House of Commons
Wednesday, July 10, 1912
Private Business
Houghton-le-Spring District Gas Bill [ Lords ],
As amended, considered; to be read the third time.
Great Northern Railway Bill [ Lords ] (by Order),
Read a second time, and committed.
Local Government Provisional Order (No. 5) Bill,
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 11) Bill,
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 12) Bill,
As amended, considered; to be read the third time To-morrow.
Local Government Provisional Orders (No. 9) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Orders confirmed]; report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
National Electric Construction Company Bill,
Reported, with Amendments; report to lie upon the Table.
Llanelly Rural District Water Bill [ Lords ],
Swanage Gas and Water Bill [ Lords ],
Reported, with Amendments; reports to lie upon the Table, and to be printed.
Local Government Provisional Order (No. 13) Bill,
Reported, with Amendments [Provisional Order confirmed]; report to lie upon the Table.
Bill, as amended, to be considered To-morrow.
Message from the Lords
"That they have agreed to—
Dover Corporation Bill,
Bognor Gas Light and Coke Company (Electricity) Bill, with Amendments.
Amendments to—
Southgate and District Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],
North Middlesex Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],
City of London (Various Powers) Bill [ Lords ],
Lea Bridge District Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],
Maidenhead Gas Company Bill [ Lords ],
without Amendment.
That they have passed a Bill, intituled, "An Act to authorise the county council of the county of Lanark to construct tramways in that county; to authorise the county council and the town councils of the burghs of Hamilton, Motherwell, and Wishaw to acquire the undertaking of the Lanarkshire Tramways Company; and for other purposes. [Lanark County Tramways [ Lords. ]
And, also, a Bill, intituled, "An Act to incorporate and confer powers upon the Ericht Water and Electric Power Company, to enable them to construct and maintain works and to acquire lands; and for other purposes." [Ericht Water and Electric Power Bill [ Lords. ]
Lanark County Tramways Bill [ Lords ],
Ericht Water and Electric Power Bill [ Lords].
Read the first time; and referred to the Examiners of Petitions for Private Bills.
Merchant Shipping Act, 1894
Copy presented of Order in Council, dated 10th June, 1912, varying the Establishment of the Commissioners of Irish Lights, as fixed by the Order in Council of 22nd April, 1910 [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Dockyard Ports Regulation Act, 1865
Copy presented of Order in Council, dated 10th June, 1912, relating to the Dockyard Port of Dover [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Naval and Marine Pay and Pensions Act, 1865
Copies presented of Four Orders in Council, dated 10th June, 1912, made under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Territorial and Reserve Forces Act, 1907
Copy presented of Order in Council, dated 24th June, 1912, transferring certain Property in the county of Fife from Trustees to the County Association [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Naval and Marine Pay and Pensions Act, 1865
Copies presented of Three Orders in Council, dated 24th June, 1912, under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
Copyright Act, 1911
Copies presented of Three Orders in Council, dated 24th June, 1912, under the Act [by Act]; to lie upon the Table.
National Insurance Act
Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) as to Election of Medical Representatives on Insurance Committees [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 210.]
Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) as to Procedure of Insurance Committees and appointment of Sub-committees [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 211.]
Copy presented of Regulations of the National Health Insurance Commission (Scotland) as to the Constitution of District Insurance Committees [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 212.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations, dated 5th July, 1912, made by the Joint Committee and the Welsh Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to Employed Contributors working under the general control and management of some person other than their immediate employer [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 215.]
Copy presented of Provisional Regulations, dated 10th July, 1912, made by the National Insurance Joint Committee and the Insurance Commissioners, acting jointly, as to the Payment and Collection of Contributions payable by and in respect of Masters, Seamen, and Apprentices in the Sea Service and the Sea-Fishing Service [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 216.]
Inebriates [Expenses]
Committee to consider of authorising the payment, out of moneys provided by Parliament, of Expenses incurred under any Act of the present Session to consolidate and amend the Law relating to Inebriates, and of the remuneration of inspectors appointed in pursuance of such Act (King's Recommendation signified), To-morrow.—[ Mr. Harcourt .]
Gas and Water Works Facilities Act, 1870
Copy presented of Report by the Board of Trade as to the grounds for dispensing with the consent of the Aston Parish Council and the Digswell, Shephall, and Ayot St. Lawrence Parish Meetings in the case of the Welwyn, Knebworth, and District Gas Order [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 213.]
Copy presented of Report by the Board of Trade as to the grounds for dispensing with the consent of the Stainforth Parish Council in the case of the Hatfield (Yorkshire) Gas Order [by Act]; to lie upon the Table, and to be printed. [No. 214.]
County Council Elections (Ireland) (Expenses)
Return ordered, "showing Expenses incurred by each county council in Ireland in connection with the county and district elections held in the year 1911, such Return to show for each county if there has been a decrease or increase in amounts expended, as compared with similar elections held in the year 1908."—[ Mr. Newman. ]
Oral Answers to Questions
Royal Navy
Mediterranean Protected Cruisers
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether, under the German Navy Laws, substitute vessels are laid down to replace protected cruisers when the latter have reached an age of fifteen years; and how many years have elapsed since the launch of the British protected cruisers "Diana," "Medea," and "Barham," now in the Mediterranean?
The reply to the first part of the question is in the negative. The dates of launch of the three ships named are December, 1895, June, 1888, and September, 1889, respectively.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the boilers of the "Medea" do not work?
No, I am not aware of that.
Armoured Ships
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state how many armoured ships were launched for Great Britain on the one hand, and for Germany, Austria, and Italy on the other, in the periods 1898 to 1902, 1903 to 1907, and 1908 to the present time?
The figures asked for are as follows, 1898 to 1902: Great Britain, 38; Germany, 12; Austria-Hungary, 4; Italy, 5. 1903 to 1907: Great Britain, 35; Germany, 13; Austria-Hungary, 4; Italy, 5. 1908 to present time: Great Britain, 18, excluding one battle cruiser belonging to the Royal Australian Navy; Germany, 18; Austria-Hungary, 5; Italy, 7.
Does that not involve this: that during the first period we had a superiority—
That is a matter upon which everyone can form his own opinion when he has the figures before him.
Protected Cruisers and Battleships
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he will state what was the proportion of protected cruisers to battleships in permanent full commission in European waters in 1900; and what is the present proportion?
:In 1900 there were eighteen battleships and about an equal number of protected cruisers in full commission in European waters, the number varying somewhat as ships were detached to China and South Africa. At the present time the corresponding figures are:—Twenty-seven battleships and 10 protected cruisers, but in forming a comparison, account must also be taken of—12 armoured cruisers, 4 unarmoured cruisers, 5 battle cruisers. The three latter types were not represented in 1900.
Will the hon. Gentleman circulate those figures with the Votes?
Yes.
Leather for Boots
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty whether samples have now been received of English box calf leather suitable for the uppers of boots for the Navy; and, if so, whether a deputation from the Federation of the Light Leather Trades of the United King do will now be received to discuss the whole situation?
:Samples of English box-calf have now been received, and are being submitted to expert examination and comparison. As soon as the report upon them is received the question of receiving a deputation will be further considered.
Parliamentary Visit to Fleet
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he can give the cost to the nation of the review on 9th July, and the extra cost due to the invitations to the Members of the House of Commons; and will he say what leave, if any, it is proposed to grant to the men of the Fleet on the conclusion of the manœuvres, and if the railway fare to their homes is to be given to these men or any of them?
In reply to the first part of the question, I stated, on Monday last, the estimated cost of the visit of the Houses of Parliament to view the Fleet was £2,500. The customary leave will be given to the Fleet on the completion of the manœuvres, but the Admiralty have no power to grant the payment of railway fares as a public charge to men of the Fleet proceeding on leave.
Portsmouth Yard Craft Men
asked the First Lord of the Admiralty if he is aware that the Portsmouth yard craft men (men working the tugs) are on duty 120 and 130 hours per week for a wage of 25s. 8d.; and if he will favourably consider the case of these men, either by giving them a rise of wages or by an increase in the number employed?
The yard craft men referred to are borne as seamen; under their conditions of service they are sometimes required to be on board their vessels for twenty-four hours a day, and their hours of duty, in a week, so calculated may amount to the numbers stated in the question, but the hon. Gentleman should understand that from time to time many hours are spent alongside the jetty merely waiting for duty even during the working hours of the dockyard. Further, when a tug is detailed for emergency duty, and lies alongside during the night, the crew sleeps on board. We have recently issued an order that every endeavour is to be made to curtail the hours of duty of yard craft men, in excess of ordinary dockyard working hours, so far as is practicable consistent with the requirements of the service. With regard to the question of wages, petitions were presented by representatives of these men at the recent hearing of petitions by the Board, and the matter is now under consideration.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say when an answer will be given?
I have already informed the hon. Gentleman that the matter does not lie altogether in our hands. There are other Departments concerned.
Do I understand that the tugs were employed in connection with the manœuvres of the Fleet yesterday, and if so, will consideration be given to the claim of the men for extra wages?
In regard to the first part of the question the hon. Gentleman knows the men were employed because he was on board. I do not know whether the work they did comes into their ordinary pay.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that there are no messing arrangements for these men on the tugs?
What we desire is that, so far as possible, the men should not be kept on the tugs longer than is necessary
Questions
Nyasaland (Failure of Grain Crops)
asked the Secretary of State for the Colonies whether he can give the House any information regarding the season in Nyasaland and such steps as may have been taken to deal with the results of the failure of the grain crops on which the natives chiefly live?
I was informed by the Governor in January that there was a deficient rainfall in the Port Herald district and I approved of his proposal to spend up to £500, if necessary, on food stuffs for the relief of suffering natives. From later communications it appears that the Governor has taken steps to restrict the removal of food stuffs from the affected districts, and that he has other measures in contemplation as to which I have not yet received his recommendations.
Is the situation considered serious?
I hope it is not so serious as it was at first thought.
Migration of Population
asked whether it is proposed that existing arrangements for migration of population between the United Kingdom and self-governing Dominions should form a subject of inquiry by the Dominions Royal Commission?
Yes, Sir.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether it is not a fact that both he and the President of the Local Government Board declined to appoint a Royal Commission to inquire into this very subject when I asked a few weeks ago that this should be done?
:I am not aware that I declined to appoint a Royal Commission. I have no power to do so. I stated that this matter I going to be inquired into by the Dominions, and that if there is an inquiry by the Dominions, it is obviously unnecessary to duplicate it.
Exactly.
National Insurance Act
Casters of Harness Furniture
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether, seeing that he gave a pledge to a deputation from the Associated Chambers of Commerce on 30th June, 1911, that no trade would be included in Part II. of the National Insurance Act other than the building and engineering trades without giving manufacturers at least twelve months notice, it is a contravention of that pledge to include casters of harness furniture, stirrups, spurs, bits, buckles, watch guard fittings, bag furniture, and spring hooks?
My right hon. Friend has asked me to reply to this question. There has been no extension of Part II. of the Act. The trades scheduled specifically include iron founding, and any question as to what occupations are included under that heading is one which under the Act has to be decided not by the Board of Trade, but by the independent Umpire appointed by the Crown. I understand, by decision No. 62, published in the "Board of Trade Journal" for 13th June, the Umpire has decided that workmen employed in a malleable iron foundry as moulders, core-makers, annealers, dressers, and general labourers are included under iron founding, and consequently liable to contribute under this part of the Act, and I have no power to interfere with the decision.
Will the right hon. Gentleman say whether the term iron foundings for the purposes of the Act includes all castings in iron of whatever form or description, and whether such interpretation is in accordance with the provision of Part II. of the Act—
The hon. Member should give notice of the question.
Unpaid Shop Attendants
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether in the case of a man growing fruit on his own land near the town, whilst his wife and daughter attend in the shop without wages, his wife and daughter will come under the National Insurance Act; and, if not, whether the man will have to pay the employer's contribution for his wife and daughter?
A wife employed by her husband is definitely excluded by the terms of the Act, and a daughter who receives no money payment is not required to be insured. The last part of the question does not therefore arise.
Non-Compliance With Rules (Penalty)
asked the Chancellor of the Exchequer whether in the case of employers or employed people refusing to comply with the rules of the National Insurance Act, magistrates will be compelled to impose the maximum fine of £10, or could they reduce it to 1s. or less?
The sum of £10 is the maximum amount of the fine, and a Court of Summary Jurisdiction has power to impose as a fine any sum not exceeding £10.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say why it is that people are to be fined up to £l0 under the National Insurance Act, while passive resisters under the Elementary Education Act are not fined at all?
Key and Lock-Making
asked on what grounds the maker of a lock is excluded from Part II. of the National Insurance Act, whilst the maker of the key is included?
The making of both keys and locks would appear to fall outside the scope of the insured trades, except as regards workmen employed in moulding and casting malleable iron for key blanks, which appears to be included under iron-founding, one of the trades specified in the Sixth Schedule to the Act.
Approved Societies
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether he proposes to take any steps to prevent assurance societies which have been defrauding the public during the past five years, and whose doings have several times been brought before this House as well as before the Attorney-General, from operating as approved societies for the purposes of the Natonal Insurance Act; and, having regard to the fact that the persons who successfully pioneered some of these societes without any capital whatever and were rewarded by handsome salaries from the deposits of the shareholders, are the individuals who are now connected with the approved societies formed in connection with these bogus companies, will inquiry be made with a view to the protection of the workers and the withdrawal of approval, if proof such as that mentioned in the question can be obtained?
asked (36) when the London and Provincial Yearly Dividing Friendly Society, State Section, was first registered; whether it has any connection with the London and Provincial Assurance Company, Limited; if it has, whether the official approval of it will be suspended pending further investigation of the character and management of the latter body? (37) When the London and Provincial Approved Society was first registered; when it became officially approved under the National Insurance Act; why the Registrar of Friendly Societies allowed it to be registered under a name which was untrue and misleading at the date of registration; whether the Insurance Commissioners before approving it had before them the identity of management of the London and Provincial Assurance Company, Limited, of which this society is an offshoot, with the Irish Provident Assurance Company, now in compulsory liquidation, and the revelations at the trial of the directors, now in progress in Dublin; whether he is aware that some 500,000 poor persons in Ireland have lost their savings through those directors; and whether the official approval of this self-styled approved society will be cancelled, or at least suspended, pending the result of the trial mentioned?
In approving societies the Insurance Commissioners would certainly take into consideration any allegations such as those suggested in these questions. If hon. Members can inform me of any definite and specific instances of offences in connection with the promoters of any approved society, I will immediately have inquiries made.
Has the right hon. Gentleman considered and tested the allegations in Question 36?
No, but if there is anything which the hon. Member wishes to communicate to me I will have inquiries made, and he will get an answer if he puts-a question later on.
Are the duties of the registrar of friendly societies exclusively mechanical, or is he bound by his position to facilitate this plan for obtaining money by false pretences?
His duty is to register duly qualified friendly societies under the provisions of the Act.
Even though they have a name, which is, on the face of it, a false pretence, is he bound to register it?
asked the right hon. Gentleman if he is aware that complaints are being made by the employés of Messrs. Croft and Perkins, engineers and iron founders, of Bradford, that their employers are questioning each employé of the firm to ascertain whether he is a member of an approved society, and, if so, which; and if he will look into the matter and deal with it without delay?
I have no previous information with regard to this case, but I will communicate with the company.
Answers to Letters
asked whether the National Insurance Commissioners are prepared to answer letters from persons anxious to carry the law into effect who wish to obtain advice and information on points connected with the working of the Act?
Persons desiring information about the Act are in the first instance directed to obtain it by application to the local Customs and Excise officers (who are usually the pension officers). The Commissioners have, however, a substantial correspondence in which they are giving assistance to bond fide inquirers, and have no objection to receiving letters direct at their offices.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that letters asking as to specific points about the working of the Act are not answered for at least ten days, and are not even acknowledged?
I do not think that that is the case. If the hon. Gentleman will give me a special instance, I will have inquiries made.
Does the right hon. Gentleman realise that local Customs and Excise officers sometimes will not visit a place for a week or more? What is to happen in such cases?
If the hon. Gentleman thinks that he can suggest any further means of spreading information, I will gladly consider it.
Medical Attendance (Payments)
asked whether the insured persons to whom the 6s. may be given in lieu of medical attendance, in the event of the Government being unable to come to an agreement with the doctors, will be expected to form benefit societies in order to secure medical attendance; will they be given the 6s. if they have not consulted a doctor during the year; will they be allowed to spend the 6s. on other matters than medical attendance; and if 1s. 6d. out of the 6s. will be considered to have been given to the insured persons in lieu of free drugs?
If the local Insurance Committee in any district finds that adequate medical attendance cannot be given by the doctors who offer to serve on a general panel, a variety of alternative systems of providing medical benefit may be adopted. If such alternatives prove impracticable or undesirable, medical benefit may be suspended. If suspension takes place, it will be perfectly open to the insured persons, who will receive a monetary equivalent, to make such arrangements for medical attendance and medicine as they have been making for many years past, and they will receive for such arrangements one and a half times the money which they have hitherto usually paid for them.
Would the right hon. Gentleman be good enough to answer the last two points: Would they be allowed to spend the 6s. on other matters than medical attendance; and will 1s. 6d. out of the 6s. be considered to have been given to the insured person in lieu of free drugs?
Either of those alternatives is possible. It is possible that it may be arranged that a certain sum of money may be handed over to a society or themselves for medical attendance; or it is possible that medical benefit will be completely suspended, in which case they can do what they like with the money.
How would they be able to get proper medical attendance for the 6s. in view of the fact that the persons benefited will have to be insured? In this case they are not insured.
They can easily get insured. There is no difficulty in the matter. Up to now anyone in the working classes has been able to get medical attendance and drugs for something like an average of 4s. a year. He will now, for a payment of 2s. 8d., get 6s. a year if medical benefit is suspended. I do not see anything to complain of.
In order to obtain these benefits will they be obliged to form approved societies on the lines of the old friendly societies, or how otherwise will they be able to get benefits?
That is one possible alternative. They may form medical institutes, friendly societies, or sick clubs. There are dozens of alternatives by which they may be able to obtain medical benefits.
Is the medical benefit guaranteed?
No; there is medical benefit, and the alternative is a monetary payment.
Domestic Servants
asked if domestic servants must in every case attend personally at the post office and fill up a form before they can obtain their cards under the National Insurance Act; and, if this practice is being acted on at many post offices, will he give other instructions?
Domestic servants, like other employed persons, must obtain their cards at the post office if they are not members of approved societies, and they must, like other employed persons, fill up a form of application (which only involves writing their name and address and signing and dating the form) in order to obtain their cards. If they are unable to attend at the post office themselves they can arrange for someone else to get forms of application and, after they have signed these, to get the cards as well; or the employers can obtain cards for them if they so desire.
In order to make the matter quite clear, may I ask if each servant has to apply personally at the post office for a card, or can one servant or the lady of the house apply also in respect of fellow servants? That is a point which it is particularly desired to have cleared up. And may I ask whether identical instructions have been given to all the post offices?
Identical instructions have been given to all post offices. Each servant need not attend personally to get a card, but each servant will have to fill up the form.
What remedy has an insured person who is not able to obtain the benefits for which he has paid?
:What benefit—the medical benefit?
Sanatorium benefit.
I could not say what steps have to be taken immediately by the insured person without notice, but if the hon. Gentleman will give me notice I will inquire.
Is the contract between the Government and the insured person or between the insured persons and the society?
I think the contract is between the society and the insured person.
asked on what grounds the official explanatory leaflet No. 21, published by the National Health Insurance Commission, states that a weekly contribution of 6d. is payable by mistresses for each week beginning on Monday during the whole or any part of which the servant has been employed, having regard to the fact that it is laid down in the Act that the servant is to pay 3d. and the employer 3d.?
The leaflet states that "a weekly contribution of 6d. is payable by the mistress," and that the mistress "has a right to deduct 3d. from the servant's wages." If the hon. and gallant Member will refer to Section 4 (2) of the Act, or to my answers to the hon. Members for Wilton and Devizes on 11th June and 8th July, in which that Section is quoted, he will see that the leaflet ex- presses exactly the effect of the law, which entitles, but does not compel, the mistress to make deductions from her servant's wages.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman say that the mistress is obliged to pay sixpence when he knows that she is only obliged to pay threepence?
The hon. Member is now arguing.
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether his attention has been called to the official explanatory leaflet, No. 21, of the National Health Insurance Commission, in which it is stated that every person in domestic service, unless entitled loan exemption, must get a contribution card before 15th July, either from an approved society of which she is a member or from any post office; and that every mistress, if the servant fails to produce a card, must obtain an ordinary card or an emergency card from the post office on or before pay day; whether these statements are in conflict, seeing that under the National Insurance Act penalties are to be inflicted for breach of its provisions and that there is no provision in the Act enforcing these requirements; will he say whether it is the servant or the mistress who will be brought before the Police Court and fined; and whether there is any Section in the Act requiring the mistress to purchase, under penalty, cards for servants in her husband's employment?
Under Section 69 (2) of the Act, an employer or other person who is guilty of contravention of, or noncompliance with, any of the requirements, either of Part I. of the Act or of the regulations made thereunder, is liable to a penalty. Neglect on the part of an employé to pay a contribution, and neglect on the part of an insured person to obtain a card, would be two distinct offences committed by two different people. What action would be taken by the Commissioners in any particular case would depend on the circumstances of that case; but I may point out that the failure of a servant to obtain a card does not relieve the mistress of the duty of paying the contribution or add to the difficulty of performing that duty. Mistresses are not required, as suggested in the question, to "purchase" cards. They can obtain either emergency cards or ordinary cards free of cost at any post office, and are thus enabled to discharge their statutory duty of paying the contribution when the occasion arises.
Does not the right hon. Gentleman know that it is a well-known principle of law that you cannot proceed against two persons for the same offence?
I do not know of that principle; but, in any case, I was not suggesting that we would proceed against two persons.
You had it in this pamphlet.
May I ask if it would be a contravention of the Act for an employer to give notice that unless his employés, young women, are prepared to pay sixpence, the employers' and employés' contribution, they will be dismissed?
That has nothing to do with the question.
Who has done it?
It has been done.
Birth Certificates
asked the Secretary to the Treasury if he is aware that the superintendent-registrars are making a charge of 1s. 6d. for copies of birth certificates supplied to applicants who require them for the purposes of entering an approved society under the National Insurance Act, and who have made the application on the prescribed form, 1s. of this sum being charged for searching the register where the applicant is unable to give the exact date of birth; and whether such a charge is authorised by the Commissioners or the Local Government Board?
Superintendent-registrars are not entitled to charge a search fee of 1s., and are so informed in their instructions. I have no information of such search fees being charged, but if my hon. Friend will let me know if he has such information in his possession, I will gladly communicate with the Registrar-General on the subject.
Liability During Holidays
asked if an employer who pays his employés full wages during their holidays will be liable for the employer's Health Insurance contribution during the time of the holidays?
The answer is in the affirmative.
Cork Harbour Board (Employés)
asked whether the Cork Harbour Board have made application to the Irish National Health Insurance Commissioners for a certificate that the terms of their employment are such as to secure provision in respect of sickness and disablement not less favourable than the corresponding benefits conferred by Part I. of the National Insurance Act, with a view to having their employés exempted from the Act; whether this application has been refused, and, if so, whether the Financial Secretary to the Treasury can state the grounds of such refusal; whether he is aware that under the Harbour Board scheme the Employés pay nothing, whereas under the Act they must pay 3d. per week; that under the Harbour Board scheme employés receive half-pay during sickness, amounting in some cases to 25s. per week, whereas under the Act the maximum sickness benefit is 10s. a week, and that under the Harbour Board scheme sickness benefit covers the first four days, whereas under the Act this is not so; whether the employés of the Harbour Board unanimously desire to be exempted; and whether, as the benefits under the Harbour Board scheme are from 50 to 100 per cent. better than those of the Act, some arrangement can be made whereby the employés will not be deprived of the substantial advantages which the Harbour Board scheme confers upon them?
The Cork Harbour Board have been in communication with the Irish Commissioners, with a view to their employés being excepted from the compulsory insurance under paragraph (b) of Part II. of the First Schedule to the Insurance Act. That paragraph requires as a condition of such exception that the provision made not only as regards temporary sickness but also permanent breakdown shall be, in the opinion of the Commissioners, not less favourable on the whole than the provision made by the sickness and disablement benefits of the Act. The Irish Commissioners have explained what terms they will regard as satisfying this condition. The Cork Harbour Board, however, have definitely stated in their letter of 24th June that none of their employés of any grade are guaranteed either security of tenure or a right to a pension. They are all liable to dismissal at the discretion of the Board, and the pensions are optional. These conditions of employment do not appear to the Irish Insurance Commissioners to secure the necessary provision for sickness and disablement benefits required by the Act. I understand, however, that further negotiations are proceeding between the Harbour Board and the Commissioners, and I will gladly communicate the result to the hon. And learned Gentleman.
Apprentices
asked if apprentices and other employés who are under the age of twenty-one and whose wages are less than 1s. 6d. a day are liable to the weekly deduction for Health Insurance from their wages?
The answer is in the affirmative.
Crofters
asked the amount of medical benefit that a crofter can obtain in return for two months' compulsory contributions when employed, if he is not a voluntary contributor paying 7d. a week during the rest of the year?
If such a person becomes a deposit contributor the amount so contributed will be transferred to the local insurance committee, and that committee, under Section 42(e) of the Act, may give him such benefits, subject to such conditions, as they decide.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say if he is able to get any sickness benefit if he has only contributed for two months?
That will make an aggregate of about six shillings, and it depends whether they chose to give him sickness or medical benefit.
Will there not be a sum of four shillings for administration?
I do not think there will be four shillings deducted from six shillings.
How much will it be?
That will depend on the Regulations made by the Insurance Commissioners.
:Does it include sanatorium benefit?
It includes the possibility of sanatorium benefit.
Contributions
asked (42) whether the Government will pay the expenses of a test case before the Courts as to whether contributions can legally be enforced under the National Insurance Act before it is known whether insured persons will be provided with medical benefit; (43) whether the right hon. Gentleman will obtain the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown as to whether the National Insurance Act is to be construed as a contract between the Government and insured persons; (44) whether he will obtain the opinion of the Law Officers of the Crown as to whether contributions can legally be deducted from the wages of insured persons before it is known whether the medical benefit promised under the National Insurance Act will be able to be given?
The Act requires contributions to be paid in respect of employed contributors and authorises deductions from their wages without reference to the exact benefits to which they may at any time be entitled. The Act definitely states that medical attendance and medicine or an alternative of monetary payment will be provided from 15th January onwards, and there is no doubt at all that one of these alternatives will be provided for insured persons. I am advised that the effect of the law is so clear that there would be no justification for occupying the time of the Law Officers of the Crown by referring a case to them, or for promoting a test action, though it would, of course, be open to any hon. Member who reads the Act otherwise to see that the matter is brought before the Courts.
Medical Benefit
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, with reference to the letter of the Insurance Commissioners of 26th June, in reply to that of the British Medical Association of 29th February, in which the Commissioners state that the Government would be willing, if assured of the co-operation of the medical profession, to advise Parliament to make extra provision for meeting the cost of medical benefit, he will now state the amount of extra provision which the Government is prepared to ask Parliament to sanction?
The subject is under consideration, and no statement can at present be made on it.
May I ask when it is likely that a statement can be made?
I expect shortly. It is in part dependent, as the hon. Gentleman knows, on the results of the Committee which is now sitting and inquiring into the whole matter.
Income Limit (Medical Benefit)
asked what steps the Government propose to take to exclude those persons possessing an income exceeding £160 a year from free medical treatment who, under the National Insurance Act, are entitled to that benefit, having regard to the statement of the Commissioners in their letter of 26th June that the Government recognise that this is a special case for consideration?
The Government have undertaken to consider any suggestions put before them in reference to this matter. No such suggestions have as yet been made. It would therefore be premature to make any statement.
Have the Commissioners power to make the alteration or will it be necessary to amend the Act?
I would like notice of that question.
Public Employés
asked whether there is any appeal from the decision of the Insurance Commissioners either certifying or refusing to certify that the terms of employment of those employed under any local authority are such as to entitle the persons employed to exception from compulsory insurance under Part II. of the First Schedule of the National Insurance Act?
The answer is in the negative.
Barge Owners
asked whether, in the case of a cargo barge where the barge owner, the captain, and the mate co-operate on the terms that the barge owner takes one-half of the profits and that the captain takes one-half, out of which he remunerates his mate by giving him one-third of his one-half, the mate is deemed to be an employed person; and, if so, by whom are his contributions to be paid?
In the case suggested in the question the mate will be liable to be insured, and it would appear on the facts as stated by the hon. Member that the owner of the barge will be liable for the contributions. It would, however, be impossible to give an answer with any certainty except upon a fuller statement of the facts than is possible within the limits of a Parliamentary question, but it is open to barge owners or masters to obtain the formal decision of the Commissioners by means of an application under Section 66 of the Act.
Would the right hon. Gentleman ask the Commissioners to reply to a letter which was sent to them over a month ago putting these facts?
I will have inquiry made, or if the hon. Member will communicate to me privately the full particulars of the case I will see that he will get a reply.
Will the right hon. Gentleman consider the advisability of having all the questions and answers printed in regard to the Insurance Act?
I should have no objection myself.
Will you ask the Government to do so?
Governesses
asked what advice is being given by the Insurance Commissioners, in the absence of the formation of any special society for governesses, as to the best mode of health insurance for this class of employed persons?
The Commissioners are careful not to give advice recommending any particular approved society for any particular insured persons. I have no doubt that any of the approved societies which take women would accept governesses as members, and I understand that special societies are being formed for persons engaged in the teaching profession.
Public Meetings (Police Protection)
asked the Home Secretary whether he was aware that a number of meetings to give expression to the public feeling of satisfaction at the coming into operation of the National Insurance Act had been arranged for Saturday, the 13th instant; and whether, having in view the injuries that were received by a number of the audience who disagreed with the principal speaker at a meeting dealing with the Insurance Act at Wood ford on the 29th ultimo, he would, where requested within the Metropolitan area, arrange for an adequate force of police to be present to prevent rioting or injury to any of the public present?
A sufficient force of police is always sent to preserve order in the vicinity of places where public meetings are being held; but the authorities of the meeting are responsible for the preservation of order within the building, and it would be contrary to Regulations for the police to be so employed. In the event of disorder arising, the police officer on duty is instructed, on application being made to him by responsible persons, to exercise his discretion as to the propriety of intervention.
Will ambulance facilities be provided?
If it is considered by the promoters of the meeting that ambulances will be necessary it will be their duty to see that they are provided.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that at the meetings at Tower Hill and elsewhere in connection with the transport strike there have been more police than were wanted?
Additional Duties for Postal Authorities
asked the Postmaster-General whether he is aware of the dissatisfaction existing both among the general public and the staff at the various post offices in the country at the confusion and overwork caused by the additional duties imposed on postal authorities by the National Insurance Act; and whether he has in contemplation any measure to relieve the present tension?
I am not aware that there is dissatisfaction, confusion, or overwork in the Post Office such as the hon. Member alleges.
Will there be any permanent addition to the permanent staff in view of the Act?
If, as a matter of fact, it is found that the existing counter staff cannot cope with the work, additions will be made, but I have no reason at present to suppose that permanent additions will be necessary.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the pressure of business is especially severe in some of the country towns and rural districts where the staff is not large?
I know there has been a certain amount of additional work thrown upon the staff, but, so far as my information goes, they have been quite equal to it.
Questions
House of Commons (Annunciator)
asked the hon. Member for St. George's-in-the-East, as representing the First Commissioner of Works, whether he will at once place an annunciator in Room B, so that hon. Members not wishing to smoke may make use of the Library and be at the same time in close touch with the proceedings in the Chamber?
In response to the suggestion, the First Commissioner will be very glad to carry out this work at an early date.
Ystradynlais Rural District (Insanitary Dwellings)
asked the President of the Local Government Board whether, in view of the statements and figures contained in the recent annual report of the medical officer of health for the Ystradynlais Rural District as to overcrowding and the occupation of in sanitary dwellings, he will represent to the local authority the urgency of taking steps to put into operation the provisions of Part III. of the Housing of the Working Classes Act?
I addressed a letter to the rural district council on the 5th instant, requesting them to give immediate attention to the question of proceeding under Part III. of the Housing of the Working Classes Act, 1890.
Corrugated Iron Huts (Onllwyn), Dulais Valley
asked the right hon. Gentleman whether he is aware that a considerable number of corrugated iron huts are in permanent occupation at the mining village of Onllwyn, in the Dulais valley; whether the building bylaws of the Neath Rural Council contain provisions permitting their erection; if not, whether he sanctioned the suspension of the building by-laws to enable such huts to be built; and whether he will make representations to the local authority on the matter?
I have communicated with the clerk to the rural district council of Neath on this matter. I understand that plans for the twenty-four wooden and galvanised iron huts were submitted to the council, and that the council only consented to their erection as temporary buildings. I am, however, addressing a further communication to the council on the subject. I ought, perhaps, to add that the population of the parish in which these buildings were erected has increased very rapidly in consequence of the opening of a large colliery.
Trade Boards Act (Shirtmakers' Wages)
asked the President of the Board of Trade the reason that shirtmaking was excluded from the Trades Board Act; and whether, considering the low wages earned by the shirt makers, in many cases only averaging l½d. an hour, he will consider whether steps can now be taken to bring the under the Trades Board Act?
Shirtmaking is not one of the four trades specified in the Schedule to the Trade Boards Act. The reasons for its non-inclusion can presumably be gathered from the Debates which took place on the subject. In particular I may refer the hon. Member to the Debates of 16th July, 1909, on which date an Amendment to the Bill to include shirt making in the Schedule was discussed and withdrawn. When the time to consider extension of the Act arrives the case of Shirtmaking will certainly be carefully considered among other trades.
Can the right hon. Gentleman give any indication as to when that time will arise?
We are considering the matter on the information which we are now acquiring.
In view of the fact that 8d. a dozen is the usual sum paid to those people for shirts, will the right hon. Gentleman inquire into the matter to see if something cannot be done?
Yes. We have not had very much experience yet. It has taken some time to get the Act into operation. Shirtmaking will be one of the first cases to be considered when we do extend the Act.
Has the right hon. Gentleman read the report of the House of Lords Sweating Committee on this subject?
I have no doubt I have.
Colour-Blindness (Sight Tests)
asked the right hon. Gentleman whether the results obtained by the Committee on Sight Tests have been of a nature to demonstrate the superiority of the lantern test for colour blindness over the wool test; and whether, seeing that the lantern invented by Dr. Edridge-Green has been found satisfactory by the Admiralty, he can explain why the Board of Trade proposes to adopt another lantern?
I am not aware that the Report of the Departmental Committee on Sight Tests contains any expression of opinion as to whether the wool test or the lantern test is the better test for colour blindness. In the opinion of the Committee each method is to some extent supplementary to the other. The recommendations of the Committee are at present receiving my careful consideration with a view to giving effect to them so far as possible at the earliest possible date.
Will the right hon. Gentleman also consider the advisability of having a uniform test for railway men, having regard to the large number of failures which now take place?
Perhaps the hon. Member would give notice, as I would like to consider the matter.
Will an opportunity be given of practically demonstrating this method to the Board of Trade representatives?
The Committee was appointed, and I had no control over their proceedings. I do not know whether they have taken this form of testing into account. Their recommendations will receive very careful consideration.
Army Debate
asked whether the Prime Minister, in view of the fact that the Patronage Secretary to the Treasury, in order to bring the Debate to a close last year, gave the House to understand that another day would be allowed for a general Debate on the Army, and that the day was not given, can see his way to give another day this year for a general Debate on the Army before the Autumn Adjournment?
:This is a matter for arrangement between the Patronage Secretary and the Noble Lord opposite.
Are we to understand that when a Cabinet Minister makes a promise and gets into a difficulty, he can evade that promise, if it is not convenient to keep it?
The hon. Member is only asking the same question in other words.
Was not a promise made on an early day in the Session of an extra day for the Territorial Force?
I do not know whether it will be possible to arrange for another day. I will do my best.
Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act
asked if the Prime Minister will state when he proposes to obtain the authority of this House for the payment of the salaries and expenses of the arbitrators appointed under Section 4 of the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912?
Payment of the salaries and expenses of chairman of Joint District Boards appointed under the Coal Mines (Minimum Wage) Act, 1912, will, with the sanction of the Treasury, be made out of savings from the Board of Trade vote, and it is not certain, at this stage, that it will be necessary to lay an Estimate before the House.
Arising out of that answer, may I ask you, Mr. Speaker, whether it has not always been the custom of this House, when a new service has been commenced, that a Resolution of the House authorising or embodying that new service is necessary before the money can be passed?
I will have to take a little time to consider my answer and look into the matter. I cannot to-day go beyond saying that, primá facie, I should think that the sanction of the House was required, but I would not like to commit myself to an answer without further consideration.
With your permission, Sir, I shall put the question later.
Has it not always been the case that sanction has only been given by the Treasury to such transfer of money where it has been from under one sub-head to another of the same Vote, and not to a totally new Vote?
The hon. Gentleman will perhaps give me notice of that question.
Land Taxation (Committee)
asked whether the Prime Minister will state the names of the Committee on Land Taxation appointed, with his approval, by the Chancellor of the Exchequer; and whether it will be arranged that properly qualified persons will have an opportunity of giving evidence on the subject?
The Committee is a purely unofficial and informal body. It will be presided over by my right hon. Friend Mr. Arthur Acland. I see no reason why the names of the members should be published at present. Should their Report be eventually laid before Parliament full information will, of course, be given. It will rest with the Committee to decide what method of investigation should be pursued.
Has the right hon. Gentleman any objection to stating the names of the Committee? Is there any secret about it at all?
No, no secret whatever.
Then why not state the names?
It is purely an unofficial and informal body.
Unofficial members are not secret.
Relieve the anxiety of the Noble Lord.
Will the Committee publish a Report?
I do not think a Report will be presented.
Licence Duties
asked the First Lord of the Treasury whether the Return relating to the yield of Licence Duties will be circulated to Members prior to the Debate on the Second Reading of the Finance Bill?
Every effort is being made to complete this Return in time to circulate it before the Second Reading of the Finance Bill, but I understand that its preparation is rendered somewhat laborious by the right hon. Gentleman's desire that the figures should be given by districts.
Development Fund (Farm Institutes)
asked the Secretary to the Treasury whether, in view of the disappointment felt by all progressive local education authorities at its being made a condition of Grants from the Development Fund towards the provision of farm institutes that at least 25 per cent. of the capital cost, and at least 50 per cent. of the cost of maintenance, of such institutes must be raised locally, in addition to the whole of the existing expenditure by such authorities on agricultural technical instruction, he will request the Development Commissioners to reconsider their decision?
I understand my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Agriculture and Fisheries is in communication with the Development Commissioners on this subject.
Street Accidents (Metropolis)
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether in the comparison which he recently made between the 533,000,000 passengers carried by the London County Council trams and the 520,000,000 passengers carried by the London General Omnibus Company, he was aware that the London County Council trams are limited to the county of London, which is a much smaller area than the Metropolitan Police area; and whether, in order to allow of amore just comparison, he would ascertain the numbers carried by the tramway companies operating in the larger area, namely, the London United Tramways, the North Metropolitan Tramways, and others, and would show the number of fatal accidents for vehicles and per million passengers carried, respectively?
So far as can be ascertained in the absence of official figures, the total number of passengers carried last year upon tramcars in the Metropolitan area is approximately 746,000,000, and the total number carried by motor omnibuses is approximately 595,000,000. On this basis the number of fatal accidents for 1911 would be, approximately, for tramcars, 1 for every 27½ million passengers carried; and, for omnibuses, 1 for every 6¼ million passengers carried; 92.5 percent. of the tramcar accidents occurred in the county of London.
Tuberculous and Mentally Deficient Prisoners
asked what treatment was accorded to prisoners who during their terms of imprisonment were discovered to be affected with tubercular disease; and whether any statistics were available showing the number of persons so affected and treated, and the progress of disease during imprisonment?
Prisoners suffering from tubercular disease, if not so ill as to necessitate admission to hospital, are located together in cells specially provided for such cases. These cells are situated in the most airy ward of the prison with a south, south-east, or south-west aspect; have a special window which opens widely, providing ample light; this window can be left open day and night, if weather permits. The walls are finished off, leaving a smooth surface so as to be readily washed and disinfected; the furniture and fittings of the cell are also arranged with the same view. Special precautions are taken to prevent infection, and the prisoner's health is the subject of the medical officer's special care. No statistics are available showing the number of prisoners so affected and treated. The weight and general health when discharged are recorded, as is done with all prisoners, but no special record of progress of these prisoners has been collected—the sentences of many being so short that no good purpose would be gained thereby.
asked the Home Secretary how many of the present inmates of Wands worth Prison were suffering from mental deficiency; and whether the Mental Deficiency Bill would give power to mitigate or alter the retention or treatment of mentally defective persons committed to prison?
Thirty-three prisoners out of 1,224 at Wands worth Prison are believed to be mentally deficient. Section 28 of the Mental Deficiency Bill gives the Secretary of State power to transfer mentally defective persons from prison to an institution for defectives.
Suffragist Prisoners
asked the Secretary of State for the Home Department whether, having regard to the time that Miss Ada Wright, a prisoner under going imprisonment for offences in connection with the agitation for the suffrage, had now been in prison and to all the circumstances of the case, he would advise the remission of the remainder of her sentence?
This prisoner's sentence was remitted, and she was discharged last Thursday.
Franchise and Registration Bill
asked the President of the Board of Education if he would state the estimated number of the additions to the electorate in the constituencies of Romford, South-East Essex, Wands worth, and Kilkenny, respectively, which would occur in the event of the Franchise and Registration Bill becoming law?
I am afraid it is not possible, for reasons which my right hon. Friend has already given in his answer to the hon. Member for Lincoln on the 1st July, to give any estimate of the additions to the electorate in the constituencies named.
Was the estimate of 2,000,000 people to be added to the register purely guess-work?
I assume it was a general estimate.
Education (Scotland)
asked the Secretary for Scotland whether his attention has been called to the new allocation of the Education (Scotland) Fund whereby the counties of Fife and Kinross suffer to the extent of £5,348, a reduction which is equivalent to 2s. 8d. per pupil; and whether, considering the reductions which are being made generally throughout Scotand, he will represent to the Treasury the necessity of increasing the Grant in order not to unduly deplete the education fund?
It is not a question of reductions being made in the payments by the Treasury for educational purposes in Scotland, but of a different allocation and of the money being spent in a different way. The statement that the counties of Fife and Kinross "suffer" to the extent of £5,348 does not accurately represent the financial position.
May I ask when the right hon. Gentleman will be in a position to give us an accurate statement as to the loss these two counties respectively have sustained by the new method of allocation?
The statement has been published. But the phrase "loss" as applied to the particular sum in question is an inaccurate phrase and does not represent the facts. A statement of the sum which will be received has been published in a Paper which was printed about ten days ago.
Will the right hon. Gentleman, seeing that with only four exceptions the whole of the recipients of the money are going to have less than they were going to have, approach the Treasury to see if he can put the matter right? Will the right hon. Gentleman answer the last few words of my question?
The question of receiving money for one purpose or another and of spending it upon one educational purpose or another—I do not think that is accurately suggested.
Is it not the case that several educational districts in Scotland have been receiving for some two or three years past more than their fair allocation from this Scottish Education Fund?
Yes, Sir, that is the case in this sense, that money that ought to have gone to the superannuation of teachers has gone for other purposes; now that the superannuation of teachers' scheme is complete the money is devoted to that purpose.
Mr. HOGGE rose—
The subject seems to be more suitable for discussion on Scottish Estimates.
Farm and Garden Produce (Postal Conveyance)
asked the Postmaster-General whether in view of the growing demand there for on the part of small holders, poultry keepers, market gardeners, and dairymen, he will inaugurate a system under which the Post Office will, on delivery, collect from customers the value of small farm and garden produce transmitted by parcels post, as is done in France to the great advantage of agricultural producers?
Proposals have been made from time to time to introduce the cash on delivery system in various forms, but they have met with much opposition, and it has not been found possible to proceed with them.
From whom has the opposition come?
That will appear in the next answer.
asked the Postmaster-General whether he recently stated in a communication to the Rushden and Welling borough Chamber of Trade that, as a considerable section of the commercial community are opposed to the cash on delivery system, he had decided not to introduce it; and, if so, whether he will say to what section he refers?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. Inquiry was made of nearly 100 Chambers of Commerce, Chambers of Trade, and other similar associations, and of these a large majority were strongly opposed to the introduction of a cash on delivery service between the United Kingdom and European countries.
Notwithstanding that, would the right hon. Gentleman consider it worth while to consult Chambers of Agriculture which are more nearly concerned?
I do not think that assumption would apply to this particular case.
Has the right hon. Gentleman made inquiries as to the extension of the system beyond the internal post?
Inquiries were made a few years ago, either by my right hon. Friend the present President of the Board of Trade, or a predecessor, and he found that the state of opinion was such that it was not possible to proceed with the project.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the cash on delivery system has been in operation for twenty years in many countries, and has been an unqualified success?
I know that in many countries the system is in existence and is successful. But I am not sure we can always follow an example of the sort.
Upbrooks Farm, Clitheroe (Small Holders)
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he is aware that nothing is being done to meet the requirements of the small holders on the Upbrooks Farm, Clitheroe, with regard to housing; and whether he will make inquiries with a view to providing houses to meet such requirements?
The county council have informed the Board that the farmhouse has been adapted and let to two of the applicants, and that plans have been prepared for building four new houses and rebuilding an old cottage. The council will submit the plans and specifications for the final approval of the Board, if the applicants are willing to take the houses on lease for a term of five years.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say how long this proposal has been before the Board of Agriculture?
I cannot say without notice.
Agricultural Analysts (Appointments)
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether, under Clause 2 of the Fertilisers and Feeding Stuffs Act, 1906, appointments of agricultural analysts by county councils are subject to the approval of the Board of Agriculture; whether, under Section 4 of the same Act, his Department has made any Regulations as to the qualifications to be possessed by agricultural analysts and as to the manner in which analyses are to be made; has his attention been called to the fact that in April last Mr. F. J. Lloyd, agricultural analyst appointed under this Act to the Kent County Council, gave an incorrect analysis of a sample of green stuff manure, and that Mr. Lloyd, in a letter to the clerk of the county council, declared that it was impossible to get accurate results by the official method of analysis prescribed by the Department of Agriculture owing, as he alleged, to the presence of nitrate of lime in the manure; whether he is aware that Dr. Bernard Dyer obtained, in the case of the same manure, a correct result, using also the official method of analysis; and whether, having regard to the fact that this is the second case of error in analysis made within twelve months by Mr. Lloyd, and that it is of importance to the retailers of fertilisers and feeding stuffs in Kent that they should not be subjected to prosecution on incorrect analyses, he will send the chief analyst of the Board of Agriculture to hold an inquiry into the entire matter on the spot?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the affirmative. No Regulations as to the qualifications to be possessed by agricultural analysts have been made by the Board. Regulations have been made and issued as to the manner in which analyses are to be made. My attention has been called to the case to which the hon. Member refers, but I do not think that any useful purpose would be served by the institution of the inquiry suggested.
Does the right hon. Gentleman recognise that Professor Lloyd is one of the leading agricultural analysts in the country?
I understand that is his reputation.
Frit Fly (Damage to Cereals)
asked, having regard to the importance of the matter for inquiry by the horticultural section of the Board, whether any inquiries are being made by any of the Board's experts on the frit fly and the damage it is doing to the cereal crops in this country?
The Board made an extensive inquiry in 1909 into the attack which occurred in that year, a short report on which was published in Part II. of the Annual Report of the Intelligence Division of the Board for the year 1909–10, and the Board's entomological adviser has since been carrying on the investigations. A report on his work appears in the Transactions of the Highland and Agricultural Society for 1912.
Port of London (Strike)
Casual Employment
asked the Prime Minister, in view of the fact that the Port of London Authority have failed to carry out their obligations under the Port of London Authority Act to administer, preserve, and improve the Port and to take such steps as they think best calculated to diminish the evils of casual employment, have issued a circular informing their employés now out on strike that they can only return on condition that they ask for employment as extra casual hands, and that they have also ignored the Resolution of the House of 1st July last, he will state what steps the Government propose to take to compel the Authority to fulfil their statutory obligations?
A letter from the Port of London Authority was received late yesterday, giving their observations on this question. I am sending a copy of it to my hon. Friend. It will be circulated with the Votes, and is receiving careful consideration.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman if he will not take into consideration the advisability of making a Government measure of the Bill brought in by the hon. Member for Woolwich (Mr. Crooks), the principle of which I believe he approves, inasmuch as it is the principle of the Canada Act for the settlement of trade disputes?
I must have-notice of that question.
Will the Prime Minister represent to the Port Authority that the trade returns for June show that £3,000,000 of entrepôt trade was lost in June, and that, in view of this serious loss, the Authority ought not to stand upon its dignity, but meet the men's representatives with a view to ending the dispute?
I have only just got the reply. Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will put the question down.
I desire to ask the Prime Minister a question of which I have given him private notice, whether his attention has been called to the published statement that neither the employers nor the workmen involved in the present transport dispute in the Port of London have yet received any official intimation of the Resolution carried by this House on 1st July, and, if so, will he at once send the Resolution to both sides and offer to carry its terms into effect?
I have seen the statement referred to. The Resolution of the House is a Resolution expressing an opinion that it is desirable that employers and employed should meet, and at does not suggest that the Government should take any action. The terms of the Resolution are perfectly well known to both parties, nor am I convinced that any official intimation as to the Resolution will have any effect. I will, however, take care that it is formally communicated to both parties. I will only add that in the Debate on that Resolution I expressed my own personal hope that employers and employed would meet, and I cannot help thinking that in the course of time, and I hope before very long, some effect may be given to that expression of opinion.
I only asked the question because, first of all, the statement was made by the employers that they have had no official intimation of that Resolution.
I will see that they get it.
Foot-And-Mouth Disease
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland), whether he has yet ascertained the cause of the original outbreak of foot-and-mouth lisease at Swords, in county Dublin; and what steps have been or are being taken by his Department to trace it?
The answer to the first part of the question is in the negative. All the facts are being ascertained and recorded with a view to any inquiry that may be held. But the hon. Member must know that the whole resources of the Department have been, and are being, strained in the effort to confine the disease to the parish of Swords.
Is not the first step taken by the Board of Agriculture in England to try and trace the cause of the disease from any foodstuffs or other stuffs which are found on the premises?
I have stated that we are ascertaining or recording all the facts in connection with the outbreak.
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether he had discovered who it was who removed the lips, tongue, and other diseased parts of the carcass of an animal affected with foot-and-mouth disease in Ireland prior to its consignment to Liverpool; if not, what steps had he taken to effect such discovery with a view to the conviction and punishment of the offender under Section 52 of the Diseases of Animals Act, 1894; and how such mutilated carcass passed the officials of the port and of his Department at Waterford undetected?
:As at present advised, I am not prepared on the evidence before me to admit that which the hon. Member apparently takes as a fact, namely, that any such mutilated head or carcass ever left Waterford. The ten head of cattle and their antecedents have been minutely traced. The veterinary inspector of the local authority examined the animals before slaughter, and examined them for foot-and-mouth disease and found no trace of it. The butcher who slaughtered the animals has sworn that they were quite healthy, and the firm consigning them absolutely denies the mutilation theory. These ten heads were reported from Liverpool to have been forwarded from Waterford in a sack. The heads sent from Waterford were sent in two strong hampers. One tongue was described as being cut out and the jaw mutilated. In the Waterford consignment all the tongues were cut out and packed in rice paper according to the custom of the trade. The latter part of the hon. Member's question is based on the same assumption.
Is it not the fact that in the case of the animals which arrived at Liverpool it was reported to the Board of Agriculture in England by their own officials that they were mutilated in the manner described?
The animals never arrived; it was the heads only. Unquestionably a sack containing ten heads arrived at Liverpool, and in one head lesions of foot-and-mouth disease were found—in one head only. The Waterford heads did not come in a sack; they came in two hampers. The heads were all examined by the veterinary surgeon of the local authority before they left Waterford, and he has reported that there was no disease to be found. It is a question that must be investigated very carefully, and I am not prepared to accept the assumption upon which the hon. Members proceeds, namely, that the fault must be at Waterford and not elsewhere.
In view of the statement of the right hon. Gentleman that no case of disease has been discovered in Waterford or anywhere in Ireland outside Swords, can the right hon. Gentleman now see his way to take off the embargo from Waterford and the other ports which are still under it?
The hon. and learned Gentleman must know that I have not put on the embargo. The embargo has been put on by the President of the Board of Agriculture in England. I believe it to be true that the disease has not penetrated beyond the parish of Swords. In saying that I have taken the opinion of my Department and of my advisers. I am quite willing to confer with my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Agriculture in England and to place before him the facts as we see them in Ireland. The decision whether or not the ports are to be opened must rest with him. My duty is to state the facts. I believe there is a clean bill of health outside Swords, and if there is no further outbreak it will be for the President of the Board of Agriculture to consider that.
Have you not already conferred with him?
Yes, every day.
I quite recognise that the ultimate decision must rest with the President of the Board of Agriculture in this country, but will the Vice- President of the Irish Department, after the statement he has made, make representations to the Board of Agriculture in England, impressing upon them the desirability of opening the ports?
I am prepared to lay all the facts before the President of the Board of Agriculture. That is what I will do.
Have we no protection whatever in this matter I Can we have the name of the person who started this lie about the diseased animals from Waterford?
Runciman told us.
It has done enormous damage. Surely some retractation should be made.
Can the right hon. Gentleman make any statement about the case of suspicion at Limerick to which he referred last Friday?
On the Motion for Adjournment the other night I dealt with the Limerick case pretty fully. We are perfectly satisfied that that animal contracted the disease after it landed in England.
Does the right hon. Gentleman deny that these heads at Liverpool came from Waterford?
That ten heads went across the water in two hampers is undoubted. I do not deny that. But the Liverpool offal merchants are getting consignments of offal from other parts of the country than Ireland, and it is just possible that a sack of heads came from some part of the North of England infected by the disease, and that Ireland has got the credit of the sack.
asked the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture (Ireland) whether any trace of foot-and-mouth disease or other serious cattle disease had been found in Mayo county or within 130 miles of it; and, if not, would he take prompt steps to have the restrictions upon the movement of cattle within or from that county removed?
In reply to the question of the hon. Member, I am glad to say that county Mayo has been quite free from foot-and-mouth disease for twenty-seven years. I understand from my right hon. Friend the Minister for Agriculture that he would be glad to consider the case for the removal of the restrictions on the export of cattle from the Connaught ports if arrangements could be made for their being landed at Birkenhead.
Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that the Westport authorities have made arrangements with the Birkenhead authorities for the immediate slaughter at the port, of stock from West-port?
If arrangements have been made for immediate slaughter I do not think much difficulty can arise. Perhaps the hon. Member will communicate with my right hon. Friend.
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether any instructions were issued to the exhibitors of cattle and sheep at the Royal Show to keep their animals isolated on their return home from the show; and whether any instructions were sent to the various county authorities to have those animals inspected by a competent veterinary officer immediately they returned to their homes?
On receiving an assurance from the veterinary officers of the Royal Agricultural Society that the animals which had been sent to the Don-caster Show were healthy, permits for their removal to their respective destinations were issued by one of the Board's inspectors. Particulars of the permits issued for the movement of the animals were then supplied to the various local authorities, who were asked to serve Detention Notices on the owners of the animals, and to keep the animals under observation until the 8th instant.
When were the particulars sent to the various local authorities?
As soon as the permits were issued.
I ask because of it being brought to my notice where some cattle were sent back on the Monday and arrived home then, and the inspector was not informed till the following Saturday?
:I should like to have particulars, and shall certainly inquire if that were the case.
asked the President of the Board of Agriculture whether he will take steps for the prevention of offals and parts of carcasses being sent to this country from Ireland while foot-and-mouth disease exists, in view of the danger of disease being spread by this means from Ireland?
As I am at present advised I do not consider that the risk of the introduction of foot and-mouth disease by means of offal and parts of carcasses brought from Ireland, except, of course, from the infected places, is so appreciable as to justify me in prohibiting their importation, but as a precautionary measure the Local Government Board have been good enough, at my suggestion, to issue a circular letter asking local authorities to instruct their meat inspectors and other sanitary officers to keep a careful look out for any suspicious lesions in heads, tongues, and feet, and to bring any such lesions to the notice of a veterinary inspector without delay.
Can the right hon. Gentleman tell us whether these heads were-more mutilated than is customary?
Why is it if the right hon. Gentleman does not think there is any risk, he prohibits the exportation of hay from Belfast?
I am not prepared to argue the whole matter at Question Time, but I may point out that the heads go straight to the slaughter-house, while the hay goes direct to the cattle.
Yes, but hay from Belfast comes from a place at least 100 miles from Swords.
asked whether there is apprehension among flock-masters in the South of England, in view of the forthcoming annual sheep fairs, at the action of the Board in reopening the port of Bristol for the admission of fat stock from Ireland; and whether, in view of the continued prevalence of the disease in that country and the immunity there from so far of the South-West and the greater part of the South of England, he will for the present reimpose the embargo?
The landing of fat stocks from Ireland at the Foreign Animals Wharf at Bristol is subject to all the very stringent and detailed requirements of the Foreign Animals Orders with regard to the examination and slaughter of the animals at the wharf, and the landing and disinfection of dung, fodder, litter, and so forth. This being the case, there is really no cause for apprehension, and as matters at present stand I see no necessity to prohibit the landing of Irish fat stock at Bristol under these conditions. It is desirable that the supply of meat should be maintained to the fullest extent possible consistent with safety. Since this time yesterday three outbreaks have occurred—one near Oldham, one at Bristall, in the West Biding, and one in Ponteland, in Northumberland. All of these are within the scheduled areas.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether the hon. Member who put this question has any warrant for the statement in the question as to the continued prevalence of this disease in Ireland, in view of the fact that there has been no case of disease proved in Ireland except in Swords, whereas many cases of the disease have been proved in England?
Certainly; of course I cannot accept responsibility for the phraseology of the hon. Gentleman's question.
asked whether, in view of the fact that under Section 15 of the Diseases of Animals Act, 1894, the whole value of apparently sound in-contact animals is payable as compensation if slaughtered on an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease, it is the policy of the Board to slaughter all such animals irrespective of their pedigree or other value?
It is not possible for me to give any general answer to this question. The course to be adopted in any particular case depends not only upon the value of the animals, but upon other circumstances, such, for example, as to whether arrangements could be made for the complete and effective isolation of the animals.
Can the right hon. Gentleman say, as there is considerable doubt in the country as to the proper value, would the compensation represent the breeding stock value or the commercial value?
No such case has arisen. When it does I shall be glad to consider it.
asked whether, in the event of there being no further outbreaks of foot-and-mouth disease, any restrictions will be placed upon the exhibition of cattle, sheep, or pigs entered by exhibitors living in Wales or in the counties of Monmouth, Hereford, Gloucester, or Worcester, at the Welsh. National Society's show to be held at Swansea on the 3rd of August?
I think my hon. Friend will see that it is impossible for me now to anticipate what restrictions, if any, it may be necessary for me to impose on the movement of animals from the counties named to the Welsh National Show, to be held at Swansea on the 3rd proximo. I can only say that I hope that there will be no necessity to interfere with the show.
asked whether any trace of foot-and-mouth disease has been discovered within 150 miles of Westport; and can he now see his way to remove the restrictions upon the shipping from that port of stock intended for slaughter at Birkenhead?
I have been in communication with my right hon. Friend on this subject, and we agree that the arrangement made for the landing of stock shipped from certain Irish ports for slaughter at the foreign animals' wharves at Bristol, Glasgow, and Liverpool cannot yet be extended to Westport.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman, now that it has been proved that no disease exists in Limerick, will the embargo be taken off the port of Limerick, so that cattle may be shipped under proper conditions from that port at the end of this week?
No, Sir, I am afraid I cannot admit that the case is absolutely proved that there is no disease in any other part of Ireland, and until we are absolutely certain that there is no disease in any other part of Ireland except Swords, I cannot see my way to relax the restrictions.
Is it a fact that when foot-and-mouth disease broke out in Somerset last year the Board of Agriculture in Ireland prohibited the importation of stock?
That is not an urgent question, however important it may be. The right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Agriculture would have to make inquiries before he answered it.
May I ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he is yet in a position to announce whether the restrictions with regard to the Port of Newry will be relaxed?
Communications are passing with the port authority. I would point out in regard to smaller places that we have only a limited number of inspectors, and we must as much as possible concentrate upon importation upon a few ports and by a few ships. As soon as it is possible to increase the staff we will do our best.
May I ask whether, in view of the great importance of this matter to Ireland, the right hon. Gentleman will consider it possible to increase his staff in order that there might be no undue delay?
We have already augmented our staff and the local authorities and veterinary officials are giving us the fullest assistance. I do not think I can increase the number at present.
May I ask whether, seeing that in the whole province of Con-naught there has been no case of foot-and-mouth disease for fifteen years, and that the port of Sligo is now closed for the exportation of cattle, he will not see his way to give exemption to that port?
No, Sir; I cannot give an Order for exemption or restriction. Sligo is in the same position as Westport. If the hon. Gentleman will communicate with me I will let him have the latest news from the port authority.
I beg to ask the right hon. Gentleman the President of the Board of Agriculture a question, of which I have given him private notice: Whether he is aware that under the relaxed Order made by him two large cargoes of fat cattle were shipped from Cork on Monday to English ports, and that the veterinary examination, both on shipment and at the ports of destination, showed that there was not the smallest trace of disease in either cargo; and whether this result will not encourage him to make further relaxations as to shipments of livestock from the port of Cork?
There will be no unnecessary obstacles put in the way of the shipment of fat cattle under the same conditions as those referred to by the hon. Gentleman.
Can the President of the Board of Agriculture give us any idea when he will be able to make a statement as to his intention to open the Irish ports? It is now practically seventeen days since the original outbreak, and the period of incubation has long passed. Has he any idea when he will be able to make a statement?
I cannot accept the assumption in the hon. and learned Gentleman's question, and I am afraid I cannot give him a definite answer to-day.
When does the right hon. Gentleman hold out any hope that he will soon be able to give us an answer?
When I am satisfied that there is no risk of infection coming from Ireland.
Cadeby Colliery Disaster
I beg to ask the Home Secretary a question of which I have given him private notice, whether he can give to the House the latest information in regard to the explosion at Cadeby Colliery, Yorkshire. How many lives have been lost; how many men have been injured; and what provision he intends to make for representation of the Home Office at the coroner's inquest, and for the inspection of the Cadeby Collieries, with a view to ascertaining the cause of the explosion, seeing that the chief inspector of mines for the district and two of his assistants lost their lives by a second explosion while assisting in the work of rescue after the first?
4.0 P.M.
I am sure that hon. Members would wish me to express the profound sympathy of the whole House with the relatives of the victims of this terrible disaster. I must add also, on behalf of the Government and of my own Department, our sense of the loss of the three very distinguished public servants who sacrificed their lives in the performance of their duties. The chief inspector went to the colliery yesterday evening and last night, and this morning I received the following telegrams from him:—
"The first explosion at Cadeby Colliery happened at about 4.30 this morning in the South district of the Barnsley seam, which is the only seam worked at Cadeby Colliery. There were 505 persons in the pit at the time, of which thirty-five were in the South district. Thirty-three of these are supposed to have been killed outright by the explosion. There is, however, no definite information as yet respecting the other two. About 11.30 this morning whilst a rescue party was underground a second explosion occurred in the same district accompanied by a fall of roof. The rescue party numbered about thirty-five persons, and with it were Messrs. Pickering, Hewitt and Tickle, mines inspectors, Mr. Bury, the manager of the pit, and Mr. Douglas Chambers, the manager of the Denaby pit. Five only of the rescue party are alive, amongst whom is Mr. Bury, though his condition is critical, as is also the case with the others."
Later last night the chief inspector telegraphed:—
"Total number of bodies recovered so far is sixty-nine. Three or four bodies still in the pit. It is presumed that they are beneath the fall. The sealing stoppings have been built, one a little way in—bye side of the fall in the intake, the other in the return airway. The evidence points to the possibility of the explosion being due to an underground fire, as there were indications of spontaneous heating near the face of the district in question on Saturday morning, which was being dealt with by the management during the weekend."
This morning he telegraphed further:—
"A further slight explosion occurred at about 3 o'clock this morning, and three of the men working at the stopping in the intake were overcome, one of them rather badly, and sent to the surface. After consultation, Mr. Chambers (the managing director), Mr. Wilson (mines inspector), and myself, we arranged, as soon as the stopping was repaired to stop search for remaining bodies, and withdraw all the men from the mine except six, who will inspect the stoppings at intervals of four hours, to see that they are intact. All other operations to cease for twenty-four hours unless the stoppage should be damaged by further, explosions, in which case it will be necessary to erect stoppings much further out-bye. I do not think there is any fear, even were another explosion to take place, of its reaching the shafts, or indeed arriving much further out-bye through the stoppings, as though the roads are dusty, the dust is not dangerous dust, being practically stone dust."
I received this telegram about an hour ago from the chief inspector:—
"Am now able to give more definite figures respecting death roll. The bodies brought to the surface number seventy-one. Possibly three more remain to be recovered at a future date. Five persons are in hospital more or less seriously injured. Am returning to London, as nothing further remains to be done for the present."
The chief inspector returns to London this afternoon and I shall immediately consult him as to the steps which are necessary to investigate the circumstances of the disaster. The Home Office will certainly be represented at the inquest, and, in view of all the circumstances, I think it will probably be desirable that the chief inspector should hold an inquiry under Section 83 of the Coal Mines Act of last Session.
Has the Home Secretary any knowledge as to whether this explosion was caused by the use of coal - cutting machines, and is he aware whether they are worked by electricity or compressed air? And further, seeing that there are many coal pits in that district subject to spontaneous combustion and giving off gases at the face, and this being such a serious matter owing to the loss of life, I wish to know whether he can have a special inquiry into the whole of the district subject to this spontaneous combustion?
I understand that the chief inspector has been for some time making an inquiry with regard to this class of mine, but I will bear in mind what my hon. Friend says. I can only say that I have given all the information I have at the present time, and I have not been able to find out whether in fact machines are used of the kind named. The chief inspector says that the evidence points to the possibility of the explosion being due to an underground fire. I hope to give my hon. Friend further information either later in the day or to-morrow.
As this is a very important matter I called at the Home Office this morning with regard to it, and I know personally that there are pits in that district subject to spontaneous combustion, and I want to know whether we can have a special inquiry into this matter with a view to preventing this serious loss of life in our mines.
I think the special inquiry for which the hon. Member asks with regard to this particular kind of mine is already in hand, but, if it is not, I will certainly see that it is started.
Business of the House
Summer Vacation
Can the Prime Minister make a statement as to business?
It may be for the convenience of the House if I make a statement of the business we propose to transact before the House rises for the August Adjournment. We are anxious to conclude the necessary financial business of the year before we rise. We hope to make some progress with some two or three Bills of a non-controversial character, and subject to that we shall confine ourselves to Supply, of which six days remain to be taken, the Appropriation Bill, the Indian Budget, the Second Reading of the Trades Union Bill, and the Finance Bill. I am hopeful that this work may be accomplished in time to allow the House to rise on Friday, the 2nd August, or Saturday, the 3rd August. With regard to the statement that the Navy Vote would be taken on the 15th, I find that the Supplementary Estimates cannot be circulated in time to make that reasonable, and therefore the Vote will be taken on Monday, the 22nd. The business for next week will be: Monday, the Second Reading of the Finance Bill; Tuesday, Supply; Wednesday, Finance Bill in Committee; Thursday, Supply; Friday, Finance Bill in Committee again. As regards Tuesday and Thursday, the Patronage Secretary will consult with the Noble Lord opposite as to the Vote to be taken, and a statement will be made as early as possible.
Is there not to be a day for the discussion of the Report of the Public Accounts Committee?
I hope there will be before the Session concludes.
Does the Prime Minister still adhere to his intention to take the Division on the Franchise Bill on Friday? May I also ask whether, in the arrangement of time, he is making no allowance for anything more than twenty days for Supply? Does he not think that more days should be given? Does he not think that considering the number of subjects to be discussed, more days should be given?
We must adhere to the arrangement to take the Division on Friday. With regard to the second question, of course, I think twenty days will be sufficient for the present; but if the right hon. Gentleman wishes this part of the Session to be prolonged to the following week, I will take it into consideration.
Do I correctly understand the right hon. Gentleman that he proposes to allocate only one day to the Second Reading of the Finance Bill and only two days to the Committee stage, and whether he bears in mind that this is the first year since 1909 that the Budget is being dealt with before the autumn and it is the first opportunity for discussing seriously finance even approximately at what used to be considered the ordinary time?
I reply to the right hon. Gentleman, as I replied to the Leader of the Opposition—that if he wishes to extend this part of the Session into the following week, I will consider it.
I certainly wish the matter to be properly discussed.
Will the Prime Minister be in attendance if the Session is prolonged?
Is the Prime Minister aware that he promised, if possible, not to take the Second Reading Division on the Franchise Bill on Friday? Is the right hon. Gentleman aware that it is impossible for the Ulster Unionist Members to be here on that day, and is he aware that, in order to carry the Welsh Disestablishment Bill, he so arranged the business that the Irish Nationalists could be here, and whether he does not think this would be an opportune time to show some sense of fair play.
There is no such promise as the hon. And gallant Gentleman refers to. I only promised to take the matter into consideration. I did agree not to take the Irish Bill this week for that purpose, and, after full consideration, I do not think I can alter the arrangement.
As the right hon. Gentleman has indicated his willingness to extend the time, if we desire it, and as we do desire that business should be properly conducted, will that not enable him to postpone the Franchise Bill to a later period?
I said I was quite prepared to consider an extension of time for the further consideration of finance.
Does the right hon. Gentleman not think it fit and proper that the Ulster Unionist Members should have an opportunity of recording their votes on such an important occasion?
Is it the intention of the Government to press forward and carry the Pilotage Bill during this Session?
I hope so.
Is the day yet fixed for the East India Revenue Accounts?
I would rather not say the exact date, but it will probably be the week after next.
May I ask the Prime Minister on what date he proposes that the House should resume after the Recess?
I hope in the first week in October.
Indian Budget
asked whether the Indian Budget will be taken before the Recess?
Yes, Sir.
Finance Bill
asked whether the Prime Minister proposes to take the Second Reading and remaining stages of the Finance Bill before the Adjournment of the House in August?
I have already stated that I would do so.
Supply (Scottish Estimates)
asked if the Prime Minister can state on what day Scottish Estimates will be taken?
I cannot at present fix a definite day, but it will be very soon.
Whenever a day is allotted will the Prime Minister see that it is wholly devoted to the consideration of the Scottish Estimates and not part of it devoted to private business?
I have no authority over that.
Will the right hon. Gentleman endeavour to secure that it is not the last day of the Session?
I hope it will be long before that.
Protestants and Catholics (Belfast)
May I ask the Prime Minister if he is aware that the Ulster men in Belfast are anticipating the 12th July by making brutal attacks on the Catholics in the shipyards?
Supply.—[Fourteenth Allotted Day.]
Civil Services and Revenue Departments Estimates, 1912–13
Considered in Committee.
[Mr. MACLEAN in the Chair.]
Class 2.—FOREIGN OFFICE
Motion made, and Question proposed, 5. "That a sum, not exceeding £38,428, be granted to His Majesty, to complete the sum necessary to defray the Charge which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March, 1913, for the Salaries and Expenses of the Department of His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs."—[Note.—£30,000 has been voted on account.]
I beg to move to reduce the Vote by £100.
I hope it will not be assumed that I am hostile to the principles of the right hon. Gentleman's policy, because such an assumption would indeed be wholly incorrect. I support the main lines of the right hon. Gentleman's policy, and I venture to congratulate him upon his success in preserving the continuity of the foreign policy of this country. Our foreign policy to-day is based upon the Triple Entente. It is quite true the foundations of that policy were paid by the right hon. Gentleman's predecessor. The right hon. Gentleman proceeded to build upon the foundations which he found, and he has succeeded in raising a superstructure upon those foundations which has already stood the test of no inconsiderable strain. It is hardly necessary for me to reopen questions which we may hope have been finally closed, but everybody who followed the course of events in Europe which led up to the Moroccan crisis of last year must know perfectly well that the structure underwent very considerable strain, and must know equally well that it proved quite equal to bearing that strain. That being so, it is obviously incumbent upon the right hon. Gentleman to do nothing which could in any way impair the relations which happily exist between this country and France and Russia. On the contrary he should take any reasonable opportunity which presents itself of cementing and improving those good relations. The whole keystone of our foreign policy today is to be found in a closer understanding between this country and France and Russia. Clearly if you remove the keystone of the structure, the whole edifice must inevitably topple to the ground. The right hon. Gentleman has been at very considerable pains to prove to both France and Russia the sincerity of our goodwill towards them, and I think it is reasonable to ask on our part that they should in their turn reciprocate these demonstrations of our goodwill. Generally speaking, they have done so, but there are some regions in the very wide field which is covered by Anglo-French and by Anglo-Russian diplomacy where, as it seems to me, they have at times been a little slow to meet us. For instance, the French Government did not show any willingness to waive the strict letter of their rights at Muscat, in spite of the fact that if they had been willing to do so they would have rendered very much easier the very arduous task which we have undertaken in that part of the world, namely, suppressing the arms traffic in the Persian Gulf. Nor have Russia shown any great readiness to appreciate the very special position which we occupy and which we must inevitably occupy in Persia.
I should like to explain in a sentence why it is I support the general lines of the right hon. Gentleman's policy so far at any rate as the Triple Entente is concerned. I do so for a very simple reason. I believe that policy to be absolutely necessary to maintain the balance of power in Europe. So long as the balance of power is in a state approximating to equilibrium you have a strong possibility, amounting, I think, to a probability, of peace being maintained. If, on the other hand, you get one Power, or a combination of Powers, attaining a position of great military superiority, then that probability, I think, vanishes. Everybody knows it was that prospect, the prospect of the Triple Alliance, obtaining a position in Europe of overwhelming military superiority, which drove this country to abandon its position of isolation. The Powers composing the Triple Alliance have for some time controlled a military force of tremendous power, approximating, I believe, at the present time to something like 10,000,000 men on a war footing. There was every prospect of that tremendous military engine being enormously enhanced, when in 1900 Germany brought in their Navy Law and proceeded to add to that immense military force an enormous naval fleet. The only object of this country throwing in its lot, as it were, with France and Russia, was in order to restore the balance of power, which was being disturbed by this immense accession of military force by the combination of Powers in the Triple Alliance to a state of equilibrium, by throwing the British Fleet, as it were, into the lighter scale. For my part, I have always regretted that it should be necessary to take any step which could be in any way interpreted as hostile to Germany. It has always seemed to me there were very many reasons why we should co-operate with Germany, and very few reasons why we should not do so. Germany has no territorial frontiers, at any rate of importance, impinging on the territories of this country, and in her possessions in the different parts of the world she has pursued a far less exclusive commercial policy than have other Continental countries. But I am driven from my original attitude towards Germany by the position which Germany has herself taken up. I have realised it has been necessary to recognise the danger of the balance of power being upset, and, having recognised that, I hold it would be the very height of folly were anything to be said or anything to be done calculated to create in the minds of either the French or Russian people the idea that we were not absolutely sincere in our intentions to cooperate cordially with them.
Both Russia and Great Britain have special interests in Persia, and recent events have, I am afraid, shown that those interests are not altogether identical. A perusal of the correspondence which has recently been published seems to show that Russia has been a little backward in recognising the requirements of our special position in that country, with the result that the wheels of the diplomatic machine in that part of the world have not moved quite so smoothly as we should have desired during the past few months. What are the special requirements of our position in that part of the world? The prime necessity from our point of view is the maintenance of an independent Persia. There are many reasons for that, but there are two reasons of paramount importance. The first is that we must maintain a buffer State between our Indian Dominions and the great military Continental Powers; and the second is the necessity under which we always labour of taking into consideration the sentiments of the Mahomedan world. I need not labour the first of those two points, and, with regard to the second of them, I need only say that it is not only the 70,000,000 Mahomedans in India whom we have to take into consideration, but we also have to take into consideration the kingdom of Afghanistan. The House will remember the Anglo-Russian Convention was signed five years ago, and it will also remember it was laid down in the terms of the Convention itself that certain articles of it should not come into operation until the signature of the Ameer of Afghanistan was appended to them. Five years have passed, and the signature of that potentate has not been appended yet. I think that is an indication that our policy in that part of the world has not been viewed altogether with satisfaction by the Ameer of Afghanistan, but, on the contrary, by no small measure of suspicion.
That being so, what have we to complain of with regard to the action of Russia during recent times in Persia? I am bound to say a study of the proceedings of Russia in Persia recently has created the impression in my mind that she is by no means so desirous of seeing the survival of an independent Persia as we ourselves. The return of the ex-Shah of Persia was a source of great embarrassment to the Persian Government. The Russian Government had pledged itself to take "adequate measures"—I think those were the exact words of the Protocol of 1909—to prevent the ex-Shah from indulging in an agitation against the Persian Government. Yet the ex-Shah returned to Persia from Russia, going from the Caspian Sea, which is practically a Russian sea, in a Russian vessel. It is quite true the central Government at St. Petersburg disclaimed all knowledge of the movements of that gentleman, and that disclaimer is, of course, unhesitatingly accepted by us; but the House must remember that Russian agents and Russian officials have far greater independence and freedom than have British officials, and it does seem to me passing strange the ex-Shah and his supporters should have been able to charter a Russian ship and to embark upon that ship with very large stores of arms and ammunition, and to have proceeded in a Russian ship from a Russian port to Persia. All I can say is that when I myself have travelled in Russian Central Asia I have had to go through the strictest formalities before it was possible for me to obtain a permit even to carry with me a single rifle and a box of ammunition, and when I have obtained such a permit I have had to submit it to the inspection of innumerable Russian officials. Those of us who have studied closely the history of the advance of Russia across Central Asia cannot, of course, help being aware that unauthorised acts of local Russian officials have not infrequently been taken advantage of in the past. When we bear in mind that the return of the ex-Shah was welcomed with acclamation by a large section of the Russian Press, we must be forgiven if we saw in the situation in North Persia during last autumn a striking and disconcerting reproduction of the situation which existed in Merv, Khiva, and other parts of Central Asia on the eve of their absorption by Russia during the latter part of last century. I think the right hon. Gentleman himself was troubled with serious apprehensions as to what the intentions of the Russian Government were, for, on 2nd December of last year, he telegraphed to the British Ambassador in St. Petersburg in the following words:— recall what that policy has been. From the beginning of 1909 until the autumn of 1910 our policy was governed by a declaration by the right hon. Gentleman in favour of complete non-intervention in the affairs of Persia. Perhaps I may be permitted to read the right hon. Gentleman's words, because they are of very great importance. He said:— siderable indecision. He first gave Major Stokes to understand that he would be entitled and permitted to accept an appointment under the Persian Government if he first resigned his commission in the British Army. But, having persuaded him to send in his resignation, he proceeded to tell him that that resignation could not be accepted. That seemed to be treating Major Stokes with scant courtesy.
In the meantime the situation continued in Persia as bad as ever, and in the early autumn of last year the right hon. Gentleman asked for troops from India in order to protect the British Consular posts at Shiraz, Kerman, and Ispahan. The instructions given to those additional troops limited their functions very strictly to the protection of British life and British property. They were instructed to take no part in escorting caravans and in safeguarding trade routes, and their presence, therefore, gave them very little influence indeed on the general situation. How bad that situation continued to be is sufficiently proved by the attack made upon a British Consul—Mr. Smart—in December last, in which Mr. Smart was wounded and members of his escort were either killed or wounded. What was the policy of the right hon. Gentleman arising out of that serious state of things in December last? The published correspondence is singularly silent upon that point. It is quite true that rumour was not at all silent; but I do not wish to deal with the rumours prevalent not long ago as to certain measures said to be contemplated by the right hon. Gentleman. I will confine myself to the information supplied in the published correspondence. That information is that in January last, the Indian Government submitted certain proposals to the right hon. Gentleman for dealing with the situation. Those proposals involved three important points. The first was as to entering into negotiation with the tribes in South Persia with a view of raising levies in those tribes with the assistance of British officers. The second was the deposition of a notorious individual, the Khan of Borasjun; and the third was a strict blockade of the whole Persian littoral with a view to preventing the influx of arms and ammunition into that country. These are concrete practical proposals; but I was astonished, after a careful persual of the Blue Book, not to find any answer from the right hon. Gentleman to the Indian Government on them. The only reference was a somewhat cryptic utterance of the right hon. Gentleman in a dispatch, not to the Secretary of State for India, but to the British Minister at Teheran, two months after the proposal was first submitted by the Indian Government. These are the only words touching that proposal, and they are to be found in a telegram dispatched by the right hon. Gentleman on the 2nd April, 1912:—
There is one other matter on which I wish to say a few words. I want to ask the right hon. Gentleman what is his policy with regard to the construction of railways in that part of the world. I only want to say a few words about the negotiations which are going on, and which have been going on for more than a year past, between this country and Turkey with regard to the Southern section of what used to be known as the Baghdad Railway, the section from Baghdad to Basra. In March of last year, more than a year ago, the German company which possessed the concession for constructing the railway gave up its right for the construction of the section between Baghdad and Basra. For the past year negotiations have been going on between the right hon. Gentleman and the Turkish Government with regard to that section of the line. I presume that our co-operation in dealing with that section of the line has been asked for. Will the right hon. Gentleman tell us how the negotiations have gone, and whether it is his intention or not to take any part as a member of some international syndicate in the construction of that line? If it has been made a condition of our joining that we should facilitate the construction of the line beyond Basra to any point on the Persian Gulf, I would say, have nothing to do with this proposal. The right hon. Gentleman must be aware that Basra has an adequate port to meet all the commercial necessities of the case. If it is desired by anybody to prolong the line beyond Basra then we must attribute it to political and not commercial motives. If that is the case, the right hon. Gentleman will do far better to press for the improving of the waterway from the Persian Gulf to Baghdad, and increasing the number of steamers which at present British companies are allowed to ply upon its waters. So much for the Baghdad Railway.
I have only a word to say about the newer scheme of the Trans-Persian Railway. I have no time to deal with that question at length; I am only going to deal with a very few considerations in connection with it. I understand the British Government have informed the Russian Government, in the exchange of views which has taken place with regard to this question, that they are prepared to co-operate with the Russian Government in promoting the scheme upon certain conditions. I am only going to refer to two of the conditions which, it is understood, have been laid down by the British Government as necessary before that co-operation can be secured. Those two conditions are conditions to which I personally most strongly object. The first of the conditions is that the railway shall be carried from the Persian Gulf to Bandar Abbas upon the Russian gauge. From both the commercial and the strategic points of view it appears to me to be a most foolish condition for any British Government to have laid down. If we are to have this railway, either upon the Indian or the Russian gauge, it is essential, both commercially and strategically that the break should occur near the Russian Frontier. It should occur as far North as Yezd or Ispahan. My own suggestion is that that part of the line which lies in Persian territory should be constructed neither upon the Russian gauge nor upon the Indian gauge, but upon a standard gauge which is used in many other countries. The Russian gauge of 5 feet and the Indian guage of 5 feet 6 inches are far wider and far more costly than are needed for such a railway. If the suggestion I throw out is adopted, it will obviate all difficulties arising out of differences of opinion between the two countries as to the exact point at which the break should take place.
There is one other condition which it is understood the British Government have laid down as necessary before their cooperation can be obtained, from which I entirely dissent. The condition is that Russia should not oppose an application by Great Britain for the concession of certain other lines running from the Persian Gulf into the interior of Persia, including among them the railway up the Karun Valley from Mohamerah to Khoremabad. I do not object to that part of the condition, indeed I would far rather see the Mohamerah Railway built than the Trans-Persian Railway. I think it would be far more valuable, if you look at the question from the point of view of British and Indian commercial requirements. The part of the condition from which I entirely dissent is that if the concession for that line is secured that it should be internationalised. If a concession for a line up the Karun Valley is secured, it should not be internationalised, but should be a British undertaking. May I remind the right hon. Gentleman that, speaking upon the question of the Baghdad Railway rather more than a year ago in this House, he himself threw out the suggestion that if we wanted to safeguard the interests of British trade in that part of the world we should seek railway concessions of our own. The senior Member for the City of London (Mr. Balfour) had been pointing out that if the Baghdad Railway was built differential rates might be imposed against British traders. The right hon. Gentleman the Foreign Secretary, in his reply, said:—
Hear, hear.
I hope when he rises to reply he will find it possible to give us some further information upon the various points which I have ventured to submit to his attention.
We have in the one day allotted to the Foreign Office Vote to compress a great many subjects into a short space of time, and I will endeavour to follow the Noble Lord who has just sat down in trying to confine my remarks to the briefest possible space. I am very glad that the Noble Lord—who is well known as an expert in his knowledge of the Near East—should have given his opinion about Persia, and should have brought forward the subject of Persia as the most important foreign subject which ought to engage our attention at the present time; and also that he should have expressed his opinion with regard to railway projects in Persia. I should like to supplement very briefly what has been said on that subject. There are several considerations to be taken into account, and I do not expect that the Foreign Secretary will be able to give us any information upon this subject to-day. I do not see that we can expect it. The Société D'Etude has only just set to work in Paris, and we cannot expect the Government to tell us whether they have a policy, or whether they are committed to any project that has been brought forward; but I do think this a very valuable occasion for those of us who are interested in the subject to submit our views to the Foreign Secretary in order that he may realise, in some degree, what the general opinion in this country is in regard to railways in Persia. I regard what is commonly called the Trans-Persian Railway with a great deal of misgiving. The considerations to be taken into account are, firstly, our commercial interests and Indian commercial interests; secondly, strategic interests; and, lastly, but by no means least, the interests of Persia herself. With regard to our commercial interests, I entirely agree with what the Noble Lord said in the concluding part of his speech, that we should benefit a great deal more by railway development in the South-West of Persia than by any projected line extending right across to the South-East. Any project for the development of our trade from the head of the Persian Gulf up to Ispahan and Teheran would undoubtedly be of benefit; but the projected line beyond Teheran, which comes down through Yezd to the sea coast, really strikes me as a perfectly mad project. It is undoubtedly a danger from the strategic point of view, and when we consider the Indian commercial point of view we find that the Chamber of Commerce at Karachi has passed a resolution very strongly against it. In a resolution dealing with this project they say"—
They want a railway that goes perfectly straight up and which does not go to the sea coast at all. That is strategically impossible. It seems there is a great conflict of opinion, and I hope the Government will not come to any decision on the matter before they have consulted all the interests concerned, especially the Persian Government. Do the Persians want this railway 1 After all it is a consideration, when other Powers are projecting railways in a country like Persia, that the Government of Persia should be consulted. We may say we cannot stand in the way of the development of a railway system in a country like Persia, which may be considered rather backward. On the other hand, Persia must be allowed to develop in her own way, and I do not see that Russia or Great Britain has any right to force upon them a railway system if they do not want it.
That brings me to the general question of Persia. The Noble Lord (Earl of Ronaldshay) referred to past history, but I should like to bring the question of Persia a little more up to date. All the fears which we expressed with some force at the beginning of the Session, on the Address, have been justified. Persia is in a state of complete chaos, Russian troops are still occupying the country, the hand of Russia is pressing much more heavily and severely even than we anticipated, and there is a great danger of the ex-Shah being brought back to power under the protection of Russia. That is a very serious state of affairs, and when we look at it in connection with the project for a railway, it makes us feel that the railway, in which Russia would be so much interested and over which she would have such complete control, would take away the last shred of Persian independence. At any rate, I should like to plead with the Foreign Secretary and ask that the House of Commons should be fully consulted before His Majesty's Government embarks on any distinct line of policy in regard to this Trans-Persian Railway. We really ought to be treated quite fairly in this matter. I do not think we are always treated quite fairly with regard to foreign affairs, because what happens is that we are told we must not interfere. We are told it is indiscreet to ask about some important negotiations which are being carried on, and then later on we are told the matter is settled and it is no good interfering. I do not want my right hon. Friend to say this is a project that we stand or fall by, and that any vote against the project is a vote of want of confidence in the Government, but I hope he will consult us and take the opinion of the House before arriving at any definite decision.
This brings me to a subject which I feel can only be sandwiched in to-day in a few brief moments—the general question of the control of this House over Foreign Affairs. A great many of my hon. Friends on this side of the House believe that the House would gain greater control over Foreign Affairs if we had an official Foreign Affairs Committee set up, as they have in some countries abroad. I am disposed rather to doubt the efficacy of a scheme of that sort; but, on the other hand, I feel that we are confronted with a great problem. This question has not been discussed since 1886, and even since then there has been a very great change. The House is occupied nowadays with prolonged discussions over matters of vital social interest at home. The House has become very much more democratic, and we have in all parts of the House Members who are specially well fitted to discuss these subjects, but at the same time foreign affairs are getting relegated to a very subordinate position, and if we get a day or two in the year we are lucky. Thirty or forty years ago, foreign affairs continually occupied the attention of the House, and it was infinitely better, because we are always living now in a state of uncertainty, and the right hon. Gentleman (Sir E. Grey) has not an adequate opportunity of telling us what his policy 1s. I certainly do not blame the Foreign Secretary for this state of affairs, but it is gradually getting established, and I think it is undesirable. I should like the House to commit itself to a Resolution by which the Government before concluding any treaty, and before sanctioning any acquisition, cession, or exchange of territory, and before entering into any commitment which will involve national responsibilities, should consult the House of Commons and get a vote upon it. I do not think it would be im- practicable. It would necessitate every specific Foreign Office question being taken throughout the Session from time to time and you would get very much more satisfactory Debates than you can on a day like to-day, when we are having a sort of omnibus Debate, where everyone brings in questions from Pekin to Peru. These considerations I hope we may have an opportunity of discussing.
That is not quite within the scope of the Vote we are discussing, and I think the hon. Member must leave that subject now.
It only occurred to me that with regard to this project of the Persian railway the Government might quite easily commit themselves to some policy without consulting the House of Commons, and it was on that point that I diverted. I should like to take a more general survey of the right hon. Gentleman's foreign policy, and in doing so I am afraid I cannot agree with the last speaker. The success of foreign policy in my opinion can best be decided by the degree of sacrifice which is demanded from the taxpayer with a view to meeting expenditure on armaments, and, subjected to this test, our foreign policy for the last six years cannot be said to be a success. On the contrary, we must regard it as rather a serious failure, which is the more to be deplored because a Liberal Government is in power.
I want now to turn the attention of the Committee to a very serious innovation which is creeping into usage, and which will soon become a recognised custom with regard to the control of foreign affairs and the general way of conducting our foreign relations. I want to refer to what I may call the new voice of diplomacy. Till recent years the opinion of the Government on international matters was expressed by the Foreign Secretary alone. Negotiations, whether they were secret or open, were conducted by our Ambassadors and Ministers abroad, who acted as intermediaries between the Foreign Secretary, who is the spokesman of the Government, and the Foreign Courts to which they were accredited. But this recognised method of negotiating has been superseded by a new system which, in my opinion, is very undesirable and exceedingly dangerous. Now we use our annual naval statement as a means of speaking to Europe, as a method of suggesting alliances, preserving what we call the balance of power in Europe, and more especially as a means of cautioning, warning, and even threatening foreign countries. It is no longer the careful and cautious and moderating voice of diplomacy, but it is the boasting and blatant voice of what I might describe as official jingoism—more dangerous really than the jingoism of the time gone by, because the jingoism of the past was the jingoism of the mob, and the same words really, in spirit, are used now. The mob used to cry, "We have the ships, we have the men, we have the money too," and now the First Lord of the Admiralty, in perfect language, conveys exactly and precisely the same substance. I feel that the Foreign Office ought not to allow their powers to be usurped by any other Government Department. Besides this, official jingoism does not really represent the feeling of the people. In the days gone by it was the sentiment of the mob, but what we called the mob fifty years ago we call the people now, and we rightly treat them with respect, because we know that their opinions, especially on these questions, are perhaps the most pacific influence that exists in the world to-day, and therefore when we talk to Europe, when we make our naval statement, we are not really representing the feelings of the people of this country. It is exceedingly difficult now for us to detach completely our foreign policy from our naval policy. They are absolutely intermingled, and the Army policy as well, but more especially naval policy, because it is through our naval policy that we have taken to talking to the world instead of in the old method of diplomatic representations. It is foreign policy that is the underlying cause of our vast expenditure on armaments, and therefore is responsible for the inadequate resources that are available for our reforms at home. We may have another opportunity when the Naval Estimates come up to criticise that policy more particularly, but it is unfortunate that there should not be, as there has been in former years, a day given to the discussion of Imperial defence.
I must ask the hon. Member to confine himself more particularly to the Vote now before the House.
This appears to me to be extremely pertinent to the conduct of the Foreign Office, because my argument is that the Foreign Secretary is, to some extent, allowing his particular functions to be usurped by another Department, because, after all, the object and chief function of diplomacy is to prevent the temper and irritation that may arise from inevitable international differences and disputes leading to hostile action. When we talk in the language of diplomacy, that is our object. If you substitute for the language of diplomacy this repeated declaration of our naval supremacy, you are very likely to defeat the object you have in view, and to bring about unfortunate results.
I should like in conclusion to make two specific suggestions. The first is, that as we are responsible for this great increase of expenditure on armaments which has seized the whole of the civilised world today, we—the British Government—should on our own initiative propose a Conference of Europe for the limitation of expenditure on armaments. I do not think it is altogether a foolish suggestion. The Hague Conference is going to meet in two. years' time, but it is usually occupied with all sorts of technical points of international law. I should like to see a Conference on this particular point alone, initiated by the British Government and with the Foreign Powers brought in to talk the matter over. As it is we have set the pace, and we see Power after Power following each other and draining the resources of their country in order to build these ships of war. Lastly, I would plead with my right hon. Friend to make a more definite advance towards friendly relations with Germany. I believe it is not impossible to arrive at a completely friendly relationship with Germany. In the statement on the Navy Estimates we always single out Germany. Germany is always mentioned, if not in provocative language, at any rate in language which just avoids being provocative. In that statement the Powers of Europe are classified—those who are our friends and those who may be our enemies. If we could get rid of mentioning foreign countries on these occasions and unnecessarily stirring up ill-feeling and suspicion, and if we would allow the Foreign Secretary himself to negotiate with foreign Powers without this assistance from the Admiralty, no one will make me believe-that we could not arrive at the clearer, better, and more friendly understanding with Germany which both peoples desire. I believe once that was established we should lay the foundation of the maintenance of peace in Europe.
No one agrees more cordially than I do with the hon. Member (Mr. Ponsonby) in wishing that whenever we discuss foreign affairs we should do so with the least possible amount of offence, either to one Power or another. But I must say that if the hon. Gentleman suggests that the policy of the Government or of the Opposition is in any way hostile to Germany or any other one Power as such, he misreads the whole object and intention of the entente, which I think everyone on this side of the House cordially welcomes. I think there are many hon. Members on the other side of the House, and some newspapers, that have -lately been decrying the policy of the Triple entente, because they say it is proceeding in hostility to all those who are excluded from the entente, and they oppose it partly on the ground that they can see no reason why we should interfere in the policy of Europe. I believe these are their two principal grounds of objection. I think nothing is simpler than to show how it is that we have been forced into this entente. I should like to quote a famous statement by Prince Bismarck which we might apply ourselves in regard to foreign nations. He wrote:— entente we feel exactly towards Germany as to any other Power. I myself, in advocating the policy of the Triple entente, feel no antipathy to any of the other Powers, but I do think we have, as a sensible nation, to weigh up the forces that might be used against us among the Powers of Europe, and to take the necessary precautions in that respect. As regards those who are against the policy of the Triple entente, I should like to state the case as I see it. First of all, it should be stated, I think, that it is the foundation of our whole foreign policy that we have only two main considerations. One is to secure the safety of India, and the other is to prevent the domination of Europe by any single Power. For the last one hundred years our attention was fixed almost entirely on the defence of India. There was no Power that could dominate Europe, and, on the other hand, there was a good deal of reasonable anxiety with regard to India. It was held that the policy of Russia at one time was a danger to India. There was a consolidation of Russian interests in Central Asia and Tibet. I think these alone were sufficient reasons to make us observe a cautious policy with regard to the defence of India. After that there came an entirely dif- ferent policy. We had the Russo-Japanese War, and temporarily the power of Russia was arrested. The ardour of those who took an interest in foreign affairs, and especially Eastern affairs, was momentarily damped down, and but for the rising of another Power in Europe we should have seen the decline of the Russian Power coincide almost exactly with the rise of Germany as a great dominant military Power in Europe. I ask is it possible for a nation like ours, with immense Imperial responsibilities over the whole world, to ignore the forces that might come against it? We had to take precautions with regard to the central position in Europe. There are those on the other side of the House who never saw any danger in the accumulation in the hands of one Power of immense influence and a large army. The question was whether Germany was a dominant Power in Europe, and whether she was a possible great danger to this country. I think if we had ignored the position of Germany after the Japanese War, we should have been ignoring a very great danger. I wish to chronicle the events which lead me to believe this. We have to recognis that certain things took place in the last ten years. First of all, there was the pressure asserted by Germany on the independence of Holland, which was severe while it lasted. That was a militant policy. Then there was the pressure in 1905, which resulted in the fall of M. Delcassé. That was a policy which affected the liberties of other Powers. Then there was the pressure of Russia in Bosnia and Hertzegovina—a pressure which affected the whole weight and influence of the balance of power in Europe. There was the pressure of Germany on France more recently, and not entirely on France alone, in connection with the Agadir incident. I believe that if we were to ignore all these factors in our policy, we should be little short of criminal in regard to the interests of our nationality. To have ignored in this country these factors which so vitally affect the balance of power in Europe would not only have been foolish, but would have been to draw ourselves the design of our own sarcophagus. I chronicle these events merely to show that in the whole of our relations with European Powers, it was natural that this country should now do as she had done previous to a hundred years ago, namely, group ourselves from the defensive point of view with other Powers.
There is no doubt that the position in Europe is still very clouded. We have heard from the right hon. Gentleman and other Members of this Government declarations quite recently which make us believe that they still view the situation with very grave anxiety. If that be the case, and if the situation is rather acute still, I think we, who support the Government very consistently on matters of foreign policy on this side of the House, have a right to ask some explanation of the events which took place. I used the word "events," but I think one might more appropriately use the word "escapades." In regard to the Triple entente, and especially in regard to Germany, I believe the best way of carrying on a policy which would give no offence to any other Power in Europe, is to have regard to the balance of power. We need not continually change our course, and have fresh negotiations with those Powers who form the other branch of the balance. As the hon. Member for the Stirling Burghs said, we rather deprecate sudden peace missions by the War Minister to Germany, and the usurping, as I think, of the proper functions of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the Ambassador in Berlin. If this House has any sense of humour and I think it has, it will appreciate the position we were placed in by sending Lord Haldane on a peace mission to Germany. I think this kind of mission, unexplained to the public, creates a great deal of sensation in our newspapers, and culminates in mystery as to its meaning. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to inform us upon this point. I think these missions do not do very much good to our relations with Germany or any other Power, but rather tend to accentuate bitterness of feeling, and to rouse passion which had better remain dormant. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will, if he can properly do so, give the House some information as to the object, scope, and result of that mission, and give also a reasonable explanation of "why that mission was chosen in the way it was. I ask him to state whether this country can hope to gain something from an incident which caused such a great deal of interest at the time.
I should like to refer to two matters of Eastern policy. With regard to Turkey, I would only say that we are very anxious to see the Government of Turkey sufficiently stable and powerful for us to cooperate, not only with regard to political considerations, but with regard to the defence of our interests in that part of the world. I believe it is only by a natural and full co-operation with Turkey and by preserving the traditional friendship, which, like all political friendships, is based on common interests, we shall really be able to guarantee the integrity and independence of the middle Eastern kingdoms at the present time. I recognize that at this moment the situation in Turkey is so difficult, and the forms of government are so obscure and changing from day to day, that with the best will in the world it is almost impossible for any Government to bring to fruition any negotiations with so unstable a Government. But I hope that before long we may have possibly an altered country, and that the right hon. Gentleman in the course of his diplomacy will bear in mind that it is the urgent belief of a large number of Members on this side of the House that we could not do a better stroke for British trade interests in that part of the world than to cultivate, as far as possible, friendly relations with Turkey. I come now to the question of the Trans-Persian railway, on which perhaps I differ a little from some of my colleagues on this side. I quite recognise that in this matter there are the germs of much danger for India and Persia, and I say at once that I should much prefer to see a railway constructed which would have not a postal point of view but an economic, and I do think the Trans-Persian railway fails in that particular sense.
Whatever may be said with regard to what is practically determined now, it will be a direct line between India and Europe. But I differ a little from the Noble Lord who spoke first in this Debate. I do not believe that we can permanently isolate India from railway expansion. I believe that the normal increase of population and the alteration, political and economic, which is taking place in India, is likely to force upon this country before very long the demand for rapid communication between Europe and India. If that be the case, and we concede, as we must concede, that the terms of the Anglo-Russian Convention a few years ago are unalterable—and I regret they are, because I think they are the seed of much trouble—then what is our position? Russia can to-day, by the terms of that Convention, whether we wish it or not, build a railway to Ispahan provided that she gets the acquiescence of the Persian Government, as I assume she will. She probably will do that. She can get the money in Paris or perhaps in Russia, because that might be an economic and paying portion of that railway. If the railway goes as far as Ispahan, which is the central market for Persia, which is now furnished largely by British and Indian goods, and if the railway is not continued down to the southern portion of Persia, Russian goods will find their way in, in ever increasing quantities, fostered by railway rebates which are common in Russia, to the central markets of Persia. We should then be faced with a persistent demand from our own traders in India and elsewhere to provide railway communisation from South Persia to Central Persia, so as to bring up Bombay cotton and other goods to meet the competition coming down from the north.
I entirely agree that the best solution of this difficulty was given in the course of the Debate to which my Noble Friend referred. What has become of the proposals which the right hon. Gentleman opposite foreshadowed for the acquisition of a British railway concession in Southern Persia which should itself force its way into the zone, about which we were talking, in Central Persia 1 We were given definitely to understand, as far as one can in matters of this kind, that negotiations were taking place. My impression from the terms in which he pointed it out was that he rather deprecated too much inquiry at the time because the thing was going ahead. The whole idea of the Foreign Secretary was that things were under way at that particular moment. We think we may have found that no such concession has been asked. If it be asked it is possible that it may be internationalised, which I think would be grievously unfair to British interests; and there is no immediate prospect of anything being done at all. If the right hon. Gentleman had seen fit to press on such a railway at the time we asked about it, we might have been in a far more powerful position to negotiate the Trans-Persian railway question with Russia with the minimum of friction and the maximum of advantage towards ourselves. I believe we have got to consider this question on an entirely new ground. I do not feel as hostile to it as some people in this House. "We have got to remember our European interests. We have got above all to remember the long ties of honourable interests which we have had in Persia itself. We have got to see that the railway does not mean the loss of independence of Persia. We have got to see above all that what has happened in Manchuria does not happen in Persia.
Manchuria was lost to China not through the railway going through the country, but through the political guards who looked after it. We have got to take great care in any question of a railway through Persia that we do not repeat that difficulty and danger, and that the political control of the railway—it seems difficult at the moment I admit—will be either under Persian guidance or so arranged that the political independence of the people shall not be infringed or damaged in any way at all. I believe that we have got to deal with this question rapidly and effectively. We have got, if we mean to keep our good relations with Russia, which I believe are immensely valuable to us, and are going to be increasingly valuable to us, to put aside soome of the old suspicions wit regard to Russia. On the other hand, we cannot afford to take the slightest risk in Baluchistan or on the borders of India. Russia is, I believe, more than friendly disposed to us, and I believe that she has conceived this railway in no hostile spirit to us. If that be so, it will only be an easier matter for the right hon. Gentleman to secure in so far as any part of the railway touches on any Indian interest that that section shall be free from all risk or danger to the Indian frontier, so that we may after this railway is constructed not lose our friendship, and that instead of there being a source of friction in the building of that railway, it may protect and improve the good relations that have existed between us.
With much of the interesting speech of the Noble Lord who opened the Debate I am very cordially in agreement. Although I think perhaps he has over-accentuated the points of disagreement in the immediate past between ourselves and France and Russia, still we must congratulate ourselves that especially in connection with France those points have practically disappeared. I refer of course to the question of gunboats on the Persian Gulf. Owing to the energy and arrangements of the British Admiral Slade we know that an entirely different system now prevails, or at least will from September, and arms imported will be under control in such a manner that they can only be sent in future to authorised areas and we shall not run that severe risk which we have experienced of tribes on the frontier being supplied, not only with arms, but with copious amounts of ammunition, in that particualr direction. With Russia also no doubt there have been opportunities of disagreement which I think have been, if I may say so, rather skilfully managed, and at the present moment our relations with Russia concerning Persia are certainly better than they were a, very short time ago. In reference to the presence of Russian troops in North Persia we must bear in mind the encroachments which were made by the Turkish forces in those directions. It is obvious that while that condition lasts, or while that is being extended, you can hardly expect Russia to look upon it with indifference. I am not a strong advocate for Russia, or for the agreement, but as we have entered into that agreement, and it has on the whole, especially in parts of Asia other than Persia, been of the greatest benefit to us, I think that every possible opportunity should be used now to make it as permanent and workable as possible.
I wish now to refer to a project of special and immediate interest, the Trans-Persian Railway. As at present advised by my own consideration of the subject, I am decidedly adverse to this subject. It seems to be obviously strategic rather than commercial or economic. How can this railway beyond Ispahan possibly pay unless it is helped and supported by a substantial State guarantee? Who is to pay the guarantee? Then whom is it meant to benefit? Is it to benefit Russia or Persia or England? About Russia I will say nothing at all, except that no doubt they have the power, with the consent of the Persian Government, of extending their railway. Whether they will do it or not I suppose depends very greatly on various circumstances. It is doubtful to what extent Persia will derive any benefit from this railway. I do not think it can be shown for a moment that Persia can bear the heavy guarantees which the railway requires in order to be constructed, and I do not quite see how—except in one single particular, by putting Persia in a more powerful position—she will be able to preserve order. I come to India, with which, to speak really frankly, I am most concerned. Is it to the advantage or disadvantage of India, prima facie, that the railway should be built? What are the advantages to India in the first place? I can see only one, and that is that mails and a few passengers may be able to get to India a few days quicker than they would by the Suez Canal and the Red Sea, or by the Baghdad Railway, whenever that may be completed. But what are the disadvantages of it? Surely it will interfere with us more or less commercially. It must interfere, one would suppose, with the traffic through the Suez Canal and the Red Sea, of which our share is the greatly preponderating one.
Then most important of all is the strategic position of India. Great expense would be caused by any change being made in our strategic frontier as at present constituted. Of course there is no point of defence equal to that on our Western Frontier. That is obvious. We have done everything in our power for generations to guard against the one special menace, and that was the possibility of Russia, not perhaps invading India, but at certain times being able to put so much pressure on India that we should be compelled to divert our attention from European complications and to send troops for the defence of our frontier. We have made enormous sacrifices to retain our present position. We long ago, of course, took the Indus Valley, and we have had wars with Afghanistan, while innumerable frontier questions have arisen and have been settled, almost all of them directed to that point. Then in the West we have been careful to maintain our supremacy in the Mediterranean, from Gibraltar, Malta, Egypt, and so forth; and, apart from that, we have also jealously guarded against any possible interference with Constantinople by other Powers—all these efforts being specially directed to the protection of India. We have now this project of the Trans-Persian Railway to the coast and so down to Karrachi. The Karrachi Chamber of Commerce is very strongly in favour of it. Mr. Webb is a leading spirit who has been fascinating the imagination of Indian readers of the newspapers by pointing out the advantages of the line. Mr. Webb is an extremely able man, and I fancy he is mostly interested as a commercial man in the prosperity of his own port.
The Committee will remember how long ago, in regard to the Valley of the Euphrates, Captain Chesney went out to make a survey, and how long ago an individual in India, Mr. Andrews, very much advocated a railway through Messapotamia to Baghdad, no doubt to help his own railway, the Sind Punjab and Delhi Railway. I think the question of the guage is not the most important one, and indeed I would sooner myself if the question of this railway was not raised at all. There is an alternative railway which seems to be in every way worthy of support, and that is the line by Khora Musa and that way to Khoramabad. We have power, I think, practically to insist upon the construction of that railway. We know by the rescript of Shah Nasr-ud-Din, that should the right to construct a railway in the North of Persia be conceded to any other power, we should have the power of constructing a railway in South Persia. That was a very important declaration by the Shah, and it was confirmed, I think, by at least one of his successors, about the year 1900. Our commercial interests in the Gulf and north of Baghdad, for instance, I believe would not then suffer; in fact, trade would be very greatly increased. In regard to the Trans-Persian Railway, I noticed a short time ago in one of the papers that the Moscow merchants are protesting against its possible construction on the ground that it will do injury to their trade, which would suffer in competition with Indian industries. Russia seems to have come to an arrangement with Germany to link up their railways, and that might be a reason why we might put pressure on the Persian Government to get our concession granted by the Persian Government. One does not know rightly how the Germans managed to get that concession, but I suppose they gave something in return—some agreement on the part of Germany that the Russian position would be maintained in the North of Persia. The question of the loan was raised by the hon. Member who spoke last—the loan to be granted jointly by the Russian and British Governments to Persia. I hope that a large portion of that loan will be ear-marked in order to ensure that the chaotic state of South Persia may be remedied. It is really terribly disgraceful, not only to Persia, but to civilisation itself, that the dreadful things that have gone on there are permitted—starvation, brigandage, and chaos. As far as Persia itself is concerned, I certainly have no belief at all, frankly no hope, that any form of representative government as at present exists in Persia is possible. The hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon), for whose opinion, sincerity, and ability I have the very greatest respect, I know holds an entirely opposite view.
was understood to say that the only view he ever expressed was that the present Shah is better than the ex-Shah.
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If it is a question of comparison one would say that the ex-Shah was the worse of the two, and I think, on the whole, there has been more chaos and disorder and more suffering, which might have been remedied, since the Medjliss took over power than before. As far as suffering goes, the one part I am sorry to say which is absolutely free from turmoil is under Russian domination. I am afraid we have interfered insufficiently, but it would be a fatal mistake to attempt the plan of sending troops into South Persia. An enormous number would be required, while the expense would be prohibitive and could not be thought of at all. A great many Friends of mine on this side of the House believe that the one method by which Persia can be reformed and redeemed is through representative institutions; but these people, the slaves of generations, descendants of slaves through centuries, cannot in a moment, simply by using the term "Representative Government" or "Constitutional Government, be at once and as by magic suddenly transformed into an individualist nation. That is out of the question. That is the opinion which I hold. It is only by a strong Persian Government, not at all restrained by a Medjliss, which is not at present able even to combine in small groups which could possibly coalesce, that reform can be effected. The Medjliss had very little and the Persians had very little to do with the revolution. They are not revolutionists. The revolution was engineered and carried through by Armenians and Georgians and Circassians and Caucasians generally, upon any alliance, whenever they could, with those cruel, ruthless troops of robber horsemen that we know about so well. That has been the position. There was nobody in the Persian Medjliss, as far as I can discover, concerned, and those robber horsemen who brought about such terrible pain and suffering and trouble all through Persia did so too attain their own selfish an individual ends. I hope the right hon. Gentlemen, when he comes to reply, will be able to give us some reassurance about the state of things in Persia generally, and more especially about the state of turmoil and chaos which has reigned so long in Southern Persia.
I did intend to raise a few questions connected with the details of the Diplomatic and Consular services. I think the time is too short to do so, but I would venture to ask a few questions of the right hon. Gentleman on a subject which I think will be quite as important. I trust he will give me credit for approaching it with great reluctance. I do so with the full knowledge that whatever the questions may be, what really counts is the answer. If I happen to ask questions to which he would rather not reply, he undoubtedly will find a way out of them. The question which I desire to raise is the question of the reduction, or the proposed reduction, of our forces in the Mediterranean. I trust, Sir, you will not consider that that question is out of order, because I hope that the right hon. Gentleman considers, in the words of Admiral Mahon, that "the balance of forces influences continually and decisively the solutions of diplomacy." There is no doubt, I think, that the Army and the Navy exist for the purpose of maintaining what is our greatest interest, namely, peace. In order to maintain peace, it appears to me that the right hon. Gentleman, or whoever occupies his office, is bound to have a predominant voice in matters regarding the strength and disposition of both our naval and our military forces. On that ground I trust I may be allowed to deal with this question, although it may appear that in some of its aspects it would be more suitable for the War Office or the Admiralty or the Imperial Defence Vote, though we have been put off on two occasions with regard to this matter. When it was raised on the War Office Vote the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State said it was more a naval question, and then again, when it was discussed in another place, to the best of my recollection, there was no Noble Lord to give an adequate or satisfactory answer. I hope that the right hon. Gentleman, who certainly is competent to give an answer on this important question, will be able to vouchsafe some information.
The question of naval and military strength, it is agreed all over the world, is one which cannot be separated from foreign affairs. May I recall to the right hon. Gentleman's recollection portion of a speech of M. Pichon, on the 23rd of February, 1911, when the French Chamber was engaged in discussing whether certain new warships should be laid down or not. The Socialist members of that body took occasion to suggest that before laying down those ships efforts should be made to arrive at an understanding with other nations for the purpose of limiting arma- ments. M. Pichon, like every other Foreign Minister, and like everybody else, would be exceedingly glad, and he said so, if any such arrangement could be reached; but meanwhile he, like other persons, is responsible for the safety of his country. In the course of his speech he referred to the remarks of Mr. Taft, who at the time was engaged in endeavouring to secure a treaty of international arbitration, and said:— Members opposite, certainly cannot be credited with representing the views of the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State for War. That journal, the "Daily News," had one statement in a leading article which I thought was most disturbing. It stated:— in his mind if he were convinced that we had not. If we have got the ships, and the men, and the money, too—and we are lucky if we have got them—then I do not think that the right hon. Gentleman can resent our inquiring why it has been found necessary to withdraw a portion of those ships from a part of the world where hitherto we have been always led to believe that those ships were necessary. Under a previous Government it is true we withdrew battleships from the Pacific. We did so because we arrived at an understanding with Japan which secured us for a definite period against the hostility of the only Power from which we had anything to fear in that region. But it is perfectly right to notice that those members of the Empire chiefly concerned, namely, the inhabitants of Australia and New Zealand, are not satisfied with such protection as is afforded by our international agreement, and that they are taking steps to develop their own resources. They have shown the way, which I trust will be followed in due course by this country, in insisting that every citizen shall qualify himself to discharge the elementary obligations of citizenship, namely, to qualify to defend his hearth and home, if it happens to be attacked. That shows, at any rate, that Australia and New Zealand are alive to the dangers of the withdrawal of our naval forces from the Pacific.
Is it in order to discuss at considerable length upon this Vote the defence of the Empire?
I understood the hon. Member to show its connection with the Vote.
I will endeavour to keep the connection so clear that the hon. Member will not fail to see it. I was under the impression that if there is one thing in the world for which the Foreign Office exists it is to maintain and safeguard the interests of the Empire as a whole. During the short time I was in the Service I was always told to act on those lines. I do not understand into what watertight compartments the hon. Member proposes to separate the work on foreign affairs. I am endeavouring to point out the impossibility of arguing that the withdrawal of ships from the Pacific is on all fours with the withdrawal of ships from the Mediterranean. Has this withdrawal taken place after consultation with and with the consent of His Majesty's representative at the Courts of Mediterranean Powers? Does it meet with the approval of the military and naval commanders-in-chief at Malta and in the Mediterranean? What have been the views expressed previously by the High Commissioner and the Inspector-General in the Mediterranean before the present occupant of that post? These are questions which affect us so vitally that either on this occasion or on some other we must have them answered. The right hon. Gentleman will not deny that we on this side have always trusted him implicitly. If we ask questions it is not with a view to hampering him, but with a view to satisfying ourselves—as everybody is entitled to do—that he really is, as we hope and believe, carrying out in the best interests of the country the great office with which is entrusted. We cannot know that unless he is able to give us satisfactory answers.
There is another reason why it is important that we should know about this withdrawal from the Mediterranean. The withdrawal of forces from the Pacific was justified on the ground that we had got a treaty. I am one of those who would see an advantage in the substitution of a treaty with France for the present entente. There is an obvious reason why we cannot know whether or not that is desirable at present. We are not in possession of the official correspondence on the subject. Moreover, it may not be in the interests of France. At any rate, can the right hon. Gentleman justify the withdrawal on the ground that we have a treaty with France, whereby she will assume every obligation with regard to our responsibilities in the Mediterranean, in the same way that we were able to safeguard our interests in the Pacific by an agreement with the only Power in a position to endanger them? I think our interests in the Mediterranean are of such a nature that it would be impossible for us as a self-respecting Power to delegate them to another Power. If we are no longer able to look after those interests ourselves, the game is up, and we cease to be a first-class Power. But if arrangements have been made to have those interests safeguarded by some other Power, perhaps the right hon. Gentleman will be able to tell us. There are one or two reasons which the man in the street is bound to connect with this reduction of force from the Mediterranean. The first is that we are obliged to reduce our force in the Mediterranean—which force is there for the purpose of protecting very important interests—in order to safeguard vital interests nearer home in the North Sea. Nobody will deny that it is better to be absolutely secure in the North Sea than to be moderately secure in the North Sea and moderately secure in the Mediterranean as well. That may be the reason. But if that is so, before taking that step the Government ought to be quite sure that the country is not prepared to make the sacrifices necessary in order that we should be secure in both places. They cannot say, without letting the country know all the facts of the case, whether, if our interests are really endangered, the country is not quite prepared to say, "In spite of the fact that we are spending 30s. per head of the population for national defence—more than any other country—yet we are prepared, in the words of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, to go on maintaining our naval supremacy against all challengers, even if it comes to the spending of our last halfpenny." If the position were put to the country they would say, "You have no right to take this decision, if it is a question whether we can afford to do it, without finding out from us, who have to provide the money, whether we are prepared to spend the money or not." That is a fundamental consideration in this business.
There is no time to go into all the various reasons why the maintenance of our supremacy in the Mediterranean is of such vital importance, but I will refer to one or two. First of all, there is the safeguarding of our important trade route to the East, along which such a large quantity of our food supplies comes. There is also the question, which cannot be ignored, of safeguarding the route by which reinforcements to our garrisons in the Mediterranean and Egypt must be conveyed. That seems to me a very important consideration. Then there is the well-known reason given by Admiral Mahan, published in the newspapers last year, which I will quote:— supposed intentions of the Government in regard to the Mediterranean—whether those accounts are accurate or false is for the right hon. Gentleman to say—I have ventured with great respect, but very insistently to raise these points, and I trust the right hon. Gentleman will see his way to answer the questions I have put.
I desire to refer to the present situation in Egypt. We have been treated during the last few weeks to a series of articles describing the extraordinary result of the coming of Lord Kitchener to Egypt. On 3rd July the "Times" had a typical article of a well-known character. Indeed, we in Ireland were very accustomed to this kind of article in the old days. It stated:—
"The political calm which has reigned since Lord Kitchener's arrival in Egypt, has been utilised to the full for the initiation of economic and other reforms…. while, as regards the Nationalist party, its leader and his lieutenants find the breezes of the Bosphorus more salubrious than the air of Cairo."
Not so long ago the leaders of the Young Turks' movement fled through the tyranny of the late Sultan from Constantinople to Cairo, and found refuge there. Now the process is being reversed, and the leaders of the Egyptian Nationalists are obliged to fly from Cairo to Constantinople, and they find refuge there. The "Times" rejoices in the change, but I do not think it is a change at which British Liberals should rejoice. For my part I think it is rather a painful change.
I do not think the hon. Member is quite accurate in what he has just said. There is no real reason why any of the young Nationalists should fly to Constantinople unless they had committed a crime.
I quoted from the "Times," which I should have thought would have been good enough authority for any Member above the Gangway on this side. [An HON. MEMBER: "I thought you endorsed it."] I quoted it as the boast of a British newspaper. Let me show the methods by which the calm which has reigned since the arrival of Lord Kitchener has been produced. In the first place, the Coercion Act—and a very severe Coercion Act it is—has been put into operation against the National party. By the first of two processes a criminal action may be taken under the ordinary Criminal Law, Article 151, against all persons charged with speech, or writing, inter- pretable as causing "contempt of the Government." I wonder where the "Daily Mail" and some of the leaders of the Unionist party in this country would be if they could be proceeded against before a removable judge for using language calculated to cause contempt of the Government of the day, and subjected to a year's imprisonment with hard labour, without any fair trial whatsoever. Here is the way in which the law works:— Is that a doctrine the Liberals of England are prepared to stand for and defend? "Who wants a free Press in Egypt, neither the Government nor the public," says the official or semi-official organ of the Government. It is admittedly the official gazette. Everybody who has been in Egypt knows that it speaks on behalf of the Government, and stands in relation to the Government as a semi-official organ, like certain organs in Germany do to the Government there. is the nature of the tribunal, and what are the rights to be given to these men, before they are put on trial for their lives. This is the subject I was anxious to bring before the right hon. Gentleman. No one else raised it, and I trust that he will give us his explanation when he speaks.
I now want to say a few words on a subject which has taken up most of the time of this discussion; on which the discussion has mainly turned, and that is the present condition of Persia. I was interested, and father pained, to hear the language used by the hon. Gentleman the Member for Bradford, who is a Gentleman for whom I have the most profound respect. I would ask the hon. Member if he has no confidence in the Government set up by the Persian revolution, what Government does he propose to set up? Does he desire to see Persia divided between Russia and England, or, failing that, does he desire to see the ex-Shah come back? If he rejects those two proposals I see no other possibility except giving some fair play to the Government which was set up by the revolution, fair play that that Government has never yet attained for a single hour. The hon. Member attributed to me opinions which I have never entertained: that you can take an Eastern nation, redeem it, inaugurate a new era of prosperity and liberty, and confer upon it, or allow it to confer upon itself, representative institutions. I am not so ignorant of the history of civilisation and human institutions to imagine that the power to use representative institutions is a power that can be acquired without time and practice. Time was when this country was utterly unable to use representative institutions, and there are men on these benches who would like to see England deprived of her Parliamentary institutions. There were no people in Europe 100 years ago who could use these representative institutions, for they are very difficult things to handle well.
I have been endeavouring to raise my voice on behalf of the Persian people for the last two years, and all I claim for them—and a very modest claim it is—is that they having, by their own exertions and unaided by any external power, put an end to one of the most abominable Governments that any nation ever groaned under, should be, by the great peoples and Governments of Russia and England, allowed fair play, and allowed to work out their own salvation in their own way. I thought the right hon. Gentleman himself had arrived at that conclusion as the best way. No one with any common sense ever thought that that would be done in a few years, or done without civil commotion and disturbance. What did the right hon. Gentleman say—it has been quoted already in Debate? He said: "The deliberate policy of the Government was—and he was pressing it upon the Russian Government—to adhere to a policy of absolute non-intervention, and to allow the chaos to continue until some form of strong government was evolved by the Persian people, if they were able to do it." From the hour at which the revolution succeeded it was opposed by Russian agents, cruelly opposed. It was brought to a successful issue by the Persian people, by their own unaided exertions. From that hour they have never for one single day obtained fair play, nor has that policy which was put forward in this House by the right hon. Gentleman been allowed to operate.
What is the present position? I want first of all to say—and I do not want to go into details and into the history of this matter—that the Persian Government from the day in which the revolution succeeded has been deliberately paralysed by the agents of Russia. I do not for one moment charge the right hon. Gentleman or the British Government with aiding that. What I do charge them with is with weakly consenting to it, and time after time allowing opportunity to go past without making any effective remonstrance. The Russian Government, from the hour the Shah was driven out of Persia, has never ceased by their secret agents, by their money, and, when necessary, by the intervention of their troops, to obstruct, paralyse, and destroy the Persian Government, and make it impossible for them—in any case a weak Government—to maintain order within their borders. The cruelty, too, of the situation is that the very disorders, which are the direct result of the continual interference of Russian agents, have been used as an argument to belittle the Government and blacken them in the eyes of the world. I am told on exceedingly good authority, by those who know Persia well, that at this moment, and for some months past, the disorders in the south, which have been so frequently used on these benches for the purpose of bringing about British intervention in Southern Persia, are largely financed and worked by Russian secret agents, who have been sent for that very purpose, in order to put into the mouth of Russia the very argument that the hon. Member for Bradford used: "See the provinces in the occupation of Russia; you have peace and order, whereas in the provinces which are in the British sphere of influence are scenes of disorder and chaos." The hon. Member for Bradford said Northern Persia is now quiet and that good order reigns. I ask, what is the use of humbugging the people of England by talking about maintaining the independence and integrity of Persia when at this moment Northern Persia is a Russian Province 1 It is ruled under the influence of the Russian agents at Tabriz, who at once exercise all the functions of government, proclaim martial law, behead their enemies, or hang them, even the highest and most revered officials of religion, and appoint the Governors and do exactly as they like; yet we hear talk in this country about preserving the independence and integrity of Persia. So far as Northern Persia is concerned, it is occupied by Russian troops and ruled by Russian agents, who do not hesitate to do everything they desire in order to make the people feel they are their masters. Therefore, I say it is not much to boast of that in certain parts of Northern Persia, though I deny the fact, that order or peace has been maintained, that there is a cessation of struggle. There is no peace when the place is occupied by 12,000 Russians and every conceivable portion of the country is occupied by Russian troops and artillery.
The point I want to press for information on is this: What about the solemn undertaking given to the Persian Government about the ex-Shah 1 When the ex-Shah left Persia last January, under pressure I admit from the English Government, because at that time it was fully intended to reinstate the ex-Shah as Governor of Persia, the Persian Government, acting on the advice of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, the Foreign Secretary, did everything that the Russian Government pressed upon them to do, and the unfortunate Persian Government was humiliated to the very dust, so much so that the pride and prestige of that Government were so humbled in the minds of the Persian people that the wonder to me is that they are able to hold up their heads and keep up the pretence of governing the country at all. They accepted the terms, and one thing they stipulated for and almost begged for was that if they consented to renew the pension of the ex-Shah the Government of England and Russia would enter into a solemn agreement that he would never again be recognised or allowed to come back. The British Government did make a declaration that in no circumstances would they again recognise the ex-Shah as Sovereign of Persia, but the Russian Government made no such declaration, and after much pressure declined to do so. But the British Government made that declaration and repeated it, and one thing that I should like very much to hear is whether the British Government adhered to that declaration, because I can prove in a few minutes that the Russian Government has been for the last three months operating and manœuvering to bring the ex-Shah back. I will take one particular instance out of many. I take the case of Shuja-ed-Dowleh, who is now acting as Governor of Tabriz. This man was last December one of the generals of the ex-Shah threatening Tabriz with a large force. When the Russian troops took action and beheaded a number of Nationalists in December last, the then regular Governor had to apply for protection to the British Consul, and Shuja-ed-Dowleh was brought in by the Russian Government and Consul and installed as Acting-Inspector. There are one or two dispatches in this White Paper in reference to the matter, and I must say I entirely differ from the Noble Lord who opened the Debate when he stated that this White Paper has entirely disposed of the crisis and shows that the present policy of Russia is most satisfactory. I say it shows exactly the reverse, and I say this White Paper is one of the worst documents issued in the whole of this long controversy. Here is a dispatch dealing with the matter from Sir George Barclay to Sir Edward Grey, on the 5th January: singularly well informed and whose telegram bears the impress of the "Times" newspaper. Here is what he says:—
I put to the right hon. Gentleman yesterday a question whether he keeps himself acquainted with the proceedings of those gentlemen, and he could not give me any answer except to say that he was in communication with the Russian Government. On the last occasion, when we got word of the departure of the ex-Shah from Odessa I put various questions to the right hon. Gentleman and the answer was always the same, and the first we heard was that he had landed on the southern shores of the Caspian. We were told that he crossed Russia successfully disguised, but with large boxes of ammunition. Does any human being believe that? The disguise was successful, because the Russian agents got word to turn a blind eye upon this gentleman, and the Foreign Secretary himself, in a moment of humour, intimated that the ex-Shah put on a false nose and a false beard. I believe the Russian Government were perfectly well aware of what was going on when he left Odessa, and I say that the conduct of the Russian Government in maintaining this agent as Governor of Tabriz, in spite of their pledges that they would remove him and make way for the Governor appointed by the Persian Government, is proof positive that they are in connivance with the ex-Shah. What about the promise of this country to maintain the independence and integrity of Persia? To this hour he has not been allowed to take up his Government, and this is the most important in the whole Empire of Persia, and it is still governed by a red-handed agent of the ex-Shah. What will the Foreign Secretary do if this gentleman arrives in Persia next week and beheads all his enemies? All the best Nationalists in Tabriz have already been beheaded, and they were men of the highest possible character, and, I am informed, exceedingly honest and respectable men, whose only crime was that they were strong Nationalists, and that is a crime in the eyes of the Russian Government. I do not believe the statement that very few people were executed, nor do I believe the accounts which have been given of the origin of those disturbances. But whatever may be the case, one thing is certain, that the Russian Government and the Russian troops took the occasion of those disturbances to execute most of the Nationalist leaders at Tabriz who had been mainly instrumental in destroying the Government of the late Shah and bringing about the revolution in Persia. If the ex-Shah comes back it will be said, "Well, the people have accepted the ex-Shah, and we do not control the people there." In that case the people would be the Russian troops and the Russian agents. This is the condition of things with which we are face to face, and I appeal to the right hon. Gentleman to make some strong statement which will convey to the people of Persia an assurance that, so far as the British Government goes, we mean to stand honourably by the very slender assurances which have been given.
There is one point in regard to the speech of the hon. Gentleman who has just sat down which I should like to draw attention to. His comments on Lord Kitchener's administration in Egypt are practically the same as his comments upon the work which Sir Horace Plunkett did in Ireland. The hon. Member cannot possibly forget anyone who brings order and prosperity to a distracted country. I can perfectly well understand it, because order and prosperity in countries like Ireland and Egypt are opposed to the kind of politics in which Nationalists take a part, although I have the greatest respect for many of them. It is very difficult to speak on foreign affairs unless one knows what is going to happen in the Mediterranean. If we are really going to abandon the Mediterranean, then the whole of our foreign policy must undergo a complete and profound change. It is impossible to consider that question until that matter is cleared up. It may be inconvenient to refer to this subject in this particular Debate, and perhaps we may have to wait until the Debate on Imperial Defence has taken place before we know the exact position. Meanwhile, it is hardly possible to touch upon any matter affecting our relations with Mediterranean Powers; it is hardly possible to touch upon such questions until this matter has been cleared up. With regard to the question of the Dardanelles, I wish to express a hope that there should be no change in our attitude of the method in which it is regarded by other Powers until our definite Mediterranean policy has been made public, and until this House has been given an opportunity of discussing that one particular subject. This question has been brought prominently to one's mind by the brief closing of the Dardanelles and the extraordinary effect it had on English commerce, for it brought poverty and misery into the homes of some of the poorest workers in this country owing to ships being kept in the Dardanelles, thus showing that our foreign policy is one which affects not only the rich, but the poor as well.
In what I am about to say I do not wish to criticise Russia, or give the impression that there is any Member of the British Parliament who does not want to see a friendly understanding established between England and Russia. I do, however, wish to say that the Trans-Persian line through Persia is calculated to sow the seeds of distrust between England and Russia. On this matter I am inclined to agree very much; not with the views of the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) but with his facts. It seems to me that the Persia we have known is practically no more, and possibly the Anglo-Russian Treaty may have accelerated this matter. The question is what is going to happen to Persia? It is so poor a country, with such large areas of desert, so sparse a population, and so few revenues, that the question we have to face now is how is Persia going to be developed? It can be developed in the first place either by a military occupation running along the railways, down the Southern centre of Persia, or in the second place by the gradual introduction of commerce and civilisation in the more accessible parts along the Gulf and by smaller branch lines. If the first course is to be taken and the Trans-Persian Railway is constructed it must have garrisons all along that line. You cannot have a railway like that in a country partly desert without the people coming down to cut away the telegraph and damage the railways, and you will have to guard it, and the Persian Government cannot afford troops for that purpose. The consequence will be that Russia will guard her zone, and we shall have to guard our zone; and therefore the sentries will be standing face to face. That really is not a business proposition. I do not think that it is conceited to say that railways are built to take the goods down to the sea to put them on ships, and get the goods transported cheaply. Railways, if they are to pay, should not run across deserts from one disorderly and poverty-stricken town to another. A railway like that can never be developed, and it can never be a transit railway, particularly if there is to be a change of gauge in the middle. It is just like one of the railways that used to be promoted in Texas and the Southern parts of the United States. There they used to promote railways, and then they came up to the Committee of the Senate, and invariably the last excuse for the railway was, "Well, it is not a bad country; it only wants a better climate and better social conditions." On one occasion a senator replied, "That is all that Hell wants," and the railway was dropped.
The only people who can pay are the directors who have to build the railway, and, no doubt, those various eagles that fly round the decaying bodies of defunct Oriental States will get something out of it. The only result of the construction, in my opinion, will be that an English sentry will face a Russian sentry and there will be a change of gauge. This will provide a very awkward diversion on our North-Western Frontier; it will raise the suspicion of the Afghans and tend to shake our prestige, and will end in the military occupation of Persia. The suggestion I submit to the Committee is to develop the English portion of the Mohamerah-Erivan Railway and encourage British capital, instead of going in for this large Trans-Persian line, we ought to build lines North and South that will tap and develop trade. The small lines from the Persian Gulf going in a Northern direction would also give Russia a chance of getting a good straight down line to Erivan and Julfa, and there would be a military line which would run down the valley to the head of the Persian Gulf. I think that ought to meet all the desires of Russia, because it gives her a good opportunity of getting her goods down to the sea. This is the desire of every merchant, and it gives the merchant an opportunity of developing slowly. It is not a good thing for the people of any Oriental country to have one long transit line running right through the country, because it sends up the price of food and dislocates the way people live. It is a complicated thing, and very often one long line does not bring happiness to the people. The system of railway I have suggested would certainly bring India perfect safety and confidence, and would lead to the furthering of Anglo-Russian friendship and tend to make it continuous. I entreat the right hon. Gentleman to say something that will assuage the anxiety of hon. Gentlemen of every shade of politics in regard to this particular proposal.
A great many questions have been asked me, and I will try as far as possible to restrict myself to the points which have been raised—they are very numerous—rather than make any set speech. It is exceedingly difficult if one attempts to launch out upon a set speech of a general character to deal with the questions that have been asked, and I gather from the course of the Debate hon. Members want to make use of this evening to get information on special points rather than to have a general statement on foreign policy. I propose therefore not to go at any great length over old ground, and by old ground I mean the ground covered by the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) with regard to Persian affairs generally. The Noble Lord who opened the Debate (Earl of Ronaldshay) began with some criticisms which he said, and which we all recognise, were made in no captious spirit, and he spoke with interest and knowledge on the merits of the question. He touched on the general question of the Anglo-Russian Agreement, and he made some criticisms, not in the nature of those made by the hon. Member for East Mayo, but criticism tending to show that the Agreement was being worked more in Russian interests than in ours. I have no objection to that kind of criticism. In one way it is rather useful that the sort of criticisms which he made, and which are not anti-Russian criticisms, but criticisms devoted rather to making a balance of account in a perfectly friendly way between Russia and Great Britain, should be made, because they are the counterpart of the sort of criticisms the Russian Government have to meet in their own country. I would like the Committee to bear in mind the sort of criticisms which, according to our information, the Russian Government have to meet. They have to meet the criticism, not of Russian opinion generally. but of a section of Russian opinion that the Anglo-Russian Agreement has been the most one-sided affair, because Russia has given up a great deal and has got very little in return. On what is that criticism based? It is based, of course, by emphasizing the very thing which is omitted entirely from a speech like that of the hon. Member for East Mayo, emphasising what the state of things was before the Anglo-Russian Agreement was made.
Russia may urge, and urge with truth, that before the Anglo-Russian Agreement was made the independence of Persia was very qualified, that Russian influence was supreme in the North of Persia, and that the Shah of Persia was entirely under Russian influence. I am bound to say from what I have heard from British Ministers who may have been at Teheran in old days that the Shall of Persia did regard his own position somewhat from that point of view. When they urged him to do this or that in British interests, or to assert his independence, then, as one Shah of Persia used to say, he replied: "That is all very well, but look at Teheran on the map." I sometimes wonder whether everybody who talks in this House about Persian affairs knows exactly where Teheran 1s. "I am in Teheran; look where the Russians are. They are practically at my doors. They can send troops here whenever they please. I should be delighted to do what the British Minister wants, but what is Great Britain going to do to protect me at Teheran?" To that no answer was given then; and to that no answer is given now by those who wish, as far as I can see, to go back to the old state of affairs, which was something very different from what they believe it to have been. But for the Anglo-Russian Agreement the ex-Shah would still be there. He certainly would be there at the present time, unless the Russian Government at the critical moment had entirely abstained, and had ordered their officers to abstain from any intervention. "Yet," says the Noble Lord opposite, "he came back to Persia the other day." Yes, and he also went away again. It was in the North of Persia he was, and not in the South, where our influence might be exercised; and he would not have gone away again but for the advice and warning given him by the Russian Government. All that has to be borne in mind, and, in judging the state of things in Persia, you really have to consider not whether the Anglo-Russian Agreement has brought about a perfect state of things, but whether it has made things better or worse than they would have been if no such Agreement had existed.
You have to bear in mind that in Russian opinion before this Agreement her influence was supreme in Persia, and that in the chaos which succeeded in Persia her Government might and would, but for the Anglo-Russian Agreement, have made its influence still more supreme at Teheran than it ever had been before. She might practically have annexed the North of Persia. She might have pursued from that basis a forward policy of railways, and so forth, towards our Indian frontier. Under the Anglo-Russian Agreement the Russian Government has given up the forward policy which it did pursue, and which it might have pursued in that part of Asia or at any rate which some people thought it might have pursued before the Agreement was made. From that point of view the Agreement has been to Russia a self-denying ordinance with regard to that policy, and they want to know what they have gained. Take the point about Afghanistan. There was a condition to the Agreement that the Ameer of Afghanistan should sign. Oriental rulers are very suspicious, and he has not signed it. Russia, however, has entirely waived that condition in practice, and has loyally observed that part of the Agreement, although it has not been actually signed by the Ameer of Afghanistan. It was an Agreement essentially in the interests of Afghanistan. That neither Great Britain nor Russia should pursue a forward policy is obviously the very thing to preserve Afghanistan from being interfered with. Oriental rulers are suspicious, and from the mere fact that an Agreement has been made in those terms they assume it must have been made at their expense. As a matter of fact, it has been an enormous safeguard to Afghanistan. When you look at the Agreement as a whole, and when you consider all the trouble there has been, what would have-happened, not in Persia only, but in regard to the general relations between Russia and Great Britain if the Agreement had not been in existence? I say the maintenance of that Agreement is more than ever necessary.
The state of things with which we have-to deal in Persia to-day, unsatisfactory as it is I admit, is as nothing compared with the complications that would have arisen if there had been no such Agreement. But for that we should have had no guarantee that the Russian influence in the North of Persia would not have been used for a further forward policy of railways and so forth towards the Indian frontier in a way that might have been most inconvenient to us. But for that Agreement Russia; would have been constantly under the misapprehension that we in Southern Persia were going to take advantage of the chaos and the situation to prejudice her interests, and the old state of suspicion, of intrigue, and squabble, which used to exist between Great Britain and Russia, would have been intensified many fold under the present condition of affairs. Instead of that, however much we may differ as to the merits of the Agreement, there has never been for a moment any suspicion on either side that either Russia or Great Britain has been attempting to exploit the situation in Persia to the disadvantage of the other. The fact that that has been so has not only been in the interest of the two countries, but has also been in the interests of peace. I admit I have not gone into details, but that really is a truer perspective of the whole question than that suggested by the hon. Member for East Mayo, which leaves out of account past history and most material facts of the situation essential to forming a true judgment on the working of the Anglo-Russian Agreement.
I now come to some of the questions which the Noble Lord opposite asked. He made a criticism that our policy in Persia in certain details connected, for instance, with the South of Persia, had been inconsistent, and he quoted some words of mine which, he said, showed inconsistency. It may be there does exist somewhere someone who, having been at the Foreign Office for the last seven years, and having written as many telegrams and signed as many despatches and made as many speeches as I have on Persia, and with the condition of Persian affairs being so distracting, so vascillating, and so chaotic, yet would not have uttered a single sentence that would have been inconsistent. It may be so, and, therefore, when the Noble Lord says I have committed some inconsistencies, I quite admit that in one or two of the things he said there are verbal inconsistencies. I quite admit it has been so, but I do not think there has been any inconsistency about our policy as a whole. We have always been opposed to sending anything like an expedition to the South of Persia. We did reinforce the Consular Guards last year, because we were told at the time there was real danger to life at Shiraz, but we purposely restricted their actions so that we might not "be committed to a large expedition. It is quite true, as the hon. Member for Bradford (Sir G. Scott Robertson) said, there has been less disorder and less interference with trade in the North of Persia because Russia has so many troops there. It is true there has been more disorder in the South of Persia. It is also true that, if we had liked to use the force and the troops and to undertake liabilities and responsibilities in the South of Persia, we might have done much to keep the roads open, but we are most reluctant to embark on a policy of that kind, because although the beginning is very easy, the ending is very difficult. I frankly admit the damage to trade. On the other hand, we do not want to increase our. responsibilities and to incur enormous liabilities, and we still hold—and that is why we have not done more than we have—to the policy that we should, as long as we possibly can, avoid intervention likely to be of a permanent kind in the South of Persia.
The Noble Lord asked me if a further large loan is likely to be made in the near future. Honestly, I wish I could say yes, but honestly, with the state of things in Persia as it is, it is very difficult to see how a large loan is to be made on practicable terms. Persia wants money, no doubt, but it is no use lending money unless it is likely to be effectively spent. The Noble Lord asks me if they get funds, will they be able to restore order in the south of the country? The Swedish officers employed by the Persian Government are now engaged in organising gendarmerie for the south, and in the event of any support being given by us to a loan we should certainly stipulate that some of the money should be spent on the restoration of order on the southern roads. Then he asked me whether we are contemplating any measures for restoring order in the south except by financing the Persian Government. I have really answered that by anticipation. We do not at the present time contemplate any measures, because no measures would be effected, except, of course, encouraging and helping by any diplomatic influence we have in Persia the work of the Swedish officers who, under the Persian Government, are organising gendarmerie. All that, of course, we are doing. Beyond that we do not contemplate any measure for the protection of the roads.
Am I tounderstand it is not contemplated to accede to the suggestion of the Government of India which appeared in the despatch to which I have referred.
I am sorry I omitted that point. In regard to these particular measures for dealing with the tribes it was felt they involved great difficulty. It would add to the complications in Persia if we were dealing with the tribes except through and with the knowledge of the Persian Government, which has been so distracted by other things, and has so little influence with the tribes. I admit that we have not made much progress in that direction. A blockade of the coast is possible, but it would be rather in the nature of a punitive than a helpful measure, unless it was arranged in concert with measures taken internally which were likely to be helpful. Dealing with the tribes, and so forth, as recommended by the Indian Government, is a measure which we should be delighted to make effective, but we have hitherto not made progress with it because it was not found to be feasible.
I think I had better come to the Trans-Persian Railway, a question standing almost by itself. Before the Anglo-Russian agreement came into operation the apprehension in this country always was that Russia would use her influence in the North of Persia to make a railway in Seistan, which would be strategically prejudicial and alarming to the Indian Government. It was feared that the two countries were holding themselves at arms length in suspicion of each other and that one day we should find that Russia had used her influence at Teheran to get a concession which would be injurious to our interests there. Of course the Anglo-Russian agreement put an end to any possibility of that kind. Russia makes railways in a certain sphere under that agreement, and gets concessions for railways in certain spheres in North Persia, but it would be an entire breach of the agreement if Russia were to get any concession for a railway in Seistan. I will go further and say it would not be an altogether undesirable state of affairs if Persia could always remain undeveloped and unpierced by railways, if in fact the whole of it was a desert without any inhabitants, so far as our strategical position in India is concerned. But it has inhabitants, it is a country capable of being developed, and therefore we cannot possibly construe the Anglo-Russian Agreement as meaning that railways ought not to be made in Persia at all. Everybody admits that a railway from Mohamerah would be a desirable thing for Russia if it enabled her to bring trade to the North, but we want a railway for bringing trade up from the Gulf. I foresee that railways will be made in Persia sooner or later; under the present condition of affairs it may be later than people suppose, but sooner or later railways will be made and they will be for the good of Persia. Some one on the other side said that when railways are made there will have to be guards and so forth, and that that will be an infringement of the independence of Persia and of the authority of the Persian Government. But without railways I doubt whether any Persian Government would have any real authority, especially with the tribes in the South; the tribes would remain in the uncontrolled and semi-chaotic state in which they have always been found. So railways will have to be made if Persia is to be developed; and when railways have been made in Persia, a question is sure to come up connected with the Indian railways.
The moment an overland route to India becomes a possibility, I do not believe it can be indefinitely resisted. It is sure to be made. If an overland route is possible between Europe and Asia, it will be constructed sooner or later. Therefore we came to the conclusion, when the idea of the Trans-Persian Railway was mooted, that we ought not, on principle, to oppose it and to say: "No, our policy is never to have a Trans-Persian Railway at all. We shall always oppose the overland route to India." I do not think that would be a wise or practicable policy for us to adopt in the long run. Therefore we have said we have no objection to going into the question of the Trans-Persian Railway and to look at it from a financial and economic point of view. The hon. Member for Bradford asked one or two pertinent questions. He inquired how such a railway could be made without guarantees. That is a very useful point, and the explanation I have to offer may throw some light on this question. We are absolutely uncommitted with regard to any guarantee. And even if we, as a Government, or any Government which succeeded us, decided that it would be desirable to recommend a guarantee to the House of Commons, it would have to come to this House; so there is no question of our being committed to a guarantee without the consent of the House. We shall try to make it quite clear if the Trans-Persian Railway is to be made that we must reserve great liberty of action before we can support any particular line. We have specified certain points. We have told the Société d'Etude that though we do not in principle oppose the Trans-Persian Railway, and should, under proper conditions, be favourable to the principle, we must reserve to ourselves full freedom of action when it comes to actual construction and subsequent management. We must reserve the right to be consulted with regard to the alignment of the railway, the constitution of the Board, the representation of British interests, in general about freight and passenger rates, and especially in regard to the break of the gauge. We reserved all these points.
If the Trans-Persian Railway scheme becomes feasible, I think before it receives support from the British Government we should have to come to an agreement with Russia with regard to the branch lines to be made, with regard to the retention and control of lines in the British sphere, and with regard to equality of treatment for British trade. All that will have to be gone into by any British Government which has to consider a definite scheme for a Trans-Persian railway, and we have reserved absolute liberty to ourselves on those points. With regard to break of the gauge, the first idea was that it should be at Bander Abbas point. There is great force in many of the objections which have been raised to breaking the gauge there, but the whole question is one we must carefully consider before we are committed to any scheme. I will tell the House what I propose to do about th1s. When the Societe d'Etude has reported whether it is feasible to make the railway, and, if so, where it should be made, I think the House ought to be informed what the proposal of the Societe d'Etude 1s. The whole question is one of such great importance to India that all its leading aspects ought to be considered carefully in India, and I think the House should know what the result of the investigations of the Societe d'Etudes has been, and what is actually proposed, and should also hear from the Government of the day under what conditions they are prepared to consent to any definite scheme for a Trans-Persian railway before the country is absolutely committed to the support of it. There is one more point which the Noble Lord made about the Mohamerah line. I must look into that point a little more closely. It is one that has escaped my memory for the time being. I have always contemplated that the line from Mohamerah would, if a concession was made, be a concession to a British company. Of course if it goes further north into the Russian sphere, we cannot have a British company with a concession in that sphere. Something has been said about internationalising. I should like to reconsider that point. I will only say that I have hitherto contemplated a British company getting the concession. I shall certainly bear carefully in mind what construction is to be put upon any internationalisation which may be applied to the southern part of the railway. I should like to examine the point a little further. At the present moment nothing is under consideration, except whether the Persian Government is prepared or in a position to grant a concession to a British company for a line from Mohamerah.
Perhaps I had better continue with the railways and get rid of that subject. There is a question as to negotiations with Turkey about the Baghdad Railway. I was asked if we had committed ourselves to any scheme. No, we have not. The negotiations have been carried on with Turkey alone because Turkey made an agreement with Germany under which she recovered her liberty of action subject to one or two conditions in regard to the railway below Baghdad. Therefore Turkey is in a position to negotiate alone with regard to the railway below Baghdad. The German Government of course is perfectly aware that the negotiations are going on, and directly German interests are affected we shall be perfectly ready to discuss the matter with the German Government. But at the present moment, of course, the basis of negotiation is whether we shall give our consent to the increase of Turkish Customs which Turkey wants, and the one great object we wish to-secure is that there shall be an understanding between us and Turkey about the status quo of questions in the Persian Gulf in general. That is not mixed up with the railway from Baghdad to Basra. It must not go beyond that. An agreement with Turkey as to a satisfactory status quo in the Persian Gulf, which will make it perfectly clear to Turkey that we are not going to infringe her rights, and which will make it equally clear to us that there is a signed documentary understanding between us and Turkey under which our position in the Persian Gulf, to which we attach importance, will not be interfered with, would really be a very satisfactory arrangement in itself. We are negotiating. Negotiations have not yet reached a conclusion. Of course, when they have reached a conclusion the result will be made known, but I can assure the Noble Lord that we are not committed to any scheme as he feared we might be, and we are certainly not joining in any syndicate on the condition that the railway should go beyond Basra.
My point was not whether you are committed to a syndicate, but are you committed to cooperate as a member of an international syndicate as far as Basra?
We are not committed on that point. That point will be arranged, but we are not at the present moment committed. I cannot give the result of negotiations before the result has been arrived at; but we are not committed on that point. I will come to the larger matters later on, but I must say one word here on what the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. Dillon) said with regard to the plot in Egypt. I have no information as to the evidence of it, and I could not very well have it. It is the business of the authorities in Egypt to go into the evidence. I shall get a report on what the evidence is, and the nature of the plot, so far as they have been able to discover it; but, pending the trial, it is really impossible to discuss it in this House. My feeling in the matter was one of exceeding great relief that if there be a plot it has been discovered in time. I have not the least doubt that there will be a perfectly fair trial. I can only say that the policy of Lord Kitchener in Egypt has by all accounts been not only one of unqualified success, but one which has been exceedingly popular with native Egypt opinion itself. Among other things he has been most accessible to native Egypt opinion, and the zeal and energy which he has shown in developing Egypt in the interests of the natives themselves, from all accounts which have reached me, have been very deeply appreciated. The hon. Member for East Mayo spoke of Press prosecutions. I do not think that is under a new law. I think it is an old law, for no new law has been passed.
It has been out of use for twenty years.
Twenty years is a very long time. We have not passed a new law. You cannot judge these Press prosecutions from the point of view of a Western country. We hear in Western countries of attacks upon the Government itself. It is perfectly well known that they go on unchecked because there is a general understanding that the freedom of the Press is not to be interfered with; but in Oriental countries that is not understood, and the Government is always in this difficulty, that if violent attacks are made upon the Government, and especially upon persons connected with the Government, the impression given is not one of liberty and justice, but simply one of fear that the Government would never allow these attacks to be made, unless for some reason or other it was afraid of the people who made the attacks. I do not like Press prosecutions. I should like them to be as few as possible; but you have to bear in mind that when the Egyptian Government and the British Consul-General in Egypt have come to the conclusion that the Press prosecution in a given case is necessary you cannot judge the question entirely by Western standards. I do not want to put the matter any higher than that. The attacks upon the Government really weaken authority, and alienate people who are naturally quite well disposed, and who are led to think that the Government which cannot stand up for itself is not to be tolerated.
How did Lord Cromerallow it to lapse for twenty years?
I cannot give all the cases which may have arisen when Lord Cromer was there. My recollection is, that in the last years that Lord Cromer was there, he himself had come to the conclusion—although I cannot speak with certainty, it is my impression—that the great latitude which has been allowed to the Press was working grave mischief in Egypt, and must some day be dealt with. I think my recollection is right about that, and that Lord Cromer did hold that opinion very strongly. There is the case of the British newspaper which has been prohibited from entering into Egypt. The hon. Member for East Mayo said it was to supply accurate information. I saw one article in it with information absolutely inaccurate as to British policy in general, and containing statements, the result of which, if they were believed, must be to make native opinion believe that our policy was actively anti-Islamic. There can be no more mischievous statement than that. The chairman of the Newspaper Company, if I remember aright, wrote to the "Times" a short time ago protesting against its exclusion from Egypt, and to say that he was opposed to the British occupation there. I did not think it necessary to exclude the paper, but when the Egyptian Government decided to exclude this paper from Egypt, in view of what I. have seen, and in view of the fact that the chairman of the company himself writes to say that he is opposed to the British occupation, I certainly came to the conclusion that it was not an occasion upon which we should send instructions to interfere with the discretion of the Egyptian Government. I think Lord Kitchener and the Egyptian Government were perfectly right in dealing with the matter in the way they did.
I will go to one or two still larger questions. The Mediterranean policy was raised by an hon. Member opposite in regard to the reduction of the forces in the Mediterranean. In fact, the question he really raised was one of greatest importance, and so large that it is very difficult to handle generally. If I understand aright, it is the question of the relation between foreign policy and naval strategy. He read a quotation, which I had not heard of before, from a newspaper, saying that we had surrendered naval predominance in the Far East to Japan, in the West to the United States, and that we were now going to surrender it in the Mediterranean to a third Power. I do not know what the context of that extract was, or whether the newspaper thought it right or wrong that we should have done it.
Wrong.
8.0 P.M.
Was it its opinion that we should maintain a separate sufficient margin of strength to protect our own islands in the Home waters; a sufficient margin of strength to rule independently in the Far East, and a sufficient margin of strength to keep up our strength permanently, I suppose, both in the West in the Atlantic, and in the East in the Pacific, and a separate standard in the Mediterranean also? That is absolutely out of the question. I would ask the Committee to bear in mind that it is exceedingly difficult to be definite about this, because it is, though very important, still a question so full of graduations and degrees and so large that it is very difficult to be very definite about it. I will try to break it up into two definite parts. In the first place, you must not rely upon your foreign policy to pro- tect the United Kingdom. That is to say, if you let your margin of naval strength in home waters fall below that which may be brought to bear against you rapidly, you are setting foreign policy a task you ought not to set it. The risk of an attack on the United Kingdom, stronger in force than we could meet with the ships we keep in home waters, is one not to be settled by diplomacy. You must keep up a sufficient margin of naval strength in home waters whatever your foreign policy 1s. If you do not, your foreign policy will become impossible, because in every diplomatic situation that arises, if you are inferior in strength in home waters to a neighbouring fleet or fleets, in every diplomatic question you will have to give way, and your position will not be that of a great Power. Therefore, in discussing this question of the connection of foreign policy with naval strength, I should like to rule out the question of what margin we ought to have in home waters, because, whatever your foreign policy is, you must keep a sufficient margin of strength in home waters. This is not a question whether anybody wishes to attack in one year or another, it is merely a question that you must fall into a position of inferiority if your margin in home waters is insufficient.
When you get further afield into other parts of the world it is a very different matter; then foreign policy and naval strategy do and must depend upon each other to a large extent. Take the question of the Far East. Of course, the relation between the Japanese Alliance and naval strategy is a most intimate one. I should like to say this about the Japanese Alliance. It is worth while considering at the present moment, that with all the instability there is in China, and the difficult questions which arise, there has so far been no fear whatever of international complications. The good working of the Japanese Alliance in recent years has been a great factor for peace. In the last few years, while we have been in office—I do not say because we have been in office—the Japanese Alliance has worked nothing but good. It has not brought us into worse relations with any other Power. It has not brought Japan into worse relations. On the contrary, relations between Japan and Russia are now exceedingly good. I believe that the Japanese Alliance is more than ever to the mutual interests of the two countries; that they have worked it with great and pertfect accord, and that it has been a great and beneficent factor in keeping the peace in the Far East and preventing all the disturbances which have taken place in China, which are due to internal causes, from giving rise to international apprehension between the Powers which are interested. I have said that, because I think it is something which ought to be borne in mind. I come to the Mediterranean question. The hon. Member asked me very detailed questions, which can only be answered on the Naval Estimates. He asked me about the opinion of the previous Inspector-General of the Forces, and a great many questions which obviously I cannot answer. But I do not wish to avoid the main issue. He spoke of the reduction of our force in the Mediterranean. At present I have no hesitation in saying that we either have a sufficient force in the Mediterranean, or could put into the Mediterranean at very short notice a sufficient force to meet any emergency which might arise. Therefore we have not incurred any peril at present. But I do not think that was really the point that he was most anxious about in his own mind. He was thinking rather of future naval policy. Are we going really to abandon a position which will put us in a state in which we cannot protect our interests 1 I quite agree that if we did anything like abandoning the Mediterranean you could not make our position there a secure one by any skilful diplomacy or foreign policy. On the other hand, it certainly is not necessary that we should keep a force in the Mediterranean which is to be able at all moments to hold its own against all the other fleets which may be there. But I admit, if we abandon the Mediterranean altogether, though at present we have no prospect of any quarrel with the Powers in the Mediterranean, and though I do not think there is a single Power in the Mediterranean at this moment which is contemplating in its own mind hostile or prejudicial designs against us, there would be a tendency for us to be left out of account, to slip out of account, and, do what you might in foreign policy, the diplomatic situation would harden against you. Therefore, I admit, that we want to keep a sufficient naval force available for use in the Mediterranean at any moment to count as one of the Mediterranean Naval Powers. I cannot go into the question of exactly what that would require, but we ought to count as one of the Mediterranean Naval Powers by a force which is available for use in the Mediterranean at any moment. Of course,
that leaves out of account what force in an emergency you might be able to put into the Mediterranean from other places. I want to make that point clear. To count as one of the Mediterranean naval Powers you must have some respectable force in the Mediterranean which is available for use at any time. Further than that, I do not think I can take it to-night, but, anyhow, that may serve as the preface to the Debate which is to come, either on the Committee of Defence Vote or the Naval Vote, on the Mediterranean question.
I think I have been over really all the points which were raised. I do not want to go into large questions of general foreign policy unnecessarily. I would only like to repeat generally what I have said before, that our foreign policy remains unchanged. The starting point of any new development in European foreign policy is the maintenance of our friendship with France and Russia. Taking that as our starting point, let us have the best possible relations with other countries, and when we see either France or Russia coming to an agreement with another great European Power and being on good terms with it, as was emphasised by the meeting between the Russian and German Emperors the other day, we have every reason to congratulate ourselves. We are perfectly convinced that France and Russia are as desirous of friendship with us as we are desirous of friendship with them. Nothing which takes place on occasions such as the meeting in the Baltic the other day is going to take place to our disadvantage, and, just as anything that makes difficulties between France and Germany or between Russia and Germany is going to exercise a disturbing influence upon diplomatic relations between ourselves and Germany, so anything which removes difficulties out of the path between France and Germany or between Germany and Russia, as the Morocco settlement did last year, and as the conversation between Russia and Germany may have done at Potsdam or in the Baltic, that smooths the path of the relations between us and Germany too. There was a very significant statement in an official communiqué published after the meeting of the Russian and German Emperors the other day, which contained this sentence:— groups they need not necessarily be in opposing diplomatic camps. Our relations with the German Government at present are excellent. We are perfectly frank with each other about all questions of mutual interest, and I believe that when questions come up, whether they be, for instance, in connection with our respective interests in South Africa or whether they be in connection eventually with the Baghdad Railway, both Governments are convinced that their mutual interests can be perfectly reconciled. I conclude by saying that whatever separate diplomatic groups there are, as has been recognised in the official communiqué which I read, I do not think that ought to prevent frankness and exchange of views when questions of mutual interest arise, and if that takes place separate diplomatic groups need not necessarily be in opposing diplomatic camps.
After the exhaustive and interesting speech we have just heard, there is little that anyone else can say, but I should like to say one or two words connected with Persia. I cannot agree with the hon. Member for Central Bradford that all danger to us regarding the arms traffic in Muscat has been removed. We are burdened with a large annual expenditure in keeping up our Naval brigade there, and I can see no prospect at present of it being reduced. I should like to endorse what was said by my Noble Friend (Earl of Ronaldshay) as to what I may call the extreme lukewarmness which has been shown towards us for many years by our French friends in all the difficulties we have had in Muscat, and to express my wonder that, with all the rest of Europe willing to help us in this matter, they should be the one Power to stand in our way. I am astonished, too, at the lukewarmness on the part of Russia to recognise the strength of our commercial interests in Southern Persia. I cannot join in what was said by the hon. Member (Mr. Dillon) in his panegyric of the present Government of Persia. Let us think for a moment what the real state of Persia is under the present Nationalist Government. We see in Persia dishonesty and official corruption prevailing on every side and worse now than when it came in. The central Government—the Nationalist Government—is especially corrupt. Cabinet changes are continuous and men succeed one another, but the same type of man continually seems to be reproduced, and the possession of power under this Nationalist Government seems to bring temptation, and one after another these Ministers seem to fall in the same way as their predecessors have fallen before them. The situation in Persia now is that there is no money to carry on the Government with and no money can be procured for the Government, except by foreign loans. At present, so far as I hear from Persia, there is hardly any money whatever coming into the central Treasury. Whatever taxes are collected are eaten up by the Provincial Governments, and if money was to be received by a foreign loan it would also be eaten up by the central Government, unless the expenditure of the money was to be administered under foreign supervision. Persia at present, it must be acknowledged by all, cannot stand alone. Persian independence in that respect is a myth and a fiction, and unless Persia is helped and controlled by her neighbours she must go to pieces. If it were not for Russia and England Persia would have gone to pieces long ago.
I well remember years ago, when I was in camp on the Persian and Afghan frontier, talking one night with the Afghan Guards around me, and I remember the Afghans telling me instances of the arrogance on the part of the Persian frontier officials, and there is no official in the world who can be so arrogant as the Persian official when the safety of his own skin is not concerned. I remember one man in particular winding up by saying, "if it was not for you and the Russians we would take the whole place to-morrow;" and there is not the slightest doubt about it, that if they so willed they could and would take Persia to-morrow. If it were not for England and for Russias Persia at this moment would be over-run by the Afghans from the East and by the Turks from the West. Only the other day we had the Persians appealing to us to help them against some raid or irruption of Afghans on the East, and, as we all know, the Russian Government has had to move its troops up into the North-West to help the Persians to make a stand against an irruption of Turkish troops in that part of the country. Persia cannot stand alone and there is nothing on earth but the Anglo-Russian Agreement which will save Persia from coming to pieces at any moment. So helpless is she at present that we see that the Persian Regent after a two years' struggle against the prevailing corruption and dishonesty has given it up in despair and left the country. There is practically at present no Persian Government worth the name. Russia is in a position to maintain order in the North, and in the North of Persia we see order and quiet maintained. Russian trade is good. The Russian Bank in the North is doing good business, and the Persian merchants are well pleased with a state of things which affords them security and protection.
Then see what the contrast is in the South. The British Government there is not in a position to maintain order, and trade is almost at a standstill. No caravans of goods can be got up the country from the Gulf ports except by payment of enormous blackmail. British merchants, and Indian and Persian merchants as well, have been all more or less ruined. British interests, I am sorry to say, in Southern Persia, have steadily declined. The inability of the' British Government, as the right hon. Gentleman told us, to check the prevailing disorder contrasts most unfavourably with the order maintained in the North. It is true that we have sent 300 or 400 Indian Cavalry to Persia, but they are divided up and are powerless to act. Their presence, instead of doing any real good in the country, tends to irritate the forces of disorder and to produce complications. There is only one logical conclusion we can arrive at, and it is that these Indian Cavalry should either be strengthened or withdrawn altogether. Our interests in the Persian Gulf are bound up with British trade, and British trade depends upon the safety of the trade routes from the Gulf ports to Ispahan, and other commercial centres. The first necessity I think is to try to get the concession for the Karun Valley Railway to Khuramabad which will serve the fertile districts of that part of Persia. I do not know when the Persian Government will be in a position to give that concession. I do hope the right hon. Gentleman will press for it being given soon. We are told, and I understand it is the case, that Russia has obtained a concession for the extension of her railway in the North from Julfa to Tabriz. I think if Russia has obtained a concession for that railway, we are entitled to a concession for our much needed railway through the Karun Valley. I was very glad to hear what the right hon. Gentleman told us about this line being a British and not an international line. I trust that the concession will be granted, and that it will be carried out by a British company throughout the entire Karun Valley up to the limit of the Russian zone.
We ought to make arrangements for the safety of the trade routes from the Gulf ports to Ispahan, Yezd and Kirman. Russia has officially recognised our Gulf interests. Those Gulf interests rest on the trade routes, and it rests with us to maintain those routes. The Customs Duties of the Gulf ports are hypothecated for a British loan to Persia, and I want to know how anything is to be realised from these Customs Duties unless we protect the trade. Swedish officers are raising a gendarmerie to protect the routes, but that Force numbers only a few men. As a matter of fact, I believe the desertions outnumber the enlistments, and I see no prospect of that force giving any real protection within a reasonable time. I noticed from a telegram in the newspapers the other day that the Persian Government had agreed to a proposal made by the Russian Government for the establishment of a new Cossack Brigade at Tabriz, under Russian officers and noncommissioned officers. I cannot help asking the right hon. Gentleman why we should not equally ask the Persian Government to agree to the establishment of a new Persian brigade at Isaphan, under British officers, for the protection of life and property in the South. I do not know whether the right hon. Gentleman has had his attention drawn to a very pithy letter written to the "Indian Pioneer Mail" of 14th June, by an Indian Mahomedan just returned to India. He states that he was robbed in Persia of everything he possessed, not by ordinary robbers, but by Persian police guards, whose duty it was to keep the roads safe from robbers. When he said he was a British subject he was laughed at and told that the British did not dare do anything to protect either the lives or property of their subjects. He ended his letter by saying that he would like to see these insolent braggarts of Persians get the punishment they deserve, and that Indian subjects and Indian sepoys, sent out to Persia by the British Government, should feel that they are the subjects of a Power which is not afraid to look after its own people. I think that is a feeling which may be rapidly aroused among Indian Mahomedans and others throughout the East.
It is not only the feelings of our Indian subjects though that we have to consider. We have on our hands the Indian telegraphs, on which so much of the communication between London and India depends. The main Indo-European Telegraph line—one of the main lines of communication between England and the East—runs through Persia, and the information received a month or so ago indicated that the line between Bushire, Shiraz, and Ispahan was being constantly cut. I think, therefore, if we are to take up the duty of protecting routes, and it must fall on us to do so, it is all the more necessary for us to follow the Russian plan of having Persians enlisted under British officers to maintain order in the South, just as the Russians are doing with the Persian Cossacks under Russian officers in the North. I trust that the right hon. Gentleman will take this question into consideration, because he has told us that he is not going to send troops into Persia. I do not think any one of us desires that he should send a large body of troops into Persia, but I hold that to maintain Cavalry in Persia who are not able to go out into the country is to expose our weakness. I would suggest that instead of these Cavalry being used, as they now are in Persia as Consular guards, Infantry should be sent to take their place and that the Persian Government should enable us in the South, just as Russia has been enabled in the North, to take measures for the raising of levies to protect the trade routes. That is the only alternative I can see. I do think we can do a great deal to protect our interests if we come to an arrangement with the Persian Government whereby we shall be enabled to enlist Persians under British officers to maintain order on the routes which are of so much importance to us. The Persian Government is powerless to give any reparation in respect of our losses. The tribal chiefs will never surrender their men, and the Indian Cavalry are not strong enough to exact reparation from them. I think the keeping of those troops there is useless and a waste of material. We are neither helping the Persian Government nor ourselves. I trust this matter will be carefully considered by the right hon. Gentleman with the view of seeing whether anything can be done by Persian levies to reduce Southern Persia to a better state than it is in at present.
I will now say one or two words on the subject of the Trans-Persian Railway which has been already referred to The hon. Member for Stirling when he first spoke said that this railway should not be constructed without the consent of Persia, but I must say I think that there is nothing which will benefit Persia so much as the construction of the proposed line. The construction of some line of railway is the only chance that I can see of Persia being able to retain her hold on her own people. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether his attention has been drawn to the representations made through the Government of India by the Karachi Chamber of Commerce that the break of gauge between the Russian and Indian railways should not be allowed to occur at any point south of the Russian sphere of influence. They have also asked that the line should be constructed in the straightest possible manner from Pasni to Teheran, through Kej, Bampur, Kirman, Yezd and Ispahan. I have spoken to many Russian friends on the subject, and they have always tried to impress on me that they should have the construction of the railway right down to the port of Charbar, which they have set their hearts upon, on the Persian Gulf. We all acknowledge that to bring the Russian line right down to the Persian Gulf would cut all British commerce out of Southern Persia altogether. The break of gauge would occur between Karachi and the commercial centres of Southern Persia, and there would be transhipment of goods, which means much loss, expense and delay.
British goods must have a clear run up to the commercial centres in Persia if they are to stand an equal chance with Russia. The great point with Russia is to have a port on the Persian Gulf. Russia has her terminal Port at the northern end, at Batoum, and Russia will not allow any other terminus in the North except her own. Proposals have been made to have a terminus at the Port of Trebizond, in Turkey, and they have absolutely objected. We, on our side, equally object to having the southern terminal Port in any other territory but our own. For that reason we have a right to claim that Pasni, in our territory, would be a very good terminus, and that the English would have the making of the railway from Karachi to Pasni and on to the point of junction with the Russian railway at Ispahan. If the Russians were allowed to bring their railway south of Ispahan it would mean that in all Southern Persia south of the Russian zone no English firm could have any contract for anything required by the line, and England would be cut out entirely. Looking to the interest of our own traders and manufacturers, we should make a great stand on this point, and have it plainly understood that we shall not be prepared to enter upon the construction of this line unless it is acknowledged that we have the right to construct our own railway from the South up to the beginning of the Russian sphere, and that the Russian line shall not be permitted to come below that point. If that is done a great deal of misapprehension in the minds of Russian gentlemen connected with the project would be removed. To allow Russian railways to be brought down to any port on the Persian Gulf would be to do what was referred to by a great Statesman who said that the Government or Minister who permitted the acquisition of a port on the Persian Gulf by any European Power would be a traitor to his country, or words to that effect. To make it quite clear that it is only on the terms of equality of treatment for our commerce that we can enter into the matter at all would remove apprehensions from the minds of a great many people.
9.0 P.M.
I wish to call attention for a moment to the Turkish question. Things have not been going so well as most people expected four years ago, and opinion is still divided as to whether reform is to come from within or without. If reform is to come from within there is one obstacle to its progress. That is the rivalry which still prevails between the British and German embassies, between the two groups or camps into which Europe is divided. Let us realise that that is a feature which has exercised a very hampering influence on progress in Turkey. But if reform is not to be accomplished by Turkey from within, if it is to come from without, how is it to be brought about by the "Dual Control"—by the two Powers, Austria and Russia? If we look to them, how are they to effect any work except preserve the status quo. Their cooperation is one which is weakened by the great European feud which makes them ineffective. If reform is to be imposed from without, from the small Powers, as some hope, there is again this disastrous rivalry which blocks the way. There is only one small Power which could cut the Balkan knot; that is Bulgaria. The late Lord Percy, whose loss will be so long felt, used to be a great admirer of Bulgaria, and used to think that none of those small Powers were of much account, except those who had waged a successful war. Bulgaria is such a power, and is the only one which could cut the knot, but how can Bulgaria move while this division in Europe persists? Even if she makes up her divisions with Greece and Servia she cannot move because at her back is a hostile Roumania. Roumania is hostile because she has attached herself to Austria, and we all know that Austria would not move without Germany. Thus we come up against an absolute impasse, so that the action of the concert of European Powers as a whole is paralysed at the heart.
There are one or two other questions of importance as to which I hope the Foreign Secretary will give us information. The Foreign Office is occupied in the main, let us say, with political, by which I mean strategical interests, and with trade interests, and the preservation of good international relations. The Foreign Office is also occupied with the defence or promotion of the interests of nationalities. That is one of its historic tasks, and it spends a good deal of time and effort also on questions which are only questions of humanity. There are two such subjects which are urgent to-day, and which frequently have been the subject of questions in the House and deputations from time to time. One is the condition of the indentured labourers, or as some call them the slaves, in the Portuguese island colonies of South-West Africa. The cause of the San Thomé labourers is one on which I hope the right hon. Gentleman will give us some reassuring news, because it is a subject which is beginning to take the place formerly occupied by the Congo question in what is called the Nonconformist conscience, though it is by no means confined to Nonconformists, and its supporters include the Archbishop of Canterbury. The question of the San Thomé labourers is one which involves very great difficulty because of an ancient treaty, but the growing feeling that to maintain unimpaired and without vigorous protest the extremely friendly and mutual helpful relations which have existed so long between this country and Portugal is not very appropriate at this moment when great uneasiness prevails in regard to the very reactionary and backward state of things maintained by the Portuguese Government. They have difficulties which perhaps might be relieved by some more vigorous signs of interest on the part of their chief friends and allies. If this country is so friendly with Portugal, there is an opportunity for greasing the wheels. Perhaps the solution which will ultimately be most popular is the purchase of the Portuguese colonies in South-West Africa by Germany. If we are friendly with that Power, we have then the means to accelerate the pace and to oil the wheels. Let us hope that our relations will be of such a friendly character that we can help on that process, because it would remove anxiety which is keenly felt in this country. There is another matter on which I hope the Foreign Secretary will have something to say, because he has recently promised the publication of Reports—I refer to the matter of the Indians on the Upper Amazon, which again is exercising the minds of a large number of people. There has been very long delay in publishing the Reports which were made by Sir Roger Casement. Sacrifices are worth making for our friends who dislike their publication, but there is a limit to the sacrifice of our principles and of our normal duties which are involved in considering their feelings, and we would very generally welcome a statement from the Foreign Secretary that the Reports will be published at an early date. Here, again, the German Government might take a part in the solution of questions such as this question of the Indians in South America. Whatever solution may be possible in that way would be accelerated by better relations between ourselves and Germany.
Underlying these questions and the Persian question, which have occupied most of the time to-day, there is the great feud which blocks progress in so many ways. It is like an incubus on the progress of the world, and if it is not settled, then to talk of the Persian question and these other questions is almost like Nero fiddling while Rome is burning, or it might be compared to try to make a watch go though the spring is broken.
As to the German question, everybody has been glad to hear the Foreign Secretary use much more hopeful words to-day than have been heard for a long time past. But it is the business of this House to voice opinions of different kinds which are held in the country. I believe that outside there is more interest in foreign affairs than inside. There is widely prevailing a feeling of uneasiness with regard to the Anglo-German situation, which perhaps the Foreign Secretary will be able further to reassure us upon.
The situation is such that he may be able to say more hopeful things than he had time to say just now, but we know that a year ago it was possible to make reassuring statements, and yet very strained and critical times intervened not long after. We also know that the irritation prevailing in Germany has not been removed, and that people in very high quarters still entertain what to our mind are misapprehensions, and which cause very unfortunate and very unfriendly feelings. On this fundamental question the Foreign Secretary has, I think, the general support of the Opposition in the general outlines of his policy, but it is true that on the spirit and method in which that policy is carried out the country is not so wholly agreed as would be indicated by this House alone. Last autumn a memorial was widely signed—it was signed by a large number of Members—and presented to the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary, indicating in effect their dissatisfaction with the diplomacy of last year. That was not signed by Liberals alone, it was signed by a great many Conservatives as well. Indeed, we had a remarkable utterance from the Leader of the Oppositon himself, who said, that if there should be war it would be due not to inevitable factors, but to the want of human wisdom.
We can hardly suppose that he referred entirely to the wisdom of other States. We must conclude that if disaster occurred from want of wisdom in the world, some small portion at least of that failure to be wise would be on our part. His utterance, however, was an indication of the fact that anxiety was not at all confined to one party, but was a very widely prevalent one. It is not at all pleasant for any of us to criticise the action of the Foreign Office, particularly from this side of the House; neither is it at all pleasant for us to read in Liberal journals extremely drastic criticisms of the policy of the Foreign Secretary; but I think they are incidents which must be taken into account, and which do indicate that the feeling among the public is such as ought to be faced by this House. In my view it may be exaggerated, but is not wholly unjustified. It is not from mere cussedness that Liberal journals and Liberal politicians say things of that kind. They do not say them about other Departments. They have no desire to say them; but there is uneasiness which they feel it their duty to express.
Let us hope, as the Foreign Secretary said just now, that there is a general improvement in this matter of England and Germany. The papers have not been publisehd as to the negotiations of last year, presumably on the ground that the danger of strained relations has passed; but the incomplete nature of this hope is reflected in the price of British and German stocks. It was stated the other day in the "Statist" that German and English Government stocks stand at a lower figure than those of most European States. The dissatisfaction expressed last year at the strained condition into which Anglo-German relations were allowed to drift is not so widely expressed to-day, but I am afraid that the silence does not imply a complete return to confidence.
Let us for a moment review the objects which all will admit the Foreign Secretary has in view in this matter. First, we may say it is to keep to the lowest point the Naval Estimates necessitated by those of other Powers; secondly, it is to restore correct relations with Germany; thirdly, we may say it is to place the Anglo-French entente on its correct footing; and, fourthly, it is to satisfy the feeling of this country as to what policy meets with the widest approval. I do not refer to the idealistic motives which attract some few people. I freely admit that the nation at large does not agree to take national security on trust at all. I am not opposing the French entente, by no means, but personally I must admit that I myself cannot agree with those who would rely on any security less material than adequate naval superiority. Let us confine ourselves entirely to the aims which are incontrovertibly held by the whole country, and exclude, by all means, complaints against the motives of the diplomacy of last year, the much-debated negotiations of last July, and the tactics adopted in the Chancellor of the Exchequer's speech, and confine ourselves to the uncontroverted aims of the Foreign Office. In doing so it is worth while to consider whether the public do not really now desire that some more vigorous attempt should be made to show better results, and whether it is quite satisfied that the general wishes are being expressed in diplomacy. I think I may say, and in this we shall all agree, that our success in achieving those avowed ends should be decided by actual facts. That surely is a fair test. All this anxiety on the part of the public may or may not be inside the mark. Things may be entirely re-established, but the public and the House are only able to judge by what has happened in the past, and the rather distant past. We have no information, even in detail, of what happened last summer, and we do not know the present situation at all. I only wish to express an opinion widely held by the public, who judge by the events of recent times.
In regard to the Fleet, can it be said in this matter of Naval Estimates that the Foreign Office has met with success? We were officially assured not so long ago that the reduction of Naval Estimates would soon become possible. The Moroccan problem coming up last year made it naturally the aim of the Foreign Office to get the tangle officially unravelled without such an increase of friction as would lead to an enlarged German naval programme. In other words, the problem was to avoid supplying the German Navy League with the material which it wanted, and particularly wanted, for the recent election. Can it be said that we succeeded in this? It appears to me, on the contrary, that no one gained more by the events of last year than the German Navy League, and no one secured more value than German Chauvinists. Whether events could have been guided more successfully or not our failure to avoid an increase is an ascertained fact. I am not disputing the need of keeping ahead, and I think the First Lord's statement of a definite ratio is not at all resented in Germany, especially when expressed in restrained language, but it emphasises the loss we sustain by the mutual increase of armaments, which yield not in the end any more security but rather less, because irritation is increased on both sides.
Another avowed aim, my hon. Friends will agree, is to improve relations. If we have succeeded, why are there no signs? Why have Royal visits been postponed? There is an uneasiness which ought to be realised by the Government. I think a very considerable section of the public feel that efforts towards friendlier relations are not as whole-hearted as they might be, and that a policy of friendship has not been vigorously tried. The Prime Minister at the Lord Mayor's banquet last autumn made a very remarkable reference to what he called "the legitimate aspirations of Germany." He said that those were aspirations which we desired to recognise and not to stand in the way of. Those aspirations include, among other things, the Colonial question, and the public naturally ask themselves: Has every opportunity been taken to recognise those aspirations in recent history?
There are certain opportunities. An opportunity arose over Morocco. Where else is the Colonial question likely to eventuate? There are questions discussed as to Portuguese Colonies and Zanzibar; there are even talks about South America, and there is the question of the Dutch Colonies, and possibly a question on China. In some of those our own Government has a very large share of influence; in fact, the chief control. The greatest item on the list was the Moroccan question, and it is supposed by a great many people that more advantage might have been taken of the Moroccan question to meet in some degree those Colonial aspirations to which the Prime Minister referred. I mean in this way. Compensation, it is generally admitted, was due upon the solution of the old Moroccan tangle. The question of the degree and extent of the compensation was vital. In the end the compensation derived from the Moroccan solution was not very large. It did not amount to any very great acquisition to the German Colonial claim. From the German point of view the whole history of our negotiations from 1904 to 1911 amounted to an apparent attempt to isolate Germany, and I think it may fairly be said, to deprive her of the compensation which was naturally due from an arrangement affecting Morocco and Egypt by which those two countries went respectively to two other Powers. The Prime Minister's declaration also implied that we should regard in a broad light Germany's claim to consideration as one of the "Cabinet of great Powers," which, by the way, was a phrase in the notorious speech of the Chancellor of the Exchequer-the Cabinet of Nations, of which we claim to be one. To take a broad view of Germany's claim to an equal position in that Cabinet would have led to a rather different attitude towards Germany. It is one of the great traditions of British foreign action to stand for legality in the sight of the world. But nobody doubts that last year we condoned on the part of the French Government action in Morocco which was not strictly in accordance with the Algeciras Treaty. We were not by any means upholding legality when we overlooked the march to Fez. No doubt we deprecated it, but once it was an accomplished fact our policy might almost be described as "The French, right or wrong." We did not, at all events, in the sight of disinterested Powers, appear to be standing for legality as we have traditionally done in the past.
That is not exactly in accord with the view implied in the Prime Minister's statement. I know the answer given by the Foreign Secretary in his speech on 27th November last was that there was a danger in the end of France being thrown into the orbit of German diplomacy. But that comes strangely from one who has been the most notorious apostle of the idea of peace, the present Foreign Secretary. it was hardly the way to hasten the better time of the cosmopolitan police which he sketched out in his famous arbitration speech. It was hardly consonant with that view to curtail Germany's claim to equal treatment, because she might attempt to create what is called an orbit—in other words, might conspire to isolate us, as undoubtedly to the German mind it appears that we have done in past years to isolate her. I only point to the fact that we have not removed the friction. We have not been successful in convincing the German mind that our action was strictly in accord with legality and with loyalty to treaty obligations. I think no apology is needed for raising this question, because we want to think that the whole matter is over. But, unhappily, it is not over so long as friction remains in the minds of responsible and important people in Germany. The excuse for our methods last year was that for a period of seventeen days we did not receive an answer from the German Government, and that the claim made by the German Government upon the French Government was, as the Foreign Secretary described it, obviously impossible to grant. On these two points steps have not been taken to convince German opinion. Many of us on both sides held that the publication of the correspondence would be very valuable, and might do a great deal to remove these misunderstandings. Because such, no doubt, they are. But we are not in a position to say so, and certainly we cannot expect the German people to understand that it is so. These misunderstandings might be removed.
9.0 P.M.
One other generally admitted aim of our diplomacy is to regulate the Anglo-French entente and to assuage the rivalry which certainly exists between France and Germany. We have often heard that nothing would please us better than that rivalry should be diminished. There are utterances on the part of responsible French reviews which are by no means in accord with that desire. There are many utterances such that if they came from a German source would cause us great alarm, and would certainly afford great satisfaction to writers in the "National Review" and people of that sort. An instance of this tone in the French Press lately occurred in the "Nouvelle Revue," one of the most prominent Paris journals, in January last, as follows:— entente is not always consonant with the opinion held in France. It is just as well for us to realise that the policy in which we assisted France last year is certainly regarded as marking a great triumph for the French Colonial party. I have acquaintances among French officials, and I would like to indicate to my hon. Friends a view which is largely held by officials in France. An influential French official view was that last year England, when the Agadir incident occurred, should have said to Germany, "We quite understand that a readjustment of the Algeciras Act has become necessary. The French march on Fez has, of course, profoundly altered the status quo. You are quite within your rights in asking France either to revert to the Algeciras arrangements or to give you territorial compensation. But the Foreign Office acted as if France could do no wrong if she tried. We French officials criticised our own Government much more severely than the Foreign Office did, and never ceased to point out at Paris that, if the French Colonial party was allowed to get the upper hand, as indeed, happened, there must be trouble." That is a French view and not an irresponsible one. I think that also is in accord with an anxiety felt by the public here lest the Foreign Office may have leaned too strongly towards the French side, and towards the French Colonial party who obtained the upper hand, and that this is a tendency which may with advantage be watched more carefully.
Another avowed aim is to follow public opinion. It is avowed by writers upon principles of diplomacy that it is the business of the Government to express in policy the trend of national aims. Certainly it is sound doctrine that the Foreign Secretary is not entitled to pursue ideals. He is a trustee for views with which he may not agree. We are concerned to emphasise that principle, but to insist that in acting as a trustee of public opinion it is essential that public opinion should be rightly and justly interpreted. There were many indications last autumn—they have ceased now only because events have not occurred upon which comment could be made—of grave uneasiness; there were meetings of political associations; there was a great demonstration at the association meeting at Bath. There is also the odd fact that almost the whole of the Press of one party has displayed grave distrust with the methods, though not the outlines, of the policy being pursued. Whether the Cabinet itself was unanimous on the methods employed may be open to doubt. We at least may safely say that there is a feeling abroad-of great distrust and dissatisfaction at what happened last year. I, and doubtless others who have written on the subject, in various parts of the House, have received letters in large numbers from people whose official position, both civil and military, prevents them from expressing their views, indicating dissatisfaction with the policy and desire that it should be modified.
We can hardly suppose that there is no bias, no anti-German feeling, in quarters which are influential, because precisely similar feeling prevailed at one time towards France and another time towards Russia; a feeling which to-day is generally recognised to have been mistaken and to have been grossly exaggerated at the time. In a similar way, if this is a question of ascendancy, of holding the first place in Europe, of individual superiority in Europe, then this is a danger which has led us into trouble in the past, sometimes with France and sometimes with Russia. A great many people who sup ported the policy which led to the Boer war are now of opinion that that war was not unavoidable, and that the policy was mistaken. All at least would admit there were fears, certainly there were expectations of early successes which were not justified by the conflict. Was the Boer war necessary at the time? On that, widely different opinions are held, and opinions are to a great extent changed. [An HON. MEMBER: "NO."] It is possible at all events—
I do not see where the Boer war arises on this question.
I will not pursue it, but bow to your ruling. The spirit which prompted that war, in the opinion of many, at all events on this side of the House, is the spirit which is concerned in the present question of Anglo-German relations. It is possible that even experts may depart a little from the course of unbiassed reason, and it is only unbiassed and impartial reasonableness which saves nations from conflict. If a conflict arose, such as the Leader of the Opposition said might arise, from want of human wisdom, it would be a conflict among the least of whose results would be the extinction of the Government whose policy led up to it, for an indefinite time.
It was encouraging to hear from the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs just now that to know where Teheran is is something of a qualification for speaking on foreign affairs. But I as one who has also lived at Teheran, and has had a very close official acquaintance for twenty years with Persian affairs, feel almost disqualified to address the Committee. At any rate my disqualification, such as it is, caused me to support with indignation and impatience the speech of the hon. Gentleman the Member for Mayo (Mr. Dillon), who without any knowledge of the country, the people, language, or subject, with all the valour of ignorance, addressed the Committee in a speech in which he concealed or suppressed, if he knew them, every fact to the credit and advantage of Russia, and put forward every fact with which he is filled by those so-called Nationalists—I do not know why they allocate to themselves that title—whom he represents. Had he been desirous of representing matters fairly to the Committee he might have represented that it was solely owing to the forbearance of Russia at Tabriz that the Nationalists were able to defeat the Shah; that it was solely owing to their forbearance not to allow the Cossack regiment to fight—for one Cossack regiment can put to flight the whole of the forces of the Nationalists—that the Medjliss were able to get into power—the Medjliss which has made the country, the country which I knew under the absolute Monarchy safe and comfortable, into an absolute welter of disorder, assassination, chaos, and everything which is discreditable to Government. It seems to me a painful thing that a fluent and glib speech of that character should be made which completely misrepresented every circumstance. I really hesitate very much to go into Persian affairs again, but I hope that the Under-Secretary if he is taking notes for the information of his chief, will say on my behalf that, much as I admire the conduct of foreign affairs by the right hon. Gentleman. I should think it still more efficient if he will endeavour to discourage the questions put to him which are based upon a kind of assumption that Russia is a tyrannical Power, and wants to eat up Northern Persia and destroy that pet lamb of the Parliamentarians, the Medjliss, which, in point of fact, owed its very existence to the forbearance of Russia far more than to ourselves, though we too have had our share in forming it and producing that caricature of Parliamentary Government with which some people are pleased on account of its being called a Parliament. It is like that other blessed word Mesopotamia which covers every inefficiency and evil and instability in the circumstances of the country which can possibly be imagined. If the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary of State speaks again I should like to ask what he meant-I think he meant everything extremely fair and well-but I should like to ask him what he meant by saying that Russia had an idea of trade in the Trans-Persian Bail-way. I hardly believe that he could contemplate that she would make any trade out of the Trans-Persian Railway. It is perfectly notorious that Moscow and not St. Petersburg is the commerical capital of Russia, and it is known that the construction of this railway is regarded there with the greatest apprehension, and that they regard it as what it is, purely a strategic line. I wish to refer to one other matter dealt with by the Foreign Secretary, because I do not think he was altogether appreciative of the point made by my hon. Friend the Member for Warwickshire. He rather casts, I will not say ridicule, but pleasantry at any rate, over the idea that my hon. Friend wanted to keep up the Fleet in all parts of the world and in the Mediterranean to top strength. I do not think my hon. Friend said that; but he regretted that at a time when Germany is going in, we should be coming out, of the Mediterranean. I did regret to hear the right hon. Gentleman say that he thought it sufficient for his part that Great Britain should be one of the Powers in the Mediterranean. I certainly hope that no Government in this country will be satisfied that Britain should be anything else but the chief naval Power in the Mediterranean, and I believe any other policy will lead to the fulfilment of the prophecy of Admiral Mahan, who said that with the disappearance of Britain from the Mediterranean she would cease to be a first-class Power.
The hon. Member who has just sat down referred to the labour conditions in the island of San Thomé and Principé. I wish to refer to that matter with an exactly opposite object. I wish to ask whether the Foreign Secretary has seen a letter from the First Secretary of the Colonial Office in Lisbon, who I take it might fairly be regarded as the representative of a friendly Power and who might be regarded to some extent as responsible in these matters. He deals with the assumption that slavery is rife in these Portuguese islands. He gives figures with which I need not trouble the Committee, but he gives many facts and his object is to show that the Portuguese Government are not indifferent to the sufferings, if there are sufferings, of indentured labour in these islands. He shows there is proper protection for coolies, and he shows that the planters are kindly, just, and generous employers of labour. From a lifelong association with them, I heartily subscribe to that, and I am not prepared to believe that in these islands the natives are worse off than in other islands. It is a matter which should be investigated, I submit, by the Foreign Office, so that if these Portuguese officials make false statements let them be responsible. Let facts be investigated and let the Government Front Bench not accept questions which proceed upon the basis that our allies are inhuman and indifferent to the sufferings of others; but let the matter be put to the test by making inquiry. The only answer I have seen is a letter from some anti-slavery protection society flatly contradicting everything stated by this responsible official, and ending in what I regard as a very offensive manner to a friendly Power. I do not know what acquaintance the gentleman who writes this letter has with the Portuguese Government and officials, but I say, as one who is in continual contact with them, that I believe them to be as capable, courteous, and humane as their Government is friendly to ours. I think it would be becoming of this House and of hon. Members not to assume that other Powers are in any way inferior to ourselves until they have proper proofs, which I do not think myself they will ever get. I submit that the condition in these islands is a subject which might very well engage the attention of the Foreign Office. Behind the hon. Member for Norfolk opposite sits an hon. Member who urges the Foreign Office to brandish the sword in the face of Italy and Turkey, and who asks us to see to the protection of other countries regardless of whether we have any such power or not. There is another hon. Gentleman opposite who engages in an agitation that the officials of another friendly Power are inhuman and tyrannical and unjust.
If the hon. Gentleman refers to me, he is absolutely misrepresenting what I said.
And if the hon. Gentleman refers to me, I do not recognise his description.
I daresay the hon. Gentleman does not see himself as others see him.
I do not see in the Estimates any reference to the salaries of these hon. Gentlemen.
I wish to point out in regard to this case that it is the habitual practice to refer to what other hon. Gentlemen have said, and I wish that the Foreign Secretary, who is always capable as I know him to be, and strongly as I approve of the work of his Department, I think it would still be more satisfactory to this House if he would not have questions and subjects placed before him upon the assumption that other nations are less humane, less just and generous than ours, and if he would flatly discourage such conduct and give it no sort of countenance. If the right hon. Gentleman would do that he would give more satisfaction to me, and I would fain hope there are others who regard the matters in the same light.
Perhaps the hon. Gentleman will explain what his reference to me was.
We are discussing the salary of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and not the salaries of hon. Members from either side of the House.
No, Sir, but are not the subjects which are brought before the Committee by hon. Members in a certain fashion which I submit to the Committee is unpleasing to foreign Powers, and therefore calculated to diminish our proper influence in Europe, not proper subjects to bring up on the Foreign Office Vote? I put that to you, Sir, as a point of Order.
Those are subjects for discussion on a number of occasions, but not on th1s.
I confess that I thought it was, but I am anxious not to go over the Persian question again. I am bound to point out, because there is no one else here who is going to represent the case, that there is no nation which has been so grossly misrepresented as Russia has been to-night by the hon. Member for East Mayo. When the hon. Member talks of Russia beheading the Nationalists at Tabriz, may I point out that this action was taken after Russian subjects had been cruelly murdered and mutilated, as was alleged, by those who are called Nationalists, and their action was naturally resented by the Russian people. Sir George Barclay reported to the Foreign Secretary:— the contrary. Another dispatch from Teheran says:— I take this opportunity of bringing this matter before the House for the reasons I have stated. I resent the assumption that the Belgians, like the Portuguese and the Russians, are without humanity, and only care to oppress and ill-treat those who have the misfortune to be under their jurisdiction. I ask the Under-Secretary to note this point regarding the Baghdad Railway, in which I have taken an interest for a good many years, because it is a question which has now come more within the bounds of practical politics. What I want to know is whether since the Gulf section was abandoned by the German Concessionaries and the new arrangement was foreshadowed by which the five Powers to deal with this last Gulf section, each Power, providing one-fifth of the capital, it is true that Turkey made counter proposals expressing a preference for the participation of four Powers and excluding Russia from participation. That has been stated, but I do not know whether it is true. If it is true, I should regret very much the exclusion of Russia, because Russia has purchased a right to participate in this matter, not only by her position in Asia Minor and in the East, but by the action she has taken in undertaking to construct a railway which will be linked up with this line to Baghdad. It was stated to-night that there was to be a further concession on the part of Turkey in order to provide funds for this purpose. The British nation, very unwisely, made a concession to Turkey some time ago in order that good government might be carried on in Macedonia, with the result that no more money was spent there but more was provided for kilometric guarantees.
I should like to say a word upon a subject which nobody has yet mentioned, and that is the position of the opium question in China, or rather not so much the opium question as the position of those Indian traders who have very large stocks, worth some £5,000,000 or £6,000,000, locked up in Treaty Ports. The arrangement made was, and the Indian Finance Member laid stress upon it in the Council, that China was to take certain action to stop the cultivation of the poppy, and India was to take corresponding action. The action of the one Power was to be dependent upon similar action taken by the other. It is absolutely notorious that China does not fulfil her part of the bargain, and the hon Gentleman in his reply to me admitted that the position is very serious. There is no dispute about the fact that the Chinese Government are wholly unable to enforce the suppression of the poppy in those provinces in which it chiefly grows. On the contrary, it is well known the poppy flourishes there. There is no prospect whatever of stopping the use of opium in China, and all that results from the present position is that those who use opium in China, instead of getting the best quality and the least injurious from India are using an inferior quality locally grown, while the unfortunate Indian taxpayer is going to be taxed to make up a deficiency in the annual revenue of some five millions, which out of altruistic motives, which are pressed upon the Government in this House only, is about to be relinquished. I do not wish to reopen the question of the principle. I do not expect to change that, but I do expect that until the Chinese Government can carry out their share of the bargain, the British-Indian Government shall not be called upon to carry out their share to the great detriment of British merchants engaged in the opium trade and of British-Indian taxpayers who will have to pay more for their salt, or be otherwise injuriously affected by this contract between the two Governments.
I have one more subject to which I must refer as I have taken an interest in it for a great many years. In a leading article the "Times" the other day, referring to a question I put to the right hon. Gentleman opposite, respecting the Trans-Persian Railway, said his reply was not entirely satisfactory. I venture to think that is the case. I asked him whether, as a result of communications with the military authorities in India we were to assume they had in point of fact approved of the Trans - Persian Railway. I understood from his silence rather than from what he said that is not the case. It is a matter of such very great importance that I should like him to mention it if he is going to reply. I should like him also to say whether the principle is conceded. Is the British Government committed in principle to the construction of this line, because I do not think that should be done until the whole matter has come before the House of Commons and until the opinions of the responsible military authorities, both in India and in England, are before us. It seems to me there is a danger that the principle is going to be quietly conceded, and against that I must certainly protest. It reverses the whole of our traditional policy. All tradition has now so far gone by the board that that may be excusable, but there are military and strategic objections. There is no commercial need for any such line. It is true Russia can make a line to Ispahan within her own sphere of influence. It is true we can make a line from the Persian Gulf northwards, though it is not so clear we can do that, because that is neutral zone and not our own zone; but it seems to me there is no reason why we should not wait and see if Russia is going to make this line to Ispahan. I think it is by no means certain that without British influence and British cash Russia will be in a position to do that, and I would urge that we should be in no hurry to come to terms, but should imitate that diplomatic delay which with great advantage has been exercised on a great many other occasions. The best railway route, if you have to take commercial considerations only, would without any shadow of doubt be to link up the Russian-Turkestan system with Herat. It may be we shall get the Ameer's consent to the Anglo-Russian Convention, and it may be those who urge there should be railway communication between India and Europe, will think that the best line from a commercial and also from a geographical point of view should be adopted, but at any rate it would be a great misfortune if we were committed to the other line to which for strategic reasons there must surely be the greatest objections. Those objections were stated very clearly and forcibly by the hon. Member for Hull (Mr. Mark Sykes) to-night.
We must remember that the position of the defence of India will be completely altered when once a line running east and west is constructed across Persia. We have to take into account in this matter our position as the chief owners of the Suez Canal. We have to remember the expense of the Army in India. I do not think it should be reduced by a man, and I sincerely hope it will not be reduced as the result of the Commission at present sitting; but I am prepared to admit it is a heavy charge on the Indian revenue, and I dread any action taken which under any circumstances may make it necessary to increase that charge. There was one great soldier, I believe he was the greatest who ever was, Napoleon, who always urged that there was no frontier in the world equal to a desert. We have that frontier now. Why should we, of all people, hasten to destroy that frontier by making a railway across it? I do hope this question will be perfectly open to discussion and deliberation, and that we may have the opinions of all the Indian and English military authorities fully before us before we are committed to any further action in that direction. I should like again to say that I should be pleased if the Foreign Secretary, whose conduct of business I for one respectfully and humbly approve, could discourage the treatment of all subjects in this House in a manner which implies that other nations are less humane, less just, and less generous than ourselves. If, whenever matters are represented to him in that light he would repudiate—I do not say he ever actually encourages it—but if he would actually repudiate the idea and say, "I will not deal with this subject unless it is first of all distinctly understood that Russians, Portuguese and others are just as brave, just as generous, and just as good as ourselves "—I believe, if he would do that, he would increase the hold on the country which he has established by what I, for one, freely admit to be his generally satisfactory conduct of foreign affairs.
I suppose we ought not to be surprised at finding in this House champions for every tyranny, who put forward excuses for every abuse. Wherever there is a weak race that is being oppressed, the oppressor may be quite sure he will find an apologist in the Member for East Nottinghamshire who has just spoken.
I am anxious to understand this matter for my future guidance. Is the remark of the hon. Gentleman of less personal application than those I was venturing to use when I was called to-order by you?
I called the hon. Member to order because he was discussing the conduct of another hon. Member, and not the Vote which was before the Committee, namely, the salary of the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs.
I hope I may have a chance of replying to the remarks of the hon. Member opposite.
That is not a point of Order.
I will come at once to the question of Portugal. We have a special responsibility for Portugal, an old ally and a friendly Power, and I hope the Foreign Secretary will not, in any sense, sustain the thinly-veiled slavery which we know from evidence, which I do not think is so flimsy as has been suggested, has been revealed. The hon. Member opposite considers the planters are kindly and generous. I should not be surprised if their kindly justice is enforced by the rhinocerous hide, and their generosity is generally shown by their landing the very small proportion of indentured labourers who go back to the mainland, in a penniless condition, on the margin of the coast, thousands of miles from their homes. I only venture to suggest that there is a great responsibility upon us which, I am sure, the Foreign Secretary will not overlook. I wish more especially to refer to the opium question and the position which it occupies at the present moment in China. A few days ago there appeared in the "Times" the following communication:— porary period when we are seeking to bring it to a close. The argument founded upon the poor Indian taxpayer has rather lost its force during the last year or two, seeing that a great surplus revenue, owing to the rise in the price of opium, has really given the Indian revenue almost as much in a year or two as was expected to be received during the whole ten years. The new agreement which was come to in May, 1911, recognises the sincerity of the Chinese Government and their pronounced success in diminishing the production of opium in China. Yet this very agreement was made an instrument for forcing into China, in advance of the instalments agreed upon, quantities of uncertified opium. Now again we are told that there are large stocks, and opium speculators apparently desire the British Government to back their speculations and put pressure upon the Chinese Government to enforce and encourage wholesale buying and to discourage the local authorities putting impediments in the way of retail trade and opium smoking. I trust that pressure from this quarter will not lead the Government to reverse its policy. Our declared object is to end the opium traffic from India to China, and I take it that every effort of the Chinese Government to stop smoking and retail trade should be looked upon as an act of good faith in support of our policy. We recognise their right to take measures to check the retail trade. The treaty contains the following paragraph: in any Province we undertake not to ask for its reintroduction. If we object to her closing her retail shops, how can she carry out her part of the agreement? It appears to me rather to savour of cant to come here and appear to be sorry for the poor Chinese opium smoking classes, because they have to smoke an inferior kind of opium. The superiority of Indian opium is held up here, and I suppose we are to go on encouraging this vice in order that this superior opium, which belongs to British merchants, may find a sale. So long as the Government will aid in forcing the traffic, so long will merchants have stocks. I hope the Foreign Secretary will have great regard to the difficulties of the new Government before he takes any strong step against them, if he ever does attempt any such thing.
There is one thing the Foreign Secretary can do, which might have the effect of assisting the possessors of this £5,000,000 or £6,000,000 of opium to reduce the stocks, that is to encourage the Indian Government to stop the growth of opium in India more rapidly than they are doing. So far as I understand the figures, the number of acres has been reduced from 614,000 in 1905–6 to 203,000 in 1911–12. That appears to be quite equal to, if not in advance, of the arrangements which we undertook, but still there are large stocks, and if the reduction has not taken place sufficiently rapidly to let these stocks move off, then let us increase the rate at which the reduction takes place in India. It would be a matter of profound regret if opium were used as a political obstacle to China's regeneration. Surely it would be a sound argument for the Chinese to say that the existence of the Indian opium traffic in China sanctions the native growth, and it may add a patriotic reason to their desire for growing opium in that they desire to secure profit for the home growers of an article the import of which is enforced. I think it would be bad policy, for which we might have to pay a heavy price in years to come, if, in a moment of the new birth of a people, we fix our position in their minds with reference to such a thing as the opium traffic. This is the hour of China's extremity. There has been there carried out a revolution which is unexampled in known history. We cannot make too great demands upon the Republican leaders that they should carry out the arrangements which have been suggested as if they were in the position of the Government which had been settled in its seat for a thousand years. I do not think there are any grounds whatever for doubting the sincerity of the Republican leaders. They have been the leaders in opposing the opium traffic, and it is pretty certain, both from their declarations and their past history, that as soon as they have consolidated their power they will carry out China's obligations to the uttermost. I do urge the Government to bring to an end the policy of brutally forcing degradation upon a weaker people, and I hope no step will be taken which would enforce in their minds the main idea of this country being selfish on such a matter of foreign policy.
10.0 P.M.
I desire to call the attention of the Committee to the question of indentured labour in the Portuguese Dependencies in West Africa. I am afraid I must plead guilty to coming within the orbit of the criticism of my hon. Friend, the hon. Member for East Nottingham (Sir J. D. Rees), for I cannot claim any of that personal knowledge which he possesses in such a full degree with regard to the questions that we have been considering this afternoon. But certain facts have been brought to my notice. I have no desire to state them with anything but moderation. I have every reason to believe they are correct, and if they are, I hope the Foreign Secretary will be able to give us a satisfactory answer. It is the last thing in the world that I desire to do to meddle in any way in the internal affairs of any foreign Power, particularly of a friendly foreign Power, but it seems to me that in regard to the Portuguese Dependencies we have a very special responsibility. Members of the Committee may remember that under a series of treaties we virtually guarantee the integrity of the Portuguese Colonies. Side by side with that guarantee there is a number of other treaties and conventions in which Portugal has undertaken to cooperate with the other great Powers in extinguishing the slave trade in the basin of the Congo and in the area of West Africa. If it can be shown that at the present moment in these Portuguese Dependencies there is in existence in the first place the slave trade, and in the second place a system of contract labour that is virtually akin to slavery, we are indirectly guaranteeing that system in our guarantee of the integrity of the Portuguese Colonies and Dependencies. It therefore seems to me to be of the utmost importance that this Committee should ask itself two questions: in the first place, does the slave trade exist in this area; and, in the second place, is the system of contract labour akin to slavery? I believe that the answer to both these questions is in the affirmative. I believe, so far as one can judge from the facts placed at my disposal, that the system of recruitment for the contract labourers in San Thomé and the other Portuguese Dependencies does lay itself open to the charge that it is nothing more nor less than the slave trade. I notice that two years ago the Foreign Secretary, in answer to a deputation, representative of all parties and many religious denominations, used these words in reference to the recruitment of labour:—
In addition to that, I am told that these labourers are treated, not, I believe, in the cruel manner suggested by the hon. Member opposite, but in such a way as to leave no doubt that they are really regarded as slaves. It seems to me that in dealing with indentured labour you must be extraordinarily careful about having a system of repatriation which will be effective, and if you do not have a system of that kind, contract labour, however good may be the intention of the employers, will certainly degenerate into slavery. I believe the Foreign Secretary will not disagree with me when I say that for many years past the system of repatriation has been very ineffective in these Portuguese dependencies. I understand that a proportion of the contract labourers' wages are deducted to form a repatriation fund, and, when the time comes to an end, when the contract ceases, that sum should form a bonus for the labourer when he leaves San Thomé or settles upon it. But I am told that when the few contract labourers who have been released have desired to leave the Portuguese colonies they have been turned adrift with not a single penny, although they have paid these contributions out of their wages and are entitled to a very large sum. I am told that so miserable is their condition when they are turned adrift that many of them have died of starvation, and many others have been reduced to living by theft and crime. In addition to these facts, it is currently reported that when a Portuguese official has shown himself sympathetic with the hard conditions of the contract labourers it has often come about, by many curious coincidences, that that official has been immediately removed. During the last ten years, for instance, no fewer than twenty-five governors have come and gone from these two Portuguese dependencies. Secondly, I understand that the rate of mortality amongst these contract labourers is no less than ten in a hundred. In other words the whole of the 45,000 indentured labourers who are now in San Thomé die off in a period of ten years.
It seems to me that these facts point to a very serious state of affairs and I hope that, without in any way appearing to interfere in the internal affairs of a friendly Power, or to dictate to that Power, the Foreign Secretary will be able to use his influence to make the regulations, excellent on paper but not yet put into force, more effective than they have been during the last few years. I am told that these regulations are in every way admirable but, as he himself said two years ago, it is not regulations that we want but results, and it seems to me most important for the credit of Portugal that, with all the claims it has made in so comprehensive a manner during the last year or two as to the liberty of the subject and the other rights that we have seen expressed in a very forceful form, it should show that it practises what it preaches with reference to these unfortunate contract labourers in its two West African colonies. I believe if the Foreign Secretary would use his influence with Portugal, Portugal would not lose in the long run. I believe a system of labour of this kind is uneconomic in the extreme. That can easily be tested by the success that has attended the results of a totally different system in our West African dependencies. There also you have cocoa grown. You have it worked by voluntary labour and you have the prosperity of the Gold Coast going forward by leaps and bounds. I cannot help thinking that if Portugal adopted some such system with her contract labour in West Africa no less fortunate results would attend her efforts. There are two practical suggestions I should like to make. In the first place, I suggest that some kind of inquiry might be made into the present conditions of labour in the island of San Thome and on the mainland. I do not know whether it should take the form of an International Commission. That is for the right hon. Gentleman and others, whose knowledge is far greater than mine, to decide. In the second place, I would suggest that the Consular Reports from our representatives on the island and on the mainland should be published without delay. If I might make a further suggestion it would be that we should have not only a Consul upon the mainland, but that our Vice-Consul on the island of San Thomé should become a Consul, and should be able to devote his whole time to the investigation of questions such as I have brought to the attention of the Committee this evening. I have no wish in any way to embroil our relations with Portugal, nor do I desire that the opinions that I have expressed should be regarded as expressed otherwise than with the best intentions.
No more important Debate could take place in this House than on foreign affairs, and it is somewhat to be regretted that when we only have practically one night in the whole Session in which to discuss foreign affairs the attendance of Members should be so limited. Perhaps we may regard it, however, as an expression of the feeling of all parties in this House of entire confidence in the Foreign Secretary. In discussing foreign affairs we cannot lose sight of the fact of our enormous world-wide responsibilities, and in the conduct of our foreign affairs the main object of our policy ought to be to limit rather than increase the burden of those great responsibilities. The discussion to-night has ranged over a wide field. Some of us have had opportunities of seeing something of a country such as Persia, and might perhaps have given information from observation on the spot which might be of some value. Time, however, does not admit of my going into details in regard to these questions. Our historical policy on the Persian Gulf has been "hands off" to all other nations, and not many years ago when I returned from Persia, having travelled through it from North to South, I raised a Debate in this House when we had emphatically declared again that policy that, in order to protect our great Indian Empire, and in order to prevent any risk of the North-West Frontier being turned, Russia must not be allowed to construct a railway down through Persia to a port in the Persian Gulf. A great deal has happened since then. Though there are many things in the Anglo-Russian Convention that affect the interests of this country, especially commercially, one is bound to take the broad view that the effects of that Convention on international relations have been a great boon and that they outweigh probably altogether the loss of commercial facilities we have sustained under that Convention in Persia. With regard to the Trans-Persian Railway, I think the House may have confidence that the Foreign Secretary will take care that the line, so far as the Southern portion of it is concerned, is made so far international that any danger to India which we contemplated years ago will not arise. I believe we can rely on the same being done in regard to the Baghdad Railway. As to the Mohamerah-Khoramabad Railway, I may say that I have traversed the country between these places. The line will pass through a fertile region, and I do hope that we can rely on the Foreign Secretary to secure that it shall be a British railway. We have opened the Karun River to trade, and we have a preponderating trade up that river. I hope the Foreign Secretary will secure British interests in connection with the Quetta-Nushki line, and that promulgation of the fact in that fertile region will not be long delayed. That would be a paying scheme, and would help largely to develop the trade of India with Persia.
I was glad to hear the Foreign Secretary speak in the terms he did of the result of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, as that had my support in the initial stages. I cannot but feel, after what he stated to-night as to the effect the Alliance has had that the fact that the enormous changes in the Chinese Empire have been carried out without either international complications has been largely due to the Anglo-Japanese Alliance. With regard to the abandonment of the Mediterranean one cannot overlook the fact that that sea is on the route of our main road to Egypt and India, and that we are bound to safeguard that route adequately. The Foreign Secretary told us that there was no question of abandonment, and, personally, I welcomed that statement, and I am looking forward with hope that a satisfactory and more enlarged and detailed statement will be made when we have the Navy Estimates before us. British interests do not now seem to be in such an acute stage as they were formerly in China. Railway development in China is a subject upon which I have often spoken in this House. As to railway concessions in that country, they are more and more being divided; but I believe that is being done on equitable lines as between the different nations of the earth. I believe that the linking up of all the nations in one railway system, so far as land will carry railways, is bound to come, and we must judge of what ought to be done in connection with the Trans-Persian Railway by the recognition of that fact. But whether we decide on strategical grounds or not there must come a linking up of the railways of our great Indian Empire with Central Asia and with Europe. The only question is the arranging for that, I hope as speedily as possible, on lines that will not embroil the neighbouring countries in war. Persia has been spoken of as a poor country, but there are enormous regions in Persia rich beyond compare, given irrigation, and irrigation can be found. The development of Persia must not be hindered too much by strategical considerations or jealousies between the Powers. We are all glad of the change in tone and sentiment on the part of the Russian Empire towards this country, and generally at the outlook in Europe to-day, and I am sure we may unitedly congratulate the Foreign Secretary on his wise and tactful conduct of foreign affairs, and on the fact that he enjoys not only the esteem, but the confidence of the whole nation.
I think I may congratulate the hon. Gentleman on the ease with which he has travelled, not only from China to Peru, but from China to every place else in a very short time. Reference has been made to the poor attendance on this Vote, but I am not altogether disposed to think that that is a bad thing. Our attendance here is regulated very much by the amount of excitement which we expect to get, and it is a good thing that we do not have too much of that in connection with foreign affairs. I am certainly not going to cause any of it in the few remarks which I wish to make tonight. I do not criticise, indeed I support as strongly as I can, the broad lines of policy which have been pursued by the right hon. Gentleman; and even if I were inclined to criticise the details on which that policy has been managed, I certainly should not do so. After all it is only the broad lines which we on the Opposition Benches can see clearly, and the other details must be left to the Government responsible for carrying on the affairs of the country.
There are only one or two subsidiary points which have been discussed to which I would like to make some reference. The first which occurs to me is the reference made to Egypt by the hon. Member for Mayo (Mr. Dillon). He has made what I am sure he will forgive me for calling a characteristic speech, because ever since I have been a Member of this House I have noticed in these Debates that he does not err on the side of attributing too high motives to those who carry on British rule in other countries, and I do not think that he erred in that direction in regard to Egypt to-day. Perhaps it would be better to put it another way. I certainly do not wish to be offensive to the hon. Gentleman, and perhaps I had better say that all his life he has been an advocate of minorities and oppressed nationalities. But perhaps that comes naturally to people in the position in which Members of the Nationalist party came to this House. But I would suggest to the hon. Member that, if certain schemes which have occupied our time in this House recently go through, his position may possibly be changed; he may become one of the governing classes, and he may exercise control over the minority and the nationality which is certain to consider itself oppressed. If so, he might see whether it is not possible to realise that, after all, British people in their rule over subject and weaker nations have generally displayed an amount of magnanimity and a desire to do good to those people irrespective of their own interests, which has not been equalled by any other Empire that has exercised the same control in the history of the world.
I am sure the House listened with pleasure to what was said by the Foreign Secretary on that subject. No one who knows the facts will doubt, I think, that Lord Kitchener, though he has been a soldier, and has the reputation, and deserves it, of being a strong man, is as little likely as anyone who ever exercised rule in the name of the British people to do anything which can be regarded as in the nature of what people would look upon as repressive measures, certainly not unless the circumstances of the time made them absolutely necessary. The hon. Gentleman who has just sat down made a reference to the Anglo-Japanese Treaty, and we were also pleased to hear the reference to it by the Foreign Secretary. The hon. Member said he supported it from its initial stages. I remember I was in the House at the time, and it is interesting, as showing how circumstances alter our views, that it was not treated in that way by the majority of the party opposite, of which he is a Member, when they sat on this side. It has served a useful purpose, a purpose which all such alliances, if carried out in the right spirit, should promote—the interests of peace. The very best proof that that has been the result in connection with the Anglo-Japanese alliance we see from what was said by the Foreign Secretary, that even at a time like this in China, when there is so much temptation to fish in troubled waters, there has been absolutely no danger of foreign complications in the affairs of China. Another subsidiary question that has been raised by the hon. Member was the Trans-Persian Railway. I think when the right hon. Gentleman reads his speech in the OFFICIAL REPORT in the morning he will find that the beginning of it does not coincide very well with what he said towards the end. At the beginning he dwelt exclusively on the necessity of considering our strategic position in India; and later on he talked only of commercial benefits, trusting there would not be too much strategical consideration given to the subject. I think we need both. I really do not intend to quarrel severely with anything said by the Foreign Secretary concerning this subject. It is, of course, true that when such a project is brought forward many of us will think first of its effect on our Indian Empire.
I agree that Persia is not an unpeopled desert. We cannot act like a dog in the manger and say, because of our interests in India, we will not allow railways to go through that country. That is not the attitude that I would suggest should be taken up. But this whole project is rather in the air. The right hon. Gentleman has told us that the Government has an absolutely free hand before anything definite is done. There is a long interval between studying a subject like this and projecting definitely a railway. My hon. Friend gave a glowing description of the way such railways are dealt with in the United States. The important thing is that the Government have committed themselves to nothing, and the House will have full opportunity for consideration before anything is done. Whatever Government is in power when the time comes we shall be bound to consider it from two points of view. We must consider it from the point of view of its effect upon the defences of our Indian Empire, and we must also regard it from another point of view. We must take care that even in its initial stages the development of the railway does not take such a form that trade which would otherwise come by the Persian Gulf will come by it, and that British trade will lose in the process. That, I am sure, will be a point that will be considered by any Government which is responsible for the matter. We have not heard to-day so much as we did on the occasion of the last Foreign Office Debate of criticism of the policy of our Government in regard to Persia. We heard a speech on the old lines from the hon. Member for East Mayo (Mr. J. Dillon). I am bound to say I do not sympathise with that kind of criticism, and I do not understand it. I do not know what exactly the critics want. The real fact, of course is that there are things going on there which everyone would like to see altered and put right if they could, but after all we have quite enough to do, I think, with our own business in one form or another; and we cannot put everything right throughout the whole of the world. I entirely agree with the right hon. Gentleman that however undesirable some of the things are and some of the conditions which prevail in Persia to-day, and, however grave the difficulties which our Government have had to face in connection with them, they are nothing in comparison with what the position would have been if we had not an agreement with Russia. And even in addition to the difficulties which face us now, we had the possibility and the probability of an amount of international tension which might at any moment have become dangerous, if not disastrous, to the relations between the two countries.
The next subject, and again I am following the hon. Gentleman opposite, is the Mediterranean, and I am afraid that what I have to say on that will be more in the nature of criticism than anything else which I intend to say to-night. I should have preferred, I must say, if the right hon. Gentleman had simply told us that he preferred to leave that subject till the statement of policy had been made in connection with the Naval Debate. I would have preferred it, because personally I do not see how I can say anything useful about the position in the Mediterranean till I know exactly what the Government are going to do. I fancy the vagueness of the speech of the right hon. Gentleman was due to something of the same cause, and that he cannot speak very clearly till he knows what they mean to do. Sooner or later we shall know, but even in what he said to-night, if I understood it correctly, there is something with which at the outset I must express my disagreement. As I understood him, the right hon. Gentleman said that we did not mean to abandon the Mediterranean, but that we meant to have such a naval force as would still make us a naval power in the Mediterranean. I do not think that is at all adequate to our needs. The right hon. Gentleman broke up, as he told us, the consideration of our naval strength with our foreign policy, and broke it up in a way with which I do not disagree. He pointed out clearly that our policy of defence at home against any possible attack must be so great that we should be under no fear, otherwise diplomacy would not benefit us. That is true, but I do not think I am exaggerating, I am certainly expressing not only my own opinion, but a view I hold strongly on this subject, that just as the defensive forces in our own home borders capable of protecting us against any possible attack is necessary for our existence here, so, in my opinion, a naval force in the Mediterranean strong enough to overcome any probable combination against us is essential for the continued existence of the British Empire. That is all I want to say. I should not have said so much if the right hon. Gentleman had not referred to it. Anything further I desire to say on the subject can be said much more appropriately when we know exactly what the policy of the Government is.
The right hon. Gentleman, in conclusion, referred to our relations with Germany. I can say nothing to-night on that subject which I have not said before, and which has not been said many times by the right hon. Gentleman. We have no quarrel with Germany; we seek no quarrel with Germany. There is no one here who would not look with absolute repugnance upon war with Germany, even though we knew we would be victorious in that war. No one desires anything but the best understanding with Germany. That has been said in the most distinct and sincere way by men representing all parties in responsible positions in this country. I do not think anything is gained by constant talk about the necessity of a good understanding. We have no quarrel, and the best way of keeping on the best possible footing with Germany is by being ready at any time when any particular cause, not of friction, but of difference, arises to meet it in the fairest way, and, for the rest, to show patience, realising that in that way only can the best understanding be arrived at. Nobody in this country desires war. I am certain it is not in the interests of Germany that there should be war. Germany, more probably than ever before, can say, as we have ever said in this country, that the greatest of German interests is peace. It is inconceivable to me that under present conditions war could break out in which Germany would be engaged which would not involve practically the whole of Europe. No one could look upon such an event as that without the utmost alarm. In addition to that, Germany's trade now has grown at such a rate that her trade interests are against it. But in the past there have been many wars which were clearly against the interests of the countries engaged in them. Nobody can be sure that the same thing may not happen in the future.
But while no one desires or expects war, it is the duty of any Government to ensure that a possible war is prepared against in advance. I do not think that I am at all by nature an alarmist. But our position in the last six or seven years has completely changed. Just think what the position to-day is of all the great Powers which are separated from each other by a land frontier. Take, for instance, France and Germany. Every night, not merely now, or last autumn, when there was thought to be special danger of war, but every night in the year, all along the French-German frontier sentries stand facing each other with loaded and, I am told, cocked rifles. All along these frontiers there are masses of men on both sides. As the Committee knows, the great bulk of the population of these countries serves in the Army. The numbers who go to the frontier are constantly changed. The result is that the whole population, or a large part of the population, of France and Germany realise in a way that we never realise that there is a danger of sudden attack. I have been told, and I believe it is true, that the constant realisation of that danger has had a very steadying influence upon French policy. That is a kind of consideration from which for one hundred years we have been free. We are not free from it now. We are really, I think, in precisely the same position as these other Powers. Now the second greatest naval Power is there facing us within a few hours of our shore. It is really like a loaded cannon pointed at us. I dare say the hon. Member for Stirling (Mr. Ponsonby) may think what I am saying is provocative. I do not think so. The Germans might say of equal truth of our Navy, that it is a loaded cannon pointed at them. The Germans are not a nervous or a weak people. They are never afraid so far as I know—and I think I know them fairly well—of having the facts stated as they are, or afraid of recognising them. That makes a great difference in our situation. It makes it a fact that we are always liable to possible attack; indeed, in one sense, it is worse than a land frontier, for all the experts admit that the initiative, the beginning of war, may be much more deadly in the case of naval engagements, than in the case of land operations. All I mean by referring to this is to try and bring home to this country that our position has changed. Not that I think we are in danger, but there has been a change, and as wise men we must realise that change. It is from that point of view that our foreign policy is so important. To me it seems that now even more than in previous times, our foreign policy is hardly less important to our national security than our defensive policy. There is no difference of opinion as to what our foreign policy should be.
The right hon Gentleman said to-night that the Triple entente, the good understanding with France and Russia, should be the starting point of our foreign policy. I prefer to say that it is the keynote of our foreign policy. Very often in the newspapers I see articles which speak of this understanding as if it were something that we should talk of in an apologetic way, as though it were unfriendly to Germany and other countries. That seems to me the utmost absurdity. Let the Committee realise how absurd it 1s. For I do not know how many years the Triple Alliance has existed in Europe. I am sure it was formed in the interests of peace, but it is at least as minatory as this understanding with France and Russia. Yet during all these years no one in this country has ever dreamed of considering that that understanding was hostile or unfriendly to us, or that we had the smallest right even if we did think so. It is absurd to suggest that we have not the right to make the same understanding. The right hon. Gentleman quoted an official communiqué, which to my mind expressed the highest statesmanship, and which I will read again:—
I wish to reply especially to the remarks which fell from the hon. Member for Stafford at an earlier period of the sitting of the Committee, and I should like to compare the remarks which fell from the hon. Member with the very friendly and temperate reference to Germany which has fallen from the right hon. Gentleman the Leader of the Opposition with which, I am sure, we all sympathise. I was indeed surprised when the hon. Member for Stafford said to the right hon. Gentleman the Secretary for Foreign Affairs that, seeing that Members upon the Opposition side supported his foreign policy generally, it was due to them that some explanation should be given of what the hon. Member described as the escapade of sending Lord Haldane to Germany. What do such words mean when translated into plain English. They mean that if the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs is to rely upon the Opposition for their approval of the general lines of his policy it must be at the cost of not making any direct approach to Germany for a permanent and peaceful understanding.
I am sure the hon. Gentleman would not wish to misinterpret what I said. The remarks I made were I stated definitely friendly to Germany, and not the reverse. The only criticisms I made were that I thought it was better, when such missions were made, they should be directly made by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, or by an accredited Ambassador, unless special reasons were given.
:I am obliged to the hon. Member. I certainly do not wish to misrepresent him. All I am trying to do is to interpret the spirit of his remarks. It will be in the recollection of the Committee that the hon. Member did not show any particular enthusiasm for any direct approaches in this sense to Germany at all. The object of my intervention is to express the hope that the Secretary for Foreign Affairs will not be influenced by remarks of this kind, but will pursue the part of attempting to arrive at a friendly understanding with Germany. I was surprised that the hon Gentleman condemned the dispatch of Lord Haldane for this great purpose. It would be impertinence on my part to point out the obvious qualifications Lord Haldane has for a mission of this kind. If the mission is not immediately successful, if the preliminary discussion has not led to immediate results, I hope the example which has properly been set will be followed again and again, until success is achieved. I believe I am expressing the simple truth when I say that throughout the length and breadth of this land there is a warm desire that the present atmosphere of suspicion towards Germany should be replaced by one of cordial friendship. There is a natural feeling, I believe, that there are no causes of difference between this nation and the German nation which are not capable, under wise statesmanship, of an entirely happy solution, and I rejoice at the new departure which the dispatch of Lord Haldane promises, and I trust that such departures will be followed again and again until success is achieved.
I want to raise very briefly a question which is of very great importance not only to a special section of interests in this country, but also of very considerable importance to our national safety. I shall not be able to enter into the question very broadly, but I can put it in such a way that 1 think the Foreign Secretary will be able to give a reply which I trust will satisfy a great many people in this House, I refer to Clause 19 of the Pilotage Bill, which restores the old position anterior to 1906, when foreign pilots were permitted to pilot those waters with certificates from Trinity House. Since the Merchant Shipping Act of 1906 was passed representations have been made, chiefly by one foreign Power with whom we are on terms of the closest amity, and as a result of the representations made by France the Government have determined to overthrow the policy established in 1906, and reinstate the old position, which for a great number of years was a source of anxiety not only to the pilots of this country, but also to those who were responsible for the naval welfare of this country. When the Merchant Shipping Act of 1906 was passed the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was then the President of the Board of Trade, was in some anxiety as to whether he could satisfy the demands from both sides of the House upon this point, and the thing that troubled him was whether there were facts or treaties with foreign nations which would prevent him applying this principle to the exclusion of alien pilots from our waters. The Debate was not reported in the Parliamentary Debates, but I make this extract from the Western newspaper, from a report in Committee in which it says:—
"In reply to some criticisms made by a Member of this House, the Chancellor of the Exchequer said he had in his possession a report which he felt he ought to read to the Committee, and which, to his mind, was conclusive. It was as follows: 'The Director of Naval Intelligence, in his recent report to the Admiralty, expressed the opinion that the granting of these certificates to aliens introduced a possible source of danger to ourselves in war, and that the withdrawal of such a privilege correspondingly diminished that danger.
What I want to know is if there were dangers anterior to 1906 recognised by the Admiralty, and by its expert advisers, and by the then President of the Board of Trade and by Members of the party which supported the President of the Board of Trade, and those experts on the Opposition side of the House, what has happened since to change the policy of the Government? We know that there has been a conference sitting first in Paris and afterwards in London at which this question was discussed, and we have never had a statement either from the Minister for Foreign Affairs, the First Lord of the Admiralty, or from any authoritative source. I think this Committee is entitled to a statement, and I think the Foreign Secretary will believe me when I say that I should be very loth to say a single word that would make difficulties between France and England. The entente has enabled us to clear up long outstanding grievances such as Newfoundland and Egypt, and it enabled us to come to a convention in the New Hebrides to cover difficulties which were certain to arise there. What has been done has been all to the good, but it is a question which in making arrangements with a foreign Power with which we are in entente we are not inclined in order to preserve peace to go too far in the matter of concession; and, unless the Government have come to the conclusion that the President of the Board of Trade and the Admiralty were wrong prior to 1906, then in re-establishing the principle of the admission of alien pilots to our waters in the Pilotage Bill of 1912 they are doing something that is dangerous to the interests of this country. I would not raise this question if it were simply one affecting the interests of a small section of the public whose personal advantages were being affected, but it is a great national question, and I wish to ask the Foreign Secretary whether it has been found that the Law Officers in 1906 were wrong and that the present advisers of the Crown are right in advising the Government that the change may be made without infringing any maritime convention, or any covention which may exist between this country and France. I hope the right hon. Gentleman even in the few moments that remain will be able to reply.
This involves a great matter, and I cannot without referring to the Board of Trade give the hon. Member the full information he wants on the subject of pilotage. It is being dealt with by the Board of Trade. Perhaps he will put down a question. I cannot answer offhand.
May I ask my right hon. Friend whether there are any Papers or any information which he can give to the House with regard to the question of forced labour, approaching very nearly to slavery, in the Portuguese territory in Africa?
Certain statements, which are obviously rather behind the facts, have been made this evening, and I will look into the matter and see if I can lay any Papers.
This pilotage affair is a very important matter, and the right hon. Gentleman would really do a great public service of he could thoroughly look into it. It is not only a question involving our relations with France, but also our relations with other countries. There is no doubt a very serious and strong feeling on this subject in the country.
And, it being Eleven o'clock, the Chairman left the Chair to make his report to the House; Committee to sit again tomorrow (Thursday).
Royal Scottish Museum (Extension) [Expenses]
Resolution reported, "That it is expedient to authorise the payment, out of moneys to be provided by Parliament, of any expenses incurred by the Commissioners appointed under any Act of the present Session to make provision for the acquisition of property for the Extension of the Royal Scottish Museum at Edinburgh."
Resolution agreed to.
Protection of Animals (Scotland) Bill
Read the third time, and passed.
Shops Act (1912) Amendment Bill
Read a second time, and committed to a. Standing Committee.
Port of London (Strike)
Surrey Commercial Dock Disturbances
Motion made, and Question proposed, "That this House do now adjourn."—[ Mr.Gulland. ]
I desire to ask the Home Secretary whether he can give the House any information as to the character and extent of the disturbances which are reported to have taken place in the neighbourhood of the docks to-day. It appears that the disturbances were of a serious character, that there was damage done to property, that persons were injured and taken to the hospital, and that shots were fired. I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be able to give the House full information as to what occurred.
I shall be very glad to give the hon. Member and the House such information as I have. I only received the hon. Member's notice at dinner time, but I communicated at once with Scotland Yard, and I received the following statement:—
"At noon to-day a large number of free labourers employed at various departments at Surrey Commercial Docks left to obtain dinner. Some went to the Plough Inn and to the Surrey Commercial Dock Tavern. At 12.30 p.m. a number of strikers went to both public-houses and made an attack on the free labourers by throwing missiles and using threats. Several labourers at the Plough escaped to various parts of the building; some were injured by dropping from back windows into the yard at rear of premises; others were injured by climbing over a high wall which was covered with glass. The landlord of the Plough Inn, finding that the strikers had taken possession of the premises by driving the customers both upstairs and into the cellar, became alarmed, and fired five blank shots from a revolver through a window which had previously been smashed. Other shots were heard, but at present there is no information as to who fired. In the street, in the immediate vicinity, missiles were freely thrown by the strikers in the shape of bottles, stones and bricks. which broke fourteen windows in the Plough public-house, five at Surrey Commercial Dock Tavern, and one window at coffee house adjoining Surrey Commercial Dock Tavern. Thirteen people were injured. Ten have been taken to Guy's Hospital, and three declined medical aid. The streets are now clear, and the aid was sufficient to cope with the disturbance.
I inquired later as to whether any arrests have been made. I learn that only one arrest has been made so far.
Who reports that?
The police.
Foot-And-Mouth Disease
May I ask the Vice-President of the Department of Agriculture whether he is able to make any statement with regard to the opening of the Irish ports which are closed in connection with the outbreak of cattle disease, and specially with regard to the Port of Newry, which is in my own Constituency? I should like to know whether he has inquired if the cattle could be efficiently inspected at Newry, and, if so, whether there is any objection to the reopening of the port? There is no object to be gained by closing the port, because the cattle are conveyed to the open ports of Belfast and Londonderry, and the Great Northern Railway Company is now running every day a large number of special trains conveying the cattle past Newry and up to Belfast and Londonderry, where they are shipped over to the English market. It is therefore a great hardship, to this port especially, as no case of disease has occurred within at least sixty miles. There is no infected area there at all, and there has been no outbreak whatever. Under the circumstances I hope the right hon. Gentleman will be prepared to announce that this port, at any rate, shall be opened.
I must ask the hon. Member to repeat his question to-morrow, and to address it to the Minister for Agriculture. I have received notification of two additional cases in the Swords area. So long as the disease exists in that area it will be very difficult indeed to open ports such as Newry, Dundalk, and Drogheda. This is a matter for the Minister for Agriculture, and I have undertaken to confer with him to-morrow.
Will the right hon. Gentleman kindly inform the House where exactly these fresh outbreaks are? Are they on the same farms on which the previous outbreaks took place? If not, within what distance of the farms have they occurred? Has the right hon. Gentleman yet ascertained the cause of any of these outbreaks in the Swords district?
I take it from the brief telegram I received to-night that they are in exactly the same area. There are three farms affected altogether, and I take it the two additional cases are on the same farm. I told the hon. Gentleman to-day the facts are all being recorded for the purpose of any inquiry which may be held, but I must appeal to him when the Department is grappling with this disease it is impossible to set about holding an inquiry into its cause. We had better check it and stamp it out before finding out what is the cause.
I should like to ask the right hon. Gentleman whether he does not consider it a most important factor for his Department, when an outbreak takes place, to find out whether on those premises there is any article of food or other medium for the contagion to be conveyed. That is the course adopted in this country when an outbreak takes place, and it seems to me a little extraordinary that a record only should be taken with a view to an ultimate inquiry to take place hereafter when it is much less easy to discover the source of the disease than it would be if the inquiry were made on the spot immediately the outbreak occurs.
Yes, and the Department has done that. We have found out that there has been no foreign hay or straw used on that farm, no cake has been used for feeding purposes, the cattle have been out on the land since February last, and have never been under a roof since, and there is no foreign litter or anything of the kind. When I said inquiries were being made and recorded that is all we can do while we are actually grappling with the disease.
I am glad to hear that the right hon. Gentleman is pursuing these researches. If the facts, as he now states them, are proved after further investigation by his expert advisers to be the complete facts of the case, it is almost obvious that the original disease in Swords broke out from contagion. What has made persons interested in stock here more anxious even than the outbreak at Swords has been the case of the head of this animal which reached Liverpool from Ireland, and if the right hon. Gentleman can convince those interested in British stock that this did not reach this country from Ireland, he will have done much more to re-establish sufficient confidence to justify his approaching the President of the Board of Agriculture to relax his restrictions than any amount of effort actually within the scheduled area which surrounds the township of Swords. I hope the right hon. Gentleman is seriously pursuing his inquiries into that particular case. There is a very grave conflict between the two Departments on the subject. The only point upon which the right hon. Gentleman claims that he has shown that his English colleague is inaccurate, lies in the fact that the heads of these cattle were not received at Liverpool, as stated by the English President, in sacks, but that they were received at Liverpool in hampers. This is not a very serious disparity between the two accounts.
It is the other way about.
There is an explanation for it. What it is I do not know. I cannot say whether it is a good one or a bad one, but there is evidently something to be added. What is creating real fear in this country is that there has been some outbreak not yet identified, whether it be in Scotland or Ireland, somewhere outside of the Swords district, and outside any of the affected districts here. The one thing required is to make one's mind free of the alarm that the disease has not yet been adequately located and that the source of the outbreak has not yet been determined. I do hope the right hon. Gentleman will pursue his inquiries from that aspect, which is more important than the condition of things at Swords. He has official experts watching the disease at Swords day by day, and I hope that if an outbreak takes place there the slaughter of the animals will be carried out with the utmost celerity and that the beasts will be treated in such a manner as to destroy all possibility of infection. But there is fear that there has been an outbreak which has not yet been located, and for anything we know it may be among the animals that arrived by ship at Liverpool.
No, it was a head that showed the disease.
A head that arrived by ship at Liverpool. So far as I know, the heads forwarded to Liverpool were mostly from Scotland or Ireland, but whether they were from England, Scotland, or Ireland there is a fear, so far as British agriculturists are concerned, that there was an outbreak of foot-and-mouth disease which has not yet been located. I content myself by urging the right hon. Gentleman to take the utmost trouble himself, and, with the help of his inspectors, to find out where this potential increase of the disease lies, so that they will be able to treat cases promptly wherever they occur.
I would like to say that there is in Ireland a very real feeling that the Irish cattle trade is going to be seriously injured by the present panic. The Noble Lord, no doubt in his own mind, thinks that the head received at Liverpool and alleged to have been fraudulently interfered with did come from Ireland. I think no one who reads the telegram and keeps an open mind and who is not suffering from panic or fear will feel there is evidence which will satisfy anyone beyond doubt that this head did come from Ireland. I wish to impress on the Department of Agriculture in Ireland that so far as it can it will obtain all the information it possibly can get as to the arrival of the heads which came to Waterford and which were dispatched from Waterford in baskets. There is no doubt that there was a consignment from Waterford in baskets and that heads were also received from England and Scotland. I think inquiry should be made. as to the source of the other heads. It may afford fairly good evidence of a circumstantial character that the head now complained of came from one of the infected areas, having regard to the fact that there is not a trace of foot-and-mouth disease about Waterford. I would strongly urge the Vice-President to urge on the President of the English Department the opening of the port of Newry, which is the natural port for the portion of the country which I represent and the surrounding districts. What is happening at present is that cattle are being sent twice the distance to Belfast, and the only people who are benefiting are the Great Northern Railway of Ireland. The Irish farmers are suffering by the increased expense, and the people on this side getting the cattle are suffering by the delay. I would ask the Vice-President to say if there is an adequate staff for proper inspection at the port of Newry. As far as I can see the whole interests of the Irish cattle trade are being sacrificed for the convenience of English officials. You want all cattle dispatched from Belfast because they go to Birkenhead, where they have a foreign animals' wharf, while if they come from Newry they may be sent to some other port where there is no such accommodation for English officials. I would urge the Vice-President to look at the matter in a more serious aspect. The situation is becoming more urgent, and the people are put to double expense in paying the extra freight to Belfast. It will be a relief to the police and the officials at Belfast if cattle are allowed to be sent to Newry. There is a great deal of unfounded panic in this country in regard to the Irish cattle trade. From county Monaghan, on 18th June, there were shipped two consignments of cattle; one went to Aberdeen and the other to Ulver-stone. The place where these cattle came-from is over 60 miles from the nearest point of the scheduled area in Ireland, and almost a hundred miles from the village of Swords. From the 18th June to the present moment these cattle have been shut up by the orders of some person. I would like to ask the right hon. Gentleman if he can tell us whether orders have been made by the English Department authorising local authorities to seize Irish cattle which were sent to England and Scotland as far back as 18th June, and to keep them quarantined to the present date? I am not going to enter into the period of incubation, but these cattle have been under the absolute control of the local authorities since 18th June, and I think at this stage we are entitled to know whether the quarantine will be continued or not.
I would urge again on the Vice-President the necessity at the conference to-morrow morning of inquiring into these matters, and particularly as to the opening of the port of Newry. If the cattle are to come across at all it is only making things more difficult in Ireland without improving them in this country to shut the port of Newry. The people have to send their cattle twice the distance by rail. In fact at the present moment I hear that arrangements are being made to send the cattle a much greater distance to Belfast. If there is proper accommodation and a staff at Newry what is the objection to opening that port, provided the cattle are consigned to a port on this side where arrangements are made under the Foreign Animals Order.
In reply to the hon. Member, may I say that any order affecting the ports on this side must be dealt with by the right hon. Gentleman the responsible Minister. If I may be allowed to say a word to the Noble Lord while this alleged Waterford case is pending, I would ask him and his Friends behind him, to endeavour to keep an open mind. I have promised an investigation. It is going on, and the most competent men are engaged in endeavouring to find out all about the question. While it is pending it is not too much to ask hon. Gentlemen on the other side of the House to keep an open mind. There is not the slightest idea of concealing anything from the public when it becomes known, but while the case is pending it is reasonable to ask hon. Members to keep an open mind.
With reference to the question of Newry, will adequate inspection of the cattle be made?
On behalf of the Department I am prepared to give adequate inspection at Newry; at the same time I think it right to say that as long as there is disease it will be extremely difficult to convince my right hon. Friend the President of the Board of Agriculture that these ports should be opened. I may state that the result will be announced at question time to-morrow.
The cattle which go from Newry to be exported are going to other ports all over Ireland.
It may seem very illogical, but it is a matter for the Minister of Agriculture, and it is not a question to be governed by myself alone.
Question put, and agreed to.
Adjourned accordingly at Twenty-seven minutes after Eleven o'clock.