harry (Norwood)

Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. J. A. (Worc'r)

Jackson, Sir John

Sanders, Robert A.

Clay, Captain H. H. Spender

Jessel, Captain H. M.

Sanderson, Lancelot

Clive, Captain Percy Archer

Joynson-Hicks, William

Sandys, G. J. (Somerset, Wells)

Coates, Major Sir Edward Feetham

Kerr-Smiley, Peter Kerr

Sassoon, Sir Philip

Courthope, George Loyd

Kerry, Earl of

Scott, Sir S. (Marylebone, W.)

Craig, Charles Curtis (Antrim, S.)

Keswick, Henry

Smith, Rt. Hon. F. E. (L'p'l, Walton)

Craig, Captain James (Down, E.)

Kinloch-Cooke, Sir Clement

Smith, Harold (Warrington)

Craik, Sir Henry

Knight, Captain E. A.

Spear, Sir John Ward

Crichton-Stuart, Lord Ninian

Lane-Fox, G. R.

Stanley, Hon. G. F. (Preston)

Croft, Henry Page

Larmor, Sir J.

Starkey, John Ralph

Dalrympie, Viscount

Lawson, Hon. H. (T. H'mts.,Mile End)

Staveley-Hill, Henry

Dalziel, Davison (Brixton)

Lloyd, George Ambrose

Steel-Maitland, A. D.

Denniss, E. R. B.

Locker-Lampson, G. (Salisbury)

Stewart, Gershom

Dickson, Rt. Hon. C. Scott

Locker-Lampson, O. (Ramsey)

Strauss, Arthur (Paddington, North)

Dixon, Charles Harvey

Lockwood, Rt. Hon. Lt.-Col. A. H..

Swift, Rigby

Duke, Henry Edward

Lonsdale, Sir John Brownlee

Sykes, Mark (Hull, Central)

Eyres-Monsell, Bolton M.

MacCaw, Wm. J. MacGeagh

Talbot, Lord Edmund

Faber, George D. (Clapham)

Mackinder, Halford

Terrell, George (Wilts, N.W.)

Faber, Capt. W. V. (Hants, W.)

M'Calmont, Colonel James

Terrell, Henry (Gloucester)

Falle, Bertram Godfray

McNeill, Ronald (Kent, St. Augustine's)

Thynne, Lord Alexander

Fell, Arthur

Magnus, Sir Philip

Touche, George Alexander

Finlay, Rt. Hon. Sir Robert

Mason, James F. (Windsor)

Tryon, Captain George Clement

Fisher, Rt. Hon. W. Hayes

Mildmay, Francis Bingham

Tullibardine, Marquess of

Fitzroy, Hon. Edward A.

Mills, Hon. Charles Thomas

Valentia, Viscount

Fletcher, John Samuel (Hampstead)

Moore, William

Walker, Col. William Hall

Foster, Philip Staveley

Morrison-Bell, Capt, E. F. (Ashburton)

Wairond, Hon. Lionel

Gastrell, Major W. Houghton

Morrison-Bell, Major A. C. (Honiton)

Warde, Col. C. E. (Kent, Mid.)

Gibbs, G. A.

Mount, William Arthur

Weigall, Captain A. G.

Gilmour, Captain John

Neville, Reginald J. N.

Wheler, Granville C. H.

Glazebrook, Captain Philip K.

Newdegate, F. A.

White, Major G.D. (Lance., Southport)

Goldman, C. S.

Newman, John R. P.

Williams, Col. R. (Dorset, W.)

Goldsmith, Frank

Newton, Harry Kottingham

Willoughby, Major Hon. Claude

Gordon, John (Londonderry, South)

Nicholson, William G. (Petersfield)

Wilson, A. Stanley (Yorks, E.R.)

Grant, J. A.

O'Neill, Hon. A. E. B. (Antrim, Mid.)

Wolmer, Viscount

Green, Walter Raymond

Orde-Powlett, Hon. W. G. A.

Wood, Hon. E. F. L. (Yorks, Ripen)

Gretton, John

Paget, Almeric Hugh

Wood, John (Stalybrdge)

Guinness, Hon, Rupert (Essex, S.E.)

Pease, Herbert Pike (Darlington)

Worthington-Evans, L.

Gwynne, R. S. (Sussex, Eastbourne)

Peel, Hon. William R. W. (Taunton)

Wyndham, Rt. Hon. George

Haddock, George Bahr

Peto, Basil Edward

Yate, Colonel C. E.

Hall, Fred (Dulwich)

Pole-Carew, Sir R.

Younger, Sir George

Hall, Marshall (E. Toxteth)

Pollock, Ernest Murray

Hamilton, Lord C. J. (Kensington, S.)

Pretyman, Ernest George

TELLERS FOR THE AYES.—Mr. Amery and Sir C. Hunter.

Hardy, Rt. Hon. Laurence

Rawlinson, John Frederick Peel

Harrison.-Broadley, H. B.

NOES.

Abraham, William (Dublin Harbour)

Brocklehurst, W. B.

Dawes, J. A.

Acland, Francis Dyke

Brunner, J. F. L.

De Forest, Baron

Adamson, William

Bryce, J. Annan

Delany, William

Adkins, Sir W. Ryland D.

Burke, E. Haviland.

Devlin, Joseph

Agar-Robartes, Hon. T. C. R.

Burns, Rt. Hon. John

Dickinson, W. H.

Agnew, Sir George William

Burt, Rt. Hon. Thomas

Dillon, John

Alden, Percy

Buxton, Noel (Norfolk, N.)

Doris, W.

Allen, A. A. (Dumbartonshire)

Carr-Gomm, H. W.

Duffy, William J.

Allen, Rt. Hon. Charles P. (Stroud)

Cawley, Sir Frederick (Prestwich)

Duncan, C. (Barrow-in-Furness)

Baker, H. T. (Accrington)

Cawley, Harold T. (Heywood)

Duncan, J. Hastings (York, Otley)

Baker, Joseph A. (Finsbury, E.)

Chancellor, Henry G.

Edwards, John Hugh (Glamorgan, Mid)

Balfour, Sir Robert (Lanark)

Chappie, Dr. William Allen

Elibank, Rt. Hon. Master of

Baring, Sir Godfrey (Barnstaple)

Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston S.

Esmonde, Dr. John (Tipperary, N.)

Barnes, G. N.

Clancy, Joseph

Esmonde, Sir Thomas (Wexford, N.)

Barran, Rowland Hurst (Leeds, N.)

Clough, William

Essex, Richard Walter

Barton, W.

Clynes, J. R.

Falconer, J.

Beale, Sir William Phipson

Collins, G. P. (Greenock)

Farrell, James Patrick

Beauchamp, Sir Edward

Collins, Stephen (Lambeth)

Fenwick, Rt. Hon. Charles

Beck, Arthur Cecil

Condon, Thomas Joseph

Ffrench, Peter

Benn, W. W. (T. H'mts, St. George)

Cotton, William Francis

Field, William

Bentham, G. J.

Craig, Herbert J. (Tynemouth)

Fiennes, Hon. Eustace Edward

Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine

Crooks, William

Fitzgibbon, John

Boland, John Pius

Crumley, Patrick

Flavin, Michael Joseph

Booth, Frederick Handel

Cullinan, J.

George, Rt. Hon. David Lloyd

Bowerman, Charles W.

Davies, David (Montgomery Co.)

Gill, A. H.

Boyle, D. (Mayo, N.)

Davies, Timothy (Louth)

Gladstone, W. G. C.

Brady, P. J.

Davies, Sir W. Howell (Bristol, S.)

Glanville, H. J.

Goddard, Sir Daniel Ford

McCallum, Sir John M.

Redmond, William (Clare, E.)

Goldstone, Frank

McKenna, Rt. Hon. Reginald

Richardson, Albion (Peckham)

Greenwood, Granville G. (Peterborough)

M'Micking, Major Gilbert

Roberts, Charles H. (Lincoln)

Greig, Colonel J. W.

Manfield, Harry

Roberts, Sir J. H. (Denbighs)

Guest, Major Hon. C. H. C. (Pembroke)

Marks, Sir George

Robertson, Sir G. Scott (Bradford)

Guest, Hon. Frederick E. (Dorset, E.)

Marshall, Arthur Harold

Robertson, J. M. (Tyneside)

Gwynn, Stephen Lucius (Galway)

Mason, David M. (Coventry)

Roch, Walter F. (Pembroke)

Hackett, J.

Meagher, Michael

Roche, Augustine (Louth)

Hall, Frederick (Normanton)

Meehan, Francis E. (Leitrim, N.)

Roe, Sir Thomas

Harcourt, Robert V. (Montrose)

Menzies, Sir Walter

Rowlands, James

Harmsworth, Cecil (Luton, Beds)

Moiloy, M.

Russell, Rt. Hon. Thomas W.

Harvey, A. G. C. (Rochdale)

Molteno, Percy Alport

Samuel, Rt. Hon. H. L. (Cleveland)

Harvey, W. E. (Derbyshire, N.E.)

Mond, Sir Alfred M.

Samuel, J. (Stockton-on-Tees)

Haslam, James (Derbyshire)

Money, L. G. Chiozza

Scanlan, Thomas

Hazleton, Richard (Galway, N.)

Mooney, J. J.

Scott, A. MacCallum (Glas., Bridgeton)

Hemmerde, Edward George

Morgan, George Hay

Seely, Col. Rt. Hon. J. E. B.

Henderson, Arthur (Durham)

Morrell, Philip

Sheehy, David

Henry, Sir Charles S.

Morison, Hector

Simon, Sir John Allsebrook

Herbert, Col. Sir Ivor (Mon., S.)

Morton, Alpheus Cleophas

Smyth, Thomas F. (Leitrim, S.)

Higham, John Sharp

Muldoon, John

Snowden, P.

Hinds, John

Murray, Captain Hon. Arthur C.

Spicer, Sir Albert

Hobhouse, Rt. Hon. Charles E. H.

Nannetti, Joseph P.

Sutherland, J. E.

Hodge, John

Needham, Christopher T.

Sutton, John E.

Holmes, Daniel Turner

Nicholson, Sir Charles N. (Doncaster)

Taylor, John W. (Durham)

Holt, Richard Durning

Nolan, Joseph

Taylor, Theodore C. (Radcliffe)

Howard, Hon. Geoffrey

Norton, Captain Cecil W.

Tennant, Harold John

Hudson, Walter

Nugent, Sir Walter Richard

Thorne, G. R. (Wolverhampton)

Hughes, S. L.

O'Brien, Patrick (Kilkenny)

Toulmin, Sir George

Jones, Sir D. Brynmor (Swansea)

O'Connor, John (Kildare, N.)

Trevelyan, Charles Philips

Jones, Edgar R. (Merthyr Tydvil)

O'Connor, T. P. (Liverpool)

Ure, Rt. Hon. Alexander

Jones, William (Carnarvonshire)

O'Dowd, John

Verney, Sir Harry

Jones, W. S. Glyn- (Stepney)

O'Grady, James

Walsh, Stephen (Lancs., Ince)

Jowett, F. W.

O'Kelly, Edward P. (Wicklow, W.)

Ward, John (Stoke-upon-Trent)

Joyce, Michael

O'Malley, William

Wardle, George J.

Keating, M.

O'Neill, Dr. Charles (Armagh, S.)

Warner, Sir Thomas Courtenay

Kelly, Edward

O'Sullivan, Timothy

Wason, John Cathcart (Orkney)

King, J. (Somerset, N.)

Palmer, Godfrey Mark

Webb, H.

Lambert, Rt. Hon. G. (Devon,S.Molton)

Parker, James (Halifax)

White, J. Dundas (Glasgow, Tradeston)

Lambert, Richard (Cricklade)

Pearce, William (Limehouse)

White, Patrick (Meath, North)

Lansbury, George

Pease, Rt. Hon. Joseph A. (Rotherham)

Wiles, Thomas

Lardner, James Carrige Rushe

Philipps, Col. Ivor (Southampton)

Wilkie, Alexander

Law, Hugh A. (Donegal, West)

Phillips, John (Longford, S.)

Williams, Penry (Middlesbrough)

Lewis, John Herbert

Pointer, Joseph

Wilson, Hon. G. G. (Hull, W.)

Low, Sir F. (Norwich)

Pollard, Sir George H.

Wilson, W. T. (Westhoughton)

Lundon, T.

Power, Patrick Joseph

Winfrey, Richard

Lyell, Charles Henry

Price, C. E. (Edinburgh, Central)

Wood, Rt. Hon. T. McKinnon (Glas.)

Lyttelton, Hon. J. C. (Droitwich)

Priestley, Sir W. E. B. (Bradford, E.)

Young, Samuel (Cavan, E.)

Macdonald, J. R. (Leicester)

Pringle, Wm. M. R.

Young, William (Perthshire, E.)

McGhee, Richard

Radford, G. H.

Yoxall, Sir James Henry

Macnamara, Rt. Hon. Dr. T. J.

Rea, Rt. Hon. Russell (South Shields)

MacNeill, John G. S. (Donegal, South)

Rea, Walter Russell (Scarborough)

TELLERS FOR THE NOES.—Mr. Illingworth and Mr. Gulland.

Macpherson, James Ian

Reddy, Michael

MacVeagh, Jeremiah

Redmond, John E. (Waterford)

Original Question again proposed.

And, it being Eleven of the clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his report to the House.

Committee report Progress; to sit again to-morrow (Friday.)

Belfast Riots

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr. Gulland. ]

I wish to ask whether the Chief Secretary for Ireland has any information or any news to give the House from Belfast?

The information I have from Ireland is to the effect that in two great shipbuilding yards, Messrs. Workman and Clark's and Harland and Wolff's, a certain number, not a large number, of Roman Catholic workmen were assaulted and were removed to the hospital. In consequence of that a very large number of the Roman Catholic workmen in both those yards have abstained from returning to work. I have news from the Commissioner of Police, and I do not think there is any apprehension of any disturbance further than that, but it has led to this result, that a large number of Catholic workmen who remained in their homes in consequence of the assault are not going back to work.

I would like very much to congratulate the right hon. Gentleman on the prophecy contained in the latter part of his speech that there will be no fresh outbreaks of the character of which we read in this morning's paper. I have received the following telegram since:—

"Huge crowds with bands in Belfast smashed "windows of St. Patrick's Presbytery schools, and smashed the windows of the "Irish News" office, and other buildings."

[An HON. MEMBER: "Who is that from?"] It is from the editor of the "Irish News," of Belfast. [Laughter.] I do not think that this hilarity is quite becoming the House of Commons under the circumstances. The editor of the "Irish News" is a sufficient authority as to whether the windows of his office were smashed or not.

I pass from the incidents mentioned in this telegram which I have read to the proceedings reported not in the "Irish News" of Belfast, but in the "Morning Post," a Unionist paper, which says:—

"Inquiries made this afternoon show that the great majority of Nationalist workmen employed in the shipyard of Messrs. Workman, Clark and Co., Limited, who left their employment on Tuesday as the result of threats, did not resume work to-day. It is not expected that these men will now return to the shipyard until after the holiday vacation, which ends on the 17th inst. A few of the men who did turn up in the County Down yard, owned by Messrs. Workman, Clark and Co., were brutually assaulted at the dinner hour, four of them being chased for some distance until they took refuge in the offices of Messrs. Harland and Wolff, Ltd.

"In Messrs. Harland and Wolff's shipyard the feeling is also very acute. A number of joiners belonging to the South of Ireland, who have been employed in the yard for some time past, received so many threats of violence yesterday and to-day that they demanded the wages due to them this evening and left for Dublin. A couple of Nationalists engaged in the engineering shed of Messrs. Harland and Wolff were also assaulted while leaving their work this evening."

I understand from a message I received this morning that over 2,000 Catholic workmen were driven from their employment through the fear of threats that they would be assaulted. At all events there are 2,000 workmen, decent, honest, sober, and industrious men driven from their employment this morning. Let me quote another Unionist paper. In this evening's edition of the "Evening News" the following paragraph appears:—

"Several Nationalist labourers who resumed work in the Belfast shipyard to-day have been forcibly ejected. There was a renewed disturbance both at Clark's south yard and engine works and Harland and Wolff's north yard."

Then follows the statement:—

"There is no use disguising the fact, said a leading Unionist shipyard owner—"

and we all know who he is.

No, Sir; but Mr. Clark. After he organised the attack last night on helpless men in his employment—

On a point of Order. I wish to ask you, Sir, whether it is in order for the hon. Member to make a statement with regard to a gentleman who was a Member of this House until a short time ago, that he organised this attack, when, as a matter of fact, Mr. Clark was on the Terrace of this House this afternoon with me, having just arrived from Switzerland.

That is not a point of Order. The hon. Member will have an opportunity of explaining afterwards.

I did not say Mr. Clark—[HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."] I repeat it; he organised it. [HON. MEMBERS: "Withdraw."]

The hon. Member will have an opportunity of explaining anything he wishes to explain, and of course the more interruptions that take place now the less chance he will have of doing so.

On a point of Order. I have an assurance that I will have an opportunity this evening to explain.

The more the hon. Member interrupts the less opportunity he will have of explaining later.

Even if I do not complete my statement, I will give sufficient time for the hon. Gentleman to make his. This Unionist shipyard owner proceeded to make this declaration, published in a Unionist evening paper in London:—

"These men would only hamper us when the real work begins, and the yards must be cleared of every supporter of Home Rule. He had reason to know that similar action would shortly be taken in every large industrial concern in Ulster."

I have in my possession, and have had it for the last three weeks, a copy of a circular—I have never used it in the House or outside of it on the public platform, because I did not want to inflame passions-issued to the Unionist clubs calling upon them to get every Catholic dismissed from employment in the North of Ireland. Hon. Gentlemen ask what about the Catholic associations. I came into public life fighting the Catholic associations, and I was returned to this House by the people amongst whom I fought that battle. I pass from this reign of terror, established by miscreants on those benches.

I want to ask whether the hon. Gentleman is entitled to allude to Members of this House as "miscreants"?

Just listen to what happened the other night to a Protestant lecturer in Ireland who is being pursued with deadly malignity. Mr. T. H. Sloan, a Protestant Orangeman, a former member of this House was lying seriously ill at his house; his life was despaired of. He is not a Home Ruler. He is one of yourselves—a better Protestant than any man here. Here is Mrs. Sloan's statement. It is to the effect that at half-past nine p.m. a mob numbering 300 gathered round their house singing and cursing. Mr. Sloan's daughter, a girl of sixteen, was standing at the door. She, seeing the mob, went into the house, and the crowd, not knowing the door through which she had disappeared, threw stones at a door further on. Immediately afterwards three stones came through the bedroom window, one striking the chair on which Mrs. Sloan was seated at the bedside of her dying husband. She states she stood at the bedside lest a stone thrown by these chivalrous gentlemen should strike him. The crowd went away, but soon returned and smashed thirteen additional windows, at the same time continuing its cursing. Mrs. Sloan called up the police by telephone. Pending their arrival, a man who interfered on her behalf was knocked down and badly injured, and when the police did arrive the crowd had, of course, disappeared. Is this a fight against Catholics, or war on honourable Protestants? Why do you not come over yourselves and face us like men? Why do you leave it to the dukes whom you have deserted? I ask the Labour Members, are you going to allow your fellow workers to be treated worse than pariahs and outlaws, and to be assaulted with weapons and by methods unparalleled in the history of human ferocity? I ask Members of this great Protestant Parliament, are you going to allow a Protestant Orangeman to be assailed while he is dying, and while his wife is standing by his bedside, by the chivalrous gentler men of the Tory party of England?

The hon. Member has asked why we—meaning the Ulster Unionist Members—are here at this moment instead of being in Belfast. The answer to that is very brief. It is this: That any small disturbances—[HON. MEMBERS: "Oh, oh!"]—when hon. Members read their papers they will find that they are small—which have taken place in Belfast during the last few days are entirely and altogether due to the brutal and inhuman attack upon that Sunday-school excursion. That is all I want to say on that point. I desire to refer to the disgraceful charge made by the hon. Member against Mr. Clark, who, as hon. Members will remember, was until a short time ago an hon. Member of this House. The hon. Member accused Mr. Clark of being the organiser of these disturbances, such as they are, in his shipyard in Belfast. Mr. Clark called on me at the House this afternoon, and I spent an hour on the terrace with him. I asked him if it was true that these members of the Ancient Order of Hibernians who were working in his yard had been chased out of the yard by the Foresters. He said he knew nothing about it. He had read it in the papers, but if anything of the sort had happened it must have been quite a small matter or he would be sure to have heard about it by telegraph or otherwise from his managers. One of the reasons amongst others why he knew nothing about it was that he had arrived this morning from Switzerland. As to this incident about Mr. Sloan, from what the Chief Secretary has already told us, it has been grossly exaggerated.

Allow me to say the police report states that fifteen windows in Mr. Sloan's house were broken.

If that is so, the fate that has befallen Mr. Sloan's windows, like the fate that has befallen these Hibernians in these yards, is due altogether to the action of the people for whom the hon. Member spoke the day before yesterday when they created that brutal assault on those school children at Castledawson.

Question put and agreed to.

Adjourned at Twenty-eight minutes after Eleven o'clock.